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VICE: POST-COLONIAL COLONIALISM: The West Extorts Way More Money from Africa Than It Gives in Aid June 16, 2017

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Many decades after the official end of the western empires in Africa, the continent is still being sucked dry by a cartel made up of small local elites, multi-national companies and foreign governments. The money given to Africa to help its so-called “development” is referred to as “aid”, when in fact it should be seen as a form of reparations for a history of colonisation and ongoing domination that has left the African people almost as far from economic and social justice as they were when the European empires packed up and left in the years following the end of the Second World War.

POST-COLONIAL COLONIALISM
The West Extorts Way More Money from Africa Than It Gives in Aid

By OSCAR RICKETT, VICE, Jun 15 2017



We should be putting our western guilt to good use and pressuring government to regulate “investment” in the continent.


The world’s second-largest continent, Africa, is still defined in the western media in just two principle ways.

The more “woke” understanding of Africa is the idea of “Africa Rising”, which is defined by images of young people on bustling streets speaking on mobile phones. “Africa Rising” stories tend to focus on smart entrepreneurs doing something tech-related in massive urban centres like Lagos, Nairobi or Cape Town. They promote an image of the continent that is considered modern and future-focused. These stories are often, as the Kenyan journalist Parselelo Kantai once put it to me, “insidious little fictions manufactured by global corporate finance”.

The other main narrative is the more familiar one: hapless Africa, the tragic continent that can only continue to survive with the help of aid money provided to it by outsiders. This is the narrative of Live Aid and Bono, the story told to us immediately after news reports of famine and unrest in places that, we are made to believe, just can’t get by without western charity.

Given these two themes, it would seem unlikely that more money is taken out of the 47 countries that form what is commonly called “Sub-Saharan Africa” than is put back in. Yet, British and African campaign groups, including Global Justice Now, released a report this month which found that, in 2015, much more money was taken out of Africa in the form of illegal extraction of natural resources, tax avoidance and spiralling interest on debt repayments than was “given” to the continent in the form of aid and grants.

The report, entitled Honest Accounts 2017 , finds that the countries of Africa are “collectively net creditors to the rest of the world, to the tune of $41.3 billion [£32.2 billion] in 2015”.

Rather than Africa being a hapless continent dependent on the rest of the world, it is the exploited continent whose natural resources are enriching a local and global elite at the expense of the vast majority of its citizens, and whose governments can do little about the illegal syphoning of revenue into tax havens.

According to War on Want, 101 (mostly British) companies listed on the London Stock Exchange control an identified $1.05 trillion (£820 billion) worth of resources in Africa in just five commodities: oil, gold, diamonds, coal and platinum. Twenty-five of those companies are incorporated in tax havens.

While African countries receive around $19 billion (£14 billion) in aid in the form of grants, $68 billion (£53 billion) is taken out in capital flight. The main culprits are multinational corporations and corrupt officials with their large infrastructure of lawyers, bankers, accountants and financial advisors skilled in tax dodging.

The main device used is transfer pricing. By overpricing imports and under-pricing exports on customs documents, companies and individuals can move money to tax havens. This means that multi-national companies deliberately misreport the value of their imports or exports in order to reduce the tax they have to pay on them. Furthermore, these same companies repatriate $32 billion (£25 billion) in profits made in Africa to their home countries every year. Money made on the continent of Africa, then, is returned to enrich those outside of Africa.



The report goes on to say that African governments paid out $18 billion (£14 billion) in debt interest and principal payments in 2015. Though they received $32.8 billion (£25.6 billion) in loans, the overall level of debt is rising rapidly, and loans often lock African governments into even more debt: private lenders, the report notes, “are encouraged to act irresponsibly because when debt crises arise, the IMF, World Bank and other institutions lend more money, which enables the high interest to private lenders to be paid, whilst the debt keeps growing”. Ghana is losing 30 percent of its government revenue to debt repayments. Private lenders benefit, while ordinary Africans suffer.

Illegal logging, fishing and the trade in wildlife and plants are also hurting Africa, with an estimated $29 billion (£22.6 billion) a year being stolen from the continent through these practices. Climate change is hitting the continent particularly badly; though of course the extractive and industrial practices that led to climate change were a phenomenon of non-African countries.

As Bernard Adaba, policy analyst with ISODEC in Ghana, says: “‘Development’ is a lost cause in Africa while we are haemorrhaging billions every year to extractive industries, western tax havens and illegal logging and fishing. Some serious structural changes need to be made to promote economic policies that enable African countries to best serve the needs of their people rather than simply being cash cows for western corporations and governments.”

Many decades after the official end of the western empires in Africa, the continent is still being sucked dry by a cartel made up of small local elites, multi-national companies and foreign governments. The money given to Africa to help its so-called “development” is referred to as “aid”, when in fact it should be seen as a form of reparations for a history of colonisation and ongoing domination that has left the African people almost as far from economic and social justice as they were when the European empires packed up and left in the years following the end of the Second World War.

Recognising the troubling role western governments and companies play in the impoverishment of Africa could serve as a beginning to reverse this process. The Honest Accounts report proposes a number of steps that can be taken to help reverse the flow of money out of Africa, including putting less faith in the extractives industry, enabling transparent and responsible lending and regulating the investment that corporations bring in to African countries.

Tax havens are a key issue, one that was recognised in Labour’s election manifesto, which said that the “current global tax system is deeply unjust”. Jeremy Corbyn’s party promises to “act decisively on tax havens”, which play a key role in allowing vast sums of money to be taken out of Africa. The UK enablesthis wealth extraction to take place and sits at the head of a vast network of tax havens.

Finally, there is the need for more public recognition of what is going on. This is not about stoking up western guilt; it is about identifying the causes behind rising inequality in Africa and elsewhere, and about correcting a lazy media narrative that patronises and insults Africans while keeping everyone in a state of ignorance. The truth is this: Africa is still being plundered. It is time western governments and the western media stopped pretending otherwise.

 


 

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Double-digit propaganda, Ethiopia’s top 10 wealthiest people, and Ethiopia’s 87 million poor June 4, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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You will see in the news, and officials of the oppressive Ethiopian government will  smile convincingly when they tell you, that Ethiopia is thriving with a “double-digit” economic growth.Yet many experts and scholars will explain to you why this is triple-digit nonsense and quadruple-digit propaganda.

Read more from the original source: Double-digit propaganda, Ethiopia’s top 10 wealthiest people, and Ethiopia’s 87 million poor

WP: Ethiopia is facing a killer drought. But it’s going almost unnoticed. May 2, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in Famine in Ethiopia.
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On Thursday, the Ethiopian government increased its count of the number of people requiring emergency food aid from 5.6 million to 7.7 million, a move that aid agencies say was long overdue. The figure is expected to rise further as southeast Ethiopia confronts another fierce drought.


But with food crises erupting across the continent and the government’s budget strained by last year’s drought, the money isn’t there to fight it. There could eventually be as many people in Ethiopia needing emergency food assistance as in Somalia and South Sudan combined.

There have also been accusations that the government is playing down the severity of the crisis to keep the country from looking bad internationally. During the earlier drought, it was months before the government admitted there was a problem, in part because Ethiopia had gained a reputation as Africa’s rising star and didn’t want to go back to being associated with drought and famine.

The contrast is clear in the bustling capital, Addis Ababa, where rainy skies and a hive of construction projects make it feel thousands of miles away from any drought. While Pizza Hut restaurants are set to soon open in the capital, thousands of children in the arid southeast suffer from acute malnutrition, and cholera is ripping through the relief camps.


Ethiopia is facing a killer drought. But it’s going almost unnoticed.

World Food Program supplies are distributed in a village in Jijiga district, part of Ethiopia’s Somali region. (Michael Tewelde/World Food Program)

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — The announcement by the United Nations in March that 20 million people in four countries were teetering on the edge of famine stunned the world and rammed home the breadth of the humanitarian crisis faced by so many in 2017.

Yet even as donors struggle to meet the severe needs in the war-torn nations of Nigeria, South Sudan, Somalia and Yemen, another crisis, more environmental in nature, is taking place nearby — nearly unnoticed.

On Thursday, the Ethiopian government increased its count of the number of people requiring emergency food aid from 5.6 million to 7.7 million, a move that aid agencies say was long overdue. The figure is expected to rise further as southeast Ethiopia confronts another fierce drought.

But with food crises erupting across the continent and the government’s budget strained by last year’s drought, the money isn’t there to fight it. There could eventually be as many people in Ethiopia needing emergency food assistance as in Somalia and South Sudan combined.

 Ethiopia, long associated with a devastating famine in the 1980s, returned to the headlines last year when it was hit by severe drought in the highland region, affecting 10.2 million people. Food aid poured in, the government spent hundreds of millions of its own money, and famine was averted.

Now it’s the turn of the lowland region, particularly the area bordering Somalia, where a drought brought on by warming temperatures in the Indian Ocean has ravaged the flocks of the herders in the region and left people without food.

With their sheep and goats mostly dead, the nomads are clustered in camps surviving on aid from the government and international agencies — but that food is about to run out.

“This response capacity that is currently holding it at bay is about to be overwhelmed,” said Charlie Mason, humanitarian director of Save the Children, which is particularly active in Ethiopia’s impoverished Somali region. “We’ve spent all the money we’ve got, basically.”

With donors focused on Somalia across the border, little international aid has found its way to the Ethiopian areas hit by that drought. “I think it’s partly because there are other priorities, and they are not signaling loudly enough to donor offices,” Mason said.

According to a document detailing Ethiopian’s humanitarian needs that was drawn up in January by the government and aid agencies, Ethiopia needs nearly $1 billion to confront the crisis, more than half of which it still lacks. That figure also does not take into account the revised estimates in the numbers of people requiring aid.

 During last year’s drought, Ethiopia came up with more than $400 million of its own money to fight off famine, but this year, it has been able to commit only $47 million, probably because of an exhausted budget.

There have also been accusations that the government is playing down the severity of the crisis to keep the country from looking bad internationally. During the earlier drought, it was months before the government admitted there was a problem, in part because Ethiopia had gained a reputation as Africa’s rising star and didn’t want to go back to being associated with drought and famine.

The contrast is clear in the bustling capital, Addis Ababa, where rainy skies and a hive of construction projects make it feel thousands of miles away from any drought. While Pizza Hut restaurants are set to soon open in the capital, thousands of children in the arid southeast suffer from acute malnutrition, and cholera is ripping through the relief camps.

The United Nations World Food Program (WFP), which is working in Ethiopia’s drought-hit Somali region, has started cutting its food rations to 80 percent. It is short $121 million for its Ethiopia operation this year, and the money is expected to run out over the summer.

If no new money arrives, the rations could be cut to 420 calories for the whole day — the equivalent of a burger. The government’s food contribution will probably suffer a similar fate.

“It’s stretching the humanitarian community,” WFP regional spokeswoman Challiss McDonough said, referring to the string of crises in the Horn of Africa and elsewhere on the continent. “I don’t think of it as donor fatigue. Quite frankly, the donors have been extremely generous, continuing to be so — but they are overwhelmed.”

 There is also the fact that the Horn of Africa has been incredibly unlucky these past few years in terms of weather. Though famine was averted, many parts of the Ethiopian highlands are still recovering from the 2015-2016 drought, which was attributed to the El Niño ocean-warming phenomenon in the Pacific.

The U.N. World Meteorological Organization said Friday that there is a 50 percent to 60 percent chance that the Pacific will see another strong warming trend this year, which means Ethiopia’s highlands will be slammed again at a time when world resources are scarcer than ever.

“The droughts are coming more frequently and more often and they are worse — and that’s climate change. That’s very, very clear,” McDonough said. “You talk to any farmer how are the rains now compared to 20-30 years ago, they see a difference in their lifetimes, particularly the older ones.”

Even while they have one of the smallest carbon footprints on the globe, herders’ fragile existence in the arid climate of the Horn of Africa is probably the most threatened by climate change.

Adding to aid organizations’ concerns is a proposal by the Trump administration to slash U.S. contributions to international aid institutions, including the WFP. The U.S. government is the largest donor to the program. The proposed cuts, part of the president’s 2018 budget blueprint, are likely to face stiff opposition in Congress.


Paul Schemm is the Post’s overnight foreign editor based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, joining the paper in 2016. He previously worked for the Associated Press as North Africa chief correspondent based in Morocco and prior to that in Cairo as part of the Middle East regional bureau.

World Atlas: Countries With The Lowest Income In The World April 16, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics.
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Countries With  Very Low per Capita GNIs: Malwai, Burundi, Central African Republic, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Gambia, Madagascar, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, and Ethiopia are all struggling with extreme poverty. Within them, GNI per capita rates vary from 250 to 550 international dollars. This often becomes even more concerning when considering that income disparities often leave the general population in an even poorer state the already bad numbers would suggest. Collectively, these countries need strong economic reforms to begin to fight poverty and increase the welfare of their citizens and secure stronger standings on the global economic scene.

Countries With The Lowest Income In The World

These following countries have the smallest Gross National Income (GNI) per capita worldwide.


The Gross National Income, or GNI, represents the sum of a nation’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) plus any other net income received from overseas. Therefore, the gross national income measures both the domestic income of a country and the income it receives from abroad.The GNI per capita measures the average income earned by a person in a given country and is calculated by simply dividing the total GNI of the country by the total size of the population. Generally, GNI per capita is used to compare the state of wealth of a population and the standard of living in a country with those of other nations. GNI per capita is expressed in international dollars, and is based on Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), how far the money will go in buying commonly purchased goods in relation to that money’s ability to do the same elsewhere on the planet. When determining a country’s development status, GNI becomes an important economic factor. Taking into account all the considerations listed above, it becomes quite easy to understand why the countries with the smallest GNIs per capita tend to be developing countries which struggle with poor Infrastructure in terms of social welfare and economic development alike.

Malawi’s Economic Issues

According to World Bank data, the country with the smallest GNI per capita is Malawi, with 250 international dollars of income per person. Although the country enjoys a democratic and stable government, the economy continues to operate within a poor fiscal environment, characterized by the country’s high debt levels. The social environment is characterized by a proliferation of inequality and poverty, with over a half of the population being considered as poor, and one-quarter of it living in extreme poverty. The low agricultural productivity is one of the main obstacles in reducing the poverty, further worsened by increasing erratic weather patterns.

Post-Conflict Poverty in Burundi

Burundi, with a GNI of 270 international dollars, is the country with the second smallest GNI per capita. Even if the country is in the process of transitioning from a post-conflict economy to a stable, peacetime economy, poverty remains at troublingly high levels. The country is focusing on developing its basic social services, modernizing the public finance sector, and upgrading institutions and infrastructure across the board. Though it possesses a modernized industrial establishment, it above all relies on the agricultural sector, energy production, and mining for the majority of its revenues. The growing economy will increasingly offer more employment opportunities, and hopefully improvements in the standard of living will be quick to follow.

Underdeveloped Resources in the Central African Republic

The Central African Republic has the third-smallest GNI per capita value (330 international dollars). While it’s true that the country has recently been devastated by a political crisis, the Central African Republic was among the countries with the highest poverty rates well before the recent tumultuous events. The country possesses abundant natural resources but, unfortunately, they are generally very underdeveloped. Subsistence agriculture represents almost one-third of the gross domestic product. Exports of diamonds and wood, while relatively significant domestically, have clearly not been enough to raise the economy to the level of a major global power.

Liberia’s Epidemic

Liberia’s economy was gravely affected by the Ebola crisis that swept Africa for much of the new millennium. Indeed, the outbreak essentially reversed many of the important gains the country has made in the fights against political and economic insecurity and poverty. The quarantines implemented due to the Ebola epidemic affected the production and exports of rubber as workers were restricted in their daily travels, and contamination from African goods became a global concern. The weak business environment constrains the growth of manufacturing industries, and most of the important sectors suffered production disruptions due to the epidemic. The economy of Liberia definitely needs effective implementation of an economic recovery plan

Other Countries With Low per Capita GNIs

Besides these countries, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Gambia, Madagascar, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, and Ethiopia are all struggling with extreme poverty as well. Within them, GNI per capita rates vary from 380 to 550 international dollars. This often becomes even more concerning when considering that income disparities often leave the general population in an even poorer state the already bad numbers would suggest. Collectively, these countries need strong economic reforms to begin to fight poverty and increase the welfare of their citizens and secure stronger standings on the global economic scene.

Gross National Income (GNI) per Capita

Rank Country GNI Per Capita (USD)
1 Malawi $250
2 Burundi $270
3 Central African Republic $320
4 Liberia $370
5 Congo, Dem. Rep. $380
6 Niger $410
7 Madagascar $440
8 Guinea $470
9 Ethiopia $550
10 Guinea-Bissau $550
11 Togo $570
12 Mozambique $600
13 Mali $650
14 Uganda $670
15 Afghanistan $680
16 Burkina Faso $700
17 Rwanda $700
18 Sierra Leone $700
19 Nepal $730
20 Comoros $790
21 Haiti $820
22 Zimbabwe $840
23 Benin $890
24 Tanzania $920
25 South Sudan $970

Oxfam: Africa: Ethiopia: The 2016 Multidimensional Poverty Index June 4, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Odaa Oromoo

In terms of MPI measurement, Ethiopia’s 87.3% of the population are  identified as  MPI poor, by far higher than Africa’s average (54%) and East Africa’s average (70%).

MPI Country Briefing 2016, Ethiopia

Global-MPI-2016-2-pager


The 2016 Multi-Dimensional Poverty Index was published on 3rd June 2016. It now covers 102 countries in total, including 75 per cent of the world’s population, or 5.2 billion people. Of this proportion, 30 per cent of people (1.6 billion) are identified as multidimensionally poor.

The Global MPI has 3 dimensions and 10 indicators (for details see here and the graphic, right). A person is identified as multidimensionally poor (or ‘MPI poor’) if they are deprived in at least one third of the dimensions. The MPI is calculated by multiplying the incidence of poverty (the percentage of people identified as MPI poor) by the average intensity of poverty across the poor. So it reflects both the share of people in poverty and the degree to which they are deprived.

Global MPI 2016, 10 indicators

The MPI increasingly digs down below national level, giving separate results for 962 sub-national regions, which range from having 0% to 100% of people poor (see African map, below). It is also disaggregated by rural-urban areas for nearly all countries as well as by age.

Headlines from the MPI 2016:

  • There are 50% more MPI poor people in the countries analysed than there are income poor people using the $1.90/day poverty line.
  • Almost one third of MPI poor people live in Sub-Saharan Africa (32.%); 53% in South Asia, and 9% in East Asia.
  • As with income poverty, three quarters of MPI poor people live in Middle Income Countries.

This year’s MPI focuses on Africa:

  • In the 46 African countries analysed, 544 million people (54% of total population) endure multidimensional poverty, compared to 388 million poor people according to the $1.90/day measures.
  • The differences between the proportion of $1.90 and MPI poor people are greatest in East and West Africa. By the $1.90/day poverty line, 48% in West Africa and 33% in East Africa are poor, whereas by the MPI, 70% of people in East Africa are MPI poor and 59% in West Africa. The MPI thus reveals a hidden face of poverty that may be overlooked if we consider only its income aspects.
  • Global MPI 2016, Africa
  • Among 35 African countries where changes to poverty over time were analysed, 30 of them have reduced poverty significantly. Rwanda was the standout star, but every MPI indicator was significantly reduced in Burkina Faso, Comoros, Gabon and Mozambique as well.
  • Disaggregated MPI results are available for 475 sub-national regions in 41 African countries. The poorest region continues to be Salamat in Chad, followed by Est in Burkina Faso and Hadjer Iamis in Chad. The region with the highest percentage of MPI poor people is Warap, in South Sudan, where 99% of its inhabitants are considered multidimensionally poor. The least poor sub-national regions include Grand Casablanca in Morocco and New Valley in Egypt, with less than 1% of the population living in multidimensional poverty.
  • The MPI registered impressive reductions in some unexpected places. 19 sub-national regions – regional ‘runaway’ successes – have reduced poverty even faster than Rwanda. The fastest MPI reduction was found in Likouala in the Republic of the Congo.
  • The Sahel and Sudanian Savanna Belt contains most of the world’s poorest sub-regions, showing the interaction between poverty and harsh environmental conditions.
  • Poverty looks very different in different parts of the continent. While in East Africa deprivations related to living standards contribute most to poverty, in West Africa child mortality and education are the biggest problems.
  • The deprivations affecting the highest share of MPI poor people in Africa are cooking fuel, electricity and sanitation.
  • The number of poor people went down in only 12 countries. In 18 countries, although the incidence of MPI fell, population growth led to an overall rise in the number of poor people.

See here for my post on the MPI 2014. I’d be interested in your reflections on what MPI adds to the usual $ per day metrics, in terms of our understanding of development.


http://oxfamblogs.org/fp2p/the-2016-multidimensional-poverty-index-was-launched-yesterday-what-does-it-say/

http://www.dataforall.org/dashboard/ophi/index.php/mpi/country_briefings


 

UNDP: Multidimensional Poverty Index: Ethiopia has the second highest percentage of people who are MPI poor in the world: of Ten Poorest Countries in The World (All in #Africa) – MPI 2015 Ranking April 10, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, African Poor, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Ethiopia the least competitive in the Global Competitiveness Index, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Free development vs authoritarian model, Growth and Inequqlity, Poverty, The extents and dimensions of poverty in Ethiopia, Uncategorized.
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Odaa Oromoo

Multidimensional Poverty Index: Ethiopia has the second highest percentage of people who are MPI poor in the world: of Ten Poorest Countries in The World (All in #Africa) – MPI 2015 Ranking

According to UNDP Ethiopia is the second poorest country in the world


 

population in multidimensional povertyEthiopia, who servives in trashAfrica is still struggling with poverty


 

‘Human development is a process of enlarging people’s choices—as they acquire more capabilities and enjoy more opportunities to use those capabilities. But human development is also the objective, so it is both a process and an outcome. Human development implies that people must influence the process that shapes their lives. In all this, economic growth is an important means to human development, but not the goal. Human development is development of the people through building human capabilities, for the people by improving their lives and by the people through active participation in the processes that shape their lives. It is broader than other approaches, such as the human resource approach, the basic needs approach and the human welfare approach.’ -UNDP 2015 Report

 


Ethiopia’s HDI value for 2014 is 0.442— which put the country in the low human development category— positioning it at 174 out of 188 countries and territories.

In Ethiopia 88.2 percent of the population (78,887 thousand people) are multidimensionally poor while an additional 6.7 percent live near multidimensional poverty (6,016 thousand people). The breadth of deprivation (intensity) in Ethiopia, which is the average of deprivation scores experienced by people in multidimensional poverty, is 60.9 percent. The MPI, which is the share of the population that is multidimensionally poor, adjusted by the intensity of the deprivations, is 0.537. Rwanda and Uganda have MPIs of 0.352 and 0.359 respectively. Ethiopia, UNDP country notes

 


 

(Sunday Adelaja’s Blog) — When Poverty and non-existent double digit growth met face-to-Face at a dumpster site called KORA in Ethiopia. As we speak, thousands of people in Addis Ababa survive from the leftover “food” dumped in such dumpsters. People, in fact, used to call them “Dumpster Dieters”. They are either the byproducts or victims of the cooked economic figures. You be the judge!

Yet the new measurement known as the Multidimensional Poverty Index, or MPI, that will replace the Human Poverty index in the United Nations’ annual Human Development Report says that Ethiopia has the second highest percentage of people who are MPI poor in the world, with only the west African nation of Niger fairing worse. You probably heard that Ethiopia has been a fast growing economy in the content recording very high growth rate not just in Africa but the world as well.

This comes as more international analysts have also began to question the accuracy of the Meles government’s double digit economic growth claims and similar disputed government statistics referred by institutions like the IMF. The list starts with the poorest.

  1. Niger
  2. Ethiopia
  3. Mali
  4. Burkina Faso
  5. Burundi
  6. Somalia
  7. Central African Republic
  8. Liberia
  9. Guinea
  10. Sierra Leone

What is the MPI?

People living in poverty are affected by more than just income. The Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) complements a traditional focus on income to reflect the deprivations that a poor person faces all at once with respect to education, health and living standard. It assesses poverty at the individual level, with poor persons being those who are multiply deprived, and the extent of their poverty being measured by therange of their deprivations.

 

Why is the MPI useful?

According to the UNDP report, the MPI is a high resolution lens on poverty – it shows the nature of poverty better than income alone. Knowing not just who is poor but how they are poor is essential for effective humandevelopment programs and policies. This straightforward yet rigorous index allows governments and other policymakers to understand the various sources of poverty for a region, population group, or nation and target their humandevelopment plans accordingly. The index can also be used to show shifts in the composition of poverty over time so that progress, or the lack of it, can be monitored.

The MPI goes beyond previous international measures of poverty to:

  • Show all the deprivations that impact someone’s life at the same time – so it can inform a holistic response.

  • Identify the poorest people. Such information is vital to target people living in poverty so they benefit from key interventions.

  • Show which deprivations are most common in different regions and among different groups, so that resources can be allocated and policies designed to address their particular needs.

  • Reflect the results of effective policy interventions quickly. Because the MPI measures outcomes directly, it will immediately reflect changes such as school enrolment, whereas it can take time for this to affect income.

Ethiopia: The failed State’s Collapsing Economy April 8, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Free development vs authoritarian model.
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Odaa OromooThe TPLF Corruption network

Ethiopia: Double Digit Growth or Collapsing Economy?

Analysis by  Andualem Sisay,  All Africa, 8 April 2016


 

Ethiopian government’s increasing reliance on foreign loans is posing a serious risk of economic collapse, a renowned economist has revealed.

“Take for instance China, which has loaned over $17 billion to the Ethiopian government for infrastructure projects. Our total investment is 40 per cent of the GDP. Our saving is between 10-20 per cent of the GDP.

“We import $13 billion and export $3 billion. They are the ones who are filling all these deficit gaps,” said Dr Alemayehu Geda.

The Addis Ababa and London universities don was presenting his paper on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Ethiopia and Credit Financing.

“What will happen if they stopped such financing tomorrow? What if, for instance, the Chinese government tomorrow says sell for me Ethio Telecom or sell to me Ethiopian Airlines or give me some share or buy my aeroplanes, or I will stop such credit financing?

Strategic items

“The country will collapse, I guarantee you,” he said.

Dr Alemayehu went on: “About 77 per cent of our imports are strategic items. Fuel only has 25 per cent share of the total import. As a result, even if we want to reduce these imports, we can’t. Ethiopia needs to minimise strategic vulnerability.”

The don elaborated giving the example of how the Koreans mitigated against such dependency risks when they used to source 75 per cent of their imports from the US some decades ago.

Dr Alemayehu presented his paper in Addis Ababa at the launch of a two-year 12 series of public dialogue by the Forum for Social Studies – a local civil society, partially financed by the UK’s Department for International Development (DfID).

 

“The Koreans came out of such vulnerability risk after analysing their situation properly, discussing the issue with their intellectuals and setting long term plans,” he said, advising the Ethiopian government to invest in quality education, skilled labour and improve the negotiations capacity as well as have in place a well-designed policy.

Last decade

Official estimates have shown the Ethiopian economy growing by double digits annually for about a decade now, a figure that has highly been doubted by independent scholars.

The Addis government has been applauded for growing the country’s GDP by around 10 per cent per year for the last decade.

In his paper, Dr Alemayehu indicated that Ethiopia’s external loan included $17.6 billion from China for various infrastructure developments, around $3 billion from Turkish and close to $1 billion from Indian governments.

The World Bank’s data shows that from 2012 – 2016, Ethiopia has taken a total loan of close to $6 billion from the global lender. Last year, Ethiopia for the first time, joined Euro Bond and accessed $1.5 billion.

In addition to loans, reports show that some $3 billion annually came to the country in the form of aid from donors.

Have declined

Ethiopia’s exports have declined from around $3 billion last year to around $2.5 billion this year, as revealed in the recent six-month report of the prime minister to the parliament.

Even though tax collection has been growing by an average of 20 per cent annually over the past five years, Ethiopia’s tax to GDP ratio still stands at 13 per cent, which is less than the around 16 per cent of the sub-Saharan average.

Last year, Ethiopia collected around $6 billion from tax, including $25 million recovered from contraband traders. The figure could have been raised by at least $3 billion had it not been for the generous tax incentives the country has provided to investors, according to latest report of the Ethiopian Revenue and Customs Authority (ERCA).

In only nine months of Ethiopia’s last budget (July 8, 2014 – July 7, 2015), the country provided tax incentives of around $2.4 billion to investors, by exempting them from customs and excise duties and withholding, VAT and surtaxes, according to ERCA’s report.

Financial integrity

A financial integrity report last December indicated that around $2 billion was leaving Ethiopia every year through mis-invoicing and other tax frauds.

When it comes to the FDI coming from China, India and Turkey, close to 71 per cent of their investments in Ethiopia were in the manufacturing sector.

However, job creation, technology transfer and export contribution were insignificant for Ethiopia, which has over an 90 million population dominated by the youth. The country has about 16 per cent unemployment rate, according to Dr Alemayehu.

Between 2003-2012, there were 93 Chinese companies that had reportedly invested $600 million, creating around 69,000 permanent and 79,000 temporary jobs for Ethiopians. There was little contribution to technology transfer and foreign currency generation through the exportation of their products.

According to Dr Alemayehu’s paper, during the same period, Indian investments in Ethiopia created 24,000 and 26,000 permanent and temporary jobs respectively, while 341 Turkish companies operating in Ethiopia created a total of 50,000 jobs.

Though much was being talked about Chinese investments growing in Africa, the Asian giant had less than 4 per cent of total share of FDI on the continent, out of the total stock of $554 billion worth in 2010. Most of the investments in Africa were still dominated by the Western companies, according to Dr Alemayehu.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn recently told the local media that Ethiopia’s GDP growth was not expected to record a double digit this year and would likely drop to around 7 per cent.

However, his special economic adviser with a ministerial docket, Dr Arkebe Equbay, reportedly told Bloomberg media that the economy was expected to grow by 11 per cent this year.

Foreign debts

The government was now expected to deal with puzzles such as why the economic performance was not as good as in the previous years, with all the generous incentives to investors and huge infrastructure investments mainly dependent on local and external loans?

How to repay its local and foreign debts before the lenders force the government to cede shares in its highly protected businesses, such as, Ethio Telecom, Ethiopian Airlines, the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Insurance Corporation and Ethiopian Shipping Lines is, for sure, the elephant in the room.

But the big question is: How soon will these issues get the attention of a government pre-occupied with trying to feed about a dozen million people affected by drought and dealing with political unrest and conflicts mainly in Oromia and Gondar area of Amhara Region?


 

http://allafrica.com/stories/201604080259.html

IRIN: Alarm bells are ringing for a food emergency in Ethiopia. The UN says 15 million people will need help over the coming months. The government, wary of stigma and therefore hesitant to ask for help November 19, 2015

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???????????Ethiopia in 2015, catatrphic famine, over 15 million people affected

 

HOW BAD IS THE DROUGHT IN ETHIOPIA?

IRIN  humanitarian news and Analysis

19 November 2015

Alarm bells are ringing for a food emergency in Ethiopia. The UN says 15 million people will need help over the coming months. The government, wary of stigma and therefore hesitant to ask for help, has nevertheless said more than eight million Ethiopians need food assistance. Extra imports to stem the crisis are already pegged at more than a million tonnes of grain, beyond the government’s means. Inevitably, comment and media coverage compare the current situation with 1984 – the year Ethiopia’s notorious famine hit the headlines. Reports suggest this is the worst drought in 30 years. One declares it a“code red” drought. So how bad actually is it?

The country of close to 100 million people is huge, spread over an area of more than a million square kilometres that ranges from semi-desert to swamp to mountain ranges and fertile farmland. The weather systems and agricultural patterns are diverse and complex. Even within the higher-altitude areas of the country, the most densely populated, the typical rainy seasons vary and crops are grown at different times of the year. This year, the weather has been prone to even greater variation due to the global climate phenomenon El Niño, last seen in 1997-1998.

Ethiopia produces more than 90 percent of its own food. Last year, the cereal harvest was estimated to be 23 million tonnes, but imports in recent years averaged 1.2 million tonnes – just five percent of that. So even if 2015 and 2016 are bad years (the impact of a poor harvest is felt months later as food stocks run out), the vast majority of Ethiopian people will support themselves and eat produce from their own country. But in a giant like Ethiopia, 15 percent of the population is 15 million people – more than the entire humanitarian caseload of the Syrian crisis. An extra five percent of cereals is another 1.2 million tonnes.The costs and logistics become formidable at this scale.

WEATHER

The weather is only one part of the equation in whether people go hungry. Politics, economics, the availability of seeds and fertiliser, conflict, trade and labour markets, population pressure, social habits, and a host of other factors matter too.

While the science and sociology of food security is complex and layered, international agencies working on drought and hunger-prone countries, including Ethiopia, use a scheme called the Integrated Food Security and Humanitarian Phase Classification Framework (IPC) to simplify the mass of underlying data into a five-step scale – from minimal food security pressure to famine. Some parts of northern Ethiopia are already flagged as being in “Phase 4”, one step from the worst category. More are expected to follow, unless sufficient resources can halt the slide.

Even getting a single view of one year’s weather, let alone human interaction with it, is no simple matter.

For more than 30 years, meteorologists have gathered a giant archive of satellite data for Ethiopia. US satellites, in particular METOP-AVHRR, churn out petabytes of data. Triangulating that with other sources, including ground-based measurement, farm assessments, nutrition, and price monitoring provides a rich toolkit to estimate vegetation, rainfall, soil moisture and temperature – ultimately giving an idea of food on the table.

Considering all the variables, the drought and famine watchdog FEWS NET, established in the wake of the 1984 famine, has used direct, but not alarmist, language to describe the prospects: its latest report for Ethiopia is titled “Large-scale food security emergency projected for 2016”. The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, meanwhile, warned: “food security conditions sharply deteriorated.”

Political sensitivity, donor pressures, logistics, media distortion, inefficiency and scepticism may yet conspire to tip more Ethiopians into “Phase 4.” Even in the best-case scenario, the financial resources will be hard to find – $270m is still needed for 2015 alone, according to UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA, and needs are set to rise sharply (the US, the UK and China have pledged relatively early to the response, according to the government).

To illustrate the complexity of weather patterns in Ethiopia and attempt to demonstrate a link with El Niño, IRIN analysed 30 years of satellite imagery to provide some visual evidence of the complex and erratic picture of weather in the Horn of Africa. Read more in the following link

http://newirin.irinnews.org/dataviz/2015/11/19/how-bad-is-the-drought-in-ethiopia

Drought, food crisis and Famine in Ethiopia 2015: Children and adults are dying of lack of food, water and malnutrition. Animals are perishing of persisting drought. The worst Affected areas are: Eastern and Southern Oromia, Afar, Ogaden and Southern nations. #Africa #Oromia August 14, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Famine in Ethiopia, Malnutrition, Micronutrient deficiency in Oromia, The State of Food Insecurity in Ethiopia.
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???????????

Due to lack of rain, food crisis and famine people are dying in Ethiopia. Mainstream medias are not reporting. In the absence of free press, the TPLF/ Ethiopian government is hiding the tragedy going on. Children, women and men are dying in rural areas of  Eastern and Southern Oromia, Afar state, Ogaden and southern nations. Animals are being perished due to persistent drought. The TPLF/Ethiopian government has also engaged in intensive land grabs and evictions in unaffected (food surplus) areas and intensified the destructions of food security system. In central Oromia (Burrayyuu, Sululta, Bishoftu, etc) and Western Oromia (Ilu Abbaa boraa and Wallaggaa) families in thousands become homeless and destitute because of land grabs both in urban and rural areas. Citizens  are reporting the crisis and crying for help and no help is received yet both from the government and international humanitarian aid.  Social media and Oromia Media network are reporting in Afaan Oromoo.

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2015/08/omn-oduu-hagayya-13-2015/

NBC Nightly News   |  August 14, 2015

Food crisis in Ethiopia

Aug. 5: Hunger is once again threatening vast swathes of Africa because of drought and high food prices. The United Nations has estimated that 14 million are at risk and at the heart of the looming catastrophe is Ethiopia, where over 10 million are in need of emergency food aid.  ITN’s Martin Geissler reports.

http://www.nbcnews.com/video/nightly-news/26041485#26041485

Drought, food crisis and famine in Afar state (North East Ethiopia) captured through social media, August 2015

Is this famine Ethiopia or fastest economic growth? Beela moo misooma?

Drought, food crisis and famine in Afar state captured through social media, August 2015Drought, food crisis and famine in Afar state captured through social media1, August 2015

The following pictures are drought, food crisis and famine in Eastern Oromia captured through social media, August 2015

People are dying of famine in Ethiopia, Hararghe including children, mothers and adults July, August 2015 during Obama Africa visitPeople are dying of famine in Ethiopia, Hararghe including children, mothers and adults July, August 2015 during Obama Africa visit1People are dying of famine in Ethiopia, Hararghe including children, mothers and adults July, August 2015 during Obama Africa visit4

Land grabs and evictions in Oromia

TPLF Ethiopian forces destroyed Oromo houses in Ada'a district, Central Oromia, July 2015Tigrean Neftengna's land grabbing and the Addis Ababa Master plan for Oormo genocide

The tale of two countries (Obama’s/TPLF’s Ethiopia and Real Ethiopia): The Oromo (Children, Women and elders) are dying of genocidal mass killings and politically caused famine, but Obama has been told only rosy stories and shown rosy pictures. #Africa #Oromia

http://paper.li/UNICEFEthiopia/1381134230?edition_id=be3b1460-39a8-11e5-a22c-0cc47a0d164b

Reinventing the current growth model: The need to rework the current economic system to serve all of humanity rather than an elite few August 4, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Growth and Inequqlity.
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???????????Trickle down economicsA shocking investigative journey into the way the resource trade wreaks havoc on Africa, ‘The Looting Machine’ explores the dark underbelly of the global economy.

 

 

Although the grievances voiced differed from country to country and from region to region, the belief that the incumbent economic and political system was characterised by inequity and injustice was common to all.

If we are to avoid large-scale societal upheavals in this ultra-connected world, government, business and civil society must come together to rework the current economic system to serve all of humanity rather than just an elite few.

– Fergus Simpson, The Guardian

 

 

Widening inequality gap proof of outdated growth model

We need to rework the current economic system to serve all of humanity rather than an elite few, writes Xyntéo’s Fergus Simpson

 

January saw leading figures from business, government and civil society gather at the World Economic Forum in Davos. A broad spectrum of subjects were debated, including the prospect of a legally binding climate change agreement in Paris this December, Ebola and the nefarious advance of the Islamic State in Mesopotamia. I was particularly encouraged to see one topic keep cropping up – the crisis of burgeoning disparities in wealth.

In a report released in the runup to Davos, Oxfam predicted that within two years the richest 1% of people will have accumulated more wealth than the remaining 99%. The same study found that the wealth of the richest 80 billionaires has continued to increase since 2010, while the wealth of the poorest half has decreased over the same time period. The gap between the haves and the have-nots is growing.

History has taught us that there are moments when people rise up to make a point and say that enough is enough and times must change.

On 25 January 2011, the world witnessed one such moment – pro-democracy protesters occupied Tahrir square in Egypt’s capital, Cairo, demanding self-determination, equality of opportunity and freedom from the shackles of tyranny and oppression. Some 17 long days of demonstrations and civil disobedience followed, bringing the moribund autocracy of longtime Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak to an end.

This event formed part of a much broader social movement that swept across North Africa and the Middle East, toppling sclerotic regimes and corrupt dictators. Before long people in Spain, Greece, the UK and US took to the streets as well. Although the grievances voiced differed from country to country and from region to region, the belief that the incumbent economic and political system was characterised by inequity and injustice was common to all.

And it isn’t just the poor who have been affected – the middle classes have also borne the burden of mushrooming inequalities. Companies have tended to become more productive since the 1970s, but the incomes of middle class workers have remained largely static. Returns from higher productivity have tended to go to owners and investors, not to the workers.

In many ways, inequality has become the defining issue of our time. The popular uprisings that shook the Arab world at the start of this decade were just symptoms of this most elemental of societal ills.

Fortunately, there is no reason to suppose this state of affairs is inevitable.

A promising step forward was announced at Davos, when Ajay Banga, CEO of GLTE partner MasterCard, and Donald Kaberuka, president of the African Development Bank, revealed that they intend to collaborate to foster inclusive growth in Africa.

The MasterCard Labs for Financial Inclusion, funded by an $11m (£7.24m) grant from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, aims to enable more people to access banking services – generating greater equality of opportunity across the world, in developed and developing countries alike. The initiative will soon begin operations in Nairobi, Kenya, and aims to reach over 100 million people globally.

Technological advancements can support the implementation of projects designed to promote inclusive growth, such as the MasterCard Labs for Financial Inclusion. Digital innovations in payment systems and social media, for example, have enabled people to access markets, ideas and information to an extent that is unprecedented in human history.

Indeed, it has been said that the Egyptian revolution started when Whael Ghonim, a marketing executive at Google, saw the bloodied remains of Khaled Mohamed Said – a young man bludgeoned to death by the Egyptian police – pictured on Facebook. Incensed by the injustice that confronted him, Whael created the Facebook page “Kullena Khaled Said” – “We Are All Khaled Said”. Three months later 250,000 people had joined the page. Just one year later the Mubarak regime was no more.

If we are to avoid large-scale societal upheavals in this ultra-connected world, government, business and civil society must come together to rework the current economic system to serve all of humanity rather than just an elite few.

At Xyntéo, we are convinced that the current growth model has become out of date – incapable of meeting the demographic, climate and resource demands of today. Together with our partners, we believe that global business, with its clout, resources and energy, is uniquely placed to overcome this challenge. To us this means reinventing the current growth model so it brings prosperity to much larger numbers of people.

Fergus Simpson is project coordinator at Xyntéo

Read more at source:-

http://www.theguardian.com/sustainable-business/xynteo-partner-zone/2015/feb/04/widening-inequality-gap-proof-of-outdated-growth-model

Ethiopia’s Economy: Time for the West to Call a Spade a Spade June 11, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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???????????Ethiopia is the one of the lowest in social Progress 2015AUTHORITARIAN OVER SPEECH

From Where I Sit...

Dounle digit EthiopiaThe western media and its sponsors have gone to great lengths to present Ethiopia as a democratic nation whose economy is growing by “double digits”. The suffering Ethiopian people know better but have been muffled and prevented from expressing their aspirations and dreams by a minority mercenary regime. Over the last decade, Ethiopia has been hailed as the “fastest growing non-oil economies” in Africa, maintaining a double-digit annual economic growth rate. Ethiopia’s Gross Domestic Product may have grown (court is still out on that) but according to Simon Kuznets, “the welfare of a nation can scarcely be inferred from a measure of national income.” The measure was never intended as much more than a useful accounting device.

Reports on Ethiopia’s GDP say:

  • “…For the past 10 years, the country has registered an average 10.9 real GDP (Gross Domestic Product) growth rate and this trend has shown us that the country…

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Solar power to the people: Rap-artist Akon smacks that kerosene out of #Africa, with solar academy June 6, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, African Poor, Energy Economics.
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???????????solar energy

“Politics is at the heart of Africa’s energy crisis. The continent’s power utilities are notoriously inefficient. This is partly down to mispricing and underinvestment. But it’s also because utilities are vehicles for political patronage and, in some cases, institutionalised theft.” “The sheer scale of Africa’s energy deficit often fuels a sense of fatalism and paralysis. Yet on the flipside of this crisis are enormous opportunities. Sub-Saharan Africa has some of the world’s most abundant and least exploited renewable energy sources, especially solar power. With the price of solar panels plunging, there are opportunities for firms and governments to connect millions of poor households to affordable small-scale, off-grid systems. This would help the poorest most.” The Guardian, 5 June, 2015.

Rap-artist Akon smacks that kerosene out of Africa, with solar academy

If you haven’t heard any of Akon’s music such as his hit Smack That, you may missed the pun in the headline, and you may have also done yourself a service (depending on your music taste). However, it is outside of music that Akon is really helping humanity. Having already set up his Lighting Africa initiative, Akon, 42, is now setting up a solar academy in Mali, and will enlist the assistance of European solar technicians and experts to supply training programs, equipment and guidance. Solektra International is to partner on the project. The solar academy will teach students how to install and maintain solar powered electricity systems and microgrids. “We have the sun and innovative technologies to bring electricity to homes and communities,” said Akon Lighting Africa co-founder Samba Baithily. “We now need to consolidate African expertise.” “We expect the Africans who graduate from this center to devise new, innovative, technical solutions,” added Niang. “With this academy, we can capitalize on Akon Lighting Africa and go further.” Akon’s Lighting Africa scheme is present in 14 African countries and continues to expand in an effort to help subsidise the cost of installing solar on households who want to switch from the polluting kerosine lamps (which are currently used by almost 250 million people in Africa without electricity), to solar energy. Read more at: http://reneweconomy.com.au/2015/rap-artist-akon-smacks-that-kerosene-out-of-africa-with-solar-academy-85077

Solar power to the people: how the sun can ease Africa’s electricity crisis

, The Guardian,  5 June 2015

    The scale of the continent’s energy deficit often fuels a sense of fatalism and paralysis. Yet on the flipside of this crisis are enormous opportunities
Solar power in Guinea-Bissau
A solar panel on a roof in Guinea-Bissau. Sub-Saharan Africa has some of the world’s most abundant and least exploited renewable energy sources, especially solar power. Photograph: WestEnd61/Rex
“We shall make electric light so cheap that only the wealthy can afford to burn candles,” said Thomas Edison, inventor of the modern lightbulb. That was almost a century and a half ago. Today in Africa, 621 million people – two-thirds of the population – live without electricity. And the numbers are rising. A kettle boiled twice a day in the UK uses five times as much electricity as someone in Mali uses in a year. Nigeria is one of the world’s biggest oil exporters but 93 million residents depend on firewood and charcoal for heat and light. On current trends, there is no chance Africa will hit the global target of energy for all by 2030.

Sudanese refugees stand around solar stoves during a training session in Iridimi camp, north-eastern Chad
Sudanese refugees stand around solar stoves during a training session in Iridimi camp, north-eastern Chad. Photograph: Corbis

Unlike droughts, health epidemics and illiteracy, Africa’s energy crisis seldom makes the headlines. Yet the social, economic and human costs are devastating. Inadequate and unreliable electricity undermines investment. Power shortages cut economic growth by 2-4% annually. The toxic fumes released by burning firewood and dung kill 600,000 people a year – half of them children. Health clinics are unable to refrigerate life-saving vaccines and children are denied the light they need to study. Politics is at the heart of Africa’s energy crisis. The continent’s power utilities are notoriously inefficient. This is partly down to mispricing and underinvestment. But it’s also because utilities are vehicles for political patronage and, in some cases, institutionalised theft. Some $120m went missing from the Tanzanian state power utility last year through a complex web of offshore companies. The sheer scale of Africa’s energy deficit often fuels a sense of fatalism and paralysis. Yet on the flipside of this crisis are enormous opportunities. Sub-Saharan Africa has some of the world’s most abundant and least exploited renewable energy sources, especially solar power. With the price of solar panels plunging, there are opportunities for firms and governments to connect millions of poor households to affordable small-scale, off-grid systems.

This would help the poorest most. The latest Africa Progress Panel report, published this week, estimates that 138 million households living on less than $2.50 a day spend $10bn annually on energy-related products, including charcoal, candles and kerosene. Measured on a per-unit cost basis, these poor households pay 60-80 times more for energy than people living in London or Manhattan. Off-grid solar power could slash these costs, releasing resources for productive investment, health and education, driving down poverty and raising life expectancy. If you think this is a pipedream, think again. Bangladesh has installed more than 3.5m off-grid solar power systems, and the figure is set to double over the next few years. The key to success? Financial and technical support from government, allied to new business models. In Africa, a vibrant off-grid solar industry is poised for takeoff. The only thing missing in most countries is government action to support, encourage and enable this investment. Supporting the development of large-scale renewable energy is not just the right thing to do for Africa. It is also the smart thing to do on climate change. One of the symptoms of Africa’s energy poverty is the destruction of forests to produce charcoal for rising urban populations: fewer trees means the loss of vital carbon sinks.

Small-scale solar energy can provide millions of people with a first step on the energy ladder. But it cannot in the medium term fill the energy void left by large-scale utilities. African governments must aim for an annual growth rate in power generation of 10% a year for the next two decades – about five times current levels. Countries such as Ethiopia, Kenya and Rwanda have demonstrated this is possible. Both have simultaneously increased public investment while attracting large-scale foreign investment. Aid donors can help by providing bridging loans and helping to reduce risk.

Throughout history electricity has fuelled the growth that has created jobs, cut poverty, and improved the quality of life. Now, almost 150 years after Edison developed the lightbulb, it is time to spark an African energy revolution. We lack neither the finance nor the technologies to do so: all that’s needed is the vital connection of international cooperation and political will.

  • Kevin Watkins, director of the Overseas Development Institute, is lead author of the 2015 Africa Progress Panel report, Power, People, Planet.

Read more at:- http://www.theguardian.com/business/economics-blog/2015/jun/05/solar-power-africa-sun-electricity-crisis

Grand developmentalism: MDGs and SDGs in Sub-Saharan Africa June 3, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Development & Change, Development Studies, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Poverty, UN's New Sustainable Development Goals.
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???????????Poverty

 

 

“Development should be all about satisfying the needs of the people and improving their livelihood patterns. Development should be what the people actually want or need, and not what national governments or global institutions think that the people need or want. The MDGs – as aresult of modernization and neo-liberal ideologies – were articulated and presented by the international agencies as “real development’’ or as legitimate solutions to the development problems of people in the respective countries of the Global South. But in reality, they did not capture the priorities and problems facing the people in those contexts. The issue of sustainability is embedded in what people actually want and people are at the centre of sustainable development. The authors of the MDGs do not find out what the people really want – instead, they designed and formulated the goals on different assumptions, thus reinforcing the existing power relations in the global structure of power.”

“The argument that the Global South is facing problems of development may be generally true, but the problems are not actually defined and understood within the context of situations and everyday realities in the respective countries. It is thus important not to make general statements of development, but to concretise them in relation to the contexts and settings where they are to be applied. Both the MDGs and the SDGs, as general or universal frameworks for global development practice, fail to acknowledge how this general problem finds its expression in the concerned countries.”

 

“…An independent development commission should be inaugurated by the United Nations General Assembly in each country that is signatory to the post-2015 development agenda. The commission should be allowed to perform its responsibilities independently without undue interference from national governments and international institutions. The composition of the commission should include: local activists and NGOs, a national government official, local academics, development experts, a UNDP official and a representative of global financial institutions. The commission should be saddled with matter relating with global development financing, fund disbursement, monitoring, evaluation and implementation of development projects. The commission must also ensure that funds are channelled to approved projects, projects are executed according to approved standards and reflect the real costs of the projects. In evaluating the projects, the commission should develop its own yardstick for measuring whether targets and indicators outlined to actualise (a) particular goal(s) are achieved or not. This will help to checkmate the griming reality of weak state institutions, corruption and mismanagement that undermined the performance of the MDGs especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.” – A. Bayo Ogunrotifa, Pambazuka  News,    Issue 728

 

Grand developmentalism: MDGs and SDGs in Sub-Saharan Africa

A. Bayo Ogunrotifa*, Pambazuka  News, Issue 728

INTRODUCTION

At the dawn of the twenty-first century, international development efforts have been coalesced around the framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs are a set of ambitious goals and national targets put forward and ratified by the United Nations General Assembly in 2000 to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger – however, a significant progress towards reaching the targets has been notably achieved or deemed successful in some countries but in others, especially in sub-Sahara Africa, the progress has been marginal or deemed unsuccessful. A variety of factors has been attributed to this failure: over-ambitious goals themselves and unrealistic expectations (Clemens & Moss 2005); aid dependence over growth and self-reliance (Manning 2010); lack of ownership and commitment (Amin 2006; Ogunrotifa 2012); limited state capacities and governance incapabilities (Mishra 2004; Oya 2011); non-emphasis on sustainable development (Sachs 2012); evaluation and implementation problems (Fukuda-Parr & Greenstein); and the failure to take into account different national realities, capacities and development levels (Rippin 2013).

The outlined factors are just symptoms and not the real issue that undermine the achievement of the MDGs in Africa. The fundamental trouble associated with the MDGs is the way in which goals, targets and indicators articulated in the programme of the MDGs are conceived, defined and formulated, which are in sharp contrast to the real world situation and do not reflect the true picture of what is on ground in Africa. This is regarded as ‘’grand developmentalism’’—the general and narrow way in which development issues are defined and problematized takes priority over questions posed by the empirical world.

This has important implications on international discussions on the post-2015 development agenda that emphasises the incorporation of visionary indigenous and independent development paths and ideas on the successor agenda to the expiring MDGs (the post-2015 development agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals – SDGs) that is currently in discussion.

WHAT IS ‘GRAND DEVELOPMENTALISM?’

The term ‘grand developmentalism’ was coined from the notion of conceptual fetishism articulated by C. Wright Mills in his treatise on sociological imagination (1959). Mills argues that abstracted empiricism loses its grip on social reality by prioritising methods rather than the problems of the empirical world. Mills posits that grand theory engages in a fetishization of abstract concepts in place of genuine and substantive problems of the empirical world.

In other words, it is the concepts rather than the actual problems that are of paramount importance to grand theorists. However, grand theory is particularly relevant to this paper because of its engagement with development discourse. Grand developmentalism is the dialectical engagement of grand theory but goes beyond the remit of the later. In grand developmentalism, development issues are problematized on the basis of narrow or general definition without adequate empirical grounding, such that the conceptual frames and schemes are created on the basis of a narrow problem definition. If the problem definition is flawed, the conceptual schemes, variables and methodology to interrogate the issue and arrive at workable solutions, will also be flawed, while the evaluation and implementation process will be problematic.

Development I define in this paper as solving the social problems of the people (citizens) in socio-culturally appropriate and locally sustainable ways, as they [problems] are experienced, perceived and understood by the people. This definition is in sharp contrast to the western-centric development paradigm that conceived the global north as ‘’developed’’ and the Global South as “underdeveloped’’ and that the latter needs to be more modern and develop by catching up with the former. International agencies (as appendages of the western imperialistic establishment) reinforce this development paradigm by ensuring that they control the aspirations of the Global South, and redefine their problems, priorities and realities in a way that has nothing to do with the actual situations.

Grand developmentalism lost all contact with the social, cultural and historical dimension of development of the societies it purports to offer solutions because it works at a high level of generality and superficiality. Given the degree of generality in its problem definition, grand developmentalism creates concepts that are suitable to the narrowly defined problem, whereas concepts should have been derived from the empirical world. This therefore negates the contextual and specific problem of development it seeks to analyse and proffer solutions.

MDGS: A FORM OF GRAND DEVELOPMENTALISM

The Millennium Development Goals are an outcome of the United Nations Millennium summit held in the year 2000. The origin of the MDGs goes back much further in time, and some of the most important components will be discussed in this paper. In fact, it is important to strip the MDGs naked in order to flesh out their basis, compositions and essentials. The MDGs comprise of 8 goals, 18 targets and 48 indicators. The goals and targets have been set (mostly) for 2015, using 1990 as a benchmark or baseline. They evolve out of the ‘resolutions of 23 international conferences and summits held between 1990 and 2005’ (Rippin 2013). They are clearly worked out by an ‘’Inter-agency and Expert Group on the Millennium Development Goal Indicators (IAEG), consisting of experts from the DAC, World Bank, IMF and UNDP’’ (Manning 2009; c.f. Hulme 2009; Hulme 2010). The development as understood in the MDGs is a reflection of neo-liberalism and a modernisation approach that seeks to reinforce the hegemony of the Western economic model in the Global South, and strengthen their mainstream development discourse. The 8 goals, 18 targets and 48 indicators articulated in the MDGs programme are quantitative in nature, design and outlook. They are designed to be evaluated and measured in a statistical format[1] .

The most obvious shortcomings associated with the quantitative approach are that they do not reveal the real life situations or subjective dimension of the life world of the people, context and settings under study. These goals, targets and indicators are the perfect example and reflections of grand developmentalism as they imply that development “research starts with a concern for numbers or measurement, which it elevates over the specific qualities of the empirical world it is attempting to analyse’’ (Gane 2012: 154). Technocrats of the respective agencies are unduly rigid towards the use of quantitative methodology and techniques – which is not wrong in itself, but in this case implies the impositions of quantitative techniques on all aspects and dimensions of development issues and problems regardless of the specific contexts and demands of the empirical world. The sort of difficulties inherent in the MDGs stemmed from the philosophical and methodological foundations that underpin the conception of the programme itself. The MDGs as a form of grand developmentalism can be expressed exemplary in the following ways:

POVERTY REDUCTION AND HUNGER

The targets and indicators used to define, measure and tackle poverty and hunger obscure the nature of reality or real life experience of poverty in developing countries. Questions that need to be asked instead are: what are the natures of poverty in different countries of the Global South (but also Global North)? Is the poverty situation in Nigeria the same as the nature and level of poverty in Bangladesh and Vietnam? How is poverty seen and defined by the people in developing countries? What are policies that generate and engender poverty? Does the poverty situation transcend the global yardstick of US$1 per day [1993 Purchasing Power Parity (PPP)], or rather, what are the cultural, social, historical and moral dimensions of poverty? The established targets of reducing by half the proportion of people whose income is less than US$1 a day and the proportion of people who suffer from hunger is a one-size-fit-all yardstick that cannot adequately measure poverty and hunger. This is a danger of grand developmentalism.

GENDER EQUALITY AND EMPOWERMENT OF WOMEN

The issue of gender and women empowerment features prominently in the third goal of the MDGs, and this intersects with primary education with respect to equality between boys and girls in terms of primary school enrolment. However, it is unclear what forms and shape gender takes in developing countries as far as the MDGs are concerned. Inability to understand how gender is entrenched and shapes the everyday lives of people in different places will affect efforts being made to address gender inequality in access to education and women empowerment. The MDGs failed to adequately capture the social, cultural and historical contexts that underpinned and shaped gender in developing countries; and the sorts of cultural beliefs and practices that promote gender inequality in the Least Developed Countries (LDCs). In fact, without delving into the questions of what sorts of cultural practices inhibit girls’ education and what forms of national policies promote gender inequality in education enrolment and attainment, achieving gender equality and women’s empowerment will remain unrealistic and vague.

ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY

The most important targets to achieve environmental sustainability—which is the seventh goal of the MDGs—is to integrate the principles of sustainable development into national and global policies; reduce-by-half the proportion of people who have no access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation; and to improve the living conditions of slum dwellers. The indicators to achieve these targets seemed unrealistic and unworkable. This stems from the fact that the MDGs did not take into consideration the low level of industrialisation, the contribution of carbon emission to global carbon emission, and the policies and programmes that undermine the sustainable provision of clean drinking water in the Global South. The complexities inherent in the local realities of environmental sustainability make the targets and indicators impracticable. Furthermore, it is problematic that the western world, which is entirely responsible for the environmental problems the Global South is facing, is not mentioned in this goal and, even more remarkable, is not even asked to reduce their emissions or to make drinking water available by not letting firms like Nestlé etc. privatise the drinking water of the world! As a form of grand developmentalism, the issue posed by environmental sustainability in the MDGs did not address the nature of capitalistic policies that promote environmental problems in the Global South. This indicates that the important targets responsible for environmental problems in the Global South as far as the MDGs are concerned are neglected while unrealistic targets are put forward.

UNRELIABLE SOURCE OF FINANCING

The implementation of programmes and projects required a guaranteed financial war chest to achieve its overall targets and objectives. Yet, as far as the MDGs are concerned, there is no guaranteed financial outlay or specialised savings and international gold reserve for their attainment. The means to finance MDG measures are based on financial pledges and commitments from the Global North. The financial commitment from developed countries is premised on the condition that recipient countries must operate openly and non-discriminatory towards the global trading and financial system. This is meant by the “global partnership for development’’. Basically, it determines that poorer countries must be part of a neo-liberal system that requires recipient countries to open their markets for all goods from the North before they can receive Official Development Assistance (ODA), aid and grants, and debt relief from the latter. This is not only problematic because donor countries may experience financial crises and economic recession and may not be able to fulfil their financial commitment and pledges. It may render aid dependent relationships futile and put the attainment of the MDGs into serious challenges. As the source of financing is not based on the size of the economies and the GDP of the respective LDCs but depends on foreign aid as the main source of financing, there is no independent financial pathway for developing countries to achieve the MDGs other than ODA, debt relief, aid and grants articulated in the eighth goal.

EVALUATION, IMPLEMENTATION AND ENFORCEMENT OF MDGS

The millennium declaration that paves way for the endorsement of the MDGs in the global space was made in 2000 while the benchmark of its implementation was backdated to 1990. Technically, there was a period of 15 years to implement the MDGs across different societies in the LDCs. But it is unclear how the MDGs would be implemented in the Global South within the said period. Are the MDGs producing the intended effect? Are there targets set for each year? How are the targets going to be achieved? How much does it cost to achieve the targets? Whose agencies or institutions are saddled with the responsibility of monitoring, evaluating and implementing the MDGs? Do beneficiaries of development projects talk back about the effects of the projects? When they do, are their voices reflected as ‘’native’’ point of view or disciplined and translated to institutional points of view?

While in some settings in the Global South, measurement, evaluation and implementation are being taken seriously inability to take these questions in some settings into consideration constitutes a problem for measuring the progress and performance of the MDGs’ progress such that “even in the case of countries with a perceptible acceleration of progress consideration doubt has been raised whether this acceleration is the result of real national commitment or rather an effort of ‘speaking the language’ in order to secure donors’ support’’ (Rippin 2013: 19). This problem of evaluation and implementation makes the MDGs a form of grand developmentalism.

SUSTAINABILITY DEFICIT

The third critique is the huge sustainability deficit inherent in the MDGs. Development should be all about satisfying the needs of the people and improving their livelihood patterns. Development should be what the people actually want or need, and not what national governments or global institutions think that the people need or want. The MDGs – as aresult of modernization and neo-liberal ideologies – were articulated and presented by the international agencies as “real development’’ or as legitimate solutions to the development problems of people in the respective countries of the Global South. But in reality, they did not capture the priorities and problems facing the people in those contexts. The issue of sustainability is embedded in what people actually want and people are at the centre of sustainable development. The authors of the MDGs do not find out what the people really want – instead, they designed and formulated the goals on different assumptions, thus reinforcing the existing power relations in the global structure of power. Sustainability here is linked significantly to ownership, participation and power-relations. The centrality of sustainable development indicates that people’s ownership and participation in the development conception and design will promote the sustainability of such project. I believe that people protect and sustain development projects that emanate from them and address their needs and wishes. The MDGs are suffering from sustainable deficits because there is no provision for how the projects would be sustained by the people who are the end-users.

A NOTE ON THE PROPOSED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS (SDGS)

The UN and other international (development) agencies are currently working on post-2015 development agenda. Following the UN conference in Rio de Janeiro (2012), an Open Working Group was established to develop a set of sustainable development goals that will be part ofthe UN development agenda beyond 2015.[2]

From the outline of the SDG proposal, it is already clear that the basic premise underlying development is still unchanged. The development paradigm is still a top-down approach; implying that the Global South is incapable of facilitating its own development without external assistance and seeks to foster aid-dependent relationships. The SDG proposal implies the notion that the respective countries of the Global South are incapable of driving and engendering their own developmental initiatives. The SDG proposal as a development programme is founded on the basis of modernisation and neo-liberal approaches whose rendition serves as the prism that shapes the orientation and mandate of international agencies towards acting as a sole repository of ‘legitimate’ development solutions that will ensure that development in the Global South is fast-tracked to the pace of development in the global north without having to undergo latter’s historical circumstances and processes. This imposition of development strategies and ideas on the Global South is the basis of grand developmentalism as people in the Global South are not allowed to control their development destiny and define their problems and priorities in relations to their respective local realities. This inhibits the ability of the Global South to develop according to their own pace, capacities and realities.

What is questionable in the proposal is how different national priorities and realities are taken into consideration. The SDGs set global targets for measuring development, with the authors of the SDGs assuming that those goals and targets are the legitimate solutions to development problems faced by the respective countries in the Global South, which they will not object to. What will be problematic in the proposed SDGs is that the definition of development problems and priorities will be put together in some capital city of the Global South where “policy is thus bureaucratised and depoliticised through ‘commonsense’’ practices such as planning and strategies” (Escobar 1991: 667) which are exogenous to social and political situations or been derived vis-à-vis grassroots movements.

Third, the SDGs are the rehash of the MDGs in terms of financing. Huge development projects and programmes implicit in the SDGs require guaranteed levels of financing for them to be executed and implemented. So far, it is not clear at all how guaranteed financial outlay or specialised savings and international gold reserve for the attainment of the SDGs are spelt out – and whether the third conference on financing for development in July 2015[3] will see an end to this.

Finally, the notion of ‘’sustainability’’ in the SDGs document is vague. What sorts of social relations to the grassroots are involved in the design, planning and implementation of development projects? What forms of power do the SDGs foster or undermine? The fundamental crux of the proposed SDGs is that international agencies’ notion of development articulated in the document prioritised and privileged bureaucratic and institutional definition of the problem rather than the actual problems obtained in local contexts. Sustainability in the SDG case is non-existent because people in the Global South are not the driver nor are they at the centre of such sustainable development initiatives, and as such, they are incapable of sustaining development projects that are not of their own making.

CONCLUSION: TOWARDS A POST-2015 DEVELOPMENT AGENDA

The argument that the Global South is facing problems of development may be generally true, but the problems are not actually defined and understood within the context of situations and everyday realities in the respective countries. It is thus important not to make general statements of development, but to concretise them in relation to the contexts and settings where they are to be applied. Both the MDGs and the SDGs, as general or universal frameworks for global development practice, fail to acknowledge how this general problem finds its expression in the concerned countries.

As far as the discussion on the post-2015 development agenda is concerned, a participatory process must urgently be facilitated. It must start from grassroots development research where local activists, anthropologists, sociologists and NGOs are engaged with a view to mapping out the real development problems faced by the people and identify sustainable solutions to them. The participatory process should proceed towards national consultations where policy makers, economists, and development experts are engaged in debates, deliberations and discussions about the findings of grassroots development research. Through this participatory medium, national capacity, the characteristics of the economy (i.e. GDP), and a country’s financial state would have to be taken into consideration and formulated into national priorities, targets and indicators for achieving national development goals. Thereafter, a thematic consultation between the national governments and global institutions should be facilitated. This would ensure that important national development issues with differentiated targets that reflect a universal goal framework are derived in a participatory process.

Secondly, an independent development commission should be inaugurated by the United Nations General Assembly in each country that is signatory to the post-2015 development agenda. The commission should be allowed to perform its responsibilities independently without undue interference from national governments and international institutions. The composition of the commission should include: local activists and NGOs, a national government official, local academics, development experts, a UNDP official and a representative of global financial institutions. The commission should be saddled with matter relating with global development financing, fund disbursement, monitoring, evaluation and implementation of development projects. The commission must also ensure that funds are channelled to approved projects, projects are executed according to approved standards and reflect the real costs of the projects. In evaluating the projects, the commission should develop its own yardstick for measuring whether targets and indicators outlined to actualise (a) particular goal(s) are achieved or not. This will help to checkmate the griming reality of weak state institutions, corruption and mismanagement that undermined the performance of the MDGs especially in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Finally, a fundamental re-examination of global development financing from aid dependent relationship (over-reliance on ODA as enshrined in the MDGs) to available domestic fiscal affordability is needed. This will help to create independent financial pathways for LDCs to achieve the development goals at their own pace and level of development. Rather than relying on donor’s agencies and international institutions in implementing all development goals and targets, the financial gap between country’s fiscal capabilities and national priorities has to be plugged through debt relief, ODA and financial aid from international institutions.

Conclusively, the ideas and practices of global sustainable development that would come after 2015 should be developed in relation to the complexities of development issues in the LDCs and not on abstract agendas and strategies that are constituted in a universalistic frame. This will incorporate the perspectives of the North and the Global South in the participatory process of drawing up a new agenda that will reflect a win-win situation where strategic ‘’engagement of local mobilization with global discourses, and of local discourses with the global structure of power’’ as Cooper (1997: 85) brilliantly captured, are entrenched.
* A. Bayo Ogunrotifa teaches at the University of Edinburgh, UK.

REFERENCES

1. Amin, S. (2006): “The Millennium Development Goals: A Critique from the South.” Monthly Review, March 2006, accessed January 6, 2015,http://monthlyreview.org/2006/03/01/the-millennium-development-goals-a-critique-from-the-south
2. Clemens, M. & Moss, T. (2005): What’s Wrong with the Millennium Development Goals? CGD Working Paper. Accessible at http://tinyurl.com/orrpjgk
3. Clemens, M.A., Kenny, C.J & Moss, T.J. (2007): ‘The Trouble with the MDGs: Confronting Expectations of Aid and Development Success’.World Development, 35 (5): 735–751,
4. Cooper, F. (1997): Modernizing Bureaucrats, Backwards Africans, and the Development Concept in Cooper, F. & Packard, R. (eds) International development and the Social Sciences: Essays on the History and Politics of Knowledge. Berkeley: University of California Press.
5. Escobar, A. (1991): Anthropology and the Development Encounter.The Making and Marketing of Development Anthropology. American Ethnologist, Vol. 18 (4): 658-682.
6. Fukuda-Parr, S. & Greenstein, J. (2010): How should MDG implementation be measured: faster progress or meeting targets? Centre for inclusive growth working paper 63. Accessible at http://tinyurl.com/ortwhn6
7. Gane, N. (2012) ‘Measure, value and the current crisis of sociology’. The Sociological Review, 59(S2) 151-173.
8. Hulme, D. (2009): The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs): a short history of the world’s biggest promise, BWPI Working Paper 100, 2009
9. Hulme, D. (2010): Lessons from the making of the MDGs: human development meets results-based management in an unfair world, IDS Bulletin 41(1), 15-25
10. Manning, R. (2009): Using indicators to encourage development: lessons from the Millennium Development Goals, DIIS Report
11. Mills, C.W. (1959): The Sociological Imagination. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
12. Mishra, U. (2004): Millennium development goals: whose goals and for whom? BMJ. Sep 25, 2004; 329(7468): 742
13. Ogunrotifa A.B. (2012): ‘Millennium Development Goals in sub-Saharan Africa: A critical assessment’. Radix International Journal of Research in Social Science, 1(10): 1-22
14. Ojogwu, C.N (2009): The challenges of Attaining Millennium Development Goals In Education in Africa, College Student Journal.
15. Oya, C. (2011): Africa and the millennium development goals (MDGs): What’s right, what’s wrong and what’s missing. Revista De Economia Mundial, 27, 19–33. Retrieved from http://www.semwes.or
16. Rippin, N. (2013): Progress, Prospects and Lessons from the MDGs. Background research paper submitted to High Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda. Accessible at www.post2015hlp.org/…/Rippin_Progress-Prospects-and-Lessons-from-t..
17. Sachs, J. D. (2012): From millennium development goals to sustainable development goals.Lancet, 379, 2206–2211.
18. Sahn, D.E and Stifel, D.C. (2003): Progress towards the Millennium Development Goals in Africa. World Development, 31 (1): 23-52.
19. Sumner, A., Lawo, T. (2010): The MDGs and beyond: pro-poor policy in a changing world, EADI Policy Paper
20. UNDP (2003): Indicators for monitoring the MDGs. Accessible atwww.undp.org/content/dam/aplawas/publications

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The Tigray only and unbalanced discriminatory growth: Severity of poverty increases in Ethiopia, UNDP reveals in its National Human Development Report 2014 which was launched on 1st May 2015. May 3, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, African Poor, Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Free development vs authoritarian model, Poverty, Schools in Oromia, The State of Food Insecurity in Ethiopia.
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“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others.”

-George Orwell, Animal Farm

“The very common way that the EPRDF and its agents try to shift the public attention from lack of human and democratic rights and the daylight looting of the country’s resources, is by referring to the ‘impressive’ economic development registered in their rule. If they are talking about the only region that they are exclusively devoted to developing, then, they are absolutely right.”

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/2015/04/07/opinion-why-ethiopias-growth-rhetoric-is-faulty-africa/

In TPLF /Tigray dominated minority tyrannic regime of Orwellian social and development policy, all nations and nationalities  in theory are equal in Ethiopia, but in reality Tigray  is more equal than others. This is not a development process.

According to UNDP report, while more than  45% of children in Tigray have achieved Net Lower Secondary Enrollment, the statistics for Oromia is only 16.9%, very huge inequality variations. The report indicated that  while Human development Index (HDI) of Tigray is the highest (above national average),  states  such as Oromia,  Afar, Ogaden and Amhara have the lowest HDIs, below the national HDI of 0.461. These are the outcomes of Tigray only, exclusionist, social, economic and development policies of the ruling regime. UNDP is not exposing the Tigray only growth and development strategy but we can read from its data and graphs.

Ethiopia, expected years of schooling Ethiopia, National Human Development Report 2014 expected year of schooling by regions

As the TPLF has been engaged (https://oromiaeconomist.wordpress.com/2014/10/30/amnesty-internationals-report-because-i-am-oromo-a-sweeping-repression-in-oromia/) in destabilizing, robbing and massive evictions of people from their ancestral home and land grabs in Oromia, by all sorts of engagement, resource and soil transfers,   it has conducting massive  subsidized development  in its Tigray home. In other studies,  BBC Magazine in its 20th April 2015 publication  under the title ‘ Turning Ethiopia’s desert green,’reports: ” A generation ago Ethiopia’s Tigray province was stricken by a famine that shocked the world. Today, as Chris Haslam reports, local people are using ancient techniques to turn part of the desert green. In the pink-streaked twilight, a river of humanity is flowing across Tigray’s dusty Hawzien plain. This cracked and desiccated landscape, in Ethiopia’s far north, occupies a dark corner of the global collective memory. Thirty years ago, not far from here, the BBC’s Michael Buerk first alerted us to a biblical famine he described as “the closest thing to hell on earth”. Then Bob Geldof wrote Do They Know It’s Christmas? – a curious question to ask of perhaps the world’s most devoutly Christian people – and thereafter the name Tigray became synonymous with refugees, Western aid and misery. The Tigrayan people were depicted as exemplars of passive suffering, dependent on the goodwill of the rest of the planet just to get through the day without dying. But here, outside the village of Abr’ha Weatsbaha, I’m seeing a different version. From all directions, streams of people are trickling into that human river.” http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-32348749.

Martin Plaut’s analysis which is based on world banks report is also interesting and important to refer here which is as follows:-

The World Bank has just published an authoritative study of poverty reduction in Ethiopia. The fall in overall poverty has been dramatic and is to be greatly welcomed. But who has really benefited?

This is the basic finding:

In 2000 Ethiopia had one of the highest poverty rates in the world, with 56% of the population living on less than US$1.25 PPP a day. Ethiopian households experienced a decade of remarkable progress in wellbeing since then and by the start of this decade less than 30% of the population was counted as poor.

There are of course many ways of answering the question – “who benefited” – were they men or women, urban or rural people. All these approaches are valid.

The Ethnic Dimension

But in Ethiopia, where Ethic Federalism has been the primary driver of government policy one cannot ignore the ethnic dimension.

Here this graph is particularly telling:

Ethiopia poverty reduction

Tigray first

The answer is clear: it is the people of Tigray, whose party, the TPLF led the fight against the Mengistu regime and took power in 1991, who benefited most. What is also striking is that the Oromo (who are the largest ethnic group) hardly benefited at all.

This is what the World Bank says about this: “Poverty reduction has been faster in those regions in which poverty was higher and as a result the proportion of the population living beneath the national poverty line has converged to around one in 3 in all regions in 2011.”

The World Bank does little to explain just why Tigray has done (relatively) so well, but it does point to the importance of infrastructure investment and the building of roads. It also points to this fact: “Poverty rates increase by 7% with every 10 kilometers from a market town. As outlined above, farmers that are more remote are less likely to use agricultural inputs, and are less likely to see poverty reduction from the gains in agricultural growth that are made. The generally positive impact of improvements in infrastructure and access to basic services such as education complements the evidence for Ethiopia that suggests investing in roads reduces poverty.”

Not surprisingly, the TPLF under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and beyond concentrated their investment on their home region – Tigray. The results are plain to see.  https://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2015/01/23/ethiopias-poverty-reduction-who-benefits/

In its  2014 National Human Development Report, which has been written on the theme of “Accelerating Inclusive Growth for Sustainable Human Development in Ethiopia,”  UNDP indicates that 25 million Ethiopians currently remain trapped in poverty and vulnerability. This and many Ethiopians just above the poverty line are vulnerable to shocks and food insecurity. Maternal health care has lagged well behind other health statistics and the availability of effective health care is inconsistent across the country. UNDP’s educational indicators suggest ongoing problems with the quality of education, as shown by retention rates and educational performance markers.  UNDP says, perhaps most worrying from the standpoint of inclusive growth are the high rates of un- and underemployment in both urban and rural areas, especially as large numbers of productive jobs for the poor and near-poor are needed under current and projected labour market trends. Economic growth over the past decade has generally meant an increase in productivity and output levels in some parts of the economy, but these have been accompanied by increasing severity of poverty.  The absolute number of the poor is roughly the same as 15 years ago and a significant proportion of the population hovers just above the poverty line and is vulnerable to shocks. Moreover, the severity of poverty 2 increased from 2.7 per cent in 1999/2000 to 3.1 per cent in 2010/11 (MoFED, 2013b). The prevalence of vulnerabilities  and food insecurity are  on the rise.

According to UNDP report, during the last three years (2010/11-2012/13), inflation was in double digits. The inflation rate, which was 18 per cent in 2010/11, increased to 33.7 per cent in 2011/12, declined to 13.5 per cent in 2012/13 and fell further to 8.1 per cent in December 2013. Other studies demonstrate that inflation figures have always been in double digits including 2013 and 2014 and at present.

Further,  UNDP says with a Human Development Index (HDI) of 0.435 in 2013, the country is still classified as a “low human development” country, based on UNDP’s Human Development Index. Even though Ethiopia is one of the 10 countries globally that has attained the largest absolute gains in its HDI over the last several years,  in the most recent Human Development Report (2014) Ethiopia ranks 173rd out of 187 countries. Thus,  its Human Development Index (HDI) has not moved appreciably during the past decade, when compared with other developing countries that have registered similar growth rates. Looking at the HDI values of Seychelles, Tunisia and Algeria, which are in the high HDI bracket, and the other 12 African countries, which are in the medium HDI bracket, the major reasons why Ethiopia is still in the low HDI bracket are low education performance (particularly low mean years of schooling) and low GNI per capita. The minimum mean years of schooling and GNI per capita for medium HDI countries were 3.5 years and US$3,000, respectively in contrast to Ethiopia’s mean years of schooling of 2.6 years and GNI per capita of US$1,300. The inequality-adjusted Human Development index (IHDI), which is basically the HDI discounted for inequalities, is also computed for Ethiopia. Between 2005 and 2013, the IHDI increased from 0.349 to 0.459 indicating an average human development loss of 0.5 per cent per annum due to inequalities in health, access to education and income. According to (UNDP 2014), Ethiopia’s IHDI for 2013 was 0.307 in contrast to HDI of 0.435 indicating an overall human development loss of 29.4 per cent.

With regard to regional disparities in HDI values, while Tigray is significantly above national average,  the four states of Afar, Somali, Amhara and Oromia have the lowest HDIs, below the national HDI of 0.461.

The outcome of the development  strategy of Tigray only when mathematically averaged to the whole  regions cannot hide TPLF’s Apartheid policy  on Oromia and the rest as it is only the development focus for 5% of the  94 million population. Thus, Tigray is rich but Ethiopia is poor. Ethiopia is rich and fast growing only for development tourists those who lodge in Finfinne and  tour to Tigray to take  a sample and conclude the result for the whole states.

With regard to regional disparities in HDI values, while Tigray is significantly above national average,  the four states of Afar, Somali, Amhara and Oromia have the lowest HDIs, below the national HDI of 0.461.

Another social indicator which  demonstrates that Tigray is more equal than others is  health services. UNDP’s report confirms that there are wide inequalities in the immunization status of children in Ethiopia. Children of educated women, rich households, and  Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and Tigray State have higher chances of being fully immunized. Children from the richest and middle income households are less likely to have no immunization at all (by 74 per cent and 57 per cent respectively) compared with those from the poorest households. Children from SNNPR, Oromiya and Amhara are 3.82, 7.00 and 3.65 times less likely to be fully immunized compared with those from Tigray, which has the second highest proportion of fully immunized children.  According to UNDP,  a report by Save the Children (2014) also raises concerns about equity in health services citing how immunization coverage is different among different income groups, and between urban and rural areas. According to the report, children from richest households are twice as likely to be immunized compared to those from the poorest households and children in urban areas are twice as likely to be immunized as those in rural areas. Based on revised data from the National Water Sanitation and Health Inventory, national potable water supply coverage increased from 58 per cent to 68.4 per cent between 2009/10 and 2012/13, reflecting an increase in both rural and urban coverage. Even though many health outcomes have improved significantly over the last decade, Ethiopia is still lagging behind on some measures. For example, Ethiopia has still higher than expected shares of malnutrition compared with countries at the same income level. What is especially striking about Ethiopia’s health data is the exceptionally high level of maternal mortality, given Ethiopia’s income level.

UNDP argues that that development can be inclusive and reduce poverty only if all people contribute to creating opportunities, share the benefits of development and participate in decision making.

Ethiopia at a Glance (UNDP Report Data)

Ethiopia at glance, UNDP Data

Population: 85.8 million (2013)

GDP: US$46.6 billion (2013)

GDP per capita: US$550 (2013)

Annual Average Br/US$ exchange rate: 18.3 (2012/13)

Life expectancy at birth (years): 62.2 (2013)

Primary school gross enrolment rate (%): 95.3 (2012/13)

Births attended by skilled health professional (%): 23.1 (2012//13)

Contraceptive prevalence rate (%): 28.6 (2011)

Literacy rate (% of both sexes aged 15 and above): 46.7 (2011)

Unemployment rate (urban) (%): 16.5 (2012/13)

Unemployment rate among urban youth (15-29) (%): 23.3 (2011/12)

Areas further than 5 km from all-weather roads (%): 45.8 (2012/13)

Mobile phone subscribers (million): 23.8 (2012/13)

Poverty incidence (%): 26.0 (GTP/APR 2012/13)

HD Index: 0.435 (2013) HDI rank: 173/187 (2013)

http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/nhdr2015-ethiopia-en.pdf

Poverty and Underdevelopment in Low Income Countries May 2, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, The extents and dimensions of poverty in Ethiopia.
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OEthiopia poverty reductionEthiopia

Poverty can be an outcome of inefficient use of common resources and a result of exclusive mechanisms. Weak policy environment, inadequate infrastructures, weak access to technology and credits can cause poverty. Poverty can also result from the use of mechanisms by some groups in a society or community to exclude others from participating in democratic and economic development process (Ajakaiye and Adeyeye, 2002). This is defined by Hazell and Haddad ( 2001) as social deprivation…From the different reasons mentioned above in relation to poverty in developing countries, it is clear that strategies to alleviate poverty and help poor people must aim at improving the productivity and the living conditions of smallholder farmers and landless agriculture workers who constitute the majority of poor people. Furthermore, agriculture is seen as central to rural development. It is the major economic driver, the hub of rural activities, and permanent estate (IRG, 2002). The improvement in agriculture productivity is based on agricultural research and improved technologies. In many developing counties government must play an important role in this domain. However poor people may benefit from agriculture productivity only if favorable macroeconomic and trade policies good infrastructure and access to credit, land, and markets is in place.

As far as land is concerned, government in many developing countries must undertake land reform program not only for a better distribution of land but also to create mechanism capable to define and enforce property right. Land reform can promote smallholder entry into the market, reduce inequalities in land distribution, increase efficiency and thus boost output.

africagrowthdiscourse

poverty1

The ubiquitous problem of poverty continues to confound development practitioners, politicians and researchers alike. In spite of countless efforts to eliminate poverty over the past decade, 2.5 billion people live on less than $2 a day and 880 million people still live on less than $1. Most of these depend on agriculture for their livelihoods (World Development Report, 2008). While some progress has been made in some countries, the ambitious goal of halving poverty by the year 2015 appears like it will not be achieved. The objective of this paper is to characterize the problem of poverty and attempt to proffer possible insights on pathways that may jettison the rural poor out of misery into prosperous economic agents with a brighter hope for the future.

An Anatomy of Poverty

Poverty is a multifaceted concept. It affects many aspects of the human conditions, including physical, moral and psychological. povertyAccording to Sen…

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We don’t know how many people around the world are living in poverty April 20, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in African Poor, Poverty, Uncategorized.
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???????????Ethiopia

 

‘We live in a era of big data, but developing countries are suffering from a data drought: governments and the international community know less about the world’s poorest than they think….While the World Bank estimates that the number of people living on less than $1.25 a day is 1.01 billion, the report claims the number could be up to 350 million more than that…The report, which was based mostly on secondary research, publicly available databases, and original interviews, also claims that maternal mortality figures for sub-Saharan Africa in 2013 could be double the stated 133,000, and the number of people living with HIV/AIDS could have been overstated by 20%…“We take for granted that statistics are based on fact, and that they’re scientific or empirical when often they’re not—they’re estimations or political negotiations,” Elizabeth Stuart, a research fellow at the ODI tells Quartz…There are many reasons for this data dearth. Populations in developing countries often live either in highly spread out or dense, shifting communities like urban slums, making traditional data collection methods, such as censuses and household surveys, expensive, too infrequent and potentially dangerous. Over 40% of countries in sub-Saharan Africa have not had a survey in seven years.’

Ethiopia’s poverty reduction – who benefits? February 20, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Corruption in Africa, Ethiopia the least competitive in the Global Competitiveness Index, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Free development vs authoritarian model, Uncategorized.
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OEthiopia poverty reduction

 

Tigray first

The answer is clear: it is the people of Tigray, whose party, the TPLF led the fight against the Mengistu regime and took power in 1991, who benefited most. What is also striking is that the Oromo (who are the largest ethnic group) hardly benefited at all.

This is what the World Bank says about this: “Poverty reduction has been faster in those regions in which poverty was higher and as a result the proportion of the population living beneath the national poverty line has converged to around one in 3 in all regions in 2011.”

The World Bank does little to explain just why Tigray has done (relatively) so well, but it does point to the importance of infrastructure investment and the building of roads. It also points to this fact: “Poverty rates increase by 7% with every 10 kilometers from a market town. As outlined above, farmers that are more remote are less likely to use agricultural inputs, and are less likely to see poverty reduction from the gains in agricultural growth that are made. The generally positive impact of improvements in infrastructure and access to basic services such as education complements the evidence for Ethiopia that suggests investing in roads reduces poverty.”

Not surprisingly, the TPLF under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and beyond concentrated their investment on their home region – Tigray. The results are plain to see.

martinplaut

The World Bank has just published an authoritative study of poverty reduction in Ethiopia. The fall in overall poverty has been dramatic and is to be greatly welcomed. But who has really benefited?

This is the basic finding:

In 2000 Ethiopia had one of the highest poverty rates in the world, with 56% of the population living on less than US$1.25 PPP a day. Ethiopian households experienced a decade of remarkable progress in wellbeing since then and by the start of this decade less than 30% of the population was counted as poor.

There are of course many ways of answering the question – “who benefited” – were they men or women, urban or rural people. All these approaches are valid.

The Ethnic Dimension

But in Ethiopia, where Ethic Federalism has been the primary driver of government policy one cannot ignore the ethnic dimension.

Here this graph is particularly telling:

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10 of the Richest (and Poorest) Countries in the World. #Ethiopia #Africa February 16, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Poverty.
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The difference between rich and poor countries

10 of the Richest (and Poorest) Countries in the World
wallstcheatsheet.com

 

 

When politicians and motivational speakers are trying to excite and inspire an audience, they’ll often talk about America as “the land of opportunity,” or as the most “powerful nation in the world.” And, while these sentiments absolutely hold some degree of truth, America is by no means number one on every chart, wiping the floor with every other nation in every area.

Several other developed nations rank higher than America in regards to medical care, and even education. In terms of wealth, we’re among the wealthiest nations, but we’re certainly not number one in that area either. Using data from The World Bank, we’ve created a list of some of the richest and poorest nations in the world.

These lists are based on each country’s GDP per capita. That is, the sum value of the all of the finished goods produced within a country during a certain time period (often a year), divided by each country’s middle-of-the-year population. To provide a bit of perspective, we’ve included information on the cost to rent a small furnished apartment in some of these places as well.

10 of the richest countries in the world (ranked in order based on their GDP per capita)

Rank Nation GDP Per Capita (PPP) in USD Monthly rent for a 900-square-foot furnished apartment in an expensive area
1 Luxembourg $110,697.00 $2,260 (in Luxembourg)
2 Norway $100,818.50 $2,539 (in Olso)
3 Qatar $93,714.10 $3,353 (in Doha)
4 Macao SAR, China $91,376.00 $1,864 (in Macao)
5 Switzerland $84,815.40 $3,506 (in Zurich
6 Australia $67,458.40 $2,358 (in Sydney)
7 Sweden $60,430.20 $2,088 in (Stockholm)
8 Denmark $59,831.70 $2,206 in (Copenhagen)
9 Singapore $55,182.50 $3,750 (in Singapore)
10 United States $53,042.00 $4,208 (in New York City)
sources: Expatistan and The World Bank

10 of the poorest countries in the world (ranked in order based on their GDP per capita)

Rank Country GDP Per Capita (PPP)
1 Malawi $226.50
2 Burundi $267.10
3 Central African Republic $333.20
4 Niger $415.40
5 Liberia $454.30
6 Madagascar $463.00
7 Congo, Dem. Rep. $484.20
8 Gambia, The $488.60
9 Ethiopia $505.00
10 Guinea $523.10
Source: The World Bank

Read more: http://wallstcheatsheet.com/business/10-of-the-richest-and-poorest-countries-in-the-world.html/?a=viewall#ixzz3Rx3PSXq3
http://wallstcheatsheet.com/business/10-of-the-richest-and-poorest-countries-in-the-world.html/?a=viewall

 

The world’s richest man has a solution to Africa’s hunger problem – and it’s not a good one. #Africa February 7, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, African Poor, Agriculture, Aid to Africa, Gets Foundation, Land Grabs in Africa, Poverty.
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“In our recently released report – The Poor are Getting Richer and Other Dangerous Delusions – we showed that there are now almost double the number of people living on under $2 a day in sub-Saharan Africa than there were in 1981.”

“In fact, the alternatives to industrial agriculture can be more effective in combating hunger. Small-scale sustainable agriculture (agroecology) can, by cutting out the corporates and their fat profit margins, feed more people, more sustainably, than any large-scale farm using patented seed to produce food for export. Indeed, a recent study (using data from 57 developing counties) showed that farmers switching to sustainable methods on average increased their yields by 73 per cent.”

“Instead of trying to fight African farmers into submission and turning them into a disenfranchised corporate labour force, Gates should be promoting their freedom to adopt practices that help improve their livelihoods.” http://leftfootforward.org/2015/02/why-bill-gates-big-bet-for-the-future-is-wrong/

Why Bill Gates’ ‘big bet for the future’ is wrong

By Alex Scrivener is policy officer at Global Justice Now

The world’s richest man has a solution to Africa’s hunger problem – and it’s not a good one

Why Bill Gates’ ‘big bet for the future’ is wrong

He’s done it again. Bill Gates has saved the world.

At least, he has put out his annual letter in which the world’s richest man tells us how well things are going in the world and how a whole host of serious global problems are going to be ‘solved’ soon.

Last year, he devoted his letter to busting three ‘myths that block progress for the poor’. In it, he expounded the triumphalist argument that ‘the world is better than it has ever been’, the implication being that it is aid, alongside the benevolent hand of the market, that has helped people out of poverty.

Unfortunately, the world is not doing as well as he says. In our recently released report – The Poor are Getting Richer and Other Dangerous Delusions – we showed that there are now almost double the number of people living on under $2 a day in sub-Saharan Africa than there were in 1981.

And the countries, like Venezuela and China, where there has been significant poverty reduction have actually received very little aid and have often ignored many of the economic policies advocated by the World Bank, IMF and big business moguls like Gates.

In his new letter, Gates has turned his attention to a more specific set of problems, but the same triumphalist tone dominates.

His ‘big bet’ is that the lives of people in poor countries will improve faster in the next 15 years than at any other time in history. Child deaths will fall by half, Africa will be able to feed itself, mobile banking and better software will radically improve the lives of the poor.

I can only hope that he’s right. But if there’s one thing for sure, it’s that if we want to attain these goals, we shouldn’t follow some of the policies that he advocates.

For one of his targets, halving child deaths, Gates doesn’t even say how he sees this happening. Although the reference to pharmaceutical companies donating drugs suggests that he sees the answer in charity by the very companies that are killing many poor people by denying them cheap generic drugs. Suffice to say, I don’t share his optimism on this.

But it is his proposed solution to Africa’s hunger problem which is potentially the most dangerous.

As with pretty much every global problem one could care to mention, Gates’ answer to the problem of African hunger involves business, charity and that wonderfully vague concept of ‘innovation’.

Gates compares crop yields in Africa to those of the USA and concludes that the problem would be solved if only Africa used more intensive farming methods and introduced new strains of corn and wheat.

What he doesn’t say explicitly in the letter, is that these new grains and ‘innovative’ farming methods will come as part of a corporate takeover of African agriculture. Gates’ charitable foundation is a major backer of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA), a scheme that has been criticized because of the involvement of huge agribusiness corporation Monsanto.

AGRA is based on a similar green revolution in Asia, which raised crop yields at the cost of bringing increased rural inequality and decreased biodiversity. Asia’s green revolution certainly made the food production statistics look better, but the intensive industrial farming methods it favoured were often actually quite damaging for the rural communities the project was theoretically helping.

This is the model that Gates wants in Africa. Out with the inefficient peasant farmers, in with corporate, large-scale, intensive farms.

But if food production increases, isn’t it worth getting rid of peasant farming and replacing it with large-scale farms, despite the negative side-effects?

This argument makes sense on a superficial level. However, while industrial agriculture can increase crop yields, there are other more sustainable ways of achieving the same result.

In fact, the alternatives to industrial agriculture can be more effective in combating hunger. Small-scale sustainable agriculture (agroecology) can, by cutting out the corporates and their fat profit margins, feed more people, more sustainably, than any large-scale farm using patented seed to produce food for export. Indeed, a recent study (using data from 57 developing counties) showed that farmers switching to sustainable methods on average increased their yields by 73 per cent.

Instead of trying to fight African farmers into submission and turning them into a disenfranchised corporate labour force, Gates should be promoting their freedom to adopt practices that help improve their livelihoods.

Another part of the answer may lie in allowing Africa to go back to the future – the continent was self-sufficient in food in the 1960s. Since then, African countries have been forced to open their markets to foreign imports by countries that hypocritically preach the gospel of free markets while heavily protecting their own agricultural industries with subsidies and tariffs. Unravelling this unfair state of affairs could help African producers compete.

Bill Gates probably genuinely believes he is a force for progress. But until he wakes up to the reality that more sustainable and effective alternatives exist to the mainstream corporate solutions, he could end up doing more harm than good.

RAlex Scrivener is policy officer at Global Justice Now

http://leftfootforward.org/2015/02/why-bill-gates-big-bet-for-the-future-is-wrong/

http://www.globaljustice.org.uk/myth-1-poor-are-getting-richer

Africa: How moving beyond GDP may help fight poverty February 2, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa Rising, Economics, Poverty, The extents and dimensions of poverty in Ethiopia, Youth Unemployment.
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???????????Growth and Resource Deplation

 

‘GDP is a highly inappropriate measure to gauge progress in Africa and moving beyond GDP will open up creative opportunities to fight poverty and achieve sustainable wellbeing. GDP does not capture informal economies, the contribution of subsistence farming, non-commercial agriculture and other localized forms of production and consumption. Through the introduction of new progress indicators that focus on human wellbeing, health and education, decent work and natural welfare, African countries may be encouraged to promote a different development paradigm . A networked economy, founded on localized forms of self-production and consumption would empower the millions of people that are at the moment left out of the apparent African economic miracle.’

‘Moreover, as an aggregate figure (or as an average, in the case of GDP per capita) it hides unequal distribution of income.  Against this backdrop, it becomes clear that there are important structural reasons why one should be suspicious of the ‘Africa rising’ mantra. Most fastgrowing African economies are heavily dependent on exports of commodities. This means that when commodity prices drop at the global level, African economies languish. More dangerously, it means that the ‘growth’ we have seen in the past few years is largely the result of a statistical mirage. Most natural resources in Africa are not renewable: once they are taken out of the ground, they do not grow back. GDP does not measure the ‘loss’ of selling out the most precious resources African countries possess. What would the picture look like if such losses were deducted from GDP? The World Bank in 2013 adjusted net savings statistics, which subtracts natural resources depletion and environmental damage from national income, gives us the following: African countries have been reducing their wealth at the tune of 1.2% a year. Rather than growing, our continent’s economies have been shrinking.’

https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/5938How%20moving%20beyond%20GDP%20may%20help%20fight%20poverty%20in%20Africa.pdf

 

 

GSDR 2015 Brief How moving beyond GDP may help fight poverty in Africa

 

By Lorenzo Fioramonti*, University of Pretoria

 

The gross domestic product (GDP) is the world’s most powerful statistical measure. Its underlying economic principles have contributed to splitting the planet into two worlds: the ‘developed’ and the ‘developing’ countries and/or the North and the South. Paradoxically, the GDP mantra was imposed on poorer nations in spite of its creators’ conclusion that its approach should not be applied to countries largely dependent on informal economic structures, as these are not considered by income accounts, which are threatened by policies designed to increase GDP (Fioramonti 2013). The economist Simon Kuznets, one of the architects of the GDP system, is also known for having demonstrated how income inequality rises in times of fast GDP growth. His famous ‘curve’ shows how relative poverty is exacerbated, especially in under-industrialized countries, leading to a concentration of resources and income in the hands of a few. This brief makes the argument that GDP is a highly inappropriate measure to gauge progress, especially in the so-called developing world. It will therefore focus on Africa to show how moving beyond GDP may open up creative opportunities to fight poverty and achieve sustainable wellbeing. How the GDP measure is misleading Africa In May 2013, even the billionaire turned philanthropist Bill Gates, who is a fervent supporter of metric-driven approaches to development, publicly contested the validity of GDP: “I have long believed that GDP understates growth even in rich countries, where its measurement is quite sophisticated, because it is very difficult to compare the value of baskets of goods across different time periods,” but this problem is “particularly acute in Sub-Saharan Africa, owing to weak national statistics offices and historical biases that muddy crucial measurements” (Gates 2013). GDP does not capture informal economies, the contribution of subsistence farming, non-commercial agriculture and other localized forms of production and consumption (Jerven 2013). According to estimates published by the IMF in 2002, informal economies accounted for up to 44% of economic output in developing nations, 30% in transition economies, and 16% in the OECD countries (Schneider and Enste 2002), which fall outside the GDP net. Moreover, as an aggregate figure (or as an average, in the case of GDP per capita) it hides unequal distribution of income.  Against this backdrop, it becomes clear that there are important structural reasons why one should be suspicious of the ‘Africa rising’ mantra. Most fastgrowing African economies are heavily dependent on exports of commodities. This means that when commodity prices drop at the global level, African economies languish. More dangerously, it means that the ‘growth’ we have seen in the past few years is largely the result of a statistical mirage. Most natural resources in Africa are not renewable: once they are taken out of the ground, they do not grow back. GDP does not measure the ‘loss’ of selling out the most precious resources African countries possess. What would the picture look like if such losses were deducted from GDP? The World Bank in 2013 adjusted net savings statistics, which subtracts natural resources depletion and environmental damage from national income, gives us the following: African countries have been reducing their wealth at the tune of 1.2% a year. Rather than growing, our continent’s economies have been shrinking. Sierra Leone has experienced net losses of about 20% of its entire GDP, Angola of 40%, Chad of 50% and the DRC of over 57%. The Bank confirms that “in poorer countries, natural capital is more important than produced capital,” thus suggesting that properly managing natural resources should become a fundamental component of development strategies, “particularly since the poorest households in those countries are usually the most dependent on these resources” (World Bank 2006: p. XVI). The real costs of GDP growth in Africa are the elephant in the room of the world’s economic debates. The current GDP paradigm sacrifices nature, which must be commoditized to become productive. It also neglects important components of the real economy, such as the informal sector, because they are not part of the formal market system. Policies that are designed to support GDP growth thus replace the informal (e.g. street vendors, subsistence farming, flea markets, family businesses, household production) with the formal (e.g. shopping malls, commercial farming, large infrastructure). While some can take advantage of this concentration of wealth, many are left behind. The OECD has confirmed the intimate link between rising inequality and GDP growth across the world (OECD 2011). This is further amplified in those countries where the informal economy provides a fundamental safety net to many poor households, as is the case throughout Africa. Why going ‘beyond’ GDP may create new opportunities The GDP model of growth privileges the formal at the expense of the informal, the big at the expense of the small. While complacent politicians, economists and the media celebrate Africa’s GDP ‘miracle’, there is another part of the continent rising. Disillusioned with the limited gains of market society, many Africans are raising their collective voices, whether through service delivery protests (as is the case in South Africa) or through permanent mobilizations (as we have seen in North Africa). This could very well be the beginning of a new era, in which more and more citizens repudiate an economic model that is losing traction also in the West, to explore new forms of human progress. Going beyond GDP in Africa may open a myriad of possibilities to redefine progress in the continent. Through the introduction of new indicators that focus on human wellbeing, health and education, decent work (rather than superficial counting of ‘employment’) and natural welfare, African countries may be encouraged to promote a different development paradigm. Various elements of Africa’s local cultures, from the widely heralded (and often abused) concept of Ubuntu to traditional experiences with cooperative schemes of production and consumption as well as communitydriven governance, may provide a fertile ground for localized and decentralized forms of development, in which enhancing human capabilities will overtake nominal income as the key objective of economic progress. Moreover, the abundance of solar energy should make it possible for entire communities to become energy independent through small-scale offthe-grid solutions, thus reinforcing a transition to a citizens-driven development model, rather than an economic paradigm based on exploitation of nature and mass consumption. A networked economy, founded on localized forms of self-production and consumption, in which the distinction between producers and consumers becomes increasingly fuzzier (this is a concept encapsulated in the idea of ‘prosumers’) would challenge the GDP conceptualizations of production and asset boundary, thus resulting in lower rates of nominal growth. Yet, it3 would empower the millions of people that are at the moment left out of the apparent African economic miracle. It would for instance allow for alternative forms of governance of natural resources, in which local communities would need to identify the best ways to interact with their ecosystems in a sustainable fashion, rather than resorting to the structural exploitation we have seen throughout the continent in times of state-led or market-driven accelerated growth. It would mean respecting the commons for what they are, rather than subjecting them to marketization and commodification as dictated by the GDP mantra.

 

* Lorenzo Fioramonti is the director of the Centre for the Study of Governance Innovation at the University of Pretoria, South Africa (www.governanceinnovation.org). He is one of the leading voices in the ‘Beyond GDP’ debate and the author of the bestselling books Gross Domestic Problem: The Politics Behind the World’s Most Powerful Number (2013) and How Numbers Rules the World: The Use and Abuse of Statistics in Global Politics (2014), both published by Zed Books. The views and opinions expressed are the authors’ and do not represent those of the Secretariat of the United Nations. Online publication or dissemination does not imply endorsement by the United Nations.

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https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/5938How%20moving%20beyond%20GDP%20may%20help%20fight%20poverty%20in%20Africa.pdf

 

Why Some Countries Are Poor and Others Rich. #Africa January 11, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley.
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???????????

 

‘The reason why some countries are rich and others poor depends on the quality of their institutions, the culture they have, the natural resources they find and what latitude they’re on.’

Ethiopia: Bad governance and abysmal poverty January 5, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa Rising, African Poor, Corruption, Corruption in Africa, Free development vs authoritarian model, Illicit financial outflows from Ethiopia.
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Ethiopia:  Home of  Thousands  of Garbage Scavangers

 http://www.tesfanews.net/ethiopia-home-for-thousands-of-garbage-scavengers/

British journalist Caroline Knowles writes that Addis Ababa’s city dump (aka Koshe) as the main source of survival for many poor Ethiopians.  But, Why the Ethiopian government allow its people to live like this? Is it because they don’t know or because they don’t care?

By Caroline Knowles,

MY first sight of Koshe, Addis Ababa’s giant 50-year-old landfill site, is from the highway. It runs alongside it, and away from the road as far as the eye can see: a giant, murky, grey-brown raised area of partially decomposed rubbish, with occasional bright specks of colour. As my hopes rise from having found it, my heart sinks as I try to take it in.

The interpreter I have engaged for this mission through my contacts, a junior academic at Addis Ababa University, is not keen on going ahead. Leaving the taxi and crossing the highway by the bridge, I try to absorb the panoramic view afforded by this elevated viewpoint over the highway. 

This 36-hectare site – shrinking as the city attempts to regulate it – is patrolled from the air by large vultures, diving into the rubbish. Motley crews of wild dogs gambolling and snatching at the soft ground patrol it at ground level. Smoke rises in several places, adding a layer of haze to the murky colour scheme. Yellow bulldozers nose the heap and shift and level it; municipal rubbish trucks and flatbed trucks with skips arrive from all over the city and discharge their contents.

Between the dogs, the birds and the machines there was something else, something I could only slowly take in: 200 to 300 people, dressed in the same murky hues as the rubbish dump, backs bent, hooks in hand, were working on its surface.

Feeling queasy I walk towards the end of the bridge. In order to reach the steps and the rubbish, I must walk past three young men who are using the vantage point of the bridge for surveillance and information gathering. In an unspoken negotiation I don’t understand, they take in my camera, and my shoulder bag containing digital recorders and money, and let me pass. This silent confrontation, between the comforts of my world and the difficulties of theirs, only further develops my anxieties.

Korah dump in Addis Ababa is home to around 130,000 residents of Addis Ababa who survive from the garbage one way or the other

Descending the steps, I walk to the edge of the dump where I am met by the site supervisor and his aides. They want a stamped authorisation of my visit from the relevant municipal department. What looks like a vast area, open to the surrounding countryside, is as closed to me as a Korean petrochemical plant. I turn back and head into the city to secure the relevant authorisation.

TRASH TALKS

The city dump is an inventory, of a kind, of its material life. Addis in rubbish is not London or Moscow in rubbish. Rubbish provides a crude and deeply flawed account of cities and their social, political and economic contexts. Rubbish displays social, material and income differences.

Indeed, some people’s rubbish provides others with the fabric of their everyday life. Maybe this is the best way to think about Koshe – as a redistribution centre which indexes the differences between people’s life-journeys, refracted through material cultures at their point of disposal.

Korah dump site in Addis Ababa.  Hundreds survive from food that was dumped at the site

Not just the content, the handling of rubbish displays cities too. How cities deal with their rubbish reveals them. It is a major challenge for municipal authorities in Addis, who are only able to deal with two-thirds of the rubbish, distributed in collection points all over a city that is fast expanding – leaving the rest to private contractors and the age-old informal dumping practices on streets and in rivers. Thus rubbish provides a visual commentary on urban citizens’ behaviour as well as the efficacy of municipal governance.

SCRATCHING A LIVING

Getting myself into the rubbish is a story of municipal offices cluttered with old computers, fans, desks, officials and permissions. It is about writing a letter in Amharic explaining what I want to do and why. It is about waiting until the electricity comes back on and we can photocopy my university ID. There are phone calls to the landfill site and arrangements are made. Everybody is charming. I’ve come from London to take a look at the rubbish. Why? I am following a piece of plastic around the world. Really! First world problems!

I go back to Koshe – which means ‘dirty’ in Amharic – and hand over the necessary papers to the site supervisor, in his makeshift office at the roadside of the dump. Minutes later, I am scrambling after him, out on to the rubbish heap, navigating around the dogs which I fear, and the areas where it is soft underfoot and I sink up to my knees. My stomach is churning with fear. My interpreter and I are using Olbas oil to mask the smell.

– – – – – –

– – – – – –

We stop north of the main road, where it is firmer underfoot, in the area where the activity is concentrated. This is the place to which the municipal authorities and the site supervisor direct the trucks to dump their loads. A single white towelling slipper, with the Hilton Hotel logo on it, stands out in the grey-brown mush.

This area is a hive of activity that peaks to a frenetic pace with the arrival of new loads, and then falls away, leaving a more continuous stream of slower activity, and a legacy of dust and smoke that gets in everyone’s eyes.

Korah dump site in Addis Ababa.  Hundreds survive from food that was dumped at the site

As rubbish trucks turn off the main road on to the edge of the site, a group of five or six young men jump on the back and ride to the dumping area with it. This puts them at an advantage for grabbing the best items as the truck discharges its load onto the tip, but not without risk. The mechanism that crushes the rubbish occasionally catches a young man in its deadly and disfiguring grasp.

As the young men jump off with the rubbish and begin picking items that catch the eye, the line of men and women, that has formed along both sides of the truck, spring into action, grabbing items and stashing them in woven plastic sacks. These are held tightly in one hand; in the other a homemade metal hook with a white handle, used to grab and dig into the grey-brown surface of the heap, is held. This hooked instrument earns the pickers – sometimes referred to as scavengers – the name ‘scratchers’.

The moment of discharge unleashes a tense scramble for the most valuable items; a competition in which masculine physical strength prevails, and young, agile, women put up a good fight. Scratchers then go on searching, or rest until the next truck arrives, or regroup around the bulldozers unearthing new bounty. The social and material relationships of the dump demand skilled navigation.

From the vantage point of the dump, the scratchers rework the geographies and hierarchies of the city. The tensest flurries of competitive scratching accompany the arrival of trucks from the most affluent areas, with the best rubbish. The Bole area, with its upscale detached housing, mall, hotels and the international airport, sends the most prized items, the cast-offs of affluence, including waste airline food in large green plastic bags, to the dump. Scratchers collect the food discarded by airline passengers for themselves, leaving a large pool of bright green plastic bags, which attracts a herd of goats.

Korah dump site in Addis Ababa.  Awareness campaign to help the thousands of Addis Ababa residents that survived from the garbage

Rubbish from the central part of the city, from international hotels, the African Union HQ buildings and the embassies, is similarly sought after, and monopolised by the fittest young men. Scratchers recognise the sources of rubbish from the colours and types of trucks used by the different sub-cities and private contractors. And they recognise the drivers and their helpers, who regularly work the same areas. The discarded traces of the city’s more affluent lives, especially foreign residents and visitors, most animate the dump. Rubbish logs social inequalities in cities and provides a minimal redress.

The dump has temporal rhythms. Scratchers know what time the trucks arrive from different parts of the city. From 8am through the morning is the busiest time. The dump is geared to municipal collection and transportation. By 5pm things are dying down as the trucks stop for the night, and the scratching continues with fewer scratchers at a slower pace. Bulldozers moving stuff around and digging into the surface of the dump also provide new scratching opportunities, and a lively crowd gathers around them. Scratching is a 24-hour activity, with people arriving after their working day is over. Some scratchers work throughout the night wearing torches attached to headbands. Scratching it seems is a (stigmatised) way of life as much as a way of getting by.

Within the urban geographies of affluence, materials establish another set of hierarchies. Scratchers search for anything they can use for themselves, or resell. Materials have a value in recycling, providing an afterlife for discarded objects. Metals, including nails, are the most valuable booty, and men dominate this, although a few women have ventured into metals too. Wood has value as firewood. Tourist clothes and shoes can be cashed in at the Mercato salvage section. Some scratchers just come to eat.

But plastics are the most ubiquitous material on the dump, and among plastics, water bottles the scratchers refer to as ‘highland’, after a popular brand of bottled water, dominate, and in this niche women prevail.

Scratchers specialise in particular materials. Specialisms result from advice from experienced scratchers, from serendipity, or from knowledge of shifting recycling prices, gathered at the edge of the dump. Here materials are counted or weighed, and turned into cash, with the agents from factories using recycled materials.

A pile of white dusty material arrives from the leather factory. The dogs take up residence. They are ejected by a group of men, who have decided that this is a good place to sit, while waiting for the next truck.

..Why does the Ethiopian government put resources into regulating who can visit their trash dump to make sure that they don’t get too much bad publicity for how their people are being treated instead of investing those resources into getting people out of the dump?

In their working clothes – they scrub up outside of work and look completely different – scratchers are dressed similarly and grimily, making them the same colour as the rubbish heap. Men wear trousers, shirts and tee shirts, baseball caps and sometimes hoodies to protect their heads from the sun. Women wear scarves and baseball caps, skirts, trousers, t-shirts and blouses. Some carry infants on their backs. All wear sturdy shoes, often trainers.

The scratching population numbers 200–300, but expands after holidays with casual pickers. More women than men do it by a ratio of about three to one, and, while people in their 20s and 30s predominate, ages range from teens to seniors. Most live in the villages around the dump in simple, rusted, corrugated iron dwellings, sometimes with satellite dishes. Rubbish has provided a source of local employment and subsistence for generations over its 50-year history, and is firmly embedded in local calculations of subsistence and accumulation.

About 50 scratchers live in cardboard and plastic makeshift shelters off the edge of the dump, safely away from passing vehicles and next to a pen full of pigs. The rubbish sustains rural arrivals, for whom it works as a gateway to the city, as well as long-term residents, whose rural routes have settled into the past, making them locals.

The ministry and its field agents say that the rubbish dump is a source of dangerous working practices by people who, like the rubbish they sort, are consigned to live beyond the limits of civic life. A litany of accidents, deaths and disfigurements as scratchers take risks to recover value, are recited by the site supervisor:

“Food comes from some place and a guy is going into the truck and he is injured and they take him to hospital but he died. Also someone else lost their legs in an encounter with a bulldozer. Two months ago a man who jumped in the truck dropped off when it broke. In recent accidents, two were women. The bulldozer operator has a lot to do to push the garbage. If they see something they want when the bulldozer moves the garbage, they don’t think about their life.”

In living beyond formal systems of governance, this city suburb of rubbish is more like the Somali borderlands, patrolled by contrabandists and gunrunners, than a part of the city. There is a police station nearby, and policing and the justice system are slowly taking back the dump from a parallel system of authority, a mafia of five ‘big men’. The big men control access by scratchers in exchange for fees, making themselves wealthy in the process. But recently, some of them have been imprisoned, shifting the balance of power towards the authorities.

Once far away, a place outside of the city, outside systems of formal employment, taxation, law and municipal governance, Koshe is now on the edge of a city that has grown to meet it in what are fast becoming its upscale southern suburbs. A new development of large detached houses nearby anticipates this future – new housing for those in a position to benefit from rising prosperity, and a consequent shrinkage and rehabilitation of the landfill site. These changes have far-reaching consequences for the scratchers of Koshe.

– – – – –
NOTE: The above article was first published on The Guardian Newspaper under the title “Inside Addis Ababa’s Koshe Rubbish Tip Where Hundreds Literally Scratch a Living”.  It is an extract from the new book Flip-Flop: A Journey Through Globalisation’s Backroads by Caroline Knowles. (Pluto Press, £18.99).

Source:  Tesfanews.net
Read more at http://www.tesfanews.net/ethiopia-home-for-thousands-of-garbage-scavengers/#IEroeAVG1RmyFU7j.99

The Oromians Protest Ethiopia’s New Master Plan of Ethnic Cleansing against the Oromo in the Name of Development Expansion of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) December 25, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Aannolee and Calanqo, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Dictatorship, Ethnic Cleansing, Finfinne is Oromia's land, Finfinnee, Finfinnee is the Capital City of Oromia, Finfinnee n Kan Oromoo ti, Free development vs authoritarian model, Genocidal Master plan of Ethiopia, Human Rights, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Land and Water Grabs in Oromia, Land Grabs in Africa, No to land grabs in Oromia, No to the Addis Ababa Master Plan, NO to the Evictions of Oromo Nationals from Finfinnee (Central Oromia), Ogaden, Oromia, Oromia wide Oromo Universtiy students Protested Addis Ababa Expansion Master Plan, Oromian Voices, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo Identity, Oromo Protests in Ambo, Oromo students movement, Oromo students protests, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromo University students and their national demands, Poverty, Qubee Afaan Oromo, Say no to the expansions of Addis Ababa, State of Oromia, Stop evicting Oromo people from Cities, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tyranny.
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Waraqaan Waamicha FDG Oromiyaa Bakkoota Garaa Garaatti Fac’aa Jira.

IMG_20141224_203639IMG_20141224_211555IMG_20141224_211615

Waraqaan waamicha dadammaqiinsa FDG Mudde 24 Bara 2014 ganama irraa Oromiyaa bakkoota garaagaraatti, addatti haga odeessi kun gumaa’ee nu qaqqabetti magaalota naannoo Finfinnee jiran kan akka Sabbaataa, Alem-Genaa, Burraayyuu, Sulultaa, L/Xaafoo Laga Daadhii fi akkasumaas Finfinnee bakkoota adda addaatti faca’aa jiraachuu odeessi nu qaqqabe addeessa.  Akka odeessaa fi waraabbii suuraa armaan gadii nu qaqqabe ibsutti, waraqaan waamicha dadammaqiinsa FDG kun dhaamsa ‘’tokkummaan wareeggama qabsoon bilisummaaf barbaaddu haakaffallu’’ jedhu kan ofkeessaa qabuu fi uummata impaayera biyyittii keessatti uummanni Oromoo uummata yayyaba ta’ee otoo jiruu uummata bicuu Tigreetiin gabroomuun salphinaa fi qaanii waan ta’eef, qaanii fi salphina uummanni keenya keessa jiru keessaa baasuun dirqama dhaloota kanaa ta’uu kan ibsuu fi dabalataaniis waamicha Qeerroon yeroo yeroon taasisuus jala jalaan hordofuun barbaachisaa akka ta’ees dhaamsi waraqaa waamicha kanaa ni mul’isa.  Waraqaan waamicha dammaqiinsa qabsoo bilisummaaf taasifamaa jiru kun itti fufiinsaan guutuu Oromiyaa irratti faca’aa jiraachuu gabaasni nu qaqqabe ibsuus akkuma odeessi isaa gumaa’ee nu qaqqabeen jala jalaan kan gabaasnu ta’a.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/24/waraqaan-waamicha-fdg-oromiyaa-bakkoota-garaa-garaatti-facaa-jira/

 

Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu keessatti diddaan sirna mootummaa Wayyaanee irratti ka’een waldhabbiin barattoota Oromoo fi waraana Wayyaanee jidduu jabaatee jira.

Gabaasa Qeerroo Muddee 15,2014 Uni Madda Walaabuu

diddaa9Muddee 14,Guyyaa Kaleessaa Mooraan Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu mooraa shaakala waraanaa fakkaata. Humni waraana Wayyaanees abaratoota irratti dhukaasa bane jira.

Edai halkan sa’a 2:00 booda FDG baname,akka gabaasi Qeerroo addeessutti yeroo darbe waraqaa dhaadannoo uummata fi barataa kakaasu Qeerroon Yuuniversitii madda walaabuu mooraa keessatti tamsaasuun barattootni nyaata lagachuudhaan, barumsa dhaabuudhaan diddaa eegalanii kan turan mootummaan Wayyaanee humna bittimsaa itti ajajuu irraan barattootni akka kaayyeffatanii ka’an tahuu baatuus barattoota Oromoo ergasii adamsuudhaan tikootni Wayyaanee qabani mooraa keessaa baasuudhaan bakka ittiin gahan dhabamaa ture,akka walii galaatti barattootni hanga ammaatti hidhamani bakka buuteen isaani dhabamee jiru barattoota 20 ol akka ta’e,tooftaa garagaraan tikni qabaa kan ture, barattoota kaan ammoo marii qabna jechuudhaan mooraan alatti ukkamsanii hidhaa turan,gabaasa Qeerroo MW irraa akka hubatametti torbeema lama dura tahuun isaa waan hubatameef barattootni sabboonti Oromoo guyyaa kaleessaa Muddee 14,2014 wal gurmeessuun  barattootni gaaffii tokko malee, yakka tokko malee mooraa keenya keessaa torban darban hidhaman akka gadhiifaman, gaaffiin keenya bu’uura tahee yeroodhaa yerootti mootummaa gaafacha jirru kan hidhaman akka gadhiifamaniif nyaata dhiisnee, barumsa dhaabnee osoo gaafannuu gaaffii keenya irra tarkaanfachuudhaan mootummaan Wayyaanee ammas barattoota sabboonummaa qaban mooraa keessaa qabee hidhuun maaliif kaayyeffatee ka’e jechuudhaan guyyaa kaleessaa mooraa Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu keessatti baratooti Oromoo gamtaan sagalee ol kaasanii iyya dhageessisuun gaaffii mirgaa gaafatan.

Humni waraana Wayyaanee barattooti mooraa keessaa gara kamittuu akka hin baaneef dura dhaabbatanii meeshaan ittisaa jiru. Kana irratti dabalee humni mooricha eegu hanqatnaan humna dabalataa yaammatanii waraanni komaandoon Wayyaanee naannica weeraruun barattoota Oromoo irratti dhukaasa banuu qeerroon gabaasa.

Haala kanaan Barattootni halkan guutummaa osoo hin rafin barataan keenya hidhame nuuf haa deebi’u, humni waraanaa mooraa keessaa haa bahu jechuudhaan mooraan yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu dirree waraanaa fakkaatee kan bule halkan edaa yoo tahu guyyaa har’aas haaluma kanaan kan itti fufee jira.

Gama biraan Qeerroon yuuniversitii Mattuus gaaffiin uumata Oromoo deebii argachuu qaba,qoteebulaan haalaan dachii irraa buqa’aa waan jiruuf kun hatattamaan dhaabbachuu qaba sababa jedhuun Muddee 15,2014 diddaa akka dhageesifataa oolan qeerroon naannicha irraa gabaasa.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/16/yuuniversitii-madda-walaabuu-keessatti-diddaan-sirna-mootummaa-wayyaanee-irratti-kaeen-waldhabbiin-barattoota-oromoo-fi-waraana-wayyaanee-jidduu-jabaatee-jira/

 

 

Medrek Pro-Democracy & Justice Rally in Finfinnee/ Oromia (Dec. 14, 2014)

 

 

 

 

Barattootni Oromoo University Jimmaa Mooraa Saayinsii fi Teekinooloojii Ummanni Oromoo FDG Bakka Hundatti Itti Fufuun Dirqama Tahuu Akeekan.
Mudde (December) 14, 2014
Qeerroo irraa

Muddee 14,2014 Goototni Qeerroon Barattootni Oromoo Yuuniversiitii Jimmaa Mooraa Saayinsii fi Teekinooloojii haala qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo fi rakkoo uumata Oromoo irra gahe irratti gahaatti erga mariyataniin booda ejjennoon fudhatan FDG bifa fedheen itti fufuu kan jedhu ture,aala kanatti aansuun galgala keessa sa;a 2;00 irraa eegaluun wallee Warraqsaa qabsiisuun ABO fi Qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo faarsuun FDG malee Furmaatni abbaa irree angoo irraa darbu akka hin jirre akeekan.

Goototni Qeerroon Barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa bara darbe irraa eegaluun qabsoo qindaa’aa fi FDG sadarkaa Idil addunyaatti dhageettii argate qindeessuun Warraqsaa FDG bifa haaraan qabsoo uummata Oromoo keessatti boqonnaa haaraa saaqe qindeessuun hangafummaa olaanaa argatan, har’as qabsoon hanga bilisummatti jechuun halkan edaa hanga sa’aa 6:ootti Mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa Saayinsii fi teekinoolojii keessatti sababaa Filmiin afaan Oromoo ”Qurxama” jedhamu argisiifamuun walqabatee galgala irraa eegaluun walleewwaan warraaqsaa kanneen artistoota Oromoo akka Eebbisaa addunyaa, Adinaal Mohaamed fi kkf wallisuun addatti ABO fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo faarsan. kana malees Warraqsaa FDG malee mootummaa abbaa irree wayyaanee afaan qawween aangoo irratti cichaa jiru kan aangoo irraa darbu hin jiru jechuun dhaamsa guddaa uummata Oromoo fi lammiilee Cunqurfamoo biyyatti hundaaf dabarsuu itti fufan. waraabbiin wallee warraaqsaa ni qabna, sababaa rakkoo networkf fe’amuu didee nu rakkisaa jira dhiyootti kan isiniif erginu ta’uu ni hubachiifna.

Kana malees Mudde 13,2014 irraa eegaluun biyyatti keessatti boba’aan konkolaataa fi network dhabamuun wal qabatee raafama guddatu jira. amma uummatni sababaa boba’aan konkolaataa dhabameef kutaa biyyatti garaagaraa fi Godinaalee Oromiyaa garaagaraa keessatti bakka bakkatti socho’uu hanqachuun uummatni rakkoo ulfataa fi yaaddeessaa keessatti kufee jira. Qaala’insii gabaa biyyattis raafama guddaa biyyatti keessatti qabsiise jira. keessattu bara darbe irra eegaluun Warraaqsaa FDG Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii qabsisanii walqabatee mootummaa wayyaaneetti guyyaan halkan ta’ee waan qabee gadhiisu dhabaa jira. Dinagdeen biyyattis raafama guddaa keessa galee jira. Uummatni Oromoo fi lammiileen Cunqurfamoo biyyatti haal duree tokko malee tokkummaan mootummaa abbaa irraa irratti FDG qabsiisuun angoo irraa darbuuf yeroon gamtaan qabsaa’an amma jechuun dhaamsaa dabarsuu itti fufee jira.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/14/barattootni-oromoo-university-jimmaa-mooraa-saayinsii-fi-teekinooloojii-ummanni-oromoo-fdg-bakka-hundatti-itti-fufuun-dirqama-tahuu-akeekan/

 

 

 

Bulee Horaa Yuuniversitiitti Barattootni Oromoo Gaaffii Mirgaa Kaasneef Deebiin Haqaa Hanga kennamu Barnoota Itti Hin Deebinu Jechuun Qondaalota Wayyaanee Waliin Wal Qabaa Jiru.

 

Gabaasa Qeerroo Yuuniversitii Bulee Horaa, Muddee 11,2014
diddaa9Yuuniversitii Bulee Horaa, addeessu itti guyyoota lamaan dura Qeerroon mooraa Yuuniversitii Bulee Horaa keessaa waraqoota qabsoo balaliituu mooraa keessa tamsaasuun isaa waan yaadatamuudha, akka gabaasni nu gahe ibsaa jirutti waraqaan hedduun kan mooraa keessatti bittimfamee bule mirgi uummata Oromoo haa kabajamu, gaaffiin uummata barattootaa deebii haa argatu, hanga kun deebiin mootummaa biraa itti kennamutti barumsa akka hin baranne, gaaffiin mirgaa deebii kennamuufii qaba jechuun barattootni nyaata akka lagatan.

Muddee 10/2014 barattootni mooraa guutummaan nyaata lagachuudhaan mooraa keessatti gaaffiin uummata Oromoo deebii hanga mootummaan itti kennutti barumsas tahe nageenyaan tasgabboofnee mooraa keessa jiraachuu akka hin dandeenye ibsa kennaa akka turan gabaasni Qeerroo har’a nnu gahe addeessa. Kanumaan itti fufuudhaan motummaan Wayyaanee har’a akeekkachisa kennuuf murtoo keessa kan seenaa jiru barattootni addatti barattootni Oromoo Yuuniversitii keessa jiran fincila kaasuudhaaf waamicha waliif taasisaa waan jiranif dursanii of qopheessuu caasaa isaa mooraa yuuniversitii hundaatti beeksisuun gama caasaa mootumaan dhagayamaa jira, sochiin barattoota Oromoo Yuuniversitii Bulee Horaa keessatti yeroo ammaa adeemsifamaa jiru dhimmoota gaaffii mirga uummata Oromoo kabachiisu fi hidhamtootni akka bahan, lafti Oromoo fi Oromiyaa gurgarmuu fi saamichia akka dhaabbatuuf gaaffii kaasuun kan wal qabate sochiin fincilaa mul’ate hanga uummata naannichaa kaasutti argame, qote bulaanis barattoota deggeruuf of qopheessee ka’u gabaasni nu gahe addeessa.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/11/bulee-horaa-yuuniversitiitti-barattootni-oromoo-gaaffii-mirgaa-kaasneef-deebiin-haqaa-hanga-kennamu-barnoota-itti-hin-deebinu-jechuun-qondaalota-wayyaanee-waliin-wal-qabaa-jiru/

 

Maqaa Ayyaana Sabaa fi Sab-Lammiin Kabajuun Alaabaan Mootummaa Wayyaanee(EPRDF) Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu Marsee Fannifame Guutummaatti Barattoota Oromoon Buqifamee Darbamuu Gabaasi Qeerroo Addeessa.

Gabaasa Qeerroo Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu, Muddee 8,2014

OromiaALutaContinua2011FDGAlaabaan Mootummaa Wayyaanee Kabaja Ayyaana Sabaa fi Sab-Lammii Mooraa Yuuniversitii M/Walaabuu Irratti Kabajamuuf Fannifame,Barattootaan Harcaafame,Mootummaan Wayyaanees Mufachuun Caasaa Isaa Mooraa Keessatti Walgayii Teesisaa Jira!
Muddee 6,2014, irraa kaasee ayyaana sabaa fi sab-lammii jedhamee biyya keessatti habashootaa fi uummata kibbaan kabajameen mooraawwan barnootaa keessatti sochii Qeerroon taasiseen barattoota biratti hin kabajamiin darbuu isaa kan gabaasneedha, haata’u malee gabaasa har’a Mddee 8,2014 nu qaqqabe mooraa Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu irraa, guyyaa kaleessaa jechuun Muddee 7,mooraa Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabu keessatti ayyaanni kun akka kabajamuuf caasaadhuma mooraa keessaa qabanii fi barattoota habashaan hucuu aadaa fi sirboota garagaraa kan dhageessisanii fi caalmatti ammo guyya har’a kana itti fufuudhaaf alaabaa Wayyaanee mooraa keessatti fannifame hunda mooraa Yuuniversitii kana keessa kan tamsaasan Qeerroo mooraa Yuuniversitii kana irraa gabaasni nu gahee addeessa.

Barruuleen Qeerroo mooraa keessatti faffaca’anii turan ayaanni sabaa fi sab-lammii uummata Oromoo akka hin ilaallanne jabeessee dhaamsa barattootaaf dabarsaa tureedha, haaluma kanaan barattootni Oromoo mooraa Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu halkan edaa alaabaa gabroomfataa Wayyaanee maqaa golgaa Ethiopian fannifatu guutummaatti mooraa Yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu keessatti bittimfamanii fi rarraafamanii turan bakka hundaa irraa funaanuudhaan, alaabaa Oromiyaa qofa kan hambisan, alaabaan guyyaan kabaja ayyaanaa kun har’a itti fufuuf mooraa keessatti naanna’ee fannifame marti barattoota Oromoo funaanamee bakka buusan kan dhabame yoo tahu, sababa kanaan har’a ayyaanni mooraa kanatti kabajamuuf karoorfame kan hin milkaayin hafee fi alaabonni funaanaman eessa akka galee fi eenyus akka bakka fannifamee buuse beekamuu baatus dhimmi ayyaana kana ilaallatu hafee mootummaan wayyaanee caasaa isaa mooraa Yuuniversitii kanatti qabuu fi bulchaa yuuniversitii kanaa waliin marii guyyaa guutuu kan qabatanii oolan tahuu maddi gabaasa kanaa kan addeessudha, Wayyaaneen kan jedhu mooraa barnoota keessatti barattootni eenyun akka dursamaa, eenyuun akka ajajamaa jiran nuuf hin galle Yuuniversitiilee keessa dhaabni ABO galee diigumsa uumaa jira, biyya keessaas dhaabuma ofii hundeessine dhaaba maqaa Oromoon hundeeffame irraayyuu shakkii qabna, ABOn haala fedha isaan barattoota leenjifate mooraa barnootaa keessa facaasee jira, haalli kun guutummaatti hanga secca’amee qoratamee bira gahamutti barumsatti fufuun barattootaa dhaabbachuu qaba, qaama mooraa barnoota keessa seenee jiru qorachuu qabna, alaabaa mootummaa fannoo irraa buusuun ulfina mootummaa fi biyyaa gadi buusuudha, kun tuffii keenya waan taheef kana irratti yeroo osoo hin kennin waan qoratamuudhaan bira gahamuu qabu bira gahuu qabdu jechuudhaan guyyaa har’aa mooraa yuuniversitii Madda Walaabuu keessatti walgayiin teesifamaa oole, alaabaan fannoo irraa harca’es bakki inni bu’e hin beekamne, kan cirames jira,kan gubates jira, mootummaan Wayyaanee kaan irratti hedduu mufatee akka jiru gabaasni qixa adda addaa irraa dhimma yuuniversitii kana keessatti raawwatameen tahee nu gahaa jira.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/08/maqaa-ayyaana-sabaa-fi-sab-lammiin-kabajuun-alaabaan-mootummaa-wayyaaneeeprdf-yuuniversitii-madda-walaabuu-marsee-fannifame-guutummaatti-barattoota-oromoon-buqifamee-darbamuu-gabaasi-qeerroo-addeess/

Dargaggoonni Oromoo Godina Wallagaa Qeellam, Aanaa Jimmaa Horroo Ibsa Ejjennoo Fudhatan.

Ibsaa fi Ejjennoo Qeerroo Wallagga Qellem,Aanaa Jimmaa Horroo

Muddee 09,2014 Jimmaa Horroo

QeerrooWaggoota qabsoo Oromoo lakkoofsisaa har’a gahan keessatti, waggaa dhufaa darbaa bara itti sobni dhugaa caalee umurii isaa dheereffatee har’a gaheen, uummata Oromoo afaan faajjeessuudhaan mootummaan wayyaanee aangoo isaa dheereffate har’a gaheera.  Uummanni Oromoo kan hubatee jiru eessattis tahu yoomiyyuu mootummaan wayyaanee sobaan dahatee, humnatti fayadamuudhaan, horiittis hirkachuudhaan uumata Oromoo gowomsaa, hidhaa ajjeessaa har’a gaheera, waggaa dhiyoo asitti waaree jaal Laggaasaa Waagii wareegamee kaasee caasaan mootummaa Wayyaanee gara lixa Oromiyaa jiran doorsisaa fi oftuulummaan itti dabalamee uummata irratti roorrisuun nii kaasuu guyyuudhaan dabalaa dhufe, uumataanis ABOn hin jiru, kan jiruyyuu kunoo ajjeesne, jechuudhaan uummata sobuun hojii isaanii fardii ture, waan namni itti amanee mana isaa keessaa mallattoo fi dhiigni isaas dhaaba ABO faarsu maqaa hadheessuudhaan, maqaa balleessuudhaan uummatan dhaabni akka jibbamu taasisuu isaanii hojii isaanii duraati kun waan hubatamaadha.Ibsaa fi Ejjennoo Qeerroo Wallagga Qellem,Aanaa Jimmaa Horroo

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/09/dargaggoonni-oromoo-godina-wallagaa-qeellam-aanaa-jimmaa-horroo-ibsa-ejjennoo-fudhatan/

 

Barattooti Oromoo .Ayyaana Sabaa fi Sab-Lammii Wayyaanee Irratti Gaaffii Mirgaa Kaasuun Gochaa Sirnichaa Dura Dhaabbatan.

 Gabaasa Qeerroo Muddee 09,2014

Asoosaa BeeneshanguAlaabaa konkl Gumuz,Muddee 7/2014 Godina Beenishaangul Gumuuz Magaalaa Asoosaa bakkaa Wayyaaneen ayyaanaa sabaa fi sab-lammoota kabajan jira jechuun ololaa jiranitti goototni barattootni Oromoo fi lammiileen cunqurfamoo biyyatti Yuunibarsiitii Asoosaa wallee warraaqsaa irratti wallisuu fi roorroo dhageessifachuun mootummaa Wayyaanee dura dhaabbachuu eegalan. Barruuleen warraaqsaa haalaan bittinneeffaman. Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo wallee warraqsaan ABO fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo faarsan.

Muddee 6/2014 Irraa Egaluun Gootootni Qeerroon  barattootni Oromoo fi barsiisotni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa shira Wayyaanee irratti dammaquun Guyyaan ayyaana sabaa fi sablammoota kun uummataa Oromoo fi lammiiwwaan Cunqurfamoo biyyatti hin ilaallatu jechuun diddaan waan dura dhaabbataniif jecha Mootummaan Wayyaanee human Poolisii federaalaa fi human waraanaa bobbaasuun magaa Jimmaa fi Mooraawwaan Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa fi kolleejjii barsiisota Jimmaa irratti eeggichi haalan jabaate gochaa jira.

Yuuniversitii Jimmaa , Addaatti immoo Goototni Barsiisotni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa Muddee 6/2014 mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa  mooraa Agriculture keessatti humnaan walitti qabamani akka guyyaa ayyaanaa sabaa fi sablammii Wayyaanotaa irratti yaada kennaniif dirqamuun galma moorichaa lafa barsiisotni, hojjettootni Yuunibarsiitichaa fi bulchiitootni magaalaa Jimmaa fi Godina Jimmaa dabballootni Wayyaanee jiranitti biyyaatti keessatti sirna mootummaa dhufaa darbaa keessa kan Oromoof qajeele tokko illee akka hin jirre bifa gahaa ta’een ibsame.

Kana malees mootummaan Wayyaanee humnaa fi dirqamaan guyyaa ayyaana sabaa fi sablamoota jechuun ololaa jiru kana Aanota Godina Jimmaa keessatti akka kabajamuuf dhiibbaa guddaa kan gochaa ture diddaa uummatan duraa fashalee jiraachuu qeerroon gabaasa. Uummatni Oromoo ibsaa fi sochii qabsoo warraaqsaa FDG itti jiru dabarsaa jiruun walqabatee uummatni Godinichaa Aanoota kanneen akkaa, Limmuu Saqaa, Limmuu Koosaa, Geeraa, Gaatiraa  fi Aggaaroo fa’aa irratti uummatni olola wayyaanee kana irraa qooda fudhachuu diduun mormii guddaa sirna nama nyaataa Wayyaaneef qabachuu mul’isan.  Akkuma godinichaatti dabballotni Wayyaanee karaa ETV fi radio isaanii olola gaggeessan dhabuun muddama guddaa keessa galuun guyyaa har’aa muddee 8/2014 galgala kana dhoksaan mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa keessatti kabajuuf yaaliin godhamus Qeerroon goototni barattootni Oromoo wallee warraaqsaa itti qabsiisuu eegallaan dabballootni Wayyaanee soda keessa galuun sagantaa eegalan addaan kutuun kan dhaaban ta’uun mirkanaa’era.

Yuunivesitii Wallaggaa,   Mudde 7/2014 Goototni Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Wallaggaas guuyyaa ayyaana sabaa fi sablamoota biyyattin kabaja jira jechuun wayyaneen ololaa jirtu , gammata barattoota Oromoo jabeessuun barri Wayyaaneen 23, xummurtee 24 lakkawwachaa jirtu kun lammiilee biyyattiif bara ukkamsaa, bara rakkinni gama amantaa, siyaasaa fi dinagdee fi hawwaasummaa itti ulfatee fi rakkisaa ta’ee bara nagaa fi nageenyi dhibamee sirni dabballummaa abba irrummaa itti gaafa baase, Addatti bara Oromoon jumlaan itti wareegamee mirgii namummaa fi dimookiraasii ilma namaa itti ukkanfame jechuun barruulee garaa garaa bittinneessuun olola sirni garboomsaa Wayyaanee ofaa jiru balaaleffatan, goototni barattootni Oromoo dame Gimbiis adeemsuma walfakkaatuun olola wayyaanee fudhatama dhabsiisuun wayyaanetti waaroo salphina uuffisan. Mooraan Yuunibarsiitii Naqamtee fi Gimbiis human waraanaan eegama jira.

Haala kanaan mootummaan abbaa irree Wayyaanee EPRDF sochii diddaa fi dura dhaabbannaa shira wayyaanee qeerroon barattootni Oromoo argisiisaa jiran irra yaaddoo fi sodaa guddaa FDG narratti qabsiifame jedhu irraa ka’uun mogaloota gurguddaa Oromiyaa akka Jimmaa, Mattuu, Naqamtee, Amboo fi Finfinnee  human poolisaa Federaalaa fi human waraanaan eegaa jira. Dhaabbileen barnoota Oromiyaa akka Yuunibarsiitotaa fi Kolleejjootni hundinuu poolisii federaalaan eegama jiru. Addaatti mootummaan wayyaanee  human waraana guddaa gara dhiha Oromiyaatti bobbaasuun dandiin  magaalaa Mattuu irra  gara Asoosaa geessuu human loltuun eegaama jira, haaluma walfakkatuun daandiin Wallagga dhihaa Danbii Dolloo, Gimbii fi Asoosaa geessuu human loltuu guddaan irratti ramadamee eegama jira.

Muddee 1, 2014 Goototni Barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Dirree Dhawaa Guyyaa Ayyaana Sabaa fi Sablammootaan dhoksaan mootummaan Wayyaanee mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Dirree Dawwaa keessatti gaggeessa jiru irratti dammaquun sirna mootummichaa fi gochaa Wayyaanee irratti diddaa kaasuu Qeerroon gabaase.

Halkan edaa sa’aa 12:30 wb irraa eegaluun hanga halkan keessa sa’a 5:00tti Mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Dirree Dhawaa dhuunfachuun walleewwaan warraaqsaa ABO fi uumata Oromoo faarsuu fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo leellisuun diddaa jabaa kaasan.

Mootummaan Wayyaanees Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo FDG ni kaasu sababaa jedhuun guyyaa ayyaana sabaa fi sablamoota sobee itti fakkeessu kana kabajadha jechuun muddamaa utuu jiruu waan godhu dhabee utuu barattootni hin beekiin mooraalee Yuunibarsiitii human waraanaan eegsiisaa ayyaanaa sabaa fi sablamoota jedhu dhoksaatti mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Dirree Dawwaa keessatti kabajaa jiraachuu Goototni Qeerroon barattootni Orpomoo irratti dammaquun gamtaan gaaffii mirgaa kaasuu fi walleelee warraaqsaan mirga saba Oromoof falmaa bulan.

Wallee ABO’n kallacha uummata Oromooti, ABO Abdii Uummata Oromoo fi gaachana Uummata Oromooti, ABO’n dimookiraasiif qabsa’a, ABO’n mirga ilma namaa kabachiisuuf qabsaa’a, ABO’n mirga sabaa fi sablamootaa har’a Wayyaaneen ugguraa jirtu kabachiisuuf qabsa’a jechuun sagaalee warraaqsaa guddaa wallee warraaqsaa ABO fi qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo leellisuu dhageessisuun mootummaa wayyaanee dura dhaabbatan.

Mootummaan Wayyaanee human waraanaa heddumina qabu bobbaasee sochii dargaggoota kana dhaabsisuuf yaalii guddaa godhus dargaggootni Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo soda tokko malee sagalee warraaqsaa wal irraa hin citne itti fufuun dhageesisan. Haala rakkisaa keessatti sagalee warraqsaa Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Dirree Dhawaa dhageesisaan. http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/03/barattooti-oromoo-yuuniversitii-dirree-dhawaa-gootummaan-wayyaanee-dura-dhaabbachuun-roorroo-dhageessifatan/

http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/09/barattooti-oromoo-ayyaana-sabaa-fi-sab-lammii-wayyaanee-irratti-gaaffii-mirgaa-kaasuun-gochaa-sirnichaa-dura-dhaabbatan/

 

 

 

Sochiin FDG Godina Baalee Aandota Adda Addaa Keessatti Bifa Adda Ta’een Itti Fufuu Qeerroon Gabaase.

Gabaasa Qeerroo Muddee 1,2014

diddaa9

Sochiin warraaqsa uumata Oromoo itti fufuun Godina Baalee aanota adda addaa akka Gasara,Goobbaa,Dalloo,Gooroo,Rayituu,Sawwenaa,Beeltuu,Agarfaa fi Barbaree) aanota kana keessatti sochiin Qeerroo jabinaan Sadaasa 20 irraa barruulee warraaqsaa uumataaf bittimsuu fi barattootaan gahuu itti fufee jira.

Sochiin Qeerroo itti fufuun  Uummanni Oromoo godina kana keessa jiran gaaffii mirgaa qabatanii mootummaa wayyaanee dura akka dhaabbatan taasifamee jira.  Akka gabaasni Qeerroo godina kana irraa nu qaqqabaa jirutti aanaa aanaa keessatti wanneen uummata daddammaqsuu fi dhaaddannoolee uummata kakaasanis uumata keesssatti waan mul’isaa turaniif sadaasa 29/2014 aanaa Ginnir gandoota 6 kan tahan (odaa Roobaa, Caancoo,Tullicha,Hora Allee,Qabbanaa,Harawa )kanneen jedhaman keessatti uummanni gaaffii waltahiinsaa akka kaasu taasifame, uummannis yaada dur of keessatti qabatee jiru, sochii Qeerroo fi barattootaan godina kana keessatti adeemsifamaaa jiruun gaaffiwwan akka kanaa gadiitti ifatti baasan,

  1. Mootummaan dhimma amantii keessa seenuudhaan uummata keenya oromiyaa keessa jiran goola, barattootas mana hidhaatti darba, mirga amantaas eegaa hin jiru, kanaaf mootummaan maaliif dhimma amantaa keessa gala?
  2. Barattootni keenya rakkina keessaa bahuudhaaf barumsa isaanii baratu, mootummaan wayyaanee barattoota maqaa shororkeessummaatiin maaliif waamee hidhaatti darbaa?
  3. Guyyaa Jum’aa torbee torbeedhaan magaalaa Finfinnee keessatti hordoftooni musiliimaa masiigatti sagaduuf yeroo wal gahu mootummaan maaliif tika ykn humna waraanaa ramadee eegsisaa? Hordoftoonni amantaa biraa akkasuma eegamaa jiruu?
  4. Yeroo ammaa miidiyaa TVO irrattis tahe raadiyoon oromiyaa kan odeessu dhimma bulchiinsa gaariiti, nuti uummanni bulchiinsa gaarii jedhamu kana arginee hin beeknu, bulchiinsa uummata keenya, ilmaan keenya hidhaatti guursisuu, duula saamichaa gaggeessuu fi bulchiinsa sobaan guutamedha kan beeknu, kanaaf mootummaan maaliif uummata sobaa? Meerre bulchiinsi gaariin?
  5. Mirgi diimokiraasii jedhamu maaliif hin kabajamuu? Mirgi uummata oromoos maaliif hin kabajamuu?

Kun kana ta’ee otuu jiruu  Mootummaan wayyaanees gaaffiwwan uummataa kun gaaffii uummataa kan hordoftoota amantaa musiliimaa hunda kaasuudhaan waan bal’ataa deemuuf tasgabbeesuuf kan yaalaa jiruudha,  caasaa qabutti dhimma bahuun gara sanatti sochii uummataa jabaatee dhufe kana laamshessuuf foolachaa jira.   http://qeerroo.org/2014/12/01/sochiin-fdg-godina-baalee-aandota-adda-addaa-keessatti-bifa-adda-taeen-itti-fufuu-qeerroon-gabaase/

 

Qeerroon Yuuniversitii Wallaggaa Gaaffii Mirgaa Duubatti Hin Deebine Kaasuun Gootummaan Loltoota Wayyaanee Dura Dhaabbataa Jiru.Huni Agaazii Jedhamu Heddumminaan Mooraa Yuuniversitii Wallaggaas Qubate.

diddaa9Sadaasa 20,2014 Goototni Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo dhiibbaa guddaa mootummaan abbaa irree Wayyaanee barattoota Oromoo Yuubibarsiitii Wallaaggaa irraan ga’aa jiruun wal qabatee guyyaa har’aa sa’aa 10:00 irraa eegaluun gaaffii mirgaa finiinsuun FDG dhoosuun shira mootummaan wayyaanee EPRDF uummata Oromoo irratti dalagaa jiru dura dhaabbatan.

Goototni Barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii wallaaggaa guyyaa har’aa shira moottuummaan Wayyaanee addaatti mooraa yuunibarsiitii Wallaggaa irratti rawwachaa jiruu fi akka waliigalatti uummata Oromoo irratti dalagaa jiruu balaaleffaachuun goototni barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Wallaggaa shira har’a ifatti nurraatti dalagamaa jiruuf teenyee guyyaa hin lakkawwatnu jechuun FDG qabsiisuun sagalee guddaan mootummaa abbaa irree balaaleffachuun qabsoo finiinsa jiru. Mootummaan wayyaanee yakka haaloo ba’ii fi jabbinsa barattoota Oromoo irraa qabu ba’uuf ifatti baajata kaaffee nyaata barattootaaf ramadame irraa muruun tajajila siyaasaaf olfachaa kan jiruufi barattootni Yuunibarsiitii wallaggaa balaa beelaaf saaxilamuu fi Jibbinsa ilaalcha siyaasaan midhaa fi doorsifni guddaan Barattoota Oromoo irratti rawwachaa jiraachuu fi gama biraan immoo hojjettoota caaffee barattoota keessaa hojjetanin barattootaaf nyaata qopheessaniin odeeffannoo barattootni keessaa jiran nuuf kennuu diddaan isin rakkoo ilaalchaa ABO qabdu jechuun namoota hedduu hojii irra arii’uun walgabatee shira diinummaa mootummaan EPDRF ilmaan Oromoo irratti dalagaa jiruu dhabamsisuuf goototni qeerroon barattootni Oromoo sagaalee guddaan fincila kaachisan. Gaaffiiwwan armaan gadii finiinsuun fincillii hanga halkan keessa sada’aa 3:00tti itti fufe.
1. Mootummaan abbaa irree wayyaanee baajata kaffeef nuuf ramadamee irraa muruun gara tajajila siyaasaaf olchaa jiru dhaabuu qaba. Balaa beelaa barattoota rukuchaa jiruuf mootummaan itti gaafatamu qaba.
2. Dararaan ilmaan Oromoo Oromummaatti boonaan hojjettoota olaanoo barsiisotaa hanga hojjettoota kaffeetti ilmaan Oromoo irratti xiyyeffachuun ilmaan Oromoo hojii irraa Arii’uun dhaabbachuu qaba. Ilmaan Oromoo kaffee mooraa keessatti qacaramuun hojjechaa turanii maqaa isin ilaalcha ABO qabdu jechuun hojii irraa arii’ama jiran dhaabbachuu qaba. Kanneen hojii irraa arii’atamanis hojiitti deebi’uu qabu.
3. Bara darbee keessa barattootni Oromoo gaafffii mirgaa gaaffattaan maqaa jedhuun jumlaan ukkanfamanii barnoota isaanii irraa hidhaman, haga guyyaa har’atti eessa buuteen isaani hin beekamuu, kanaafu barattootni Oromoo badii malee hidhaman gaaffii tokko malee akka hiikaman ni gaafatna.
4. Gaffii mirgaa karaa nagaa fi dimookiraasii yeroo garaagaratti gaafachaa turreef mootummaan abbaa irree hangamatti deebii ilmaan Oromoo hidhuu ,ajjeessuu, barnootarra arii’uu deebii qubsaa godhachuun mirgi keenyaa fi mirgi uummata keenyaa dhiitamaa waan jiruuf mootummaan wayyaanee seeratti akka nuuf dhiyaatu jabeesinee gaafatna.
5. Mootummaan abbaa irree wayyaanee gaaffii mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummatni Oromoo gaafachaa jiru moggaatti dhiibuun saamicha lafaa fi Oromoo qe’ee irraa buqqisuu irratti xiyyeeffate dhaabu qaba; Gaaffii mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummata Oromoof deebiin kennamu qaba.
6. Mootummaan wayyaanee EPRDF biyyaa dimookiraasiin hin jirree, biyyaa mirgi dhala namummaa keessatti sarbamaa jiru keessatti mootummaan wayyaanee filannoo dimookiraatawaan gaggeessa jechuun dhaadachuun tuffii uummataa ta’uu argisiisaa, Adeemsii filannoo kijibaa wayyaanee dhaabbachuu qaba. Hanga gaaffii mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummata Oromoo kabajamuttii fi mirgootni dimookiraasii fi mirgootni namummaa hanga kabajamanitti wayyaaneen filannoo ittin ololaa jirtu kan hin gaggeessine ta’uu ni hubachiifna uummatni Oromoo fi lammiileen cunqurfamoon biyyatti kana hubachuu qabu gaaffii jedhuu fi gaffiiwwaan fakkataa gaafachuun dhaadannoo dhageesisuun itti fufan. Mootummaan Wayyaanee akkuma amala isaa human waraanaa magaalaa Neqemtee dhunfatee jiru gara mooraa Yuunibarsiitii wallaggatti akkuma qajeelaniin goototni barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsitii Wallaggaa dura dhaabbachuun of irraa kan deebisan yoo ta’uu, mootummaan wayyaanee diddaa barattoota kanatti rifaatuu guddaa keessa seenuun halkaan keessa sa’aa 1:30 irratti human waraanaa fi poolisii Federaalaa Mooraa Yuunibarsiitii galchuun barattoota Oromoo karaa nagaa gaaffii gaafatan irratti waraana banuun mooraan Yuunibarsiitii wallaggaa gara dirree waraanatti jijjiramtee jirti.

Goototni barattootni Oromoo Wallee Warraaqsaa fi dhaadannoo guddaan human waraana Wayyaanee dura dhaabbataan sagaleen dhukaasaa Wayyaanee fi sagaleen dhaadannoo Qeerroo barattoota Oromoo walmakee jiraahuun gabaafamee jira.

http://qeerroo.org/2014/11/20/qeerroon-yuuniversitii-wallaggaa-gaaffii-mirgaa-duubatti-hin-deebine-kaasuun-gootummaan-loltoota-wayyaanee-dura-dhaabbataa-jiru-huni-agaazii-jedhamu-heddumminaan-mooraa-yuuniversitii-wallaggaas-qubate/

 

 

 

Barruuleen Qeerroo mirga saba Oromoo gaafatu yeroo ammaa kanatti itti fufee Oromiyaa keessatti tamsa’aa fi maxxanfamaa jira. Sadaasa, 20 Bara 2014, Qeerroo Bilisummaa. #BecauseIAmOromo

 

 

 

 

 

Qabiyyee Barruulee Naannoo Oromiyaa Keessatti Faca’anitti Dabalamee Kanneen Baldhinaan Guyyaa Har’aa Raabsamuu Eegale

Stop evicting Oromo farmers!

Qabiyyee Barruulee Naannoo Oromiyaa Keessatti Faca’anitti Dabalamee Kanneen Baldhinaan Guyyaa Har’aa Raabsamuu Eegale

#OromoProtests, 14 November 2014

 

YAA OROMOO!

1. Qe’ee irraa buqqifamuun uummataa haa dhaabbatu. Kanneen buqqifamanis hatattamaan beenyaa gahaan akka kennamuuf gaafatna!

2. Hidhaa fi ajjeechaan haa dhaabbatu. Hidhamtootni siyaasaas haal duree tokko malee haa hiikaman!

3. Barnoota, hojii irraa arii’amuun akkasumas doorsifamuun haa dhaabbatu!

4. Maqaa gibiraan saaminsi waggaa 22f gaggeeffamaa jiru hatattamaan haa dhaabbatu!

5. Namootni barattoota, barsiisota, uummata ajjeesaa bahan murtiitti haa dhiyaatan.

6. Caasaan tikaa fi manni hidhaa Uummata irratti diriirfame haa diigamu!

7. Sirnii fi Caasaan mootummaa hojii fi muudama siyaasaa waraana loogii sanyummaa irratti dhaabbatee ijaarame hatattamaan haa diigamu.

8. Qaala’insa jireenyaa sababa saaminsa mootummaa abbaa irreen uummata hiyyoomsaa jiru guutummaan dura dhaabbanna.
Mootummaan EPRDF loogii fi saaminsa irratti ijaarame haa diigamu!

9. Mirgi uummataa fi dimokiraasii hojiin haa hiikamu!

10. Mirgi amantiilee haa kabajamu. Mootummaan dhimma amantii keessa seenuu haa dhaabu!

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Ummanni Oromoo Mirga Isaa Akka Falmatuuf Jecha,Oromiyaa Bakkoota Adda Addaatti Sadaasa 9 Yaadatnoo Guyyaa FDG Ilaalchisee Qeerroon Barruu Warraaqsaa Maxxansuu fi Raabsuu Irratti Argama.

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