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Incarnating Abyssinian Genocidal Hitlers through music January 13, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Colonizing Structure, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure. African Heritage. The Genocide Against Oromo Nation, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Self determination, Slavery, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Tyranny, Uncategorized.
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‘Tedy Afro, for the past few years, has been deliberately resurrecting some dead zombies, and he is making money and fame out of such dirty and unethical work. The two great Zombies that he resurrected so far are Emperor Menelik and King Hailesilassie. Anytime some one resurrect the dead, a lot of questions crop up; from political to ethical. Is there any moral guide that stops musicians from reanimating worst dictators and mercenaries? What is the political significance of reincarnating a barbaric mass killer like Menelik for Ethiopian people at this time? As a matter of fact, Tedy started his career from the very beginning by glorifying King Hailessilassie. This is the same king who watched in silence as millions of Ethiopians perish during the 1973 famine. …The musical piece Tedy composed for the late monarch seems to have rallied the majority of feudal elements who during the reign of king Hailessilassie lived on the bloods and sweats of the Ethiopian poor. Now that Tedy wrote lyrics and composed music for the great zombie of all time (Menelik), he qualify to be recognized as an entrepreneur who lives on the fame of dead monarchies. He is making himself name and money off the dead dictators. By doing so he successfully milked those Abyssinians who always dreamt the second coming of Hailesilassie and Menelik, but immensely disrespected millions Ethiopians who suffered in the hand of these dictators.

One may ask him/herself  what objective the young artist might have on his mind when he composed the Tikur Sew lyrics for Menelik.  We know that Menelik is not Tikur. That is to say he is not Tikur by choice, by his own preference. Menelik is not a ‘black man’ because he rejected his blackness. You don’t need any other witness other than Menelik himself to prove that he wasn’t black.  Shame on you Tedy; you tried your best to twist history just in the same way many Debteras did in the past Ethiopian history. Unfortunately, what you tried to reverse is irreversible.  Historians have documented it very well. You cannot make Menelik to be proud of his blackness. Menelik dismissed it in public. He told the whole world that he is Caucasian, not black. ‘I am not a Negro at all; I am a Caucasian’ , Emperor Menelik told the West Indian pan-Africanist Benito Sylvian who had come to Addis Ababa to solicit the Emperor’s leadership in a society for the ‘Amelioration of the Negro race.’ Haile Sellassie confirmed that view in a declaration to Chief H. O. Davis, a well-known Nigerian nationalist, stating that the Ethiopians did not regard themselves as Africans, but as ‘a mixed Hamito-Semitic people.(See John H. Spencer, Ethiopia at Bay (1984), p. 306.) With regard to the great purpose that music plays to bring people together and minimize tension among ethnic lines, Tedy’s recent Album played the exact opposite. Oromo youth around the world have taken to facebook and other Medias to boycott the album which glorifies a mercenary who butchered our forefathers and mothers. This album is more dividing than healing Ethiopian people. In particular it is an insult to Oromo nation and Southern Nations and Nationalities. It is a complete disregard to the lives of those who were massacred by the invading army of Menelik.  It is an insult to the entire Oromo nation and South Nations who survived the genocide Abyssinian Army perpetrated against us.   It is an outrageous act of praising a criminal who inhumanly butchered millions of children, women and innocent men.’


Reincarnating Menilik? Just one step away from repeating genocide.

As hardliner Abyssinian commemorate centennial of Emperor Menilik II, the conquered Nations and Nationalities mark 100 years of colonial subjugation under successive Abyssinian rulers.

Abyssinian commemorate the epoch when their beloved emperor( Emiye Menelik –  literally translated as ‘mother Menilik’)annexed free people into his Empire.  Towards the end of 19 century, Emperor Menilik led Abyssinian’s   murderous colonial   army into the lands of Oromo, Somali,  Sidama, Kambata, Walayita,Gambella and other Nations and Nationalities.  Armed to the teeth with latest European arms, the army of Menelik annihilated millions of natives who were armed only with wooden spears. In over a decade of armed resistance, most nations and nationals outside Abyssinia proper fall under the army of Menilik.  In this colonial campaign Menilik army killed more than 5 million innocent civilians in Oromo land alone. Those who survived death were taken into captivity and sold into slavery. The remaining population were dispossessed of their lands and reduced into serfs to labor on the lands distributed to Menelik’s nobility, army and priests- until freed by death.



The brutalities of Emperor Menilik and his army were unseen and have no parallel in the African continent. The Harma Muraa( breast cutting) and Harka Mura( arms chopping) at Aanolee in Arsi region of Oromia epitomize the  cruelty and barbarity of Menilik’s army, while it also captures the greatest  human tragedy that Empire builder had carried out in expanding their empire. Today, in Oromia region, monuments are being built in memory of millions of innocent civilians murdered by Menilik and his Army. (Aanole Martyrs memorial monument and cultural center)


This very week, those who share the legacy of Menilik commemorated 100 year anniversary of Menilik in the heart of Oromia, SHAGGAR( Addis Ababa as colonialists call it). This very land where they celebrate the event is the land confiscated by Menilik from Oromo peasants and distributed to Abyssinian Orthodox church. ( click here to watch the commemoration event).  Traditionally, Orthodox Church priests were/are legitimisers of the Abyssinian throne. The Tabot( tablet) followed the army of Menilik everywhere they fought the conquered people. As such, after the conquest of free nation was completed, the Orthodox Church was granted 1/3 of every inch of the conquered land as it’s fiefdom along with the conquered peasantry as its own property.  The Orthodox priest also played essential role as ideologues of the colonial undertaking of Abyssinia. (Follow this link to read more about the role of Orthodox Church in Abyssinian politics).

For Oromo Nation and other conquered people who survived the brutalities of Menilik and his army, this hardliner Abyssinian are opening our wounds afresh. They are boldly telling us that they have no respect for the millions killed brutally during Minilk’s colonial campaign. They are re-victimizing and insulting those who survived the heinous genocide carried out by Menilik and his army. There seems nothing will stop them from repeating Menilik’s heinous crime if they get the chance.


Regardless of this evil forces shameless attempt to reincarnate Africa’s Hitler as  a benevolent Emperor,  for Oromo Nation and other conquered Nation and Nationality in the Ethiopian Empire, Menilik will remain a BULGU, a murderer, a villain , a butcher, and  a genocidal Emperor.

I summarized my comment by this African proverb. “Until the lions have their historians, tales of the hunt shall always glorify the hunter”. Jailers will continue to criminalize the innocent until free people stand up against them. The conquerors will continue to tell their glory until the conquered stands up and stop them. Free Nation Shall Prevail. Oromia Shall Be Free!


Oromo as a victim of hate crime at homeland and abroad

By Hara Olani 

In its broad meaning, hate crime is a category of crime used to describe bias-motivated violence: “assault, injury and murder on the basis of certain personal or group characteristics that include different appearance, different color, different religion, different nationality, different identity, etc.

For more than a century, the Oromo in Ethiopian empire specifically targeted and injured, killed, forced to flee their homeland, and even continuously abused verbally abroad by Ethiopian politicians, media, activists, and individuals that think being a true Ethiopian is being denying oneself’s identity.

Since the Oromo nation failed under Abyssinian oppression, the hate towards Oromo are planned, politically motivated and kept in place by the successive regimes that ruled that empire and including the current TPLF lead killer regime.

In a meaning to hate crime, Oromo are targeted and still a target of hate crime in a meaning more than their personal characteristics, appearance, color, nationality, language and religion. Oromo are a victim of hate crime in a Ethiopian related identity just because of what they are. This showed again and again openly and the fresh “I am Oromo first” sentence created anger and violence from narrow minded Ethiopians who used to disrespect Oromo.

As racist anti-black bias was the most frequently reported hate crime motivation in the USA even in 2011 for example, for more than a century long time frame being an Oromo is just away to be abused verbally by non-disciplined Ethiopians and to the worst killed, tortured, and disappeared by regimes that ruled the empire one after the other including the current once.

A serious hate crime against oromo in Ethiopia is clearly motivated by racial and it is involving violence. It is happening for long and continued today with out certain limits. It is more sad that the Oromo nation that is a back bone of that old empire but yet the identity of the Oromo people’s identity kept denied by narrow minded Ethiopians who deny the truth behind Oromo nation and the make up of the Ethiopian Empire. The hate crime against innocent Oromo caused social unrest, and a significant and wide-ranging psychological consequences on Oromo, not only upon the direct victim but also on other oppressed people in that uncivilized empire.

The hate crime that victimized millions over the century and continued today, is clearly planned. It is a politically motivated act and violence by oppressors, and organized officially and non-officially, measured its success and changes its form based on different factors. That is why today we can see the hate crime towards Oromo by narrow minded Ethiopians, made its way all long and continued even in the western democratic society member Ethiopians. There for, it can be taken as a crime that is organized by hate group that attacks Oromo and Oromummaa in every way possible in the Empire or out side. But is is really funny that even these groups that have common interest in attacking Oromo and Oromummaa are enemies to each other and made common bed when comes to such matter.

A hate group is an organized group or movement that advocates and practices hatred, hostility, or violence towards members of others that are targeted. Accordingly, the hate group which currently targeted Oromo and Oromummaa at home and abroad, took a primary purpose of promoting animosity, hostility, and malice against oromo identity, language, culture, political organizations, associations, intellectuals, etc.

Like before currently, any thing that promote Oromo nation became a victim of these hate groups that includes the current killer regime in Ethiopia, those oppositions calling themselves they struggle for freedom and democracy in Ethiopia, opposition groups calling them selves freedom fighters of Ethiopian people, the so called activists, politicians, journalists, media, PC desk top heroes and heroine. Even though they have some thing to struggle for against each other but they showed unity in hating Oromo and Oromummaa. They cooperate successfully in advertising the hate towards Oromo nation in all costs of their activity.

If we try to see at least few examples that shows how Oromo are targeted inside that Empire, Oromo students are targeted and imprisoned, tortured, disappeared, killed and dismissed from their study at different levels, just because of they born Oromo and showed respect to their own identity than the identity others dreaming fro them. Many Oromo business men and women ended up in Prison from their own business as one of the hate crime objective towards Oromo, is to weaken the economy to the root level. Due to such police, it became clear that today others controlled all the business going inside Oromia. The Oromo farmers missed and continuously missing their piece of land under the so called investment with out any sufficient compensation. Oromo intellectuals lead a life in prison as the government planned it purposely to discourage the Oromo young generation. Even those Oromo politicians who are trying the way they think they can solve the problem of that empire, ended up in prison for the crime they never planned and did, even never thought.

Oromia as one of the state in the federal government that seems another way to strength the exploitation of oromia, Oromia contributed the largest GDP to the economy of that empire. But one can clearly see that most of the cities and villages in Oromia purposefully denied basic infrastructures and lagging behind of time. According to the new report from Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), out of a list of 528 political prisoners, the Oromo constituted almost 90% of the new statistics.

One can say only the lucky once has made away to escape the hate crime showering on Oromo in Ethiopia and just the luckiest once to westerns since many are still suffering in East African countries and Arab countries. But In reality, even those who made to westerns, faced another front line of hate crime from narrow minded Ethiopians who continued to deny Oromo’s self identity and never wants to hear about Oromo and Oromia. But wants to impose their own identity on others.

The hate group that is a fruit of century long hate towards Oromo in Ethiopian empire, continued to victimize Oromo even in western society. They wanted the Oromo to deny themselves and they condemn Oromo when the Oromo say what they are in public or private. But this is just a selfish dream that will never be fulfilled because Oromo can’t deny themselves.

From activist and journalist Jawar Mohammed’s “I am Oromo first” to “we are oromo we are not ethiopians” of the protesters against violence against Oromo refugees in different countries, the anger, insult and verbal abuse that came out of habesha related media, politician, activists, journalists and individuals was clearly showed what does it mean being an Ethiopian according to them and also showed the future of that empire . The reality is that, the Ethiopia they dream of such character is good for nobody including for themselves. All this confirm that the hate crime involved killing, imprisoning, torturing of Oromo in Ethiopia took another form in dyaspora. It involves verbal violence.

Verbal violence is often a substitute for real violence and that the verbalization of hate has the potential to incite people who are incapable of distinguishing between real and verbal violence to engage in actual violence. These hate crimes against Oromo and Oromummaa have been conducted by internate hate groups and few Ethiopian media which are infected by Oromophobia.

Internate hate groups are hate groups that spread their messages by word of mouth or through the distribution of flyers and pamphlets in addition to electronic transmissions of sounds and images. The internet has been a boom for hate groups in general but specifically the narrow minded Ethiopian dyasporas have effectively used and using the internet targeting Oromo and Oromummaa and interms of organizing the hate crime against Oromo refugees. The plan was to silence the Oromo refugees about their identity but the failed plan doubled their anger and hate towards Oromo nation in general.

Today hate websites, social network groups, blogs, news groups, you tube, video sites, and TV under the arm band of “Emiye Ethiopia” became common and actively participating in advocating the hate groups organized to attack the Oromo people and nation verbally.

As the use of internet continues to grow among the Ethiopian dyaspora society, the narrow minded ethiopians have found “effective” and new ways to seek validation for their hateful agendas towards Oromo and oromo nation.

As the great African leader, the most inspiring leader for equality and justice, Nelson Mandela said “….people learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes from naturally to the human heart than its opposite”, thus let us work together to stop the hate crimes against the Oromo people in their own country and outside. The Oromo people respect their own identity and they respect identity of others too.



“Wa’ee Finfinnen Menelikiin qabamuu, Oromoo tokko ‘Inxooxxoo dhaabatani’ jedhee kan aarii isaa geerarsaan dhageessise dhaloota dhalootatti darbee jira. Geerarsisaa akkas jedha:

Inxooxxo dhaabatanii
Caffee gadi ilaaluun hafe
Finifinnee loon geesaani
Hora obaasuun hafe
Tulluu Daalattii irraatti
Yaaiin Gullallee hafe
Gafarsattii darbanii
Qoraan cabsachuun hafe
Hurufa Boombii irraatti
Jabbiilee yaasuun hafe
Bara jarrii dhufani
Loon keenyas indhumani
Eddaa Mashashaan dhufee
Birmadummaanis hafe! ”



“Members of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group are celebrating online after the Heineken beer company announced that its Ethiopian franchise would cancel sponsorship of pop star Teddy Afro.

The Bedele beer company dropped its support for Teddy Afro’s upcoming national tour on Thursday, though it did not give a reason. Ethiopian Oromos have been campaigning to boycott the beer over controversial statements allegedly made by the entertainer. Oromos were outraged after he allegedly praised Emperor Menelik II, a 19th-century ruler who some see as a unifier and who placed territories belonging to Oromo and other groups under centralised rule. The magazine quoted Teddy Afro as saying, “For me, Menelik’s unification campaign was a holy war”. The artist’s most recent album also has a song dedicated to the emperor, among other popular historical leaders. Teddy Afro says the quote was falsely attributed to him, writing on Facebook, “Under circumstances unbeknownst to me and due to the error of the magazine, my photo was printed along side a different quote which is not in line with my belief or journey…. The magazine has issued a correction and apologized to us for its error.” Some expressed doubt that the comment was an error. Many celebrated the news from Heineken online, while some said they would not be satisfied without an apology from the singer.”


The sources suggest that more than 90 percent of the Maji or Dizi, about 80 percent of the Gimira, between third thirds and three quarter of the Kaficho and about half of the Oromo population had lost their lives as the consequence of the conquest and colonisation The small kingdom of Walaita also lost a large proportion of its inhabitants. An Abyssinian expedition in 1894 slaughtered about 119,000 men,women and children (Prouty, 1986:115) in less than two weeks.

Secondly, to spread terror among real and potential enemies, the Abyssinian forces committed acts of mass murder and mutilation against the different peoples they conquered. Here, unlike in the north, mutilation included even women. In that respect the best-known case was the mass mutilation of the Arsi Oromo during the wars of conquest fought from 1882 to 1886. What was remarkable here is that mutilation did not stop with Abyssinian victory at the battle of Azule in 1886 that cost the lives over 12,000 Oromo fighters (Haji, 1995; Zewde, 1991: 63). Weeks after the Arsi were defeated at battle of Azule, the commander of the conquering forces, Ras Darge Sahle Selassie, ordered thousands of Oromos to gather at a place called Anole. Thousands came obeying the order and were killed or mutilated – the men of their hands and the women of their breasts (Haji, 1995: 15-16).

According to (De Salviac, 1901:349-354 During the protracted war of conquest and the pacification that lasted for several decades, vast amounts of property belonging to the conquered peoples was confiscated or destroyed, and millions of head of livestock were looted. Tens of thousands of captives were deported and sold into slavery. The conduct of Abyssinian armies invading a land is simply barbaric. As the fire begins, surprised men in the huts or in the fields are three quarter massacred and horribly mutilated; the women, the children and many men are reduced to captivity. General Walde Gabriel was for a long time held in check, he had cut the right wrist of 400 notable Oromo in one day alone.  In these great expeditions (war), the generals have right to be preceded by eight drummers (negarit); the Nugus has 24 of them. The number is  trumpets is unlimited, Menelik brought back 10,000 oxen, and several thousands of slaves form just one campaign, not including the booty of subordinate officers. The number of heads of cattle captured in one expedition sometimes rises to 100,000; we have seen our eyes some of these glorious ones mutilated. In his hours of reflexion the general, almost a centenarian, believed seeing the specter of these 400 heroes, pursuing him with their reproach. The Nugus, whom I had asked the number of dead, had his guard of the seal make an inventory; each chief told how many victims their men had. Finally I had a total of 96,000 men killed and taken prisoners. I have seen Abyssinians escort string of prisoners; women, and children, making them carry the bloody stripped skins  of their husbands or their fathers. I have seen, and the Nugus (Menelik) had to make an edict  to prevent the atrocities, Abyssinian solders pull away infant from the breast and throw them in the field, in order to unload off the mother the weight which would have obstructed her from continuing  on the road all the way to the country. Page 354.

It was reported that in 1912, about 40,000 of the Gimira were rounded up and taken to the north, and that half of them died on the way while the rest were sold as slaves and scattered within and outside the Ethiopian empire (Pankhurst, 1968: 107).

While, in the case of the Arsi Oromo, both resistance and surrender to the conquering forces led to mass murder and mutilation, the initial passive incorporation of the Gimira and Maji/Dizi expedited their enslavement and mass deportation from their land (Hodson, 1927: 02). Writing about the Maji/Dizi, the German anthropologist Eike Haberland (1984: 47) notes that before the arrival of the Amhara troops in the 1890s and the subsequent forced incorporation of the Dizi into the Ethiopian empire, the Dizi probably numbered between 50,000 and 100,000.

Bulatovich referred to the one-sidedness of the killing he had witnessed. An expedition which would have cost any European power millions, was carried out by the Abyssinians almost free, if you don’t count several hundred men killed and several thou sands cartridges shot ([1898], 2000: 381). .Bulatovich,the Menelik punishments against Oromo even peace time.

Judicial System and Procedure

The exercise of judicial functions rests partly in the emperor and commanders of regions and districts, and partly in the people itself.

Each leader has the right to judge and punish his subordinates, and each individual person has the same right over his servants.

In the forty-fourth chapter, it talks about imperial power. The time of appearance of this book coincides with the apogee of imperial power.

Crimes and punishments are as follows:

1) State crime — capital punishment (in very rare cases); cutting off the right hand and left leg; most often, putting inchains and life imprisonment.

2) Insulting majesty — cutting out the tongue.

3) Murder — the murderer is given to the family of the person killed, who kill him in the same manner that he killed.

4) Robbery — capital punishment (in this way, Emperor Menelik eliminated robbery, which formerly was very widespread).

5) Insulting a personality by action or word 104 — monetary fine.

6) Fraud — monetary fine.

7) Accidental manslaughter — monetary fine from 50 to 1,000 talers.

8) Non-performance of instruction of the government — monetary fine and flogging.

9) Criminal breach of trust — removal from job, putting into chains, monetary fine, confiscation of property. The imposition of punishments by separate individuals goes in the following steps:

1) Each private individual in relationship to servants and minor commanders have the right to throw someone into chains for an indeterminate time and to impose 25 lashes by birch rods (kurbach).

2) The commander of a marketplace can impose monetary fines and flogging with whip (jiraf) up to 8 lashes.

3) The commander of an area — cutting off hands, up to 50 lashes (jiraf), and monetary fine.

4) Afa-negus — cutting off hands, up to 75 lashes (jiraf), and monetary fine.

5) The emperor — capital punishment, up to 100 lashes (jiraf), monetary fine, and life imprisonment. Capital punishment is carried out by hanging, or, in case of murder, it is carried out by relatives in the same manner in which the murderer killed. When the murderer is sentenced, he is given over to the relatives, who take him outside town and kill him. Very often, this task is entrusted to a child. Bulatovich,





Koreen bakka bu’oota dhaabbilee barnoota ol’aanoo Bulchiinsa Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaatii fi Obbo Johan Doyer,General Manager of Heineken Ethiopiaf xalayaa barreesse. Guyyaa Mudde 30,bara 2013. barreefame Bulchiinsa Mootummaa Naannoo Oromiyaatiif/BMNOf/. Finfinnee Dhimmi Isaa:-Faarfannaa waggaa dhibbaffaa Miniliik Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irratti gaggeeffamuuf deemu ittisuuf. – Nuti kanneen maqaa fi mallatoon keenya armaan gaditti eerame dhimma atattamaa kana bakkaan ga’uuf bakka buutota dhaabbilee barnoota ol’aanoo irraa koree ariifachiisaa ta’uun muudamnee jirra. -Iyyannoon kun ariifachiisaa ta’uu irra darbee qaama dhimmi isaa ilaallatu hundaan furmaata yeroo hin kennine kan barbaadu ta’uu dursnee jabinaan hubachiisuu barbaanna. Dhimmi harma muraa ayyolee Oromoo fi harka muraa abbootii Oromoo namticha mootii ofiin jedhu Miniliik 2ffaan gochi gara jabinaa Oromoota irratti gaggeeffamaa ture seenaa yeroo dhiyoo fi Oromoota biratti yoomuu kan hin dagatamne ta’uu isaa duubatti deebinee seenaa wal barsiisuu otoo hin ta’iin wal yaadachiisuun qofti ga’aa fakkaata. Kun ammo kan akka Oromoottiis ta’ee akka namaatti boqonnaa nama hin kennine ta’uu isaa namni akka namaatti yaadu hubachuu dhiba jennee hin amannu. Egaa dabni yeroo dheeraaf gaggeeffamaa ture kun akkanaan otoo jiru Oromoota biratti waan dagatame fi dhokate fakkeessuun namoonni hawwii bulchiinsa namticha kanaa qabanii figochaa isaa kanaaf deeggarsa fi gammachuu qaban har’a kabaja ykn faarfannaa waggaa dhibbaffaa mootii Miniliik jechuun Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irra naanna’uun maqaa konsertiin ispoonsarummaa waarshaa biiraa baddalleen wal ta’uun faarfachuuf qophii xumuranii akka jiran kan eenyu jalaa iyyuu hin dhokannee fi ifatti hubatamaa jiru dha. Kun immoo uummata miidhame isaa kana seenaaf jedhee qabatee obsaan taa’e kana madaa isaa yeroo irratti gammachuun faarfatan callisee obsaan dhaggeeffata jedhanii yaaduun ykn eeguun gara laafina irra tufii ta’uu hunda keenya jalaa waan dhokatu hin fakkaatu. Tarii gochaan maal dhibdiin ykn maaltu dhufaan gaggeeffamuuf jiru kun mootummaa ykn sirni biyya bulchaa jiru addattu mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa akkamiin irraa callisee ilaala? kan jedhu gaaffii uummata Oromoo ta’uus, gochaan kun uummata Oromoo saboota kaan waliin kabajaa fi obsaan jiraachaa jiru seenaa badaa kana myeroo irratti faarfamu of irraa ittisuun waan dirquuf kallattii hin barbaachisne qabachuun dirqama ta’uun hundi keenya hubachuu feesisa. Kanaaf,qaamni dhimmi isaa ilaallatu hundi addatti mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa gaaffii keenya kaanf deebii kennuu qofaa otoo hin ta’iin, akka abbaa dhimmaattiis hal dureen fuula dura dhaabbachuun gochaan kun Oromiyaa irratti gonkumaa akka hin dandahamiin jabinaan ittisuun akka irraa eeggamu hubachiifna.Gaaffiin karaa seera qabeessaan eegale kun gama qaama dhimmi ilaallatu hundaatti marsaa marsaan haga bulchiinsa aanaatti itti fufuun deebii akka argatu qabsoon ykn gaaffiin keenya akka itti fufuus gamanumaa hubachiisuu irra dabree gaaffiin karaa seeraa fi mirgaan gaafatamaa jiru kun atattamaan furmaata argatee warri gochaa kanaaf tirtiraniis addatti weellisaa Teedii Afroo fi waarshaa biiraa Baddallee gochaa isaanii kana irraa dhaabbatanii seera fuula duratti yoo hin dhiyaannee fi gochaa isaanii tuffiin itti fufanii argaman Oromoon kamuu kanaa ol obsa kan hin qabne ta’uu hubatamee miidhama ga’u kamiifuu gaafatamaan sirna biyya bulchaa jiru addatti mootummaan bulchiinsa naannoo Oromiyaa,Waarshaa biiraa Baddallee fi weellisaa Teedii Afroo akkasumaas kanneen duubaan deeggarsa gochaa jiran hundaa akka ta’e jabeessinee hubachiifna.

Maqaa fi Mallattoo………..

Mudde,bara 2013. Koree bakka bu’oota dhaabbilee barnoota ol’aanoo Bulchiinsa naannoo Oromiyaaf


(OPride) – A recent social media campaignagainst Ethiopia’s Heineken-owned Bedele Brewery, over its planned sponsorship of a yearlong musical tour for controversial Amharic singer Tewdros Kassahun, has forced the premium beer maker to drop the agreement.
In a span of two weeks, the campaign rallied more than 42,000 supporters on Facebook pressuring Heineken NV to issue a statement saying, “we are not going to pursue the sponsorship contract” with Kassahun.
Kassahun’s unexamined adoration and immortalization of past Ethiopian rulers is popularly seen as offensive and deluded among the Oromo and other nations in Ethiopia’s south. As such, Heineken’s sponsorship of Kassahun, who is better known as Teddy Afro, was widely viewed as a complicit attempt to revive a historical injury among those forcibly incorporated into Abyssinia during Menelik’s 19th century southward imperial expansion.

The anger against Teddy reached fever pitch mid-December after a local magazine published, but later retracted, Teddy’s comments condoning Menelik’s war of conquest as a “holy war.” The social media-based activists said the music tour which was scheduled to start on Jan. 11 in Oromia, the Oromo homeland, amounted to inviting victims of Menelik’s deadly campaign to a dance-party on their ancestors’ graveyard.

Teddy’s crude comments were not surprising per se, but the tour served as a reminder of his scurrilous behavior and bold insolence toward Oromo history. In a statement celebrating the group’s triumph, the #BoycottBedele campaign noted,Dire Dawa, where the tour was scheduled to taper off, is “only miles away from the grave at Calanqo” where according to eyewitness accounts “the blood of Oromos (killed at the battle) gushed like a river.”

After stopping the multi-million sponsorship, the campaigners posed a series of questions that are likely linger in the minds of this generation: what does Teddy’s tour got to do with love? How does lionizing and glorifying someone of Menilik’s statue ever meet the minimum threshold for a tour meant to promote love?  Has Teddy ever thought of honoring the victims over the killer?

Beyond its momentous victory, the swift social mobilization and reverberation of the campaign offers a menu of lessons. First, notwithstanding the schism of diaspora politics, it proved how vociferously and in unison the Oromo people could stand together against a brick wall of historical injustice. The novelized assumption of political disunity among the Oromo saw its self-rectification which was inimical to a flaw in speculation.

The Oromo youth, who came together and stood up to powerful political and business interests, passed a “litmus taste” by turning Teddy’s ostentatious “journey of love” into a “walk of shame.” Menilik’s brutal campaign epitomizes one of the most callous acts of pain in Oromo history and the history of Ethiopia’s southern nations and nationalities. While much of Menelik’s brutality is obscured by the battle of Adwa, in which Ethiopian forces defeated Italy in 1896, no other Ethiopian ruler represents such a savage face of repression for the Oromo.

In one of the first acts of acknowledgement, the Oromia Regional Government erected a memorial statue in 2009 to honor victims of Menelik’s genocidal campaign at Anole and Calanqo. In 1886, at the Anole gathering called to make peace with Arsi Oromos after a deadly battle at Azule, Menelik’s forces cut off Oromo women’s breasts and men’s hands amputated. One of the harshest chapters in Ethiopia’s tortuous history, Anole stands as a single most traumatic event for the Oromo.

Which road to love: denial or repentance?

Now that the euphoria and disappointment over #BoycottBedele’s victory is over, in order to move the conversation beyond individuals and historical figures, it is important to take up the underlying issues at the core of the debate.

As hopeless as it looks given the current political climate, there’s a greater need for reconciliation and healing. However, it’s even more important to note that such an endeavor presupposes not a stingy denial, but an active repentance and acknowledgement from those who were historically privileged.

The events of last two weeks offer ominous prospects. Posing as academics, journalists and historians, revivalists of Menilik’s vision offered a wide range of views in different forums. On the face of it, the diversity of perspectives and robust discussions of issues is crucial. However, much of the commentary focused on downplaying or outright denial of Menilik’s murderous expansion and the consequent extermination of the Oromo and other southern people.

In addition, using their media establishments and vocal presence on social media, they sought to control the direction of the discourse by portraying all debates on past injustices as a fair game. Even more appalling, they tried to draw a false parallel between Menelik’s colonial project and a phenomenon known as the Oromo expansion. The later historical event refers to a period in 16th century described by historians as a return of Cushitic Oromos to their roots.

As sober and at times poignant as some of the denials get, much has also been uncovered from a group whose basis of reaction was a simple ignorance and emotional ambition to keep the phantom of the “highland kingdom” alive, even in this century.

Tabling the issue of past injustices for debate does great disservice to the millions of victims. Nonetheless, this benign question begs for a sober consideration by Menilikian revivalists: which road takes to reconciliation in Ethiopia – denial or acknowledgement of historical injustice?

Freedom of speech and customary laws against heinous crimes

One form of denial was disguised and masqueraded under the posture of “freedom of speech.” Teddy’s fans were quick to point out that the cancellation of his contract sat a dangerous precedent on free speech. But the reactionary gate keepers and vanguards of hallow Ethiopianism didn’t wait too long to accuse Oromo activists as separatists, secessionists and other labels, essentially for exercising their inalienable freedom of speech.

Alarming hate speeches, some only marginally short of a declaration of war, were hurled at Oromo activists under the camouflage of free expression. Some liberal Ethiopianists even sought to turn Teddy and his fans into martyrs for freedom of speech. Freedom of speech is a universal right for all but why did a simple act of campaigning to stop the continuation of historical injustices warrant so many tantrums and whining?

Let us examine similar cases and interpretations elsewhere with regards to the denial of historical injustices.

The nature and degree of atrocities committed by Menilik, even if not of similar proportion, in some ways resembles the Jewish holocaust that took place in Germany. Absent a robust media spotlight, the inherent socio-political fragility and efforts to obfuscate the facts by varnishing rosy layers over traumatic events make the former far less glaring. Notwithstanding the ongoing bid to contain the bad publicity generated by the campaign, the grief stands, the wound itches and the trauma resonates across Oromos from all walks of life.

Across continental Europe, the denial of the holocaust constitutes a legal and moral offense penalized by applicable criminal laws. For instance, in Austria, under the 1945 criminal statute, which was amended in 1992, the denial of the Holocaust is punishable by a prison term of up to ten years. In 2006, in one of the most publicized cases, an Austrian court convicted David Irving, a British writer, for Holocaust denial and sentenced him to three years in prison.

Similarly, in France, Robert Faurisson a professor of literature) was convicted in 1991 for contesting that holocaust doesn’t constitute a crime against humanity under a French criminal law.

Faurisson subsequently appealed his case before the UN Human Rights Committee (a quasi- judicial body with the mandate to monitor international human rights) by contending that the law curtails his right to freedom of expression and academic freedom. The Committee upheld the legality of the French legislation by noting that France’s introduction of the law was intended to serve the struggle against racism. From Spain to Germany there are simply a plethora of examples to prove that laws criminalizing the denial of historical injustice are not in violation of the normative framework of freedom of expression.

Jurisprudentially speaking, freedom of speech is not and has never been an absolute right. It has a number of justifiable and legitimate exceptions. Article 8(2) of the European Convention on Human Rights, one of the most progressive protection instruments, stipulates similar kinds of grounds limiting the bounds of freedom of speech. Article 29(6) of Ethiopian constitution, in theory, sets a fine limit on freedom of speech to protect against injury to others’ human dignity. In the eyes of most Oromos, nothing is more injurious and offensive than the denial of historical injustice perpetrated by Menilik and his successors.

In fact, Menilik’s atrocities could easily be placed under crimes against humanity and war crimes. For those who argue that violence during Menelik’s time was the order of the day, it is enough to note that several international customary laws that regulate heinous crimes were fully operational dating back a century ago. In addition, no law bars the retroactive regulation of these crimes. For example, after WWII, at the Nuremberg Trials for German war criminals the terms laid down in the 1907 Hague Convention were retroactively used in sync with other laws and customs of war.

Ultimately, whether justice is administered or not, Menilik’s atrocities in the south cannot be cherry-picked for expedient political goals. Efforts to disassociate Menilik’s brutal war from the normative framework of customary rules of crimes against humanity and war crimes are shallow and obloquies.

In a specific reference to the non-limitation statute regarding crimes against humanity, article 28 of the current the Ethiopian Constitution gives a weighty tone to the intolerance of the law toward past perpetrators and their current idolizers.

Besides these legal regulations, the recognition of Menilik’s brutality by Oromia regional government itself speaks volume. The inference is clear: honoring the Oromo martyrdom at Anole and Calanqo with a memorial statue is a first important step in the establishment of a historical and legal truth.

The ramification is that any act of idolizing and glorifying the past injustice is offensive to the Oromo people. If justice was administered as per applicable local and international laws, Teddy and the Menilikians have no legitimate right to glorify these injustices.

Yet, much more remains for young generation of Oromos to continue to deconstruct Ethiopia’s fictionalized history and reconstruct Oromo historical narratives in order to reclaim their agency.

The Imbroglio of Ethiopian Emperor and Theory of State-Formation

In response to the campaign, in sync with Teddy’s hagiography, several pundits tried to cast Ethiopian emperors as unifiers and state builders. Some even went so far as to equate Menelik with American unionists. They alleged that state-formation normally exhibits and comes at the cost of violence and war. And that Ethiopia’s was no exception to this rule. A quick glance at the theory of state-building might help these pseudo scholars out of their confusion. Hobbes’s and Locke’s “social contract theory” presupposes the existence of “State of Nature”, where individuals are entitled to an absolute right, including even the right to kill each other over fulfillments of their interests.

According to Hobbe’s, in this state of nature which solemnly favors the most powerful group only the strongest survives. The society has to come together under a “covenant” and agree to voluntarily pass over their authority to a sovereign body, which is duly authorized to look over all members of a society pursuant to “the contract or the agreement.”

Here, such a covenant presupposes a voluntary and consensual agreement as opposed to a brutal and targeted massacre of specific groups in the society. This is how a supposedly unorganized society (living in a state of nature) is legitimately and sanely metamorphosed into a modern polity or nation-state. Seen through this lens, the glorification of Menilik as a nation builder – as often shamelessly claimed by neo-feudalists – is utterly ridiculous and a gross distortion of reality.

Instead, Menilik’s brutal killings and imperialistic expansion illustrates the gloomy shadow of the “State of Nature.” Menelik and his successors never tried to create a polity based on a social contract. In many respects, Ethiopia is still a continuation of its imperial past – stuck in Hobbe’s state of nature.

That is why pro-Menilik activists and those with unexamined and superfluous knowledge of history continue to suppress efforts to reform and redefine the notion of home and national state in Ethiopia.

Dream as they might, the era of monopoly over historical facts is long gone, never to return. Oromo people have reclaimed much that has been lost and now own their narratives. The successful execution of #BoycottBedele campaign is but a dramatic example of a resurgent voice that no amount of hullabaloo can dwarf.

*Henok G.Gabisa is a Visiting International Law Fellow at Washington and Lee University School of Law, Lexington Virginia. He can be reached atGabisaH@wlu.edu

The real Hero

Inni kunis ilma Geexeen deesse akkuma Asaffaa Sharoo Lammii.
Minilik and Hayile Sellassee did never fought Italians, as dictators just claimed the credit.

Here is the real man, the real hero, Who made real fight and defeated Italians at Adowa in 1896.

Mohammed Ali (King Mika’el, 1850- 1918), an Oromo, was born in Wollo. His father was Imam Ali Abba Bula and his mother was aadde Geexee. Mohammed Ali was a relative of Queen Worqitu of Wollo. He was the father of Iyasu. Mohammed Ali Abba Bula (Ras/King Mika’el) led the feared Oromo cavalry against the invading Italians at the Battle of Adowa. An Italian brigade began a fighting retreat towards the main Italian positions. However, the brigade inadvertently marched into a narrow valley where Ras Mika’el’s cavalry slaughtered them while shouting “Reap! Reap!” (Ebalgume! Ebalgume!). The remains of the brigade’s commander were never found. ‘Negus Mikael (Ali) of Wollo—-father of Lij Iyasu V—-lead a fearless and feared Oromo cavalry of fighters in the Battle of Adwa in 1896, wiping out an entire Italian brigade.)’ http://diasporicroots.tumblr.com/post/12623441087/zulu-rose-ras-mikael-ali-of-wollo-and-the

George Fitz-Hardinge Berkeley, Campaign of Adowa (1902), quoted in Lewis, Fashoda, p. 118.
He was the founder of Dessie (Deessee) as his Oromo capital.

Photo: Inni kunis ilma Geexeen deesse akkuma Asaffaa Sharoo Lammii.<br /><br /><br />
Minilik and Hayile Sellassee did never fought Italians, as dictators just claimed the credit.</p><br /><br />
<p>Here is the real man, the real hero, Who made real fight and defeated Italians at Adowa in 1886.</p><br /><br />
<p>Mohammed Ali (King Mika'el, 1850- 1918), an Oromo, was born in Wollo. His father was Imam Ali Abba Bula and his mother was aadde Geexee. Mohammed Ali was a relative of Queen Worqitu of Wollo. He was the father of Iyasu. Mohammed Ali Abba Bula (Ras/King Mika'el) led the feared Oromo cavalry against the invading Italians at the Battle of Adowa. An Italian brigade began a fighting retreat towards the main Italian positions. However, the brigade inadvertently marched into a narrow valley where Ras Mika'el's cavalry slaughtered them while shouting "Reap! Reap!" (Ebalgume! Ebalgume!). The remains of the brigade's commander were never found. 'Negus Mikael (Ali) of Wollo—-father of Lij Iyasu V—-lead a fearless and feared Oromo cavalry of fighters in the Battle of Adwa in 1896, wiping out an entire Italian brigade.)' http://diasporicroots.tumblr.com/post/12623441087/zulu-rose-ras-mikael-ali-of-wollo-and-the</p><br /><br />
<p>George Fitz-Hardinge Berkeley, Campaign of Adowa (1902), quoted in Lewis, Fashoda, p. 118.<br /><br /><br />
He was the founder of Dessie (Deessee) as his  Oromo capital.


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‘For history students, the coagulation of Menelikites, with their core extreme ideology of “Galla Geday” (Oromo Killer) is identical to the formation of the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in the USA. Following the Civil War, the US Congress directed reconstruction of the war torn states and the society. In the South, the policies of Reconstruction aimed at extending the rights of blacks. However, the policy also injured the moral of the slave-owners, giving rise to the KKK, which immediately began organizing to perpetrate systematic violence in opposition to the new social order. KKK unleashed terror against former slaves, but also Northern teachers, judges, and politicians. Historians see the creation of KKK as a true sign of the death of slavery. The “Galla Geday” of Ethiopia, with a minute scale and unlikely chance to grow to any capacity of treat, also marks the beginning of the end of Amhara supremacy. This unheard of celebration of a death instead of a birth of an emperor has become a new motto, a new uniting slogan of Menelik’s ethnic tribe that suffered great defeats economically and politically over the last few decades, just like the KKK advocated a wave of dogma to affirm the existence and interest of slave owners. The profligate claim to greatness by way of a brutal emperor fails to serve good for Ethiopia simply because the wounds of Menelik’s barbaric expansion are not allowed to heal for good. It also cultivates and grows hate among peoples.’http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/new-statue-for-menelik/

Nuding Ethiopian History and the Naked Political Reply from Right Wingers

http ://birhanumegersalenjiso.blogspot.co.uk/2014/01/nuding-ethiopian-history-and-naked.html?spref=fb

The Strange Twist in Amhara Politics: Rehabilitating Past Tyrants


article1There are people who thrive on the fame of the dead. Indeed there are people who thrive on the noxious fumes of dead zombies. One such person is Tedy Afro who continued living on the dead spirit of Abyssinian worst dictators. This article is in response to Teddy Afro’s latest Album, the album which Tedy wrongly labeled Tikur Sew.  My intention is not to educate Tedy or any other Habesha musician. The objective of this article is to indicate how Tedy abused music and also how he wronged the late Emperor Menelik II by mislabelling the Caucasian Emperor as a black man.

Purpose of music

Humanity employed music for several purposes, positive as well as negative. Music has been part of human experience in every culture and society since time immemorial. From the earliest cultures of humankind until now music has been used to express a wide range of human…

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1. OromianEconomist - August 18, 2018
2. OromianEconomist - August 18, 2018
3. OromianEconomist - August 19, 2018

ሚኒሊክ በብዙ ሚልዮን ሚቆጠሩ ህዝቦች እንደገደለ እና የብዙ እናቶች ጡት የቆረጠ ጨካኝ ኣረመኔ መሆኑ ማስረጃ ለምትሹ።
አውሬውን ለምታመልኩ ሂሳብ እምንወራረድበት ይሄ ነው
በኣፄ ምንሊክ መተዳደርያ ደንባቸው ላይ የሰፈረው የመጀመሪያው ኣንቀፃቸው ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ያላቸውን ጥላቻና ንቀት በጉልህ ያሳየ ነበር፡፡

አንቀፁ እንዲህይላል “የሰው ልጅ ክቡር ነው ኣይገደልም ፡፡ ጋላም ቢሆን” ይላል😎
የምንሊክ ዘረኝነት በዚህም ብቻ ኣላበቃም።

እስኪ ስለኦሮሞዎች በምንሊክ የደረሰባቸውን ግፍ በጥቂቱ በመረጃ እናስታውስ፦

1. ቡላቶቪች የተባለው ራሺያዊ በ1900 ከሚኒሊክ ጦር ጋር ዘምቶ የነበረ ሲሆን “Ethiopia Through Russian Eyes” በተሰኘው መጽሀፉ የሚኒሊክ ወረራ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ቁጥር በግማሽ ያሳነሰ መሆኑን ጠቅሷል፡፡

2. ማርቲን ዴ ሳልቫክ የተባለ ፈረንሳዊ የካቶሊክ ሚሺነሪ (1900) “The Oromo: An Ancient Africa Nation” በተባለው መጸሀፋቸው በዚህ ወረራ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቁጥር በግምት ከአስር ሚሊየን ወደ አምስት ሚሊየን መውረዱን ገምቷል፡፡

3. August 18, 1895 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ፣ አፄ ሚኒሊክ በኦሮሞ ላይ ዘመቻ በመክፈት ወንዶቹን በመፍጀት ሕፃናት እና ሴቶችን በባሪያነት መውሰድ በሰፊው ይተገበሩ እንደነበር ፅፏል፡፡

4. February 26, 1895 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ አሰቃቂው የሚኒሊክ ዘመቻ በሚል ርዕስ ስር ሰሞኑን ንጉስ ሚኒሊክ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ በደቡብ አቢሲኒያ የከፈቱት ዘመቻ 70,000 ሰዎችን በመግደል 15,000 መማረካቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡

5. August 2,1874 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውወርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ የአቢሲንያ ባሪያዎች በሚል አርስት ስር በየዓመቱ ከ80,000 እስከ 90,000 የሚሆኑ ባሪያዎች በምፅዋ ወደብ በኩል ወደ ውጪ የሚሽጡ መሆኑን ጠቅሶ የባሪያ ነጋዴዎቹ ባሪያዎችን የሚገዙት ከነፍጠኞቹ ሲሆን ንጉሰ ነገስቱም የቀረጡ ተቋዳሽ መሆኑን ያትታል፡፡ ከ1.2 ሚሊዮን በላይ ኢትዮጽያዊያኖችን በባርነት ሸጠዋል (መኩሪያ ቡልቻ)::

6. አኖሌ ላይ የሦስት ሺህ ኦሮሞዎች እጅ እና ጡት ከማስቆረጣቸው በተጨማሪ በአደዋ ጦርነት የተማረኩ 800 የኤርትራ አስካሪዎችን ቀኝ እጅ እና ቀኝ እግር አስቆርጠዋል፡፡

7. November 7, 1909 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ በአርስቱ የአቢሲኒያው ንጉስ ሚኒሊክ በአሜሪካው የባቡር ሃዲድ ስራ ተቋራጭ ከፍተኛ የአክሲዮን ባለቤት ናቸው በማለት ወደ ዝርዝሩ ውስጥ ስንገባ ይህ የባቡር ሃዲድ አክሲዮን ከሃያ አምስት ሚሊዮን ዶላር በላይ መሆኑ እና ከዚህ በተጨማሪ በቤልጅየም እና እስካንዲኒቭያ ከተሞች የወርቅ አምራች ኩባንያ ውስጥ አክሲዮን እንዳላቸው ዘርዝረዋል፡፡

ይህ ሁሉ ንብረት ከዬት መጣ ብለን ብንጠይቅ ከተወረሩ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች የተዘረፈ መሆኑ ግልፅ ነው፡፡ በዚሁ መሰረት የሚኒሊክ ወታደሮች ከአርሲ 66,000 የቀንድ ከብት (ፕሮፌሰር መኩሪያ ቡልቻ)፤ ከወላይታ 18,000 (ተሻለ) ከደቡብ ኦሞ 40,000 ከጂጂጋ 50,000 (ጆን ማርካኪስ) ወዘተ… የተዘረፈ ነው፡፡

8. አፄ ሚኒሊክ ከምእራብ ኢንዲያ ወደ አዲስ አበባ መጥቶ የጥቁር ህዝብ መሪ ሁንልን ብሎ የጠየቀውን ቤኒቶ ሲልቪያን የተባለውን ሰውዬ እኔ ጥቁር አይደለሁም፡፡ ሴማዊ ነኝ በማለት አባረውታል፡፡ ሀይለስላሴም HO Davis የተባለው ታዋቂው የጥቁር መብት ታጋይ እና Marques Garvey የተባለው ጃማይካዊ የጥቁር መብት ታጋይ ባናገሩት ጊዜ እኔ የሰለሞን ዘር ነኝ በማለት አፍሪካዊነታቸውን ክደዋል፡፡ እነዚህ በአፍሪካዊነታቸው የማያምኑ፣ በአፍሪካዊነታቸው የሚያፍሩ የበታቸው ስነ ልቦታ የተጠናወታቸው እና በራሳቸው የማይተማመኑ ናቸው፡፡

9. በዳግማዊ ምኒልክ ዘመን ኦሮሞ ሁሉ ተገዛ፣ በአማራ ሕግና ሥርዓት ሔደ፣ ካህናቱ አንድ ኦሮሞ አስተምረው አላጠመቁም፡፡ ይልቅስ ተፊተኛው ቂም የበለጠ ቂም በልቡ አኑረውበት መሬቱን በቀላድ ወሰዱበት፡፡ አንድ ቀላድ የቅስና አንድ ቀላድ የአወዳሽ እያሉ በዚሁ ስብከት ንጉሡን አሳመኑ፡፡ ስለ መንግሥት ያሰቡ መስለው ለንጉሡም አንድ ቀላድ፣ ለወታደር አንድ ቀላድ … መሬቱን ተካፍለው ኦሮሞን እንደ ባሪያ አድርገው ይገዙታል እንጂ የክርስቶስን መንገድ አላሳዩትም፡፡ እነርሱም የእግዝሔርን መንገድ በሚገባ አልተማሩም፣ አስተማሪም ቢመጣም ይከለክላሉ …፡፡ (አፅሜ ጊዮርጊስ ) ተፃፈ ዳንኤል ድሃባ። ጽዮን ተኣምራት!! https://www.facebook.com/alula.asgodom/posts/1810462662372994?__xts__%5B0%5D=68.ARB5O32pF0JxvIdgHIzjuAqrrGL439tGwm5dQx4LiO_43iakXGx5gmIlSQP2WInb77Yp-gVxXJ35_K1jKSY3-AN4vstDCQ_s2_7ye0DHA526oTfzJqEWrg-svectH3GXVTRbB2jpALCt&__tn__=C-R

4. OromianEconomist - August 19, 2018

ሚኒልክ ስዩም ተሾመ ስላሞገሰው ቅዱስ አይሆንም

በሚኒልክ ከቀዬው ተፈናቅሎ ለምህተ አመታት ከቡራዩ እስከ መርካቶ በአህያ እንጨት እያጫነ የዕለት ጉርሱን የሚሸፍነው እና ትምህርት ቤት ለመግባት ዘመናት የፈጀበት የሸዋ ኦሮሞን የዛሬው የስዩም ተሾመ ሙገሳ ለምኒልክ ያለውን ቦታ አይቀይረውም ::

በራሱ መሬት ላይ አርሶ ከመቶ ዘጠና ስምንት ፐርሰቱን ለሚኒልክ ሲገብር የነበረውን የአርሲ ኦሮሞን እና የጉራጌ ህዝብን የዛሬው የጎበና ዳጬ ሙገሳ ለሚኒልክ ያለውን ቦታ አይቀይረውም ::

ለሰሜን አሜሪካ ለባሪያነት በሚኒልክ ሲሸጥ የነበረውን የኩሎ የሲዳማ እና የዶርዜን ህዝብ ጎበና ዳጬ ስላሞገሰው ለሚኒልክ ያለውን ቦታ አይቀይረውም ::

ስራ አታገኝም ተብሎ ስሙን ወደ አማርኛ ያስቀየረው እና ዘሩን ያስካደው የወሎ ህዝብ ዛሬ ስዩም ተሾመ ስላሞገሰው ለሚኒልክ ያለውን ቦታ አይቀይረውም

ሚኒልክ ኢትዮዽያዊው የሂትለር ተምሳሌት ነው

ዘመናት ቢለዋወጥ ታሪክ መልኩን አይቀይርም https://www.facebook.com/Helenbedeilu/posts/1053242614845154

5. OromianEconomist - June 18, 2020

#Menelik was the Abyssinian warlord, #slave trader and local agent of the Scramble for Africa (1884/1885). He was the local facilitator of the colonization of Africa. He facilitated the colonization of Kenya, Sudan, Somalia, DJibouti, Eritrea and Uganda. He never did boundary agreements with indigenous African leaders nor supported the resistances. The present boundaries b/n the so called Ethiopia and neighbour countries are the favours he made for the then external colonizers and the rewards he received ( (land, weapons and the freedom to conduct human merchandise, slave trade) for being colonial agent. In the process external colonizers safely secured strategic Red Sea, Eastern African coasts and the entire East Africa. And Menelik formed his internal colonialism by destroying indigenous independent states, their leaders and anti colonial resitance. As he sold DJibouti to France, Eritrea to Italy, he sold River Mormor and all its tributaries to the Britain. Haile Selassie was no different.

ጥቁርን ህዝብ ለነጭ ለ99 እና 60 አመት የሸጠ ነው አፄ ሚኒሊክ (ጁቡቲ እና ኤርትራን)

አፄ ሚኒሊክ አንቱ የተባሉ ጨፍጫፊ ስለመሆናቸው አያሌ የታሪክ ድርሳናት ያትታሉ። ምኒልክ ኦሮሚያንና መላዉን የደቡብ ህዝቦችን ለመዉረር ባደረጉት ጭካኔ የተሞላበት ጦርነት የተለያዩ አሰቃቂ ድርጊቶችን ፈፅመዋል። የእናቶችን ጡት ቆርጠዋል። የሚሰሩ እጆችን ቀርጥፈዉ ጥለዋል።

የአፄው ግብ ህዝቡን መጨፍጨፍና ንብረቱን መዝረፍ ብቻ አልንብረም። ዋናው ግብ በኃይል የተያዙ ክልሎችን የግል ግዛትና በቋሚነትም የጥቅም መሣሪያ አድርጎ መያዝ ነበር።

ለዚህም እንዲረዳቸው አፄ ምኒልክ ከአውሮፓውያን የጠብ-መንጃ እርዳታ ሲቀበሉ ቆይተዋል። አንድ እንግሊዛዊ (የወቅቱ ሁኔታ ተንታኝ) ፥ አፄ ምኒልክ ከ1868-1900 ዓ.ም በአውሮፓውያን እርዳታ ከ715,000 በላይ ጠመንጃዎችንና 50 ሚሊዮን ጥይቶችን በእጁ እንዳስገባ ገልጿል። ይህ ከፍተኝ ብዛት ያለው የጦር መሣሪያ እንደተሰጠው በቀጥታ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ ወረራን ያካሄደ ሲሆን ፥ በህዝቡ ላይ በቀላሉ ማገገም የማይቻል ጥፋትና ጉዳት አድርሷል።

በጊዜው ከአውሮፓ መንግሥታት ባገኘው የጦር መሣሪያ ኦሮሞንና ሀገሩን ወርረው ለመያዝ በተደረጉ ጦርነቶች የተጨፈጨፉ የኦሮሞዎች ቁጥር/ብዛት እንደሚከተለው ቀርቧል:-

1. ቡላቶቪች የተባለው ራሺያዊ በ1900 ከሚኒሊክ ጦር ጋር ዘምቶ የነበረ ሲሆን “Ethiopia through Russian Eyes” በተሰኘው መጽሀፉ የሚኒሊክ ወረራ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ቁጥር በግማሽ ያሳነሰ መሆኑን ጠቅሷል።

2. ማርቲአል ዴ ሳልቫክ የተባለ ፈረንሳዊ የካቶሊክ ሚሺነሪ [1901] “The Oromo: The Ancient people, Great African Nation” በተባለው መጸሀፋቸው በዚህ ወረራ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቁጥር በግምት ከአስር ሚሊየን ወደ አምስት ሚሊየን መውረዱን ገምቷል።

3. February 26, 1895 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ አሰቃቂው የሚኒልክ ዘመቻ በሚል ርዕስ ስር፥ ሰሞኑን ንጉስ ሚኒልክ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ በደቡብ አቢሲኒያ የከፈቱት ዘመቻ 70,000 ሰዎችን በመግደል 15,000 መማረካቸውን ገልፀዋል።

4. ወደ ኦሮሞ ምድር የደረሰው ደ ሳልቪያክ የተባለ የፈረንሳይ ሀዋርያ ራስ ወልደገብርኤል የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎችን አይበገሬነት ለመስበር ባንድ ቀን ብቻ የአራት መቶ አንጋፋዎችን እጅ አስቆርጧል። ይህ ጻሀፊ ፥ እጃቸውን
ካጡት ትልልቅ ሰዎች ጥቂቶቹን ባይኔ በብረቱ አይቻለሁ ብሏል።

5. Darkwah የተባሉ የታሪክ ሊቃውንት “Shewa, Menelik and the Ethiopian Empire 1813-1889” በሚል ርዕስ ባሳተሙት መጽሐፋቸው እንደሚነግሩን፥ አርሲን በምኒልክ ሠራዊት ሥር ለማስገባት ለ6 ዓመታት በተካሄደው መጠነ ሰፊ ወረራ 100000 ኦሮሞዎች አልቀዋል። መስከረም 6 ቀን 1886 ለአንድ ቀን በተደረገው ጦርነት ብቻ 12,000 የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎች አልቀዋል።

6.የሐረርጌ ኦሮሞዎችም የምኒልክን ዝግጅትና ወረራ በዝምታ አልተመለከቱም። ለጦርነቱ ከተሰለፈው 4000 የሐረርጌ ኦሮሞ ውስጥ ጠብመንጃ የነበረው ከ1000 የሚበልጥ አልነበረም። በአጼ ምኒልክ በኩል ለውጊያው የወጣው 30,000 ሠራዊት ሲሆን ከዚያ ውስጥ እጅግ ዘመናዊ የሚባል የጦር መሣሪያ የታጠቀው አብዛኝው እጅ ነበር[Gadaa Melbaa, Khartoum, Sudan 1988]። በታህሣሥ ወር 1887 ከሰዓት በኋላ ላይ የጨለንቆው ውጊያ ተጀመረ፥ አጼ ምኒልክ በእጃቸው በገባው የአውሮፓ ነፍጥ እንደ ልባቸው በመጠቀም የኦሮሞና የሀረሪ ልጆችን በገፍ ፈጅተዋል። ይህ ጥቁር ቀን “ጨሊ ጨለንቆ” -የጨለንቆ ጭፍጨፋ/እልቂት በመባል አስከዛሬዋ ቀን ድረስ ይታወሳል። https://www.facebook.com/girma.gemeda/posts/10158319483199356

6. OromianEconomist - June 19, 2020

We will be filled with evidence. Menelik didn’t work again for the people of Wolaita, they know that they are slaves to the people of Wolayta. “የወጋ ብረሳ የተወጋ አይረሳም”

“Emperor Menelik didn’t work again for the people of wolaita, they know that they are a slave to their army. That denying is not going to be a history.” Mr. Paul Bogale (Ashamyeleh’s son of Mr. Bogale Walu) has answered this from Canada.

He has been writing a lot about Emperor Menelik and oppose him. 130 years ago, we should only learn good things from today. This generation is responsibility and responsibility for tomorrow’s economy, politics and social life.

But it is a message that is not a generation that is not a generation that doesn’t accept his own conscience and write others to make others happy. That’s also going to be sad.

In this current history of Emperor Menelik’s history, it has been opened. It is better to know that it is not by supporting love or hatred, it is better if it is not by being able to do it.

If we are not ready to accept history or not accept history, it will be a place where we should have history. It should not be a person or a person who has been written by the history of writers or mountains. They should be free judges. The identity of history is scientific.

If the writer wrote history, it is based on the truth, religion, religion or self for benefit or nature. It should not be a stone. It is to be a stone.

If some people have lost honesty, it is a true story to be a judge who doesn’t have any conscience.

Sorry let me go back to where I woke up. They said Emperor Menelik had declared a proclamation to stop a slave business. Others also say that they had been healed by slavery of the people of wolaytan.

The evidence of Menelik’s proclamation to stop the business of barya has given the book of Mr. Bogale Wale. The other will be told, ′′ they have taken the servants of wolaita, and have taken the servants of wolaita This opportunity my name has risen.

Which one of the two sayings is the truth? For the answer is in my father’s book. But both are done, unless it is a precedent.
The truth I know in my opinion is following. I will pay three of wolaitan’s barka.

A / pre-Menelik and wolayta war slave
A slave that followed Emperor Menelik’s invasion
I will pay for the slavery of the slavery after c / he has been done.

1 / before the war of wolayta and Emperor Menelik, it was a slave that was appointed by the king and slave.
It is wrong to say that this history process was done only on wolayta people.

Emperor Menelik was the main amount of economy or wealth of cattle and cattle. We are angry when we hear that today. But then we should be careful because the economic development of Ethiopia was the number of slavery.

The servant was kings who sold him in a pledge, and sold him in a pledge. And there were many cattle, which were before him, which were the kings of the kings who were before him, who had their possessions and their servants, which were before him.

There were kings who sold their own people and their servants who had war against Ethiopia, who had been sold out of Ethiopia. From these kings, aba jifar, who was before this action.

The countries that were sold out of Africa were sold out of slavery all over the world, they didn’t come to Africa with slavery. America didn’t come and take his servants and destroy them. All that was a slave. The Kings of Africa were selling their people for sale.

This is the truth of history that was held all over Ethiopia. In the time that English was held in Italy, the English was being held in slavery or comedy, English was sold in slavery.

2 / if there is anyone who says that the war between Emperor Menelik and wolayta people has not been taken by slavery or not knowing what he has done.

Six times, the famous army of Emperor Menelik is winning the famous army of Emperor Menelik, and he said that we are our warrior and Mohammed.

The war has started, even though the war has not finished the victory of Menelik, the weakness of wolaita army aba jifar has been released by the secret of king tona.

The King of tona went to gamo gofa and went to gamo gofa to the people of gamo, and he was taken to menelik with his horse, and he was taken to menelik.

Menelik has known that menelik has not been killed or killed or killed, before they were killed, the people of wolaita have been killed again. That denying is not going to be a history.

Because it was the time that adwa had been prepared to fight with Italy, the king of their army didn’t kill the robbery and afesa slave that was going to be done on wolayta people.

It is not to accept the truth, saying that the servant of wolayta was not taken by Menelik and their army. In those days a servant who was able to take the winner would have been butter. Then these were the losers wealth. The other army is a crime to kill its natural needs on women. This is still there.

Ethiopian Emperors And Slavery
January 31, 2012 by Hanibal Goitom
Slavery in the Ethiopian region is of “great antiquity.” (Pankhurst, 1964, p. 202.) Historical inscriptions going as far back as 1495 B.C. point to the subjugation of people from the Land of Punt into slavery. (Encyclopedia Aethiopica, p. 673.) There are also sources indicating the export of slaves from the Aksumite Kingdom (100–940 AD), a territory that included parts of modern day Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Slavery continued to be a “national custom” (Comyn-Platt, p. 152) in Ethiopia well into the early 20th century. (Pankhurst, 1968, p. 73.) So much so that even Ethiopian rulers, including those who did not approve of the institution, such as Emperor Menelik II (1889-1913) and Emperor Haile Selassie (Ethiopia’s regent, 1916-1930 and Emperor of Ethiopia, 1930-1974), are said to have owned slaves by the thousands. (Pankhurst, 1968, p. 75.) Some even personally took part in slave raids; the most notable case being that of Iyasu V (1913-1916) (AKA Lej Iyyasu) and his 1912 slave-raiding expedition (p. 32).

One of the first written laws to regulate slavery in the Ethiopian region was The Fetha Nagast (The Law of the Kings), a traditional law for Ethiopian Christians translated from 13th Century Arabic writings of a Coptic Egyptian writer, Abu-l Fada’il Ibn at- ‘Assal. (Goadby, p. 181; Pankhurst, 1968, p. 74.) Under the Fetha Nagast, one category of people that could legally be enslaved was prisoners of war (POWs). It declared

[[T]He State Of] Liberty Is In Accord With The Law Of Reason, For All Men Share Liberty On The Basis Of Natural Law. But War And The Strength Of Horses Bring Some To The Service Of Others, Because The Law Of War And Of Victory Makes The Vanquished Slaves Of The Victors.

It also provided for the enslavement of non-believers and the children of slaves.

A person did not have to have fought for the losing side of a war or be born to a certain class of people to end up a slave as there were additional bases for enslaving people. For instance, a woman who cohabited with or married a slave could be enslaved. Failure to pay one’s debts could result in “temporary slavery,” also known as debt bondage (Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, p. 679) (in those days one did not have the luxury of filing for bankruptcy protection). Slavery could also be imposed as a punishment for committing certain crimes, also known as “punitive enslavement.” Emperor Menilek’s 1899 decree mandating the enslavement of thieves and people who sold slaves in violation of his ban is a good example of this form of enslavement.

Slaves had a dual status under the Fetha Nagast. On the one hand, they were treated as property. Slaves could not own property of their own, serve as witnesses (although in practice this ban was often disregarded, particularly in murder cases), make wills (although they were allowed to do so with permission from their master), act as judges, hold other public offices, serve as guardians, or represent their masters in law suits. More importantly, they could be sold (with a notable exception: selling of a “believing slave to an unbeliever”) or rented – much like any other chattel. On the other hand, there were ways in which slaves (particularly Christian slaves) were treated as human beings. This is illustrated by the existence of an obligation of a slave owner to allow slaves to worship as well as bans on separating women slaves from their children; on selling siblings offered for sale at the same time to two different buyers; or on separating a slave from his wife or child.

The Fetha Nagast did mandate various instances in which slaves had to be freed. A slave could be emancipated:

If the slave had served two generations of a family (a retirement plan of sorts);
If a member of the master’s family became the godfather or godmother to the slave;
If the slave became a priest or a monk (of course, to do so the slave needed the master’s permission);
If the slave became a soldier;
If the slave had saved his master’s life;
If a pregnant slave was emancipated, her child would be born free;
If a slave had been taken prisoner during war but returned to his master of his own volition afterwards; and
If a slave-owner died leaving no heirs.
However, the lack of effective control of central governments over the vast parts of the Ethiopian region meant that the enforcement of provisions of the Fetha Nagast and other laws was limited. (Goadby, p. 180.) In addition, the fact that people in places of authority, such as judges and chiefs, were also slave owners who supported the institution made it difficult for slaves to assert their freedom.

Slavery in Ethiopia was abolished in 1942 by Emperor Haile Selassie. However, he was by no means a pioneer in the fight to end the institution. He admitted to this in his autobiography in which he credits his predecessors for their attempts to take on the institution of slavery. (Haille Sellassie, Vol. I, p. 80.)

Emperor Tewodros II (1855-1869) is said to have made the first attempt at ending slavery when, in 1854, right before his coronation, he outlawed the slave trade. (Zewde, p. 34; Pankhurst, 1968, p. 93) However, he did not try to completely abolish the institution of slavery, in large part because he believed that the deep roots of the practice in society made such an attempt impracticable. This was also the reason for his forming an exception to the ban on slave trading in which he allowed Christians to buy slaves if they did so for charity. During this period he is said to have tried to lead by example by making various gestures to discourage slavery, including buying slaves from Muslim traders and baptizing them and banning his soldiers from selling POWs. (Zewde, p. 34)

The 1854 ban on the slave trade had little effect and the slave trade continued to flourish. Upon the realization that this was in large part driven by the exception made to the ban on the slave trade, in 1862 the Emperor issued a decree banning the sale of any and all Christian slaves, the violation of which was subject to a gruesome penalty; a person caught trading Christian slaves would have his hand and foot amputated. (Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, p. 680.)

Yet another unsuccessful attempt at curbing the institution of slavery was made by Emperor Yohannes IV ( 1872-1889). He signed a treaty with Britain in 1884 that sought to put an end to slave trading including the importing and/or exporting of slaves in the region. In it, he also agreed to protect emancipated slaves. Although he is said to have made a genuine attempt to hold his end of the bargain, his actions could not effectively curb the slave trade and slave raids. (Pankhurst, 1968 p. 99.)

Emperor Menelik II was no different in his aversion to the institution of slavery, although he was not always consistent in his actions. In 1876 he issued a proclamation in which he prohibited Christians from buying and selling slaves in his territories and mandated that any Muslim caught traveling with slaves should be taken into custody and tried. (Pankhurst, 1968, p. 100.) This law was ineffective in part because Menelik himself violated its terms by, among other things, continuing to levy taxes from slave markets. Upon his ascent to the throne in 1889, he again issued a decree abolishing slavery. (Encyclopaedia Aethiopica 680.) However, he made an exception for POWs and he used this exception to enslave war captives by the thousands. As noted above, he also used slavery and enslavement as a tool for punishing certain criminals.

In my next post, I will highlight the fruitful attempts made to put an end to the institution of slavery in the 1920’s leading up to its complete abolition in 1942 with the enactment of the Slavery (Abolition) Proclamation of 1942. Stay tuned!

The following materials from the Library of Congress’s collection were used in preparing this post:

Richard Pankhurst, The Ethiopian Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century and Early Twentieth Centuries: a Statistical Inquiry, in IX Journal of Semitic Studies No. 1, 220-228 (Manchester University Press, Spring 1964);
Sir Thomas Comyn-Platt, The Abyssinian Storm (Jarrolds Limited, 1935);
Richard Pankhurst, Economic History of Ethiopia (Haile Selassie I University Press, 1968);
F.M. Goadby, The Law of Slavery in Abyssinia, in Journal of Comparative Legislation and International Law, 180-202 (Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ltd., 1933);
Encyclopaedia Aethiopica (Siegbert Uhliged ed., Harrassowitz, 2010);
Haile Selassie I, My life and Ethiopia’s Progress, 1892-1937 : The Autobiography of Emperor Haile Sellassie I (Edward Ullendorff, trans., Oxford University Press, 1976);
Bahru Zewde, A History of Modern Ethiopia, 1855-1991 (Addis Ababa University Press, 2nd ed., 2001); and
The Fetha Nagast (Paulos Tzadua, trans., Faculty of Law Haile Selassie I University, 1968) https://ayyaantuu.org/english/ethiopian-emperors-and-slavery/?fbclid=IwAR1QkA-gnPTpFZpOqRBvkOuHVYbUW4B173i1_9HZcoW1V5obH27Q_wbsIV0

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