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Saba Oromoo fi Sirna Gadaa (The history of the Oromo nation and the Gadaa System) April 10, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Ancient African Direct Democracy, Gadaa System, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Nation, Oromummaa, Sirna Gadaa, The Oromo Democratic system, The Oromo Governance System, Uncategorized.
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Saba Oromoo Fi Sirna Gadaa

Dhibbaa alagaa bitamuu waggaa dhibbaa Oromoo irra turuurraa kan ka’e hedduun ummata Oromoo har’a Oromummaa isaa haa beeku malee, seenaa ummanni kun keessa dabree as ga’e ragaa qorannoon deggaramee barreeyfame irraa wanti inni hubatu baay’ee xiqqaadha.
Ammaas tanaan seenaa ummaata guddaa kanaa guutumatti barreeyfamee jira jachuu utuu hin ta’in gaaffiilee Oromoon tokko ofgaafatuufiis tahee, seenaa dharaa diinni Oromoo irratti odeessuuf deebii ga’aa ni taha waan jedhamuuf; kunoo seenaa Oromoo kan sab-boontoota ilmaan Oromootiin haala rakkisaa keessaaa barreeyfamee, akka ummaata keenya gargaaruuf asirratti maxxansine. Nuti maxxansitootni kan keessa qabnu gulaala dogongora qubee dabree dabree mul’atuufi maxxansaa qofa malee, qophiin isaa kan sab-boontoota ilmaan Oromoo tahuu isaa osoo hin hubachiisne bira hin tarru.

Barbaachisummaan barreeyfama kanaa bal’inaan seenaa irratti waan kaa’amee jiruuf, Oromoon ani eenyu? Maddi koo eessa? Daangaan koo eessa? Firaafii diinni koo eenyu kan jedhu hundi haala gahaatiin deebii quubsaa akka argachuu dandayu shakkii hin qabnu.

Sirna gadaa

Hamma kiyyoo kolonii jala hin seeniniti Oromoon sirna ittiin bulan kan mataa isaanii qabau turan. Maqaan sirna kanaas Gadaa jedhama. Sirni kuniis bal’aa ture. Dhimma jireenya ummata Oromoo fuula hundaan kan ilaalu sirna siyaasa, aada diinagdeefi amantiiti. Sirna hawaasaa guutuu ture jechuudha. Sirni Gadaa sirnaafi seera Oromoonni ittiin walbulchu, kan duulee roorroo ofirraa ittisu, kan dinagdee isaa ittiin tikfatuufi dagaagfatu, akkaata inni itti waliin jiraatuufi kan hawwiin dhala Oromoo cufa ittiin guutu ture.

Sirn kun haala Oromoonni tokkummaan isaanii laaffate kan itti roorrisaa turan Habashaafi Affaar ofirraa deebisuu dadhabe keessatti, haala hawaasaa ilaalerraa, jaarraa 14ffaa keessa biqiluu jalqabee suuta guddatee deeme. Oromoota sirna akkasii jalatti qindeessuudhaaf yeroo dheeraa fudhate. Oromoota gosatti hiraman walitti fidanii sirna tokko jalatti walitti qabuun kufaatiifi ka’uumsaa yeroo dheeraa gaafate. Gara walakkaa jaarraa 15faa isa lammaffaa keessa sirna gutuun argamuu dandaye.

Akkaata himamsa aadaa Boorana kibbaa keessatti yeroon itti Gadaan dhaabbate kanumaan walkipha. Akka mangoddoonni Booranaa himanitti Gadaa jaaruuf yaalii dheeraan eega godhame booda, Gadaan yeroo dheeraaf bifa hojechuu dandayu dhaabbate. Gadaa kanatti Abbaan Gadaa Gadayyoo Galgaloo ture. Raabni isaa (yeroosii) Yaayyaa Gulleelee jedhama ture. Eega gaafasii jalqabee Booranni Abbootii Gadaa 61 lakkaawa. Kanarraa waggaa saddeet saddeetiin yoo herrgne (Gadaan tokko waggaa 8) 61X8 = 488 taha. Eega Gadaan ijaarame, akka himamsa manguddootti Booranatti waggaa 488 taha jechuudha. Barri isaa 1499tti dhihaata. Kanaaf, sirni kun ijaaramuun isaa walakkaa jaarraa 15ffaa isa lammaffaa keessa kan jedhame dhugaa taha.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti wanni hundi gadaan walilaala. Lakkooysi yeroo, aadaan, amantiin, jireenyi hawaasaa, ittisi biyyaafi kkf hundi hidhata Gadaa qabu, fakkeenyaaf sadarkaalee Gadaa, goggeessa Gadaa, abaluu abaluu..jiru. kun, eegaa Gadaan sirna kabajamaafi guutuu akka ture mirkanessa.

Bara itti Gadaan sirna gutuu ture sana akka silaa tahutti galmeessuun hindandaymane. Hammi galmeeyfame baay’ee yaraadha. Sana keessaahillee irra guddaan kan baroota dhihooti. Waa’een isaa hammi beekamu baay’ee yaraadha. Guddinaan odeeffannoon argaman oduu afaaniin kan daddabraniidha. Isaaniis bakka bakkati garagar tahu. Sunillee Gadaan Caffe Caffetti deebi’uu haa agarsiisu malee, tokkummaa sirna kanaaf ragaa kan tahu haftee sirna kan Gadaa Booranaa har’aalee haga taheefuu hojjataa jiruudha. Kanaaf, waa’ee sirna Gadaarratti hangi hubatame xiqqaadha. Waliigalatti sirna kana caalatti hubachuudhaaf qormaata cimaa sirna Gadaa kan mul’isan armaan gaditti ilaalla.

uunkaa jereenya hawaasaa
siyaasaa sirna Gadaa
aadaa sirna gadaa
amantii sirna gadaa
1.  Uunkaa jireenya hawaasaa

Hawaasa keessatti dhalli namaa kophaa hinjiraatu. Kophaas hindalagu. Namoota biraa wajji jiraata, hojjataas. Jireenyi dhala namaa walitti hidhaataadha. Hawaasa Oromoo bara Gadaa keessaa yoo fudhannee akkaataa jiruufii jireenya Oromoo, akkaataa qoodama dalagaa, hariiroo ummanni Oromoo hawaasa keessatti waliinqabau, sirna Gadaa keessatti qaama tokko. Akkaataan polotikaa sirnichaas uunkaa jireenyya hawaasa Oromootti hidhamee jira.

Uunkaa jireenya hawaasa sirna Gadaa keessaa hubachuuf waan kanaa gadii hubachuun barbaachisaadha. Suniis:

a.   Goggeessa Gadaa (Miseensaa) fi Marsaa Gadaa

b.  Hiriyyaa

c.   Ilmaan jaarsaafii ilmaan Kormaa

d.  Sadarkaalee Gadaafi Murnoota Gadaa

a.   Gaggeessa Gadaa(miseensa) fi Marsaa Gadaa:

Gadaan tokko waggaa saddeet qaba. Waggaa saddeettan waliin GADAA TOKKOTTI YEROO ITTI AANGOON polotikaa warra Gadaa tokko harka jiraatuudha. Kanaaf, Gadaan waggaa saddeet saddeetiin lakkaawama. Waljijjiiraas. Waggaan saddeettan Gadaa tokko maqaa mataa isaa qabaata. Gadaa tokkicha maqaa adda addaa qabaatu. Kun Goggeessa Gadaa ykn miseensa jedhamee waamama. Kun hawaasa Oromoo keessaa, bakka gargaraatti maqaa adda addaa qabata. Jechuun:-

Boorana keessatti- Goggeessa Gadaa jedhama.

Tuulama keessatti- Miseensa jedhama.

Arsii keessatti- Miseensa jedhama.

Gujii keessatti-Baallii jedhama.

Ituu keessatti-Miseensa jedhama.

Qormaata Gadaa Oromoo bakka bakkaarratti godhameen lakkooysi Goggeessa gadaa bakka heddutti shan. Kan kanarraa adda tahees nijiraa. Fakkeenyaaf Boorana keessatti Goggeessa Gadaa torba qabaatu jira. Maqaan isaaniifi tartiibni isaaniia kopha kophaafi beekamaadha. Hoggaa Goggeessi Gadaa jiran tartiibaan deemanii raaw’atan gara isa jalqabaatti deebi’uudhaan marsaa tokko tahu. Goggeessi Gadaa tokko bakka heddutti waggaa 40 booda malee, hin deebi’u. Fakkeenyaaf Ituu keessatti Goggeessi Gadaa (missensi) jiran, Hormaata, Sabbaaqa, Dibbeessa, Fadataafi Daraaraadha. Kanneen tariiba maqaa Gadaawwan waggaa saddeet saddeetiin deeman tahanii Daraaraan gaafa raaw’ate Hormaatatti deebi’a jechuudha. Yeroon kun itti raaw’atee deebi’ee marsuuf naannawuu marsaa Gadaa tokko taha. Marsaan Gadaa tokkoo waggaa 40 qabaata. Goggeessi Gadaa shanan, walitti marsaa Gadaa shanan jalqabarraa ka’anii tartiibaan deemanii xumuramanii marsuuf gara isa jalqabaatti kan deebi’an kun “marsaa Gadaa(Gadaa cycle)” jedhama.

Yeroo idiletti laalamu jireenya nam tokkoo keessatti, Marsaa Gadaa lamaatu jira. Isaaniis, Marsaan duraa Gadaa abbaa yeroo tahu, inni lammaffaa Gadaa ilmaati. Ilmi Marsaa tokko fixee, Gadaan isaa kan abbaa tahe, kan itti aanu kan ilmaan isaa taha jechuudha. Akkuma kanatti itti fufee dabra.

Eega, bakka heddutti Marsaan Gadaa waggaa 40 akka qabaatu olitti ilaalleerra. Arsii keessatti miseensi Gadaa tokko waggaa 16 waan qabuuf kanarraa adda. Kanarraa Marsaan Gadaa Arsii keessatti waggaa 80 taha jechuudha.dagaagina keessaa Gadaan eega Caffetti qoodamee, as lakkooysifi maqaan Goggeessota Gadaa Marsaa Gadaa tokko keessa jiranii bakka adda addaa tahuun mul’ateera. Kanaas, qabsiisuuf armaa gaditti mee haa ilaallu. Maqaan Goggeessota Gadaa bakka garagaraatti:-

Goggeessa Gadaafi Marsaan Gadaa waan hiriyymummaafi aangoo polotika ilaaluun hariiroo murteessa qabu. Sanaas bal’inaan booda laalla.

B. Hiriyyaa:-

Hiriyyaan warra goggeessi Gadaa isaanii tokko taheedha. Kana jechuuniis hawaasa Oormoo keessatti warrii waggaa Gadaa keessatti dhalatan hundiifi kan maqaan Goggeessa Gadaa isaanii yoo dulloomoo tahanillee wal’irraa bu’ee yookaa tokko tahee hiriyyaadha. Ijoolleen waggaa Gadaa 1-8 jidduufi gaheeyyiin waggaa Gadaa 45-56 jidduu yoo Goggeessi Gadaa isaanii tokko tahe hiriyyaa tokko jedhamu. Marsaan Gadaa naannawutti walitti fidee ijoolleefi jaarsoolii hiriyyaa taasisaa. Marsaan Gadaafi Goggeessi Gadaa akkanatti hiriyyummaa murteessu. Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti hiriyyaan akka obbaleeyyaniitti wal’ilaalu. Ayyaana gurguddaafi beekamoorratti hiriyyaan wal argee waliin turuudhaan walfaarsa. Jaalalti walii, walamanuun, waliif dhimmuun, walgargaaruun…kkf hiriyyaa biratti jabaadha. Aangoo polotikaa keessatti paartii tokko tahu.

Kanaf, hiriyyummaan karaa hawaassfi polotikaa Oromootaa walitti hidhuudha. Waa’een hiriyyaa hoggaa akkas tahu, ijoolleefi ga’eessoota maaltu walitti fidee hiriyyaa godha? Gaaffiin jedhu ka’uun nimala. Gaaffi kana deebisuuf, nama Goggeessa Gadaa isaatiin Gadaa keenya jedha. Gadaa isaa faarsa, kabaja. Kanarraa akka ilaalcha polotikaa baraatti hubachuuf waan Paartii ilaaluun gaarii taha. Hawaasa keessatti paartiileen uumamtu turan jechuudha. Goggeessi Gadaa shanan paartiilee shan kan ijoolleefii manguddoota hiriyyaa godhuus paartii tokkicha waliin qabaachuudha.

c. Ilmaan kormaafi Ilmaan jaarsaa:

sirna Gadaa keessatti Ilmaan kormaafi Ilmaan Jaarsaa qoodameef beekama. Kan hawaasa bakka lamatti qooduudha. Kun jireenya hawaasa Oromoo bara sirna Gadaa keesaatti akkaataa Qabannoo aangoo polotikaa kan murteessuudha. Warra aangoo polotikaa qabachuuf deemaniifi kanatti hawasa qooda. Kuniis, waggaa Gadaa wajjiin walitti hidhataadha. Carraan aangoo polotikaa keessaa qooda qabaachuufi dhiisuun isaa yeroo itti dhalaterratti hundeeyfama. Kanaaniis ilmaan Oromoo yeroo dhalatanirraa kaasee ilmaan kormaafi ilmaan Jaarsaatti qoodamu. Akkaataan qoodamaa kuniis, seera umamaa kan hordofu qaba.

Ijoolleen Abbootiin isaanii sadarkaalee Gadaa keessa seenanii yeroo isaan aangoo polotikaa qabachuttii dhihaatan ykn qabatan (gadooma keessa) dhalatan ” ilmaan kormaa” jedhamu. Isaaniis, bara Gadooma abbootii isaanii keessa (waggaa 40 abbootii isaanii eeganii) kan dhalatan waan tahaniif sadarkaa Gadaa keessa seenuudhaan miseensa paartii tahuu dandayan. Kanaaf aangoo polotikaa keessaa qooda fudhachuu dandayu.

Ilmaan Gadooma abbootii isaanii (aangoo polotikaa qabachuu) dura ykn booda dhalataniifi abbootiin sadarkaalee Gadaa seenuu hindandeenyerraa dhalatan hundi “ilmaan jaarsaa” jedhamu. Ilman jaarsaa warra sadarkaalee Gadaa seenanii miseensa paartii tahuu hindandeenyedha. Kanaafiis aangoo polotikaa keessaa warraa qooda fudhachuu hin dandeenyeedha. Ilmaan jaarsaa warra waliin dhalatan hundaan hiriyyaa tahuu dandayu, jechuun ilmaan kormaa wajjiinillee hiriyyaa walii tahuu dandayu.

Eega, hawaasa keessatti Gadoomuuf carraa kan qaban ilmaan kormaa thuu hubanne. Ilmaan kormaa gaafa dhalatanirraa kaasee sadarkaalee Gadaa seenanii akkuma gudachaa deemaniin dalagaa garagaraarratti dirqama polotikaafiis qophaawan. Kun dirqama isaaniiti. Ilmaan jaarsaa garuu, waa’een waan qoratamuufi baratamu hundaaf dirqamuun yoo hawaasicha keessa jiraachuu dandayuuf tahe malee, itti hin dirqaman. Ilmaan Oromoo akkanatti qoodamuun bakka heddutti mul’ate. Gadaa Boorana, Maccaa, Tuulamaafii Gujii keessatti qoodamni kun jira. Qoodamni yoo hinjiraanne tarii Gadaa Arsii, Ituufi Humbanna keessatii tahuu hin’oolu.

d. Sadarkaalee Gadaafi Murnoota Gadaa:

Akkaataa waggaa dhalootaatiin gurmuu ykn murni ilmaan kormaa tartiibaan keessa dabran sadarkaa Gadaa jedhama. Sadarkaan Gadaa maqaa gurmuu waggaa dhaloota ilmaan kormaati jechuudha. Gurmuu kanaan akkaataan jiruufi jireenya dhala Oromoo hundaatu keessatti murtaawa. Ilmaan kormaatu kormaatu keessa daddabran yoo tahellee, jirenya dhala Oromoo karaa polotikaa, amanti, aadaa, dinagdeefi waraanaafi kkf keessatti kan ilaalu addatti maqaa haaqabaatan malee akkaataan guddinaa, dalagaafii jireenyaa, kan ilmaan Jaarsaa wajjiin tokkuma. Karaa polotikaatiin garuu, garaagarummaa guddaatu jira. Tahullee sadarkaaleen Gadaa jiruuf jireenya dhala Oromoo mara calaqqisiisa. Sadarkaalee Gadaa garagaraakeessatti ilmaan Oromoo dirqama (dalagaa) adda addaatu isa eeggata. Yeroon isaas osoo hin gahinnillee waan beekamuuf sadarkaa itti aanuuf isa qopheessaa ture.

Sadarkaa Gadaa tokko waggaa saddeet qaba. Waggaa saddeet saddeettan kanaan namni Oromoo hamma gaafa dulloomee du’utti hawaasa keessatti bakkafi qoodama dalagaa qabaata. Sadarkaaleen Gadaa ilmaan kormaa keessa dabran bakka gariitti amala addaa yoo qabaatanillee waliigalatti akka armaa gadiitti keenya.

1. Dabballooma waggaa 0-8

2. Gaammoma waggaa 9- 16

3. Dargaggooma waggaa 17- 24

4. Kuusoma waggaa 25- 32

5. Raaboma waggaa 33 – 40

6. Gadooma waggaa 41- 48

7. Yubooma waggaa 49- 56

Gadaa Tuulamaa keessatti Gadoomni waggaa 32 – 40 gidduutii waan taheef kana yaadachiisuun barbaachisaadha. Armaa gaditti sadarkaalee Gadaa jiraniifi murnoota Gadaa isaanii laalla.

1.  Dabballooma

Kun jecha dabballee jedhamu kan Gadaa Booranaarraa fudhatameedha. Ijoolleen dhiiraa Gadooma abbaa isaanii keessatti dhalatan Dabballee jedhamanii yaamaman. Ijoolleen kun waggaa saddeet hamma fixaanitti Dabballetti beekamu, Boorana keessatti Dabballee haa jedhaman malee, bakka biraatti maqaa biraa qabu. Fakkeenyyaaf:

a.   Tuulam keessatti – Itti makoo jedhamu.

b.  Ituu keessatti – maxxarrii jedhamu.

c.   Gujii keessatti- Suluda jedhamu.

Sadarkaan Gadaa kun bakkayyuu waan jiruuf walitti qabatti Dabballoota jechuun hin badu. Dabballoomanii sadarkaa Gadaa isa dura ilmaan kormaa akka dhalataniin itti seenaniidha. Sadarkaa Gadaa kanatti ijoolleen hojii beekamaa hinqaban. Naannoo qa’ee turanii toohannoofi tajaajila guddaadhaan guddatan. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa kana:

a.   Boorana keessatti ilmaan Dooriiwwaniifi warra Gadaati.

b.  Tuulam keessatti Foollee jedhama

.

2. Gaammoma:-

jechi kun sadarkaa Gadaa Boornaa keessaa maqaa gaammee jedhamurraa kan fudhatameedha. Ilmaan kormaa sadrakaa Dabballoomaa fixan Gaammotti dabru. Waggaa 8 – 16tti akkaataa itti rifeensii isaanii qoramurraa yoo jedhame dhugaadharraa hin fagaatu. Ijoolleen dhiiraa sadarkaa Gammomaarra jiran:

a.   Booran keessatti – Gaammee xixiqqoo jedhamu.

b.  Tuulama keessatti – Dabballee jedhamu.

c.   Gujii keessatti – Dabballee jedhamu.

d.  Ituu keessatti – Ruuboo jedhamu.

Gaammoonni sadarkaa Gadaa yeroo itti ijoolleen jabbiilee tiksan, hojii warraarratti gargaaraniifi loon tiksaniidha. Dalagaa kanaafi kana fakkaatanitti haa bobbahan malee, sadarkaa kanatti tohannoo warraa ala hin bahan. Yeroo kanatti taphatanii caalatti walbaruu jalqabu.

1.  Dargaggooma

Yeroo kana kan itti dargaggooman waan taheef, sadarkaa Gadaa kanaas bakka gargaraatti maqaa garagaraa waan qabuuf sadarkaa kanaan, Dargaggooma jedhama. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa lammaffaa fixanii waggaa 16 – 24 jidduu:

a.   Booran keessatti – Gaammee Gurguddaa jedhamu

b.  Tuulam keessatti – Foollee jedhamu.

c.   Gujii keessatti – kuusa jedhamu.

d.  Ituu keessatti – Goobam jedhamu.

Dargaggoomni sadarkaa itti namichi toohannoo warraarraa hillee walaba tahaa deemuufi warrarraa fgaatee soch’auu dandayuudha. Akkasumas, yeroo itti jabina, beekumsafi jagnummaa ofii mul’isuu jalqaabniidha. Jiruu dhufataa deemuudhaan yeroo itti ofdandayutti tarkaanfataniidha. Hawaasichaa bu’aa buusuufiis kan keessatti ofqophessu. Dalagaarratti bobbahanii, loon fagaatanii bobbaasuu, ol’aantoota isaanii wajjiin deddeemuu, adamoo bahuufi bineessoota loonirraa ittisuudha.

4. kuusoma

kuusomni sadrkaa loltummaati. Naannoo garagaraatti ilmaan kormaa sadrkaa kanaa adda addaa qabaatanillee Booran keessatti kuusa waan jedhamaniif kanarraa fudhannee kuusoma ittiin jenne.

Murni kun:-

a.   Boorna keessatti – Kuusa jedhama.

b.  Tuulama keessatti – Qondaala jedhama.

c.   Gujii keessatti – Raaba jedhama.

d.  Ituu keessatti Raaba jedhama.

Hawaasa Oromoo bara sirna gadaa keessatti, kun murna lolu ture. Waggaa 25 – 32 jidduu kan tahan dirqama loltummaa qabu. Namuu roorroo biyyarra geesse ittisuuf waan ittiin lolu- xiyyaas tahee, eeboofii gaachana mataa isaatii qopheeyfatee farda lolaas qabaate taha. Lolli argamnaan akka dhagayeen qophaawee walgurmeessee duula. Kanatti dabalee waan dhimma biyyaa ilaalan yeroo kanaa kaasee qorachuu dandaya. Sadarkaan kun, Tuulamaafi Ituu keessatti yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa aangoo qabachuuf ofqophessan, sadarkaa 4ffaa tahuudhaanifi dirqama loltummaa qabaachuudhaan tokko yoo tahan kaanirraa kanaan adda bahu.

1.  Doorama

Bakka heddutti sadarkaa itti aangoo qabachuudhaaf ilmaan kormaa qophii barbaachisaa godhaniidha. Yeroo kana keessatti dhimma biyya, bulchiinsa, sera, aadaa, amantiifi seena dabre baratu. Waa’ee sirna Gadaa caalatti hubachuu dandayu. Haalli isaanii warra biyya bulchuu ykn qondaaloota Gadaa wajjiin walitti hidhataadha. Bakka warrii Gadaa itti murtii seeraa kennan, dubbii gosaa ilaalanfi marii godhanitti argamanii irraa baratu. Bakka aadaafi amantiitti argamanii sirna qalbifatu. Caffee yaa’ii Gadaarratti argamanii murtii kennuudhaan hojiidhaan ofqaru. Hayyoonniifi manguddoonni biyyaarraa qoratanii barachuudhaan beekumsa isaanii bal’ifatu. Biyya keessa sossohanii ummataan walbaruu, akkanatti aangoo polotikaaf ofqopheessu jechuudha.

Sadarkaan kun, Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti isa afraffaadha. Ilma kormaa sadarkaa kanaa, akkamu asii olitti kaa’ametti Tuulama keessatti qondaala, Ituu keessatti Raba jedhamu. Sadarkaan Gadooma isaanii waggaa 32- 40 jiddutti waan tahaniif, isaan keessatti dalagaa akkanaa (doorama) kan qaban wagaa 23-32 jidduutti kan jiran Tuulama keessatti Qondaala, Ituu keessatti Raaba, akkanatti ofqopheessu.

Boranaafi Gujii keessatti ammoo, yeroon aangoon qabanna tartiibaan waggaa 45-53ttifi waggaa 40-48tti waan taheef, yeroon itti aangoof ofqopheessan kun waggaa Gadaa 32-40 jiddutti taha. Arsii kessattiis akkanuma.

Sadarkaa Dooramaa Booranaa keessatti iddoo lamatti qoodama. Isaniis Raabamaafi Doorama tahu. Raaboonni yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa Raaba tahan jedhamu, waggaa 32-40 jiddutti. Waggaa 41-45tti Doorama jedhama. Inniniis yeroo itti ilmaan kormaa Doorii jedhamaniidha. Kanaaf, sadarkaadhaan bakka itti garaagarummaan jiru tokko kana taha. Kuniis kan mul’ateef dagaagina sirni Gadaa arge keessatti jijjiiramni waan argameefi. Yoo sadarkaa kana ilaalle ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa shanaffaatti (waggaa 32-40 jiuddutti)

a.   Tuulama keessatti- Luba jedhama.

b.  Ituu keessatti – Doorii (Raaba-dorii) jedhamu.

c.   Boorana keessatti – Raaba dorii jedhamu.

d.  Gujii keessatti – Doorii jedhamu.

Idileen sadarkaa kanatti kan ilaalle garuu, Dooramni qophii aangoo qabachuuf godhamuudha.

6. Gadooma

sadarkaa itti ilmaan kormaa aangoo polotikaa qabataniidha. Yeroo itti warri Gadaan isaanii geessee biyya bulchan, seera ilaalan, dubbii Gosaa furaniidha. Sadarkaa Gadaa kun Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti isa shannaffaadha. Boorana, Gujiifi Arsii keessatti ammoo, isa jahaffaadha. Ilmaan kormaa sadarkaa Gadooma Booranaafi Gujii keessatti Gadaa; Tuulamafi Ituu keessatti Luba. Ituu keessatti Raaba doorii jedhamu. Yeroo Gadoomaa:

a.   Tuulama keessatti – waggaa 32-40tti

b.  Ituu keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 32-40tti

c.   Boorana keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 45-54tti

d.  Gujii keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 40-48tti

e.   Arsii keessatti – waggaa Gadaa 40-48tti taha

Bakka heddutti Gadooma keessatti ilmaan kormaa martinuu sadarkaa Gadaa keessaa hamma guutuu biyyatti dhibdee polotikaa, dinagdee, hawaasafi waraanaa cufa furuuf itti gaafatama qaba.

7. Yubooma

Sadarkaa gadaa, murni itti aangoo Gadaarra ture aangoo eega gadi dhiisee itti dabruudha. Gadaa jaarsummaa ykn manguddummaati. Sadarkaa kana keessatti ilmaan kormaa akka hangafaatti ilaalamu. Dalagaan isaanii warra Gadooman gorsuu, qacheelchuu, maandhaa isaanii kan tahan gorsuu, leenjisuufi barsiisuudha. Gara boodaatti hojiirraa walaboomanii ta’anii sadarkaa itti aangoo dhiisanii soorama seenaa kana keessa kan jiran (kan Yubooma)

a.   boorana keessatti – yubaafi booda Gadamoojji

b.  Tuulam keessatti Yuba

c.   Ituu keessatti Lubajedhamu.

Aadaa sirna gadaa

Dhallii namaa akkaata itti naannoo isaa hubatee, itti jijjiiru qaba. Kana keessatti hooda, safuu, beekumssa, qaroomaafi yaadumsi qooda guddaa kennu. Kun hundi dinagdeefi polotikaa sirna hawaasaarratti hundeeyfamau; kanneenirraa calaqqisa argamaniidha. Akkaataaan itti dhalli namaa naannoo isaa hubatee jijjiiru, daawwannoo dinagdeefi polotikaa kan tahe kun aadaa jedhama.

Sirna Gadaa keessaas aadaan maddu jira. Akkaataa dinagdeefi polotikaa issaarraa aadaan hawaasa Oromoo keessatti, bara Gadaa dagaagee beekamaa ture. “aadaa Gadaa” jedhama. Kuniis sirnicha sirna aadaa fakkeessa. Hubannootni karaa cufaa jiru akka aadaatti fudhatamee hawaasa keessatti fudhatama. Kabajaa, safuu, hoodaafi kkf qabaatee mul’ata.

Hoodni, safuufi amantiin sirna kana keessa ture hundi nama hunda biratti fudhatamee kabajama; sanii ala bahuun hawaasaa ala tahutti waan fudhatamuuf nam-tokkoo kaasee hamma maatiitti, maatiirraa kaasee hamma sabaatti qaama walii tahanii jiraatu. Akkaataan jireenya maatii, fuudhaafii heerumaa, hariiroon uumaa, baasiin gumaa, adabni seeraa cabsaniifi kkf hundi aadaa waan tahaniif fudhtamoo turan. Akka bara saniitti eenyulleen aadaa kana nifudhata. Murtiin du’aa yoo itti dabrellee namni sun aadaa waan taheef, beekee eegumsa tokko malee, taa’ee adaba isarritti raaw’atamu eeggata jedhamee himama.

Waliigalteen jaalalaan, tokkummaan waliinjiraachuuniis aadaa jiraachaa ture. Aadaa kanaa ala bahuun, badii isa sadarkaa oliitti waan fudhatamuuf, namuu aadaa tahuu isaa waan beekuuf sirna Gadaa keessa jiru kabajee osoo keessaa hinbaasin kabajee jiraata.

Heeraafii seerri biyyaa akka aadaatti fudhatamee jabaata, kabajamaas, waan jiruufi jireenya ofii ittiin geggeeffatan taheef seeraafi heerri ni kabajamu jechuudha. Waan sirna kana keessatti tahan hundi akka aadaafii amala biyyaatti fudhatamee kabajama. Akkaataan qabannoo qabeenyaa itti loon bobbaasan, looniifi bishaan eelaa baasan, itti qotaniifi akkaataan itti waa horatanii dhimma ittiin bahan aadaa Gadaa keessatti gamtoomaafi marabbaatu calaqqisa. Namuu qabeenya mataa isaa qabaatee irratti mirga guutuu qaba. Kan dhabe, kan balaan uumaafi lolli dhaqqabe, kan dhukkubsateefi abaarri itti dhufe, … hundaa suphuufi hadhaadhiyyuun beekamaadha. Har’allee Boorana keessatti “Buussaafi Gonfa” kan jedhamu aadaa osoo hin badin jiruudha. Namuu waan waliin horate waliin dhimma bahuurraa dabree hawaasa keessatti walbadhaasuufi walgargaaruun aadaa Gadaa keessatti beekamaadha.

Aadaa kanaafi kana fakkaatan ala bahuun hawaasa keessaa nama baasa. Jechuun adaba namarratti seeraan dabru malee, waan halaba (out-casted) nama taasisan jiru. Isaan keessaa haraamuu, caphanaa,…fikkf beekamoodha. Namni haraamuu, caphana,.. jedhamee gosa keessaa bahee namummaa dhabee kophaa jiraata; kophaa godaana, qubata. Gargaarsi hawaasummaa keessati godhamuuf irraa dhaabbata. Gatamuun kana fakkaatan waan jiraniif namuu aadaa Gadaa keessaa kabajee jiraata.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti yeroo garagaraatti aadaan jireenya hafuura ilmaan Oromoo calaqqisan jiru. Isaan keeessaa, ayyaanootni beekamoon kabajamuun waan jiraatani. Ayyaanoota kana keessaa kan sirna Gadaa keessaa jireenya polotikaa ilmaan Oromoocalaqqisu ayyaana buttaati. Guutuu hawaasichaa keessatti yeroo itti aangoon polotikaa Gadaa tokkorraa kanitti dabru, ayyaana kanarratti horiin (loon) qalamanii, nyaachisni guddaan godhama. Sirba, tapha, faaruufi wanni kana fakkaatan ayyaanicha ho’isan addatti beekamoodha. Ayyaana buttaa malee, kanneen sirna kana fakkaatanii maqaa mataa isaanii qaban sadarkaa oliiti dhaabbata tahanii yeroo beekoomaatti kabajaman hedduudha. Isaan keessaa garii maqaa dhawuuf:

Boorana keessatti ayyaana Guduruu buufachuufi qumbii walirraa fudhachuu.
Arsii keessatti ayyaana baraartiifi guduruu, gurra uraafii jaarraa qaluu
Tuulam keessatti ayyaana dhagaa kooraafi jaarraa
Gujii keessatti ayyaana bantii haaddachuu
Kanneenii alattiis, cidhni gargaraa yeroo beekamootti bakka bakkatti godhamu, amantiiniis qaama aadaa hawaasichaa waan taheef, ayyaanni amantii sirna Gadaa calaqqisan bakka hundatti godhamaa ture. Ayyaana kana namuu Qaalluu (geggeessaa amantii) muuduudhaan eeyba kadhata, waaqa (rabbi) isaa galateeyfata; biyyaaf nagaya kadhata; hormaatarratti milkaa’uufi ilmaan isaa, uummtaafi mataa isaaf, fayyaafi jireenya kaadhata. Eegaa, kun aadaa amantii sirna Gadaa keessaa isa tokko. Aadaa Oromoo kan bara sirna Gadaa keessatti yeroon baay’ee barbaachisaadha. Guyyaa, ji’a (baati), waggaafi Gadaa lakkaawuudhaan hawaasa Oromoo sirna kan jalatti qindeessuun qaama aadaa ture. Kanaafiis, hawaasa Oromoo keessatti qaroomni (civilization) addunyyaf gumaache kalandarii Oromooti. Kalandariin Oromo kuniis, astronoomiin kan qoratamee argameedha. Ji’a waggaa dhaloota, bara Gadaa, guyyaafi ji’a ayyaanaa lakkaawanii add baafachuuf tattaafii qormaata ji’a, urjiifi aduu irratti godhamaniin qarooma Oromoota adda godhuufi dagaagina argameedha.

Akkaataa kalandarii Oromootti ji’i (baatiin) tokko guyyaa 29.5 qaba. Waggaan tokko ammoo, ji’a 12 ykn guyyaa 354 qaba. Kanneeniis addaan kan baafataman:

ba’uu, seenuufi guddina addeessaa (ji’a) lakkaawuu
bakka, teessuma, mul’ina urjiilee keessaa buusaa, bakkalcha, … to’achuufi jala bu’anii hordafuudhaan tahu.
Hojii mataa isaanii godhanii hordafuudhaan kan hawaasicha beeksisan, beektoota astronoomiiti. Isaaniis beekumsa qaban kana kaaniif dabarsuurratti barnoota laatu, shaakalsiisu. Guyyootiin ji’a tokkoo soddomitti dhihaatan hundi maqaa mataa isaanii addatti qabaatu. Guyyootii jiraniif maqaa 27tu jira. Har’a Boorana keessatti hojjetaa jiru. Maqaan 27n tartiibaan guyyootii 27f tahanii hoggaa xumuraman gara isa jalqabaatti deebi’anii ammaas marsuuf itti fufu. Maqaaleen 27n kun:

Maqootiin kun hundi hiikkaa mataa isaanii qabu. Inniniis urjii, bakkalcha fi ji’arratti huundeeyfamee hiikama. Yeroo hiikamuus ayyaana guyyootii sana ibsu. Fakkeenyaaf, Gidaadaafi Gabra naannaa kan jedhaman ayyaana carraa gadheeti. Inni hiikaa hangafaa waan qabuuf, dureettiin jaalatama waan ibsuufi gaafa wanti hojjetan hundi, waan namatti tolaniifi ayyaana carraa gaariidha. Namni dhalatu ayyaana akkamiirra akka dhalate kanneen irraa himama. Eegaa, hundi qarooma Oromoota haatahan malee, sirna Gadaa keessatti aadaa tureedha.

Waggaa tokko keessa kan jiran ji’ooti (baatiileen) Oromoo 12n maqaa mataa isaani qabu. Isaaniis bakka garagaraatti maqaa adda addaa qabaatu. Ji’ 12n wagga tokko keessa jiran keessa guyyaa 354 akka jiran olitti kaafneerra, ammaas ni yaadachiifna. Maqaan ji’oota Oromoo bakka bakkaatti:

Walumaagalatti aadaan calaqqisan akkaataa dinagdeefi polotikaa sirna tokkoo, akkaataa dhalli namaa ittiin naannoo isaa hubatee jijjiiru tahuu olitti ilaalleera. Sirna Gadaa keessattiis ummanni Oromoo aadaa walii galatti bifa armaan olii qabaatu akka qabu, aadaa kanarraahiis qaroomni ummata Oromoo kalandara mataa isaa qabaachutti akka geesse hubanna. Aadaa sana keessaa immoo amantiin maddee maal akka fakkaatu kophatti ilaalla.

Amantii sirna gadaa

Amaantiin Gadaa ummanni qabaatu keessaa tokko waan sirna Gadaa keessatti hojjetaman aadaa tahee qaama Oromootaa akka ture olitti kaafneerra. Inniniis waan sirna sana gadi jabeesse akka tahe hubatamaadha. Aadaa jiran keessaahiis amantiin hordafamaa ture, sirnicha utubee kan jabeesse dha. Amantiin aadaa haatahuu malee, mataa isaatiis sirna Gadaa keessatti waan aadaa tahan hundaa kan jabeesseedha. Kanaaf amantiifi aadaan tokkummaa akka qaban ifaadha.

Jireenya hafuura qabu keessatti dhalli namaa, hubannoota naannoo isaarraa qabuun waan amanu qabaachuu waan malu, bara Gadaa keessattiis ummanni Oromoo waan itti amanu qaba ture. Inniniis waaqa jedhamee yaamama. Waaqni waan hundumaa ol kan tahe, hunda kan tolcheefi kan uume, waan hunda kan dandayu, … tahuu isaatti amanama. Ormootaafi waaqa kana kan walqunnamsiisan qaalloota jedhamu. Hojiin isaaniis akka qeesotafii sheekootaati.

Qaaloota yeroo jennu akka bara dhihoo keessa ummata samuuf jecha sobanii, gowwoomsanii irraa waa guurratan akka qaallichaa Habashaamiti. Qaalloonni Oromoo bara sirna Gadaa ummata, uumamaafi biyyaaf waaqa kadhatu; galateeffatu, ummata eeybisu, looniifi madhaaniif rooba kadhatu, warra bira dhaqanii waaqa kadhachuuf isaaf muudaniif eebba keennu. Dalagaa kana fi kana fakkaataniin akka ummanni amantii Waaqatti amanuufi hordofu godhu; ummataafi Waaqa walqunnamsiisu.

Oromoonni karaa Qaalluu Waaqaan walqunnamuu malee, akkaataa biraas niqabu. Kuniis yeroo garagaraarratti ofiis waaqa kadhachuufi galateeyfachuudha. Bakki itti waaqa kadhatan, galateeffataniis galma ijaarame keessa, muka jala, gaararraa malkaa gubbaa,…dha. Kanneen utuu kana godhanii, yeroo yerotti dhaqanii Qaalluu muudu. Ayyaanni amantiis yerootti ayyaaneeffataman nijiru. Isaaniis warraa akka

Ateetee- Kan dubartootaati. Inniniis kan mucaa argachuuti.
Nabii – Kan abbootiiti.
Jaarri ayyaana nagayaa, tikfama namaa, looniifi qa’eeti.
Abdaarrii-ayyaana dachii midhaan baasisuuti
Qaallonniis sirna ayyaana amantii kanarratti ummata gorsu, jajjebeessu. Qaalluun eessaa baha? Gaaffiin jedhuu ka’uun nidandaya. Gosa keessaa Qaalluun bahuu dandayuufi hin dandeenye jiru. Inniniis waanuma hangafummaafi quxxusummaa hawaasa Oromoo keessa turerraa tahuun nimala. Qaalluun gosa beekamaa keessaa baha. Achi keessaa bahee gosoota hafniifiis Qaalluu tahu. Hundaaniis muudama. Qaalluun gosa beekamaa keessaa haa bahu malee, tokko qofa taha jechuumiti. Maadhee hawaasa olii sana keessaa dabalanii jiraachuu dandayu. Garuu isaan keessaa tokkootu hundarra kabajaa qabaata. Isaanutuus yeroo ayyaanaa muudatti muudamaas. Fakkeenyaaf Boorana keessatti Qaalloota (laduu) shana jiran kan Maxxaarrii sadaniifi kan Karrayyuu tokkoofi kan Odituu tokko keessaa hunda caala kabajaman Qaalluu Odituuti.

Qaalluun isa oliiti jechuudha. Booranaa alaas qaalluun kana muuduuf Oromoonni lafa fagoo deemanii dhaqu. Kanaaf, sadarkaa qabu; warri gad hafan isaa gaditti dalagu jechuudha. Qaalluun abbaadhaa ilmatti dabree dhaalama deema. Namchi mataan amantii Qaalluu hoggaa jedhamu, haati mana isaa ammoo, qaallitti jedhamti. Qaallitiiniis akkuma qaalluu kabajamtuudha. Ilma hangafaatu yeroo abbaan isaa du’u dhaalee qaaluu tahuuf carraa duraa qaba.

Sirna Gadaa keessatti muuda Qaaluu kan yeroo malee, ayyaanni guddaan muuda jedhamu jira. Inniniis jidduu Gadaa tokkootti yeroo (si’a) beekamaafi dhaabbata tokkotti yaha. Ayyaana kanarratti Oromoonni dhaqanii galma isaatti qaalluu olii muudu. Sirna tahu keessatti yeroo kanatti eeyba Qaalluu fudhachuun beekamaadha. Namoonni lafa fagoorraa ka’anii dhaqan, ganda isaatti muudu, achitti qalanii nyaatu, nyaachisuusi.

Eegaa, walumaagalatti dalagaan Qaalluu inni tokko namaafi waaqa walqunnamsiisuu akka tahefi jireenyi hafuura Oromootaa maal akka fakkaatu ilaalleerra. Qooda Qaalluufi amantiin sirna Gadaa keessaas sirni kun sirna amantii tahuu fakkeessa. Dhugaan isaa garuu sirna amantiis, ofkeessaa qabaachuudha.

Qoodni Qaalluun qabu kan biraa aadaa Oromoo kan sirna Gadaa keessaa tiksuufi too’achuudha. Kanarratti bakka guddaa qaba. Akka aadaan sirna kanaa hin dabnefi seerriifi heerri sirnichaa hin banne qaceelcha. Ummata biratti karaa aadaafi amantii fudhatama guddaa guddaa waan qabuuf, yaada ummataa (public opinion) dhufata isaa jalaa waan qabuuf aadaa Oromoo tiksuufi daandii sirna Gadaarratti too’achuu dandaya. Waan haraamuu, caphana,… gatama namatti fiduu dandayanirraa ummata eegu dandaya.

Kanneenirratti dabalee qoodni guddaan Qaalluun qabu jireenya polotikaa sirna Gadaa too’achuufi qajeelchuudha. Murtii polotikaarratti fuulaan yoo qooda hin fudhannellee, waan yaada ummataa of harkaa qabaniif qajeelchuufi karooraratti qooda guddaa kennu. Filmaata qondaaloota Gaddfi marii biyyaarratti argamuudhaan gargaaru. Filmaata qondaaloota Gadaarratti yaada ummataa sassaabuudhaan irratti hundeeyfamanii ija filmaata godhamee adda baasanii labsu. Marii seeraafi heeraarratti argamanii akka seerriifi heerri Gadaa hin dabneef gorsuufi qajeechuudha. Qoondaaloota Gadaa aangoo qabatan sirnaan muudu, eeybisu. Kanaaf, amantiin sirna Gadaas karaa kanaafii kana fakkaataniin jireenya polotikaa ummata Oromoo qajeelchuurratti qooda guddaa qaba.

Eegaa xumuruudhaaf, geggeessaa amantii kan tahe Qaalluun jireenya hawaasa Oromoo sirna Gadaa keessatti qooda guddaa sadii qabaata. Isaaniis:-

qooda amantii – namafii waaqa walqunnamsiisuu
qooda aadaa- aadaa sirna Gadaa eeguuf, tiksuufi too’achuu
qooda polotikaa- filmaatarrattiifi marii biyyaa kan seeraafi heeraarratti too’achuufi qajeelchuudha.
Dhumarratti aadaan, polotikaafi amantiin walitti hidhatoo tahuun ifaadha.

Godaansa Oromoo Jaarraa 16ffaan duratti

Ummata akka waan hinsossoonee kana akka garaa, dhagaa ykn galaanaa godhanii fudhachuun hin tahu. Ummatni kamiyyuu ni sossoha, bakka takka gadhiisee bakka biraatti ni godaana. Seenaa ummatoota addunyaa keessatti godaansa heedduu argina. Sababootii godaansaa uuman akkuma biyya sanaafi haala yeroo sanaarratti hudeeyfama. Kanaaf sababootii godaansa uuman bal’aafi hedduudha. Haa tahuu malee, warri keessaa gurguddaa tahan nijiru:

haalli qilleensaa geeddaramuun balaa dhufee jalaa dheessuuf,

lakkooysi ummataa sanaa hedduu dabaluun dhiphina lafaa dhalatu keessaa bahuuf,

lola ummatoota olla jiddutti dhalaturraa kan ka’ee jalaa dheessuuf, kun ammoo lafa bal’ifachuuf tahu nidandaya. Seenaan godaansa Oromoo kan jaarraa 16ffaan duraa haala kana keessaa tokkorratti hundeeyfamuun nimala.

Madda ummata Oromoo yeroo ilaalletti Oromoon Baddaa Baaleefi gam tokkoon Sidaamoo keessa yeroo dheeraaf akka jiraataa ture mirkana’ee jira. Kana jechuun Oromoon hangaa jaarraa 16ffaa keessatti naannoo kana duwwatti murtaa’ee jiraataa ture jechuumiti. Godaansa haala akkasiitiin dhiheessinu warri barbaadan Qeesoota Amaaraati. Godaansi ummata kamiyyuu ballama qabatee jaarraa akkasiitiin godaana hinjedhu. Godaansi sossohiinsa ummata dhawaataan, suuta suutaan, yeroo dheerinaa keessa kan mul’atudha. Waan jaarraa tokko keessatti jalqabee dhumatuusiimiti.

Herbert S Luwis madda saba Oromoo argacuuf afaanoota Kushoota bahaa bakka 24tti qoode. Afaanoota isaanii karraa kan ka’e, durattii isaa kun lammii tokko turan jedhe. Yroo dheeraa keessa lakkooysii namaa babal’achurraa kan ka’e walirraa fagaatanii qubacuun, lammiin adda addaa dagaagan. Walbiraa godaanuun isaanii kun yoomifii akkamitti akka jalqabameef wanti beekamu hinjiru. Sababnii isaa garuu, waa asii olitti ka’erraa tokko tahuun nimala.

Lammiin affaariifi Saahoon dura godaanuu waan jalqaban fakkaata. Gara kaabaatti baay’ee fagaatanii kan qubatan, isaan kana. Lammiin kun lameen, yeroo dheeraaf waliin jiraataa turanii booda foxxqanii akka qubataniidha. Bara dhihoo dura akka waliin turan, afaan isaanii walitti seenuun ragaa nitaha. Lammiin Somaalee itti aanee sossohee waan gara bahaafi kibbaa qubate fakkaata. Ar’a Somaaleen Oromoorraa gara bahaafi kibbaa, Affaarirraa ammoo, gaara kibbaa qubattee jirti. Akka Herbert S. Luwis jedutti isaan kanatti aanee kan godaane Oromoodha. Affaar, Sahoo,Somaaleefi Oromoon hoggaa naannoo sanarraa sossohan Kuushootni bahaatti hafan ammoo, naannoo ha’a irra jiraatan keessa babal’atan malee hedduu hinsossoone.

Ormoon naannoo Mandayyoo, Dallofi Jamjam bara dheeraa jiraataa turanii dhawaata lafa naannoo isaaniitti siqaa, irra jiraataa dhufan. Yeroo isaan itti naannoo Baaleefii Saidaamoorraa sossohanii hamma Wallootti qubatan waan beekamuumiti. Garuu yeroo dheeraa keessa tahuun hinmamu. Eega Affaarootnifi Saahootni naannoo amma jiran keessa jiraachuu jalqabanii ykn, isaanumatti aananii godaananii qubacuun waan malu.

Akkaata godaansa Oromoo kan ofumaan deemaa ture kana, isa jaarraa 16ffaatti akeekuun hin tahu. Abbaa Baahireenuu yeroo akkaataa godaansa Oromoo barreeyse:

Booranni biyya isaarraa yeroo godaanu hundaan hindeemu, warri deemuu hin baebaanne nihafa. Kuniis waan mootii hinqabneef namni isaan ajaju hinjiru. Abbaan akka barbaade hojjata” jedhe. Bartels namchi jedhamu ammoo, akkaata godaansa Oromoorratti yeroo barreeyse: nama Oromoo tokko gaafatee deebii argate:

Yeroo tochoonu, ilmi hangafni bakka itti dhalateetti hafa. Ilmi quxxusuun dabranii lafa haaraya barbaadu. Ilmaa warra hangafaa naannotti hafan ammoo, firoota isaanii barbaaduu ka’anii godaanu” jedhee jira. Ragaa kana lamaanirraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu, Oromoon godaanee daangaa Keeniya kaasee hamma daangaa Tigreetti qubachuu kan dandahee, yeroo dheeraa keessa akka tureedha. Jaarraa 16ffaa keessa yeroo Baahireen barreeyse baayyinni ummata Oromoo meeqa taha? Akaa inni jedhutti utuu godaansi Oromoo yeroosunii jalqabee ilmaan quxxusuu duwwaan dabranii kan qubatan yoo tahee, lafa har’a Oromoon irra jiraatu firfirsanillee wal hingayan jechuudha. Kanaaf Oromoon jaarraa 16ffaa keessa godaanuu jalqabee utuu hintaane, jaarraa hedduun dura suuta suutaan, ilmi quxxisuun dabree qubachaa, lafa margaafi bishaan qabu barbaadaa godaane. Haalli jaarraa 16 ffaa keessatti mul’ate waan gara biraa waan taheef bakka isaatti laalla.

Duraani Oromoonni lammi tokko tahee osoo jiraatanii gosa Booranafi Bareentummati adda bahan. Bareentumafi Booranni osoo naannoo Baaleefi Sidaamoorraa gara bahaa jiraatanii lakkooysi namaafi horiin saanii baay’achuun gargar fagaatanii qubachuu jalqaban. Ilmaan Bareenummaas akka walitti heddommaachaa deemaniin adda adda bahanii qubachuu jalqaban. Ituufii Humbanni Mormorirraa ka’anii gara bahaatti sossohanii osoo adda hin bahin naannoo Odaa Bultum qubatan. Odaan Bultum kaarra Qurquraarraa gara kibbaatti hamma km 3 fagaatee argama. Ituufi Humbanni osoo adda hinbahin bakka Odaa Bultum kana

Akkaataa bultuma Oromoon Gaddaan duratti.

Sirna Gadaan duratti akkaataa bultuma Oromoo akkam akka ture wanti beekamu hinjiru. Qesoota Amaaraa tahee, seenaa barreeysitoonni gara biraa waa’ee Orommoo kan barreeyssuu jalqaban jaarraa 16ffaa booda ture. Kanaf sanaan dura seenaan Oromoo ture himamsa aadaarraa, yoo argame malee wanti galmaa’e kan jiru hinfakkaatu. Haa tahuu malee, himamsa afaaniitfi akkaataa dagaagina hawaasaarraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu nijira.

Akkaataan dagaagina hawaasaa dhala namaa kamiyyuu sirna keeessa dabru niqaba. Haalli hawaasni Oromoo bara Gadaa duraafi booddee keessa ture calaqqiinsa akkaataa bulmaata isaa ka duraanii nuuf ibsuu ni dandaya. Akkuma ummata kamiyyuu hawaasni Oromooo gamtooma Doofaa durii keessa turuun isaa waan hin’ooleedha. Kuniis akkaata qabeenya dhuufaa turerraa calaqqisa. Ormoon waan tikfattee tureef qabeenya dhuunfaa loon yoo tahe malee, lafti qabeenya gamtaa ture. Kanaa wajjiin kan ilaalamu haala walbulchiinsa isa jidduu tureedha. Hamma hawaasaatti Oromoon guddatee sadarkaa gosa gahetti manguddoo walbulchuun saa hin’oolle. Kabajaa manguddoon hawaasa Oromoo keessatti qabu har’allee aadaa Oromoo keessatti ni calaqqisa. Hamma Gadaan dhufee bakka qabtetti, manguddootaan buluun kun sadarkaa sadarkaan guddataa dhufuun hinhafne.

Haalli kun akkamitti ture? Akkamitti hojjachuu dandaye? Wanti kana calaqqisu boodana dabree maali? Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti aadaan jalqabarraa ka’ee gad dhaabbate hariiroo hangafaafi quxxusuuti. Hariiroon kun dura sadarkaa maatii keessatti gad dhaabbate. Ilmi hangafni kabajamuu qaba. Warri quxxusuu isa hordofu. Waan inni jedhe dhagayu. Hariiroon kun maati duwwaa keessatti hin hafu. Akkuma hawaasni sun dagaaguun hangafaafi quxxusuun ibidda, manaafi gosa keessattiis hojiirra oola. Ibiddi hangafaafi quxxusutti adda bahee walkabjuuniifi waliif abboomamuun buluun dhalate. Hariiroon ku yeroo dheeraaf hawaasa Oromoo keessatti hojjate.

Goso tokko keessa karra hagafaafi quxxusuu nijiraatu. Maanguddootni karra hangafaa keessa jiran biyya (gosa) bulchuurratti qceelfama kennu. Karri quxxusuu tahan warra hanagafa kana jalatti gurmaawu. Sadarkaa gossaattiis hariiroon kun ittifufa.

Gositi hangafni yeroo warra kaan qaceechu, geggeessu warri quxxusuun isaan jalati walitti qabamu. Gosootni kun akkasitt walitti dhufanii tokkooma gosaa (tribal confederacies) tolfatan. Tokkoomni gosaa kun ammoo, walkeessatti hangafaafi quxxusuu qabu. Hawaasa Oromoo keessatti akkaataan hangafaafi quxxusutti qoodamuun kun qoodama karra cimdii” ( bi social differentiation) jedhama. Sirni bulmaataa karra lamatti qoodamuun bu’ureeyfamu ammoo, sirna qoodama karra cimdii taha. Hamma Gadaan dagaagutti akkaataan bulmaata Oromoo sirna kanaan ture.

Sirna kana keessatti manguddoonni qooda lammii guddaa qabu. Manguddoota lammii keessaa ammoo, kan warra hangafaa hunda dursu. Waldhabbii gosoota giddutti ka’u manguddoota kanaatu ilaala. Gosoota Oromoo keessaa Booranni hangafa. Kanaaf waldhabbiin gosa bareentumaa, fakkeenyaaf Arsiifi Macca giddutti yoo ka’e, manguddoota Booranaatu ilaala. Haalli kun gosa, karra hundumaa keessatti akkasitti hojjata. Ummata ollaa wajjiin waldhabbiin yoo argamees, gumaabaasuufiis tahee, falmu, lola waan ilaaluufi dantaa lammii saanaa guutummatti manguddootaan ilaalamee murtii godhata.

Sirni manguddootaan qaceelu amaluma hawaasa doofaa taheellee kan Oromoon dhaabbate jabaa tahuun isaa, hangafaafi quxxusuun qaceeluu isaati. Sirna isa booddee Oromoon tolfatee ittiin walbulcheef bu’ura kan qabuudha. Sirna Gadaa keessatti hawaasni Oromoo gartuu lamatti qoodamee ijaarame. Gartuuleen kun aadaadhaan hangafaafi quxxusutti beekamu. Garuu waltoo’achuufi walgituurratti walqixa. Fakkeenyaaf qoodamni akkasii Boorana keessati Sabboofi Goona, Maccaa keessatti Booranaafi Gabaro, Ituu keessatti Kuraafi Galaan, Humabnna keessatti Qal’oofi Anniyya jedhamanii beekamu. Haaluma qoodama gosa keessa duraan tureetu Sirna Gadaa keessattiis ga-dhaabbate jechuudha. Kanaaf Oromoon osoo sirna Gadaatiin as hin bahin, sirna qoodama karra cimdii kanaan walbulchaa ture jechuun nidandeenya.

Meelba:- bara 1522-1530

Gadaan duraa Melba jedhama jedhu. Bara Gadaa Melbaa kana Oromoon abbaa duulaa itti ijaaree yeroo duraatiif gurmuun duulutti bobbaase. Baalli weeraruu jalqaban. Namichaa Amaara Faasil jedhamuu wajji wal lolanii inniis duularratti du’e. Duula Oromoo isa jalqabaa kanaan amaarri “dawwee” jedhan. Afaan Amaaraatti dawwee jechun, dhukkuba lamxii jechuudha

Muudana:- bara 1531-1538

Mebatti aane kan Gadaa fudhate Muudana jedham. Bara Muudana kana seera jajjabaa lama tumatan. Lubni hundi duula akka duuluufi laf haaraya baasan malee, meendhicha akka hin hidhanne kan jedhu ture. Baalli kan Melba weeraruu jalqabe Muudannii dhufatee hamma qarqara laga Awaashitti irra qubatan. Barri Gadaa Muudanaa kun bara Islaamoonni Imaam Ahmadiin geggeefamanii Kiristaanootaan lolaa turani. Lola diinootni isaa lamaan wal lolaa jiran kan Oromoon faana bu’aa ture. daareel Baates namichi jedhamu kana hogga ibsu:

“lolli Kiristaanoota Habashafi Islaamoota ture, Poortugaal gargaartee Imaam Ahmed mohamullee hin dhaabbanne. Waggootii dheeraaf dabree dabree deemsifamaa ture, gaallaa (Oromoo) haala kana duukaa bu’anii too’ataa turan. Gartuun lamanuu waan miidhameef lafa isaanii deebifachuuf ….yeroo itti eeggachaa turan”jedha. Lolli amantii yeroof akkasiit qabbanaawullee Oromoon lola isaa itti fufe. Muudanni Gadaa isaa fixee Kiiloleetti dabarse.

Kiilolee:- bara 1539-1546

Kiiloleen duula bal’isee DAWAAROO rukutuu jalqabe. Yeroo gabaaba keessati handhuura Dawaaroo gahe. Galaawudoos mooti Habashaa waana isaa kan nama Adaal Mabraq jedhamuun hoogganamu Dawarrootti bara 1545tti erge. Waraanni Adaal Mabraq harka Oromootti baqe, inniniis lbaqatee laga Awaash cehe.Dawaaroo kan jedhamu Arsii har’aatt akeekuun ni dandayama. Galaawudoos Islaamoota mohuu dandahullee Oromoobiyya isaaf lolu mohuu hindandeenye. Kiiloleen Gadaa isaa fixee Biifoleetti dabarse.
Biifolee:- bara 1547-1554

Galaawudoos Adaal Mabraq moohamuu dhagayee humna isaa waliti gurmeessee, waraana warra Poortugaaal fogargaarsisee Oromootti bara 1548tti duule. Humna guddaan itti haa duulu malee, Galaawudoos Oromoo mohuu dadhabee, dahannoo jabaa qotatee Dawaaroo keessa qubate. Oromoonni achitti iti marsanii lolan. Lolli sun guyyaa kudhalama deeme. Oromoonni gootummaan lolanii gaafa 12ffaa waraana Habashaa dahannoo isaa keessatti itti seenaanii hedduu irraa fixan. Ajajaan waraana Poortugaal Ayrees Deez jedhamu madaawee boodarratti du’e. Waraanni Habashaa moohame. Biifoleen duulaa isaa itti fufef Awaash cehee Faxagar waraanuu jalqabe. Hatahuu malee, Biifoleen akka Luboota isa duraa lafa haaraya qabachuudhaan hinmilkooyne. Habashoonni dhiibbaan Oromoo gara qa’ee isaaniitti dhihaataa waan deemeef jabaatanii dura dhaabbatan. Galaawudoos humna Habasha gurmeesse ofirraa ittise. Gama lachuu namni dhube baay’ee guddaa ture. biifoleen Gadaa isaa raaw’atee Michilleetti dabarse.

Michille:- bara 1555-1562

Michilleen Gadaa isaa kana keessatti namni diina hinajjeefne akka hin fuune, akka rifeensa mataa hinhaaddanne seera baase. Akka jedhamuttiis bara Gadaa Michillee kana Oromoon fardaan loluu jalqabe. Kanaaf lafa fagoo deemee lola gochuu jalqabe. Bara Michillee kana Galaawudoos waraana isaa Faxagar keessa jiru namicha Hamalmaal jedhamuti kennee bataskaana Imaam gube ijaarutti deebi’ee ture. bara 1555tti Michilleen Hamlmaaliin bakka Dagoo jedhamutti waraanee moohe. Hamalmaal moohamuun Faxagariin guutumatti harka Oromootti deebise. Faxagar Enriif Karrayyuu har’aani taha. Michilleen Faxagar irra dhaabbatee Cafaat, Bazimoofi Daamoot salphatti rukutuu jalqabe. Gibeen qabachuuniis yeroo kana jalqabe. Bara Michillee injifannoo guddaan argame garuu, Islaamootarratti ture. islaamoonni eega Imaam Ahmed boodde weerara guddaa kiristaanatti bobbaasuu hindandeenye. Hatahuu malee, geggeessaan Islaama Harar Amiir Nuur jedhamu humna walitti qabatee bara 1559tti Habashatti duulee ture. amiir Nuur Galaawudoosiin lolee moohe. Galaawudoos lola sanirratti du’e. Amiir Nuur osoo inni injifannoo argatetti gammadee ayyaaneeffachaa jiruu Oromoonni magaalaa Harar seenanii barbadeessan. Oduu kana dhagahee osoo inni gara Harar deebu’utti jiruu Michillee bakka Tulluu Hazaaloo jedhamtutti haxxee hidhee rukute. Lola taherratti Oromoonni haa dhuman malee, Amiir Nuur ni moohame. Waraanni saa harka loltuu Oromoorratti akka dhadhaa baqee dhume. Lubbuun kan keessa bahan xiqqaa ture. lolli Tulluu Hazaaloo biratti tahe kun, yeroo dheeraaf Kiristaanaafii Islaama gidduutti lola deemaa ture addaan kute. Humni Oromoo jabaachuun warra wal lolaa turan gidduutti nagaya buuse.

Michillee booddee duulli Oromoo karaa lamaarraa tahuu jalqabe. Isaaniis:- Oromoota Walloofi Maccaafi Tuulama. Wallo keessati kan Gadaa fudhate Harmuffaa jedhama. Kan Tuulama ammoo, Hambisaa jedhama. Lachuu saanii bara 1563-70tti Gadaarra turan. Hambisaan duula gurguddaa Shawaa keessatti haa godhu malee, Amaara dhiibuu hin dandeenye. Mootiin Habashaa Minaas akka jabatti Hambisaafi Harmuffaa dura dhaabbate. Osoo isaaniin loluu du’e. Malaak Saggad ykn Sarta Dingil kan jedhamu itti dabree aangoo Habashaa qabatee lola ittifufe. Hambisaaniis lafaa haaraya osoo hinqabatin Minas wajjiin lola gurguddaa osoo godhuu Gadaan isaa dhumeeRoobaleetti dabarse. Harmuf Awaash cehee Affaarootafi Habashootatti duuluu jalqabe. Gi’orgis Haaylee kan jedhamu bakka qacinaafi Wayaata jedhamutti lolee Moo’e. Affaarootaas lolee naannoo Angootttifi Ganyi jedhamtu qabatee taa’e. Bakka kanarraa Amaara Saaynitiifi Bagamidritti duuluu jalqabe. Harmuuf bara Gadaa isaa Affaaroota, Argoboota, Doobotafi Amaaroota Ganyiifi Angoot keessa turan waraanee ofjala galchee gosa moggaase. Harmuuf Affaaroota humna isaanii cabsee baay’ee xiqqeese. Harmuuf Gadaan isaa dhumee Robaleen harka fudhate.

Robaleen:- bara 1571-1578

Malaak Saggad Roobalee Shawaa keessatti dabarsuu dhoorke. Ofiis garuu Roobalee dhiibuu hindandeenye. Shawaa keessatti haala akkanaan jiru Roobaleen Walloo Bagamidir seenee lola jalqabe. Yeroo kana Malaak Saggad saffisaan gara Bagaamidir deebi’ee Roobalee bakka wayinaa Dagaa jedhamutti lolee Roobaleen moohame wallotti deebi’e. Roobaleen hoggaa Malaak Saggfad gara Bagaamidir deeme, duula Shawaa keessatti jabeessee Amaaroota gara hallayyafi olqatti naqee biyya qabate. Malaak Saggad deebi’ee Roobalee dhiibuu hindandeenye. Gadaan isaanii dhumee lamaanuu Birmajiif bakka gaddhiisan.

Birmajii:- bara 1579-1586

Bara Gadaa Birmajii Oromootni Amaara hedduu muddanii qaban. Birmajiin Wallo Bagamidir seenanii Amaaroota hedduu fixan. Aantoot Malaak Saggad lolarratti dhuman. Amaara Bagamidir akka malee hollachiisee. Birmajiin Tuulamaafi Macaa lafa fardi isaa dhaquu dandayu mara deemee qabate. Amaarri gara hallayyaafi holqatti galtee dhokatte. Osoo gaarri, hoqiifi hallayyaan hinjiru tahee, namni hafu hinjiru jedhaa ture barreeysaan Habashaa Alaqaa Atsimeen. Malaa Saggad oliifi gad fiigutti yeroo isaa fixe. Birmajiin Shawaa laga Jamayii cehee Waqaa qabatee Amaara lafa Oromoo keessa qubatte Habashaarraa kute. Achirraa Gojjaamiifi Daamoot waraanuu jalqabe. Malaak Saggad nama Daragoot jedhamu akka Gojjaamiin ittisuuf itti erge. Birmajiin lola Daaragootirratti du’e. Haa tahu malee Birmajiin gara dhuma Gadaa isaati jala Gojjaam keessatti moohame. Biramjiin bakka lachuutti Gadaa gad dhiisanii Mul’atatti dabarsan.

Mul’ata:- bara 1587-1594

Bara Gadaa Mul’ataa kana Walloon hedduu hinduulle. Yeroo lama duwwaa Godaritti duulee saamee Wallotti deebi’e. Qubatee waan taa’e fakkaata. Mula’ati, Maccaafi Tuulama duula isaa itti fufe. Bifa lolaa geeddaree Amaara karaarratti gaadanii ajjeesuu jalqaban. Gaara gidduufi saaqaa dhiphoo ta’an jiddutti eegee Amaara murachuu jalqabe. Kanaaf Amaarri bara sana lafa sodaatu bira hoggaa gahewalitti lallaba, walwaama dabra ture jedhama. Bakka fardasaaf mijjaa’u Gondariifi Gojjaam keessa gulufee basha’e. Boodaas achi quabatee taa’e. Amaarri araarfachuu jalqabdee, suuta suutaan walmakuu jalqaban. Haa tahu malee, lolli isaan jiddu hindhaabbanne: isaan keessa warri gurguddaan:

Jaarraa 17ffaa jalqabarratti (1605-1617) bara mooti Habashaa Suusiniyoos Oromoon Bagamidrifi Gojjaamitti duulaa ture, garuu ofirraa ittisan.

1620 Oromootni Walloo Bagamidriti duulan.

Qaabsis Paaris (Paris chronicle) jedhamu lolli gurguddaan baroota 1639, 1643, 1649, 1652fi 1658tti akka tahan galmeessee jira.

1661 Oromoonni Walloo Warra HimannooGondaritti duulanii Faasilaa Dasiin lolan.

1683-1688 Oromoon Guduruu Habashaa lolee moohe.

1709 bara Tewoofiloos mooti Habashaa ture Oromoon Amaaratti duulee ture.

Jaarraa 18ffaa kaasee lolli xixiqqaan Amaaraafii Oromoo jiddutti deemaature. Amaaroonni Oromoo ofitti qabuu (firoomfatuu)jalqaban. Waldhabbii isaan jidduu jirurratti akka Oromoon isaan gargaaru hawwachaaturan. Yeroon itti Oromoon waardiyaa mooti Habashaa tahee qa’ee(gibbii) isaaniitti galees niture. Habashoonni walii isaai fonqolchuufi aangoorraa turuufiis Waraana Oromootti yeroon dhimma ba’aa turan niture.

Duula Oromoo kana booddee haala akkamiitu Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti dhalate? Humni Oromoo jechuuniis maal uume? Hamma Oromoon Gadaan of hinjaaranitti miidhaa gurguddaan irrgahaa akka ture beekamaadha. Yeroo sanaas Kiristaanootnifi Islaamootni duula wailrraa hincinne walirratti oofaa turan. Gaafni Afrikaa bakka lolaa turte jechuun nidandayama. Oromoon Gadaan ijaaramee as bahuun, madaala humna Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti jijjiire. I) lola Kiristaanaafi Islaama jidduu nidhaabe. 2) hawwii babal’achuu Habashaan qabu dhaabee walitti isii suntuurse. 3) Oromoo kabajamaafi sodaatamaa taasise. 3) Mootummaa Islaama Harar dhawee walitti bute. 5) daangaarratti waldhiibuufi lola xixiqqaa tahan malee, nagaya gara jaarraa lamaaf Gaafa Afrikaatti buuse.

Madaalli humnaa kan yeroo dheeraaf ture, kan jijjiiramuu jalqabe walakkaa jaarraa 19ffaa booda eega meeshaan lolaa haarayni harka Habashoota seene ture. Yeroo kanarraa kaaseeti kn Oromoon caphee kolonii Habashaa tahuu kan jalqabe. maddii: marsaa alaabaa

Seenaan haayyoota Oromootin barreefammee kunoo as isiinif jira. Dubbisaati baradhaa. yoo barruu seenaa biraa qabaattan tessoo exellent823@yahoo.com  irratti nuf ergaa.

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Seenaa saba Oromoo

Kitaaba (seenaa saba Oromoo fi Sirna Gadaa/Birraa/Fulbaana/1995)

(Toleeraa Tasammaa fi Hundasaa Waaqwayyaa)

Seenaan qorannoo ykn barnoota akka ummanni tokko itti jiraataa tureedha. Seenaan saba tokko yeroo jennu qorannoo ykn barnoota waa’ee shanyii saba saba saniiti jechuudha. Seenaan sabni tokko akkamitti jiraataa ture? Haala akkam keessa dabre? Ogummaa akkam qaba ture? Aadaan isaa maal fakkaata? Kan jedhaniifi gara biraas kaasee deebii itti barbaada. Gabaatti, seenaan qorannoo ykn barnoota haala shanyyiin (sanyyiin) ummata biyya tokkoo karaa dina’gdeefi hawaasummaa keessa dabreedha.

Ummanni tokko haala jireenya isaa hubachuuf abbootiin abbootii isaa ykn shanyyiin isaa haala keessa dabran qorachuu barbaachisa. Haalli ykn akkaataan jireenyi shanyii ofii keessa dabre jireenya har’aa irratti calaqqiinsa ni qabaata. Isa ha’aa hubachuuf isa dabre qorachuun barbaachisaadha. Kaleessi yoo hin jiraanne har’i hinjiraatu. Waan shanyyiin keenya keessa dabree as gahe qorannee baruun kan har’aa ijaarachuuf baay’ee barbaachisa. Kaleessi har’a, har’i boru maddisiisa. Kan dabre yoo hinhubatin kan har’aa hubachuun, kan har’aa yoo hinhubatin kan boruu qiyaasuun hinkajeelamu.

Namni seenaa abbootii isaa, kan shanyii isaa hinbeekne jaamaadha. Bishaan gabatee irra jiru, kan gara barbaadanitti oofamuun wajjiin walfakkaata. Namni seenaa irraa hinbare, badii seenaa deebisee dalaguuf dirqama. Namni seenaa shanyii isaa hinbeekne, maqaa, aadaafi sabummaa isaa gatee kan alagaa fudhachuuf tattaafata. Ummanni Oromoo seenaa boonsaa, biyya badhaatuufi aadaa dagaagaa qaba. Ilmaan Oromoo hedduun garuu, kan waan hinbeeyneef alagatti ofharkisuu kan barbaadan nijiran. Seenaa saba ofii baruun eenyummaa ofii nama barsiisa. Firaaf diina adda baafachuuf nama gargaara. Walumaa galatti, seenaa saba ofii beekuun sab-boonummaa dagaagsa.

Seenaa saba keenyaa kan boru itti boonnu duwwaafi miti. Tahuus hin qabu. Mataa ofii dabree beekuufi yaadachuuf barra. Barree ammoo dabarsinee barsiifna. Kanaaf ilmaan Oromoo hundi seenaa Oromoo baranii dabarsanii barsiisuun dirqama taha. Seenaa dabrerraa kan barree yaadachuuf, jireenya keenya har’aa hubachuuf nu gargaara. Madda rakkoo keenya har’aa baruuf, seenaa abbotiin teenya dabarsan beeku qabna. Rakkina har’aa furuuf mala lafa kaayyachuuf seenaa dabre beekuun hedduu barbaachisaadha. Rakkinaafi guddina sabni keenya keessa dabree as gsahe yoo beekne kan boruu yaaduu dandeenya. Daandii qabsoon keenya fudhachuu qabu tolchuufi tolchinees sirritti ta’uu isa kan itti ilaallu calaqqee seena Oromoo keessatti taha. Seenaa dabre kan fagoofi dhihoo, yaadaafi ilaalcha keenya irratti ifaan ykn osoo hin mul’anne dhiibbaa niqabbata. Seenaa keenya ka barruuf, ofii hubannee akka sirritti galmeessinee dhaloota boruutiif dabarsuudhaafi. Waanti nuti har’a hojjannu , boru seenaa taha. Kanaaf Oramoo kan tahe hundi seenaa shanyyii isaa baree dabarsee barsiisuun haalaan barbaachisaadha.

Barbaachisummaa seenaa baruu erga hubatamee, gaaffi ka’antu jira. Seenaan Oromoo barreeyfamee jiraa? Eenyufaatu barreeyse? Yoo hin barreeyfamne tahe akkamiti barreeysuun dandayama? Gaaffiileen kan fakkaatan hedduun ka’uu mala. Osoo deebii gaaffiilee kanaa kennuu hinyaalin dura madda seenaa waan athan keessaa lama qofa yoo ka’aan gaarii taha.

Maddi seenaa ummata tokkoo inni duraafi guddaan seenaa afaanii(oral history) fi aadaadha. Hamma sadarkaan dagaagina hawaasummaa tokkoo barreeysaan waa galmeessuun hinjalqabaminitti, seenaa dhalootarraa dhalootatti himamsa afaaniitiin dabraa dhufa. Abbaan ijollee isaatti “dur shanyiin keenya akkasiti bulaa ture, bara akkasii rakkina akkasiitu tur, dur jireenyi akkas ture” jedhee yeroo itti odeessu, seenaa dabarsaa jira jechuudha. Sabootni hedduun har’allee afaan isaaniitiin barreeysuu hinjalqabne nijiran. Seenaan saboota akkasii barreeyfamuuf maddi guddaan seenaa afaaniifi aadaa isaaniiti taha.

Seenaa tokko qorachuuf ykn barreeysuuf maddi lammaffaan waan galmeeyfameedha. Beektoonnif qorottoonni haala jiruufi jireenya, aadaafi afaan ummata tokkoo yeroo galmeessan seenaa dabarsaa jiru. Waan beektoonni ykn qorottoonni barruudhaan har’a lafa kaayan, boru kaan itti dhufee barata ykn irra dhaabatee xiinxala. Seenaan ummata tokkoo nama isaa keessa dhalateen barreeyfame irra wayyinni hinhafu. Inninuu, yoo namni sun dhiibbaa adda addaarraa qulqulluu tahe malee, mudaa qabaachuu nidandaya. Keessattu yeroo seenaa uummata gara biraa barreeysan jibba, jaalalalfi dhiibbaa adda addaarraa qulqulluu yoo hintaane badii guddaan dalagamuu nimala.

Seenaa tokko qorachuufi baruuf madda waan tahan keessaa guddaa lama kaafnee jirra. Eegaa, seenaan ummata Oromoo barreeyfamee jiraayi? Ykn ummanni Oromoo seenaa qabaayi? Gaaffiilee jedhan laaluu ni dandeenya.diinootni ummata Oromoo, ‘Oromoon seena hinqabu’ jedhu. Ummanni seenaa hinqabne hinjiru. Namni tokko hoo seenaa mataa isaatti,seenaa jireenyaa niqaba. Seenaan ummata sanaa barreeyafamee jiraachuufi dhiisuun waan gara biraati. Diinootni Oromoo seenaa hoggaa jedhan waan galmeeyfame qofa ifdura qabu. Seenaan ummataa hedduun barreeyfamuu kan dandaye erga beekkumsi barreeysuu argame booda ture. Har’allee afaanotni tokko tokko barreeysaa hin qaban, seenaan saboota akkasii karaa lamaan qoratama.

seenaa afaanii
waan alagaan, waa’ee ummata sanaa barreeyse irraa taha.
Ummanni Oromoo afaan isaan kan barreeyssuu jalqabe bara dhihoo keessa. Kanaaf ilma Oromoo tokkoon seenaan isaa galmeeyfamee jira jechuu hindandeenyu. Bara dhihoo as garuu, ilmaan Oromoo tokko tokko seenaa saba isaanii barreeysuuf tattaafataa jiru. Haathu malee seenaan Oromoo himamsa afaaniifi aadaatiin dhalootarraa dhalootatti daddabraa har’a as gahe jira. Seenaa saba keenyaa qorannee galmeessuuf, seenaan afaaniifi aadaa madda guddaadha. Haa tahu malee, himamsi afaanii lakkuma bubbuluun jijjiiiramaa hiikkaafi ilaalcha adda addaa fudhachaa akka deemu irraanfachuun namarra hinjiru. Har’a seenaa keenya qorachuuf himamsa afaaniitti daballee maddi gara biraa kan seenaa afaan keenyaa (oromiffaa) tiifi antiropolojii taha.

Antiroppolojiin saayinsii qorannoo waa’ee dhala namaa, aadaa, hoodaafi amantii, akkaataa jireenya isaa irratti godhamuudha. Kanaaf seenaa afaanii kan dhalootarraa dhalootatti daddabraa dhufeefi, qormaata afaniifi antiroppolojii irratti godhamu walqabachiifnaan seenaan dhugaa barreeyfamuu nidandaya.

Seenaa Oromoorratti qormaanni godhamuu qaba hoggaa jennu, seenaan Oromoo akka waan tasa hinbarreeyfamneetti fudhachuu hinqabnu. Oromoonni seenaa ummata isaanii barreeysuu kan jalqaban dhihoo kanatti haatahuu malee, namoonni alagaa hedduun seenaa Ummata Oromoo barreeysanii jiran. Har’aas kan qormaata godhaa jiran hedduudha. Anmoota alaagaa kan seenaa Oromoo barreeysan gosa sadihitti, qooduu nidandeenya.

Isaaniis: 1)qeessota Habshaa,2) waarra Orooppaa 3) Araboota. Isaan kana tokko tokkoon haalaallu.

handhuura godhatanii turan. Arsiin ammoo, naannoo sanarraa gara bahaatti sossohee Ituufi Humbannatti aanee qubate. Ilmaan Bareentoo keessaa gara kaabaatti fagaatee kan qubate Walloodha.

Ilmaan Booranaa ammoo, adda bahanii gosti Booranaa xiqqoo gara kibbaatti siqee qubate. Achirraa godaansa haga laga Xaanaa Keeniyaa keessatti deeme. Gujiin naannoo Jamjamirraa hedduu osoo hin fagaatin achumatti lafa bal’ifate. Booranni kaabaa (Maccaafi Tuulama) gara kaabaatti sosshan. Naannoo Shawaa har’aa eega gayanii booda Macc gara dhihaatti godaanee qubachuu jalqabe.

Godaansi Oromoo kun yeroo kam akka tahe beekuun nama dhibullee jaarraa 9ffaa ykn 10ffaa dura akka tahe beekamaadha. Naannoo jaarraa kanatti Oromootafi Habashoota jidduu (gidduu) wallolli akka ture barreeyfamee jira. Jaarraa kana keessa hoggaa Islaamummaan Shawaa seenuu jalqabe Oromoon akka achi turees waan hubatameedha. Ormoon yeroo lafa kanatti godaane, ummatni gara biraaa irra jiraachuuf dhiisuu irraa wanti beekamu hinjiru. Habarlaand akka jedhutti naannoo Shawaa har’aatti yeroo Oromoon godaane lafti duwwaa turuun nimala jedha. Namichi Poortugaal Franaaz jedhamubara 161tti yroo naannoo Gojjaamii ka’ee gara qarqara galaanaatti deemu argee akka barreeysetti ” Kibba laga Abbayya keessaa Oromoonni nijiru. Isaaniifi Innaariyaa gidduu garuu, lafti duwwaadha” jedhee ture. Kanaaf lafti Oromoon itti godaanerraa guddaan duwwaa lafa daggala qabu akka ture hubatamaadha.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Habashaa

Seenaa Oromoo inni jalqabaafi qabatamaan qeesii Amaaraa, abbaa Baahiree jedhmuun bara 1593tti barreeyffame. Barreeyfama Baahireen duratti wanti qabatamaan barreeyffame waan jiru hinfakkaatu. Abbaa Bahireen Amaara waan taheef seenaa Oromoo tan inni barreeyse mudaa gurguddaa qaba. Bara inni barreeysaa ture (jaarraa 16ffaa) keesssa Oromoon duula lafa isaa falmachuurra waan tureef hijaa(haloo) Oromoo bahuuf poolisii (imaammata) hordafamuu qabu lafa kayuuf barreeyse.

Mootoota habasha yeroo sana turan gorsuuf barreeyse. Akeekni Baahiree jabinni Oromoo eessaa akka maddufi dadhabiinsi Habashaa maala akka tahee xiinxaluu ture. Seenaa Oromoo ija diinummaatiin laalee barreeyse. Bahireen seenaa kitaaba isaa “ye Gaallaa Taarik” jedhu yeroo barreeyse akkas jedha. “seenaa Gaallaa barreeysuu kaniin jalqabeef, lakkooysa gosa isaanii, nama ajjeesuuf qophii tahuu isaaniifi amala saanii kan gara lafina hinqabne beeksisuufi. Seenaa ummata gadhee kanaa maalif barreeysite, osoo kan ummata gaariidhaa jiruu jedhee yoo namni nagaafate, “kitaaba keessa laali, seenaan Mohammadiifi mootoota Islaamaatu barreeyfamaa jiraamiti?..jedhee jalqabe.

Baahireen ilaalcha ummata Oromoof qabu seenaa kitaaba isaa keessatti xumure. Jibbiinsaafi diinummaa Oromoorraa akka ifatti mul’ata. Haala kanaan yeroo barreeyse Baahireen dogoggora gurguddaa keessa seene. Seenaa Oromoo dabsee waan barreeysseef, seena barreeysitoota isa booddee barreeysaniis karaarra dabsee jira. Daba inni hojjate kana booqannaa itti aanu keessatti laalla. Seenaa Oromoo guutumaatti, akka mata dureetti fudhatanii akka baahireetti hin barreeysin malee, qeesoota qabsiisa mootoota habashaa barreeysan, qabsiisa isaanii keessatti waa’ee Oromoo kaasanii jiru. Haa tahu malee, ija diinummaatiin waan qabsiisaniif seenaa Oromoo hedduu dabsan. Qeesiin Atsime gi’orgs jedhamu seenaa Oromoo akka baay’ee nama dinqutti barreeyse. Namummaa oromoo haga haalutti gahee “ilmaan sheeyxaanaa” jedhee barreeyse. Alqaa Taayyee kan jedhamu ammoo, “innas tawuqaallan Gallaa indeet ka baahir indewaxaa” jedhee haala baayyee fokkisaan barreeyse. Yeroo qeessotni kun waa’ee Oromoo barreeysaa turan, yeroo Oromoon itti jabaa ture. Jabinaafi laafina Oromoo baranii akkaataa itti dura dhaabbatan qiyaafachuuf ture. Eega Oromoo cabasanii koloneeffaatan boodaas, seenaa Oromoo barreeysuu nidhaaban. Warri Orooppaas akka hinbarreeysine dhiibbaa irratti godhuu jalqaban. Walumaa galatti waan qeesootni kijibduun Habashaa dabsanii barreeysan sana, seenaa dhugaa kan qormaataan bira gahame barreeysuudhaan kijibdoota Habashaa faalleessuun haalaan barbaachisaadha.

Seena barreeysitoota Awrooppaa:

Namoonni biyya Orooppaa sababafi yeroo adda addaatti naannoo Kaaba Baha Afrikaa dhufanii seenaa barreeysan nijiru. Isaan kun heeddu waan tahaniif gosa gurguddaa lamatti qoodnee ilaluu dandeenya.

waarra amantii babal’isuutiin biyya Orooppaarraa dura biyya Habashaa kan dhufan warra Poortugaal turan. Isaan kun jalqabaa jaarraa 17ffaarraa kaasanii Habashaa seenuudhaan dame amantii kristiyaanaa -Kaatolikii babal’isuuf tattaafachha turan. Habashootaaf jaalalaafi maraarfannoo gudda qabu turan. Habashoonni tuqamuufi miidhamuu hinjaalatan turan. Habashoota gara amantii isaaniitti hawwachuuf tattaafataa waan turannif, waan mootoota Habashaa dallansiisu hin barreeysine. Seenaa Oromoo yeroo barreeysaniis akkuma Habashootaatti barreeysan. Namichi Poortugal-Manu’eel de Almeedaa jedhamu, yeroo seenaa Oromoo baarreeyse, Baahireerraa fudhatee ijaa jibbiinsaan barreeyse. Kanaaf waan isaan barreeysan hoggaa xiinxalmuufi kan warra kaanii wajjiin ennaa walbira qabamu seenaa Oromoo barreeysuun nidandayama. Tahaas jira.
Biyya Daawwatootafi Qorottota:
Biyya daawwatoonni haala, akeekaafi yeroo adda addaatti dhufan, biyya daawwataa fakkaatanii dhufuudhaan kan mootuummaa isaaniif basaasan nituran. Waarri kaan immoo qormaata ji’ograafii ykn saayinsii gochuuf warri dhufaniis turan. Bifa adda addaan haa dhufan malee isaan kun waan argan, ummata, aadaaa, afaaniifi akkaata jireenyaa biyya sanaa barreeysanii jiru. Namoota alagaa waan tahaniif waan ijaan arkan malee, ofii isaaniitiin ummata haaseessuudhaan kallattiin waa baruu hindadayan. Nama afaan isaanii hiiku barbaadu. Kanaaf hangi isaan seenaa barreeysuuf deeman heedduu xiqqaadha. Aadaafi maalummaa ummata sanaa baruudhaaf, yeroon isaan keessa turaniis waan xiqqaa tahuuf, hubannaan isaaniis akkasuma taha. Dhiibba malee waan hojjetaniif hanga dhaga’aniifi arkan qulqullutti barreeysuu saanii hin oolamu.

Namoonni Arooppaa seenaa Oromoo, Orommtarraa qoratanii barreeysaniis nijiru. Oromoonni gabrummatti gurguramanii boodaa namooni Arooppaa tokko tokko baitatanii bilisoomasaniis nijiru. Gabroota bilisooman kanrra seenaa Oromoo waari qoratanii barreeysaniis nituran. Haala kanaan bara 1830fi 1840 namoonni Arooppaa kan seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf carraaqan nituran. Qorannoo seenaa keenyaa kan har’a godhamaa jiruuf, kun madda tokko tahee argama.

Jalqaba jaarraa 20ffaarraa kaasee seenaa qorattootni Arooppaa, seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf yaalii guddaa godhaa turan. Keessattuu bara Haayle Sillaasee keessa carraaqiin isaan godhaa turan guddaa ture. Mootoonni Habashaa, akka seenaan Oromoo hin barreeyfamne mala adda addaatiin dura dhaabbachaa turan. Waan qeesotni isaanii dur barreeysanillee dhoksuudhaan, gara biraatiniis akka hin barreeyfamne ittisaa turan. Har’aas itti jiru. Akka seenaan Oromoo hin barreeyfamne, dhiibbaan isaan godhan: tokkoffaa namni akkeka kana qabu, akka dhiisuykn akka kun hindandayamne godhanii itti dhiheessuudhaan harkatti busheessuuf yaalu. Lammmaffaa, akka eehama argatee qormaata kana hingoone karaa itti cufu. Haa tahuu malee, qormaata ummatoota naannoo Kaaba Baha Afrikiirratti godhame keessaa kan Oromoorratti godhameefi godhamaa jiru baayyee guddaadha. Waa’ee ummata Oromoo qorachuun mata duree qormaata guddaa tahee jira.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Arabaa

Seenaa ummatoota Gaafa Afrikaa warra barreeysan keessaa Arabootiin warra duraati. Keessattu eega amantiin Islaamummaa Gaafa Afrikaatti babl’achuu jalqabe, Araboonni bifa lamaan dhufuu jalqaban. Kuniis bifa amantii babal’isuufi nagadaan ture. Araboonni bifa kanneen keessa tokko ykn lachuutuu, waa’ee Oromoo galmeessanii seenaa barreeysanii jiru. Har’a seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf qorachuuf maddi tokko barreeysaa Arabootaa taheeti argama. Akkauma haalaafi yeroo isaan barreeysanitti, akkasumas ilaacha isaanirraa kan ka’e, barreeysan isaanii mudaa qabaachuu nidandaya.

Seenaa Oromoo qoratanii barreeysuuf, madda adda addaafi mudaa isaan qaban ilaallee jira. Madda jiran kanatti dhimma bahuudhaan seenaa haqaa barreeysuuf, maddi amansiisaan himamsa afaanif aadaa Oromoti taha. Seenaan afaanii akka barri dheeratuun, ilaalchaafi muxannoo haaraya dabalataa akka demu yaadachaa, qormaata godhamuun seenaa keenya barreysuu nidandeenya. Jarsooliin Oromoo kan seenaa dur beekan utuu hin dhabamin waan godhamuun irra jiru. Maddi kun gayuu akka dandayu irraanfachuun nurra hinjiru.

Hunda caalaa seenaan Oromoo dgaagsuufi guddisuuf qoodni qabsoon qabu guddaa akka tahe dagachuun namarra hinjiru. Sadarkaa har’a ummanni Oromoo ABO jalatti hiriiree kallachaa isaa waliin qabsoorra waan jiruuf, waa’ee ummata Oromoo baruuf gaaffiin ka’aa jiran guuddaadha. Har’a waa’ee Oromorratti qormaata guddaatu beektoota bijyya baayyeen godhamaa jira. Keessattu waggaa 10rnan dabranii as qormaatni kun dabalaatuma jira. Kun tolatti kan dhufe utuu hin tahin, dhaabni waa’ee ummata kanaaf falmu waan jiruufi. Qabsoo godhuun seenaa dabaa jiru sirreessuudha dandaya. Dur namootni hedduun maqaa Gaallaa jedhu malee, maqaa Oromoo hin beekan. Har’a garuu maqaan Oromoo jedhu hundaan beekamee jira. Kun bu’aa qabsoo keenyaati.

Koloneeffattoonni yoomillee taanaan, ummanni isaan koloneeffattan seenaa qabu jedhanii hin yaadan. Seenaa ummata koloneeffatanii dabsanii ykn akka waan hin jirree godhanii dhiheessu. Seena oromoos kan qunnamte kanuma. Qabsoon arra godhaa jirru, seenaa ummata keenyaa gaddhaaba, baduurraa hambisa, alagaan akka qoratuuf karaa bana. Qabsoo keenya finiinsuun sagalee ummata Oromoo baay’atee akka dhagayamu godha, fedhii alagaan waa’ee isaa baruuf godhu guddisee, qormaata irra bal’aatiif karaa bana. Kaanaaf seenaa keenya haga har’aa alagaan barreeyfamee ija qeeqaafi xiinxalaan barata, sabbontonni Oromoo seenaa dhugaa qoratanii bareeysuuf dirqamni akka irra jiru yaadachiifna. Haga har’aatti kan argamees firii qabsoo keenyaati.

Seenaa Barreeysitoota Arabaa

Seenaa ummatoota Gaafa Afrikaa warra barreeysan keessaa Arabootiin warra duraati. Keessattu eega amantiin Islaamummaa Gaafa Afrikaatti babl’achuu jalqabe, Araboonni bifa lamaan dhufuu jalqaban. Kuniis bifa amantii babal’isuufi nagadaan ture. Araboonni bifa kanneen keessa tokko ykn lachuutuu, waa’ee Oromoo galmeessanii seenaa barreeysanii jiru. Har’a seenaa Oromoo barreeysuuf qorachuuf maddi tokko barreeysaa Arabootaa taheeti argama. Akkauma haalaafi yeroo isaan barreeysanitti, akkasumas ilaacha isaanirraa kan ka’e, barreeysan isaanii mudaa qabaachuu nidandaya.

Seenaa Oromoo qoratanii barreeysuuf, madda adda addaafi mudaa isaan qaban ilaallee jira. Madda jiran kanatti dhimma bahuudhaan seenaa haqaa barreeysuuf, maddi amansiisaan himamsa afaanif aadaa Oromoti taha. Seenaan afaanii akka barri dheeratuun, ilaalchaafi muxannoo haaraya dabalataa akka demu yaadachaa, qormaata godhamuun seenaa keenya barreysuu nidandeenya. Jarsooliin Oromoo kan seenaa dur beekan utuu hin dhabamin waan godhamuun irra jiru. Maddi kun gayuu akka dandayu irraanfachuun nurra hinjiru.

Hunda caalaa seenaan Oromoo dgaagsuufi guddisuuf qoodni qabsoon qabu guddaa akka tahe dagachuun namarra hinjiru. Sadarkaa har’a ummanni Oromoo ABO jalatti hiriiree kallachaa isaa waliin qabsoorra waan jiruuf, waa’ee ummata Oromoo baruuf gaaffiin ka’aa jiran guuddaadha. Har’a waa’ee Oromorratti qormaata guddaatu beektoota bijyya baayyeen godhamaa jira. Keessattu waggaa 10rnan dabranii as qormaatni kun dabalaatuma jira. Kun tolatti kan dhufe utuu hin tahin, dhaabni waa’ee ummata kanaaf falmu waan jiruufi. Qabsoo godhuun seenaa dabaa jiru sirreessuudha dandaya. Dur namootni hedduun maqaa Gaallaa jedhu malee, maqaa Oromoo hin beekan. Har’a garuu maqaan Oromoo jedhu hundaan beekamee jira. Kun bu’aa qabsoo keenyaati.

Koloneeffattoonni yoomillee taanaan, ummanni isaan koloneeffattan seenaa qabu jedhanii hin yaadan. Seenaa ummata koloneeffatanii dabsanii ykn akka waan hin jirree godhanii dhiheessu. Seena oromoos kan qunnamte kanuma. Qabsoon arra godhaa jirru, seenaa ummata keenyaa gaddhaaba, baduurraa hambisa, alagaan akka qoratuuf karaa bana. Qabsoo keenya finiinsuun sagalee ummata Oromoo baay’atee akka dhagayamu godha, fedhii alagaan waa’ee isaa baruuf godhu guddisee, qormaata irra bal’aatiif karaa bana. Kaanaaf seenaa keenya haga har’aa alagaan barreeyfamee ija qeeqaafi xiinxalaan barata, sabbontonni Oromoo seenaa dhugaa qoratanii bareeysuuf dirqamni akka irra jiru yaadachiifna. Haga har’aatti kan argamees firii qabsoo keenyaati

Ummata Oromoo

Ummanni Oromoo jedhamu Gaafa Aafrikaa keessa kan jiraatudha. Kan inni dubbatu afaan Oromooti. Ummanni Oromoo walitti ejjee osoo addaan hincitin, godina kana keessa qubatee argama. Bakka bal’aa irra haaqubatuu malee, afaan tokkicha kan hundi itti waliigalu qaba. Kaabaa-Kibbatti, Bahaa-Dhihatti ummata aadaa tokkicha qabuudha. Diinagdeedhaaniis walirratti irkannoo cimaa qaba. Bara dheeraaf walabmmaan jiraataa turee, dhuma jaara19ffaa keessa alagaan kan koloneeffatameedha. Har’aas waliin dhaabbatee bilisummaa isaatiif lolachaa jira. Kanaaf akkaataan yaadasaa walfakkaata, hawwiifi fedhi siyaasa tokkicha qaba. Kaanfi ummnni Oromoo kan saba tokko kan jedhamuuf.

Damee dhala namaa Afrikaa keessatti argaman keeessa, Orommoon damee kuush jalatti argama. Dameen dhla namaa Afrikaa keessatti argaman:

Haam ykn kuush

Seem

Neegiroo

Buushmeen ykn Hotteentoos

Negirilloos jedhamu. Dameen kuush bakka gurguddaa lamatti addaa qoodaman. Kuush Kaabaafi Bahaatti warri argaman:

Beejjaa , Berberiins (barbara,nuuba), Oromoo, Sumaaleefi saboota Kibba empaayera Tophiyaa jala jirani, garuu isaan dhiiga Neegiroo wajjiin walmakuun hin’oolle. Misroota duriifi haaraya. Ummata kana keessa hammi hammi tokko dhiiga gara biraa makachuu hin’oolle.

Kuush (haam) Kaabaa keessaatti warri argaman ammoo, Berbersii, Siraanaayikaa, Trippolitaaniyaa, Tuniisiyaa, Aljeeriyaa, Berbersii Morookkoo, Tureegfi Tiibuu saharaa fuulbe dhiha Suudaaniifi Gu’aanchee warra kanaari Aayland keessaati.

Ummanni Oromoo saboota Gaafa Afrikaa keessatti argaman keesssaa isa guddaadha. Lakkooysi ummata Oromoo kan har’a kolnii Toophiyaa jala jiru duwwaan miliyoona 40 ol nitaha. Biyyoota Afrikaa keessaa kan baayyina namaatiin Oromoo caalan afur qofa, akka sabaatti yoo fudhanne, sabni Oromoo, saba tokkicha guddaa Gaafa Afrikaa, tarii kan Afrikaati. Ummata Empaayera Toophiyaa har’aa kessaa walakkaa ol kan tahan Oromoota maqaa “Gaallaa” jedhu.

Ormoon maqaa gaallaa jedhu kanaan akka ofi hinyaamne, seenaa barreeysitoonni raagaa nibahu. Fakkeenyaaf namichi Chaarles T. Beke jedhamu bara 1847tti yeroo barreeyse- “isaan maqaa boonaa Ilma Oromoo” jedhuun ofwaamu, garuu warri Habashaa Gaallaa jedhuun waamu” jedhe. Ummanni Oromoo eega maqaa kanaan ofhinwaamne, maddi isaa eessa taha? Hundee maqaa kanaatiifi hiikkaa isaarratti wanti odeeyfameefi barreeyfame hedduudha.

1. Oromoon dur hogguu lola dhaqee, yeroo moo’ee ykn moo’amee jedhu ” Kootta ni gallaa” jedhee walwaama. Kootta nigallaa isa inni jedhurraa maqaan “gaallaa” dhufe warri jedhan nituran.

2. Oromoon dur gaala waan tiiysuuf, akkasumaas fe’atee waan demuuf yeroo inni gaala jedhu dhagayanii 2. “gaallaa” ittiin jedhan jedhu:

dur ummata gosa “Gool” jedhamuutu Faransaayii keessa ture, maqaan achirraa dhufee jedhanii warri odeessu nijiru.

Namichi Yihuudii kan Abbaa Balzezar Tellez jedhamu ammoo, jechi “Gaallaa” jedhuu kun afaan Hibiruufi Giriikirraa dhfeedha jedha. Afaan hibiruufi Girikii kessati “gala2 jechuun “aannan” jechuudha. Kanaaf achirraa dhufuun nimala jedhu.

Habashoonni ammoo, maqaa gaalaa jedhu kanaaf hiikkaa kannanii jiru. Namichi kassate Birhaan Tassammaa kan guuboo (kuusa) jechoota afaan Amaaraa barreeyse yeroo hiike: Gaalaa jechuun aramanee, yaal salaxxanee, cakkanyi, ye amaaraa xilaat” jechuudha, jedhee jira. Barreeysaan amaaraa gara biraan ammoo, dhugaa jiru lafa kaayee jira. Maqaa Gaallaa jedhu kan kanneef warra Habashaa,warra qomaaxaafi beela biyya keenyati fideedha. Akka inni jedhetti “isaan Oromoodha ofiin jedhan, garuu Amaarri immoo, “Gaallaa” jedhaan” maqaa kanaan dura Oromoo yaamuu kan jalqabe Amaara tahuun ifa ta’a. Biyyoonni ollaafi warri Arooppaas isaanirraa fudhachuun isaanii dirree ta’a.

Amaarri maqaa kanaan Oromoota yaamuun jibbiinsaafi diinummaa, akkasumas garaagarummaa karaa amantii isaanii gidduu jirurratti kan hundaa’eedha. Kuniis battala Oromootaafi Habashootni walqunnamanitti, Oromoon amantiilee guddaa lamaan keessaa hinqabu ture. Habashoonni lafa Oromoo irraafudhachuuf fedhii waan qabaniif, Oromoon ammoo, biyyaa saa irra jabaatee waan ittiseef, jibbiinsaafi diinummaa guddaatu gidduu isaanii jira. Kanaaf maqaan “Gaallaa” jedhu kan diinni Oromootaaf baaseef, maqaa balfachuufi tuffii tahee argama.

Har’a Oromoo ta’ee kan maqaa Gaallaa jedhuun ofwaamu hinjiru. Yoo jiraatees nama doofa (sodaataa) isa dhumaa ykn qaamaan duwwaa utuu hintaane, kan sammuu dhaaniis gabroome qofa. Seenaa qorattoonni addunyaa, gaazeexoonni biyya adda addaafi raadiyoon addunyatti lallaban hundi maqaa “Gaallaa” jedhu dhiisanii Oromotti dhimma bahaa jiru. Kun bu’aa qabsoo Oromoo akka tahe ifaadh

Madda saba Oromoo

Maddi ummata tokko lafa akkasii, goleefi boolla akkasii keessaa jedhanii himuun baay’ee nama rakkisa; hin barbaachisuus ture. Ummanni tokko akka bineessaa boolla keessaa jiraataa turee, gaaf tokko akka waakkoo kan olba’uumiti. Idiletti maddi saba sanaa damee dhala namaa irraa gosa akkasii keessaati jechuun nigaya ture. Madda saba Oromoos hoggaa xiinxalan haala kana hordafuun quubsaa ture. Haa tahuu malee seenaa Oromoo warri barreeysan dabsaa waan turaniif dirqitti waa’ee madda Oromoo kaafnee xiinxaluun barbaachisa taha.

Maddi saba Oromoo eessa? Gaaffii jedhu namoonni adda addaa akka adda addaati deebisu. Isaan kaan akka yaada isaan dhiheessanitti yooo adda qoodne:

Waan qeesoonni Habasha barreeysan,.

Aafrikaa alaa dhufe warra jedhan

Aafrikaa keessaa golee tokko lafa kaa’uu warri barbaadaniifi

Himamsa afaan Oromootaatti adda baasuu nidandeenya

Isaan kana tokko tokkoon haalaalluu.

Waan qeesootni Habasha barreeysan

Qeesotnii Habashaa Oromoo ija diinummaatiin waan laalaniif kan isaan barreeysan dhugaa irraa fagoodha. Jibbiinsi isaan Oromoodhaaf qaban waan guddaa taheef, haga namummaa Oromoo haalanitti gahu.

Alaqaa Taayye kan jedhu “akkata Gaallaan bishaan keessa itti bahan beeksisa.” Jedhee barreeyse. Gaalloonni bishaan keessaa waan bahaniif qurxummii hin nyaatan. Kanaafiis bishaanitti waaqeeyfathu jeddha.

Astime Gi’orgs kan jedhu ammoo, Gaallaan ilmaan sheeyxaanaati jechuu kajeela. Kanaan utuu hindhaabbatin oduu afaanii kan balfachuuf odeeffaman fhudhatee hiddi sanyii Oromoo gabra jadhee barreeyse. Namichi Jalqaba laali Maatewoos jedhamu tokko gabra heedduu qaba ture. Gabroota isaa kana waan miidheef jalaa badanii biyya (lafa) gara kibbaa jirutti galan. Namoonni amala gadhee qabaniifi yakkaman badanii itti dabalamuudhaan achitti walhoran. Kana boodde Habahsaa weeraran jedhee barreetsee jira. Qeesootni Habashaa kun madda Oromoo barreeysina jedhanii tuffiifi ija jibbansa Oromoof qaban dirretti himanii jiru. Wanti isaan barreeysan kan dhugaarraa fagaate waan taheef hedduu wajjiin cinqamuu hinqabnu.

Aafriika alaatti akeekuu warra barbaadan

Hindii:- Oromoon Aafriikaa ala, hindiirraa dhufe warri jedhaniis nijiru. Oromoon dur biyya Hindii keessa jiraataa turer , booda bidiruudhaan garba Hindii cahee gara Maadagaaskar dhufe. Achirraa gara Taanzaaniyaatti cahee booda Keeniyatti babal’ate jedhu. Gaarri Kilmanjaaroo jedhamu afaan Oromootiin tulluu janjaaroo jechuudha jedha. Monbaasaa jechuun bobbaa sa’aa jechu, Naayroobi jechuun naaroobi, keeniyaa jechuun keennya jechuudha jedhu. Maqaalee kana Oromoon keennuufi ykn akka tasaatti walkiphuun nimala. Garuu Oromoon Hindiirraa dhufuu har’a wanti mirkaneessau hinjiru. Ummata har’a Hindii keessa jiraatan keessa kan aadaadhaafi seenaadhaan Oromoo fakkaatan tokkolleen hinjiru. Oromoon beekkumsa bidiruu tolchuus hinqabu. Kanaaf garba Hindii guddaa kana akkamitti cehuu danda’a? Oromoon Hindiirraa dhufe jechuun dhugaa hintahu.

Faransayii :- Oromoon dur Faransaayii ture; kan jechuu barbaadaniis nijiru. Biyya Faransaayii keessa gosa Gool jedhamtu ture. Kanaaf Oromoon (Gaallaan) achirraa dhufuun nimala jedhu. Haatahuu malee kana wanti mirkaneessu hinjiru.

Faarsii:- Oromoon Faarsiirraa dhufe jechuu warri barbaadan nijiru. Kanaas Islaamoota qarqara Galaanaa jiraatantu jedhu. Namichi M.D Abdi’e jedhamu yeroo galmeessu hundeen ykn shanyiin saba Oromoo ijoollee dubraa obbalaa sadii turan. Isaaniis dubartoota Jarusalaam(Iyyerusalam) ; booda sanyiin isaanii walhoranii baay’anaan mootummaa Kibbaa isaanii (Arabiyaa) jiru weeraran. Sana booddee karaa Baab-el-mandab gara Aafriikaatti cehann jedhu.

Konii Israa’eel:- seenaa barreeysaan Yehuudii kan abbaa Belzezar jedhamu ammoo, waan dinqii katabe. Oromoonni kolonii Israa’eel turan jechuu barbaade. Abbaan Belzezar Tellez akka jedhutti dur ummtni kun adii ture. Israa’iiliitu isaan bulchaa ture. Bara Israa’iloonni faca’an ummatni kun Aafrikaatti cehanii naannoo kaaba baha Afrikaa keessa qubatan jedha. Kun eegaa yaada tasa namaaf hinfudhatamneefi waan mirkana tahees kan hinqabneedha.

Yaadni Oromoon Afrikaa alaa dhufe jedhu dhugaa waan hinqabneedha. Seenaa mirkanii hinqabne akkasii tana fudhatanii babal’isuuf warri tattaafatan akeeka qabau. Keessattu warri seema Afrikaa alarraa waan dhufaniif kan Oromoos kanatti harkisuu barbaadu. Oromoon osoo Hindii, Fransaayii, ykn giddu galeessa bahaarraa dhufe tahee ummatni aadaan, afaaniin, qaamaafi seenaan Oromoo wajjiin walfakkaatu achitti argamuutu irra jira. Garuu har’a Hindii, Fransaayiifi Faarisii keessatti kana hinarginu. Kanaafu maddi saba Oromoo Afrikaa alaamiti. Ummatni Oromoo, ummata Afrikaa qulqulluu keessaa isa tokko thuun hin mamsiisu.

Afrikaa keessa golee tokko warri akkekuu yaalan

Ummatni Oromoo ummatoota kuush keessaa tokko akka ta’ee mamiin hinjiru. Kuush ammoo, damee dhala namaa keessaa isa tokko tahee Afrikaa keessatti kan argamuudha. Kanaaf Afrikaa keessaa bakka madda Oromoo akeekuuf yaalame haalaallu.

Duuchaa dhumtti Oromoon toora sabbata lafaa (equator) irraa dhufe warri jedhan nijiru. Maddi ummata Oromoo ammoo, Hora Viktooriyaati warri jedhaniis nijiru. Oromoon Suudaan keessaa bakka Sinaar jedhamuu ka’ee karaa Gojjaamiifi Tulluu walaliin seene warri jedhaniis nijiru. Jechoonni kun hundinuu waan qorannoodhaan mirkanwuu qabaniidha.har’a ummatoota Burundiifi Ruwaandaa keessa jiraatan keessaa sanyiin isaanii gara Oromootti warri dhihaatan nijiru. Garuu Oromootu dur achi turee irraa godaneefi, isaantu gara sanatti godaananii wanti beekamu hinjiru. Qormaata gahaa barbaada.

Qeesiin Amaaraa Abbaa Baahiree jedhamu bara 1593tti hoggaa waa’ee ummata Oromoo barreeyse.

Oromoonni gara dhihaarraa laga biyya saanii kan galaana jedhamu cehanii, bara Atsee waang Saggad gara huduuda Baallii dhufa” jedhee ture. Algni galaana jedhamu har’a adda hinbahu. Oromoon lagaan galaana jedhee ni waama. Tarii inni Abba Baahireen jedhu kun laggeen gannaalee, wabee, saganfi walmal ykn Dawwaa keessaa tokko tahuun nimala. Naannoo Baalli jedhamu kutaa har’a Baale jedhamuun walitti fakkeessuun hintahu. Seena qorqttoonni Baahiree booda garii haala gaafas Oromoon lafa isaa deebifachuuf sosso’aa itti ture hubachuu dhbuu irraa, waan Baahireen barreeyse fudhatanii waan Baahireen barreeyse fudhatanii madda ummata Oromoo himu. Haathuu malee, Baahireen madda Oromoo Afrikaa keessatti akeeka malee ala hinbaafne.

Maddi Oromoo Afrikaa kessa tahuu isaa seena barreessitoonni hedduun amananii jiru. Haathuu malee, Afrikaa keessaa naannoo Kaaba-Bahaa tahee achi keessatti golee tokkotti Oromoo murteessuuf warri tattaafatan nijiru. Isaan kana keessaa warra bebeekkamoo duwwaa ilaalla. Namni biyya Xaliyaanii Enrikoo cheruulii jedhamu, maddi saba Oromoo fiinxee Gaafa Afrikaa, Kaaba bahaa Somaaliyaa naannoo mijerteeniyaati jedha. I:M: Luwiis kan jedhamuus waan Cheruuliin jedhe kan fudhachuudhaan seenaa Somaalee barreeyse. Obboo Yilmaa Dheereessaas yaaduma Cheruulii kan hundee fudhachuun maddi OromooKaaba-baha Soomaaliyaati jedha. Cheruulli irraa jalqabanii seenaa qorattoonni yaada kan dhugoomsuuf akkas jedhan: “maddi Oromoo Majarteeniyaa ture. Somaaloonni yeroo sana Oromoorraa gara Kaabaa naannoo Barbaraafi Zayilaa turan. Jaarra 1ffaa ykn 11ffaa keessa Arbitichii Sheek ismaa’il jedhamu biyya Somaalee dhufe. Dubartii Somalee fudhee gosa daroot irraa hore. Qur’aana isaan barsiisee Islaameesse…jaarraa12ffaa keessa bakka turan -Barbaraafi Zayilaarraa warraaqanii Oromoo waraanuu jalqaban. Oromoon dura dhaabachuu waan hindandayiniif jalaa siqaa Ogaadeen seenan. Booddee Somaaloonni waan itti jabaataniif, Oromoonni jalaa sossohanii Waabi Shabeellee cehanii qubatan.

Yaadni isaan dhiheessan akka tocho’iinsa (godaansa) Oromookan jaarraa 16ffaa ragaa ni taha kan jedhaniidha. Yyadni kun Oromoofi Somaalee gidduu karaa antrippoloojii hidhata jiru haaluudha. Oromoofi Somaaleen yeroo kamii jalqabanii adda bahanii, kopha kophatti gara sabaatti dagaaguugu jalqaban gaaffii jedhuuf deebii gahaa dura argachuu barbaachisa. Tarii yeroon Oromoofi Somaaleen gosa tokko turanii waliin naannoo jedhame keessa jiraatan jiraachuun nimala.

Yaadni Oromoon Kaaba baha Somaaliyaarraa madde jedhu hamma 1963tti beektoota baay’een waan fudhatamee ture. Yaada kana kan faalleessu qorannoon godhomee Habarlaand nama jedhamuun ture. Oromoon Somaaliyaa keessaa dhibamee dhufe osoo hintaane, baddaa Baalee keessa jiraata ture. Habarland hoggaa kana ibsu. Oromoonni kan maddan Kaaba Somaalee keessa osoo hintaane baddaa Baalee irraati. Achitti gosa tokko tahanii horii horsiifachuu qofaan utuu hin thin qotiinsaan bulan. Dongoraadhaan qotuu turan. Garbuus facaafatu. Booda walitti baay’anaan karaa hundaan, gara Somaaletti hamma Bur-haqabaafi Mija-rteenitti, gara Booranaafi Keeniyaatti hamma laga xaanaatti, gara Habashaattis hamma daangaa Tigraayitti, hamma Suudaaniifi hararitti bittinnaa’an” jedhe.

Habarlaandaan kan irratti dabalee yaada Oromoonni Somalootan dhibaamanii gara naannoo har’a jiraatanitti faca’an jedhu kun waan hinfakkaanne tahuu isaa ibsa. Yaada Habaralaandi kan kan warrra kaanirraa kan adda isa godhu, Oromoon baddaa Baalee keessa qubatee qonna qotataa kan ture malee, jaarraa beekama tokko keessa akka awwaannisaa ka’ee kan godaane akka hintaane ibsuu isaati.

Yaada Habarlandaa kan deeggaru, seenaa qorattoonni adda addaa yaada darbatanii jiru. Charles T.beke barreeyfama isaa kan 1847 barreeyse keessatti Oromoon lafa gammoojjii, lafa naannoo Somaaleeti kan dhfteemiti jedha. Naannoo isaan dura turan, lafa gaara qabu, baddaa tahuu qaba jedha.bifti Oromoo akka inni ummata gammoojjii (negiroo) hin taane ragaa nitaha. Habashaarraa gara kibbaa ummata jiraataa ture, lafti isaa badda, nannoon isaa galaanni ykn bishaan guddaan turuu nimala. Beekeen yaada isaa akkasitti hogga lafa kaayu, kan Habarlaandi wajjiin waliitti dhufa. Tellez kan jedhamuus Oromoon lafa Baalliifi galaana hindii gidduu jiru keessaa jiraataa ture jedha. Kanaaf wanti qorattoonni kun jedhan idileetti Oromoon lafa baddaa kaaba baha Afrikaa keessa jiraataa ture kan jedhuudha.

Hunda caalaatti qorannoo irraa bal’aa gochuudhaan, uummatni Oromoo ummata Afrikaa qulqulluu tahuu isaa kan addeesse Harbert S. Luwiis jedhama. Waa’ee madda saba Oromoo qorachuudhaaf S.Luwiis waan lama gurguddaa irratti hundaawe.

Qormaata afaanoota kush Bahaafi

Himamsa aadaati.

Luwis afaanoota ummatoota kuush afurtamii-torba keessaa kan Kuusha bahaa warra baay’ee waliitt dhihaatan 24 qorate. Afaanootni kun, akka walfakkaatanitti bakka afuritti qoode. Afaanootni kaan bara dheeraaf wailirraa adda waan turaniif malee, hundi isaanii dur tokko akka tahan addeesse. Herbert.S.Luwis ummatoota Kuush bahaa keessaa kanneen baay’ee Oromoo wajjiin walfakkaatu qoratee, madda Oromoo hoggaa ibsu:

Hunda caalaa afaan isaanii Afaan Oromoo wajjiin kan walfakkaatu kan ummata Koonsoo, Gidoollee, Gatoo, Arboora, Gaawwata, Waraasa, Tsemaayiifi Galab kan isaan argaman Toophiyaarraa gara kibba har’a biyya Gamuugoofa jedhamtu keessa., Hora Abbyyaafi Caamoorraa gara kibbaatti nannooa laga Sagaanifi Duulee keessa. Jaarraa baay’een fuuldura afaan Oromoo afaanoota jara kanaa wajjiin tokkicha tur. Booda eega afaan hunda isaanii adda babahee raaw’atee Oromoon gara dhihaarraa kan hafe gara hundatti yeroo socha’u jarri kaan achuma biyya isaanii kan duritti hafan. Kanaafiis Oromoonni tooruma Haroo Abbaayyaatiifi Caamoo naannoo lageen saganiifi Duulee turan jedhee jira. As keessaatti Harbert S.Luwis warra kaan caalaa bakka beekamaa tokko lafa kaayuuf carraaqe. Qormaanni inni godhe kun, saboota kaani wajjiin walbiraqabee waan taheef irra bal’aadha. Haatahuu malee, Oromoon bara kanarraa kaasee akkamitti saboota kanaa wajjiin adda bahee kophatti saba tahuu jalqabe gaaffiin jedhu ammallee qormaata barbaada. Sabootni ollaa walii jiran waldhibuu nijiraata, yeroo tokko inni tokko jabaatee hoggaa lafa isaa bal’ifatu, lafti isa kaani ammoo nidhiphata. Haalli kun wal jijjiree jiraata. Qormaata Harbertirraa akka hubannutti maddi saba Oromoo naannoo lageen saganiifi Duuleeti. Garuu madda saba Oromoo lafa dhiphaa akkasii keessatti hidhuun qormaata boru godhamuuf nama rakkisa. Qormaata gara biraatiin utubamuu qaba. Jalqaba laali

Madda ummata Oromoo bira gahuuf, himamsi aadaa bakka guddaa qaba. Seenaan afaaniin dabru madda seenaa keessaa isa jabaa tahullee waan bara dheeraan duraa himuurraatti mudaa hinqabaatin hin hafu. Hammi afaaniin waltti dabarsaa fidan yeroo wajjiin ni jijjiirama, kaniis irraanfatamuun nimala. Haatahuu malee, seenaa tokko barreeysuu keessaatti qooda guddaa qaba. Xasoo Magiraa qormaata seenaa Oromoo godhe keessatti himamsa aadaaf bakka guddaa kenne jira. Manguddoota Oromoo kutaa adda addaa keessa jiran gaafatee, hundi saanii naannoo walitti dhihoo tahe akka himatan bira gahe.

1. Jaarsooliin Ituufi Humbanna (Harargee) afaan tokkoon mormorii dhufne jedhu. Mormor kutaa Baalee naannoo Dalloofi Mandooyyuu jedhaman keessaa qarqara laga Gannaaleetti argama.

2. Jaarsooliin Arsii naannoo Bareedduu Kurkurruu jedhamu himatu. Kuniis Baalee keessatti lageen walamaliifi Mannaa giddutti argama. Laggeen kun Baddaa Baalee keessaa burqanii Konyaalee Dalloofi Mandooyyuurraa yaa’anii Gannaaleetti galu.

Oromoon Wardaayi Keeniyaa keessatti kan argaman Tullu Nam-durii dhufne jedhu. Mangddoonni Booranaas Tulluu Nam-durii kana himatu. Tulluun Nam-dur kan argamu Baalee keessaa Koonyaa Dalloofi laga walmaliifi Gannaalee giddutti.

Oromoonni Maccaafii Tuulama oggaa gaafataman afaan tokkoon, Haroo Walaabuu himatu. Walaabuun kan aragamu Baale keessa Konyaa Dalloo laga Gannaalee qarqaratti ganda Bidree jedhamtu cinatti.

Ormoonni Gujii bitaafi mirga laga Gannaalee naannoo Girjaarraa dhufne jedhu. Girjaan kutaa Sidaamoo Awraajjaa Jamjam keessatti gara mummee laga Gannaaleetti argama.

Eegaa himamsa aadaa kanarraa akka hubatamuu dandayutti Oromoon Afrikaa alaa akka dhufe wanti akeeku hinjiru. Oromoon as Afrikaa keessaa akka ture, keessattuu Kaab baha Afrikaa keessa akka ture argisiisa. Himamsi aadaa kun kan akeeku Ormoon Kutaalee har’a Sidaamoofi Baale jedhaman keessaa Konyaalee Dalloo, Mandooyyuufi Jamjam keessa akka jiraata tureedha. Ormoon yeroo dheeraadhaaf naannoo kan jiraate jechuun ni dandaya. Haa tahuu malee, Ormoon asitti dhalate jechuuf qormaata irra bal’aa kan hariiroo ummatoota kuush wajjiin jiru xiixaluu barbaachisa.ummatni tokko gaafuma tokkotti bakka tokkotti kan dhalatuumiti. Dagaagina dhala nama kan yeroo fudhatu keessa dabree kophatti bahee ummata mataa isaa dandahe taha. Xumuramuudhaaf kan jedhuu dandayu, ummatni Oromoo ummata Gaafa Afrikaa keessaa isa tokko, damee kuush keessatti argama, yeroo dheeraa irraa kaasee kaaba-baha Afrikaa keessa jiraate, har’aas jiraataa jira.

Lola Amntiifi Miidhaa Oromoorra gahe jaarraa 10ffaa _15ffaa

Amantiin Kiristaanaafi Islaamaa Gaafaa Afrikaa walduraa duubaan seenaan. Amantiin Kiristaanaa jaarraa 4ffaa keessa warra Habashaa keessaa seenee amantii warra mootii tahe. Mootoonni Habashaa Kiritaanummaa fudhatanii saboota kaaniis fudhachiisuu jalqaban. Amaantiin Islaamaa gara Afrikaatti kan cehuu jalqabde Jaarraa 7ffaa keessa ture. Nagadaafi Islaamummaa babal’isuun walqabatanii gara Afrikaa qarqara galaana diimaarraa bakka heddutti faca’e. Jaarraa 10fi12 giduutti lafaa qarqara galaana diimaa bira dabree godina kana keessatti babal’achuu jalqabe. Hawwiin babal’achuu amantii kana lamaanii, waldura dhaabbatee lola lubbuufi qabeenya ummata godina kana balleessuuf deemsifame. Lolli kun keessattuu ummata Oromoorraan miidhaa gudda gahe.

Oromootniifi Affaarootni walitti aananii qubatan. Giddu saaniitti lafa irra tiikfatan bal’ifachuuf waldhiibuu irratti lolli sadarkaa adda addaatti ture. Lafa bishaaniifii margaa qaburraa waldhiibanii gumaa gidduu isaaniitti argamu manguddoota gosaan fixachuun niture. Haalli kun garuu eega amantiin Islaamaa Affaaroota seenee jalqabe bifa amantii babal’isuu dabalatee cimaadhufe. Affaarootni lafa Oromoorraa dhiibanii qabatan mootooma Islaamaa tolfachuu jalqaban.

Affaarootni amantii Islaamummaa fudhatanii mootooma dhaabbachuu haajalqaban malee, haalli isaan keessa turan gaariimiti. Islaamummaa hundaan hinfudhanne, kanaafuu isaan jidduu waldhabbiin niture. Tokkooma gosa tokkicha jalatti waan hin sassaabamneef haala faffaca’ee keessa turan. Mootoomni Islaamaa dhaabbataniin xixiqqoo faffaca’oo turan. Mootoomni Islaamaa hoggaas uumaman Ifaat, Adaal, Harar, Awwusaa,…turan. Mootoomni hoggaa Ifaat keessatti dhaabbate Walashama jedhamee beekama.

1.  Motomni Islaamaa kun hawwii lama-sdii qabu turan. Isaaniis:

2.  Amantii Islaamaa babal’suu

3.  Daandii nagadaa harkatti galfachuufi

4.  Daga gabbataa tahe qabachuudha.

Kanaaf Oromoota olla isaanii jiran dhiibuu jalqaban. Jaarraa 13ffaa keessa Oromoota naannoo Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessaa arihanii dhufatan, achiirraa dhaabbatanii Baalliifi Daraaratti duulanii Oromoota amantii Islaamaa Fudhachiisan. Bakka kanatti mootooma Islaamaa tolafatan. Babal’ifannoon Islaamaa kun Habashoota yaaddeesse. Hawwii isaan Kiristaanumma babal’isuuf qaban dura dhaabbate.

Islaamummaan babal’atee, Oromoota daga isaaniirraa dhiibee yeroo daga kiristaanaatti dhihaate kana, Habashoonni rakkina keessa turan. Yeroon kun yeroo mootummaan Aksum caphee harka Agawutti gale, lolli Agawootaafi Habashoota jiddutti tahe, yeroo humni isaanii itti laaffisuudha. Eega Agawuun qabatees lolli Habashoota jiddutti deemaa waan tureef, humni isaanii keessatti nilaaffate. Mootonni Agaw kan Zaaguwee jedhamee beekamu, hamma walkkeessa jaarraa 13ffaatti irra turee booda moo’ame. Habashoonni aangotti deebi’an. Habashoonni eegasii human isaanii jabeeyfatanii dhiibbaa Islaamoota ykn Affaarootaa dura dhaabbachuu jalqaban.

Bara 1250rraa kaasee lolli kiristaanafi Islaama jiddutti yeroo dheeraaf godhame jalqabe. Habashoonni Affaaroota ofjalatti gabbarsiisuu, dagaafii mantii isaanii babal’ifachuuf babal’ina amantii Islaamaa dhaabuuf; Affaarootniniis daga bal’ifachuufi, babal’ina amantii kiristaanaa dhaabuuf tattaafataa turan. Lamaanuu daga Oromoo kan hoggaa Affaarootni dhunfatanirratti waan walqunnamaniif lolli hedduun lafa Oromoorratti tahan. Wallolli Kiristaanaafi Islaama giddutti jalqabame itti fufe, bara Imaam Ahmed sadarkaa guddaarraa gahee hamma Oromoon Gadaan ofjaaree ka’etti deeme. Habashoonnifi Islaamoonni daga Oromoo Faxagar, Dawwaaroofi Baalli keessatti wallolanii qabeenya Oromoo saamuudhaan dabree ofcimsaa turan. Lola kana keessatti hedduu kan hubame Oromoodha. Ormoon qabeenya saamamee, lubbu namni heedduu irraa dhumanii, miidhaa guddaan irra gahe. Umanni Oromoo diina isaa lachuu ofirraa lolaa lafa isaa deebifachuuf tattaafachaa ture.

Lolli Habashootaafi affaaroot jidduu bara mootii Habashaan Yagiba Tsiyoon (1285-94) jalqabame. Yagibaan Tsiytoon Adaalitti duulee cabsee irra aane. Duula isaa kana booddee Islaamoota wajjiin araara uume, akka nagadoonni Islaamaa biyya seenaan yeroo eehamu, isaafiis karaan kennamee ABUNA alaa fidachuu dandaye. Yagbia Tsiytoon gaafa du’e ijoolleen isaa aangoorratti walqabuu jalqaban. Haala kana keessatti Habashaan deebi’ee laaffate. Affaarootni haala kan hubatanii ifatti weeraruuf human walitti qabachuu jalqaban. Yeroo kan Habashoonni Affaarootaaf daga dhiisanii araaraman. Araarri kun ammallee fedhii babal’ifannoo Islaamaa quubsuu didee ifaan ifatti weeraruuf qophii gochuu jalqaban. Dhiibbaan Islaamootaa Habashoota walitti itichee sabboonummaa keessatti dagaagse.

Yagiba Tsiyoon booddee waggaa saddeettamaaf Habashoonni eega waljeeqanii booda Amde Tsyoon (1314-44) aangoo qabate. Amde Tsyoon Habashaa daddaaqamuu kana keessaa baasee walitt itichee jabeesse. Kanaaf bu’ureessaa mootummaa Habashaa jedhamee beekama. Bara isaa keessa Habashoonni weerara gurguddaa Affaarootarratti oofanii milkaawan. Amde Tsyoon lola isaa ifatti rukutuun jalqabe. Sulxaan Ifaat bulchaa ture, haqaddiin nama jedhamu ture. Haqq-ad-diin Habashaa loluudhaaf osoo qopkhirra jiruu, ergamaa Habashaa kan Kaayroodhaa galu Islaamummaa fudhachiisuuf yaalee dinnaan ajjeese. Amde Tsyoon kana sababa godhatee bara 1328tti Ifaatitti duula bobbaase. Ifaatiin rukutee moo’e. Haqqaddiin booji’ame. Amde Tsyoon Faxagaariis rukutee eega ofjala galchee booda oobaleessa Haqqaddiin Sabnaddiin itti shuume. Eega Amde Tsyoon deebi’e booda Sabnaddiin Habasharratti fincila kaasuu yaade. Mootummaan Islaama Adiyyaafi Baaletti ergatee akka issaf tumsan gaafate. Agawuttiis dhaamsa ergee akka isaan keessaan itti ficilanii humna mootichaa tamasaasan gaafate. Akeekni isaa Habashatti, karaa lamaa sadiin duulanii of giddutti rukutuu ture. Amde Tsyoon garuu mala isaani kana dafee bira gahee, diinoota saa tokko tokkoon rukutuu jalqabe. Dura hadiyyaa cabse, achii Faxagar, itti aansee Dawwaaroofi Ifaat rukutee cabse. Affaarootiifi Islaamoonni akkasitti saphatti kan cabuu dandayaniif 1 ) mootummaa xixiqqotti waan adda qoodamanii turaniif 2) ummanni isaanii irra guddaa waan tiikfatteefi godaantuu waan tahaniif ture. Amde Tsyoon Faxagar, Dawwaaroo, Ifaatfi Hadiyyaa dhunfatee nama Jamaal addiin jedhamu irratti shuumee gara daga issaatti deebi’e.

Kun lola Habashootaaf Affaaroota jidduu hoggaa tahu Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessattiis Oromootaafii Habashoota gidduutti lolli niture. Bara 11329-32tti hoggaa Amde Tsiyoon Faxagariifi Dawwaarotti duulaa ture, lola guddaatu tahee ture. Lola kanan Oromoota hedduutu dhume, qabeenyaan saamamee daangaa hinqabu. Lola balleessi kan lubbuufi qabeenya hinbararre waan taheef, Oromoonni Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo gad dhiisanii jalaa godaanuun dirqii itti tahe. Deebisaanii qabachuuf haa lolan malee, bara Amde Tsiyoon kana keeessatti Oromootni osoo dhiibamnii qarqara laga awaashiin gayan. Ormoon waan qabu fudhatee sababa jalaa godaaneef, keessa qubatanii bulcuu hindandeenye. Duula isaa qideeyfachuuf akka tahuufitti Amde Tsiyoon kaampii waraanaa Manzitti tolfate. Bara isaa kanaa jalqabee Habashoonni qubsuma waraanaa lafa Oromoo keessatti ijaarrachuu jalqaban.

Affaarootni eega bara Amde Tsiyoon cabanii moohamanii hamma 1441tti bayyanachuu hindandeenye. Ifaatiifi naannoo sanarraa fagaatanii ofjaaruu jalqaban. Dakar, Harariifi Awusaatti deebi’anii humna isaanii jabeeyfatanii duulaa turan. Garuu habashaa injifachuu hindandeenye. Bara 1441tti Affaarootni Adaal jedhaman Habashatti lola bananii mohaman. Affaarootni naannoo Awusaafi warri amantii hinfudhatiniis bulchiinsa Habashaa didanii walaqabatanii ficila kaasan. Baayidaa Maariyam (1478-94) waraana karaa lama 1473/74tti itti erge.waraanni lachuu nimoohame. Injifatamuun waraana Habashaa kun jabinafi ol’aantummaa isaa dhabamsiise, eegasii humni gad deemuu jalqabe.

Lolli Oromootaafi Habashoota jidduu hoo? Oromoon bara Amde Tsiyoon Faxagariifi Dawwaaroo keessaa dhiibamanii qarqara laga hawaash ga’anii lolli hindhaabbanne. Mootoomni Habashaa kan Amde Tsiyoon booda dhufaniis Oromoo dhiibuurraa turan. Bara Zara Yaaqoob (1434-68) mootii Habashaa ture waraanni Habashaa Baallii keessatti dhiibachaa ture. Yeroo tokko waraanni Zara Yaaqoobfi Oromootni naannoo Haroo Laangannootti wallolanii turan. Oromoota Baallii keessaa baasuuf haa dhiibaman malee, daga sana dhufachuu hindandeenye. Kuniis Oromoonni looniifi ilmaan isaanii jalaa godaansisanii gaafa dadhabban waan miliqaniif ture. Waraanni Habashaa daga isaarraa fagaatee dhufe kun, waan nyaatu dhabee yeroo beela’u deebi’ee galuuf dirqame. Waraana laafee jiru kana Oromoon karatti eegee daguun rukutee hedduu irraa fixe. Kanaaf lafa Oromoo keessa qubachuu hindandeenye.

Bara 1445tti Oromootni Dawwaroo deebifachuuf lola itti banan. Zara Yaaqoob itti duulee injifate. Waraanni Habashaa duula godhee eega raaw’ate booda gara daga isaatti yeroo debi’u Oromonni ammoo lola jalqabu. Haala duula ba’uufi galu kana xiqqeessuuf, Habashoonni boroo Baallii keessa qubsuma waraana gara biraa tolfatan. Achirraa Dawwaarootti duuluu jalqaban. Lolli kun haaluma kanaan takka ka’ee takka dhaamaa, hamma bara 1468tti itti fufe, dhumarratti Zara Yaaqoob Dawwaaroo keessatti lolarratti moohamee harka Oromootti du’e.

Zara Yaaqoob booddee Baa’ida Maariyam (1468-78) aangoo qabatee duula Oromoorratti godhuu ittifufe. Duula inni Baallii qabachuuf godhe keessatti Oromootni humna isaarraa hedduu fixan. Yeroof Oromo cabsuu dadhaban. Habashoonni qubsuma waraana isaanii kan bara Amde Tsiyoonfi Zara Yaaqoob lafa Oromoo keessatti tolfatanirraa ka’anii salphatti Oromoo weeraruu jalqaban. Lolli gurguddaan Dawwaaroo, Baallifi Faxagar keessatti deemuu jalqabe. Oromoon yeroo kanatti ofijaaree waan hinjirreef midhaa guddaan irragahe. Oromoon dhiibamee Awaashirraa gara kibbaatti ittifame. Naannoo kanatti ittifamuun saas akka inni ofjaaruuf isa dhiibe.

Lola Guddaa Jaarraa 16ffaarraa jalqabe

Ummanni Oromoo jaarraa 13ffaarraa kaasee diinoota lama: Habashootaafii Islaamoota ofrirraa lolaa ture. dinoota kana lameeniis miidhaa guddaatu irra gahaa ture. ofirraa ittisuuf haa faccisu malee, hamma sirna Gadaan ofjaaree jabaateetti akka humnaatti gad ofdhaabuu hindandeenye. Kanaafuu jaarraa 14ffaafi 16ffaa gidduutti Islaamoonnifi Kiristaanoonni Oromoo saamuudhaan dagaagaa turan. Garuu Oromoon walakkeessa jaarraa 15ffaarraa kaasee sirna Gadaa ijaarratee cimaafi jabaataa waan dhufeef roorroo gara lachuun itti dhufu ofirraa ittisuuf lafa isaa deebifachuu jalqabe. Haa tahuu malee, faaraan Oromoo kan cime jaarraa 16ffaa keessa ture. jaarraa 15ffaa keessatti waraana Habashaa wajjiin bara Zara Yaaqoobfi Ba’ida Maariyaam naannoo Hora Laangannoofi Baalli keessatti wal lolanii turan. Lolli jaarraa 16ffaa keessatti deeme ammoo, hundi isaa Gadaan geggeeffamaa ture. lubi tokko akka sadarkaa aangoo qabachuu gahen lolli bifa haarayaan deemaa ture. kanaaf duula Oromoo hubachuuf Luboota ka’anii Gadaa fudhatan waliin laalla.

Weerara Islaamaafi Haala Oromoo

Bara Baa’ida Maariyam waraanni habashaa maoohamee humni isaanii laafachaa deeme. Islaamoonni sana booddee human isaanii jabeeyfataa deeman. Bara Naa’ood (1494-1508) moohe keessatti haala isaan gidduu qabbaneessuuf gamni lachuu fedhii qabuture. Affaaroonni Adaal haala kana osoo argisiisaa jiranii Amiirri Harar- Mahfuuz kan jedhamu Habashaarratti lola bane. Naa’ood yeroof haa injifatuu malee, humni Islaamootaa walqunnamtii Islaamoota addunyaa wajjiin waan qabaniif daran jabaataa deeme. Habashoonni kan hubatanii isaaniis Kiristaana Arooppaatti, keessaahuu Poortugaalatti hidhachuu carraaqan. Bara 1509tti namicha Maatiwu jedhamu Armaantich gara Poortugaalitti ergatan. Haalli kun eega Naa’ood du’ee ilmi isaa Libana Dingil jedhamu ijoollee waan taheef Haati isaa bulchaa turteedha.

Libana Dingil (1508-40) guddatee eega aangoo qabatee haala nagayaan Islaama wajjiin jiraachuu jedhu kan Heleenaa (haadha isaa) geeddaree lola jalqabe. Adaaloonnis ofijaaranii gargaarsa alarraa argatanii waan turaniif Habashaarratti lola labsan. Bara 1516tti Adaaloonni Faxagar qabachuuf weerara jalqaban. Mahaafuuz lola kana keessatti du’e, lolli labsame hamma Imaam Ahmad Ibni Ibrahim al Gahaaztti bakka hin geenye.

Imaam Ahmad (1506-43) ykn Giraanyi Ahmad kan jedhamu ijoollumma isaa lafa Hubta jedhamu kan Baddeessaafii Harar gidduutti dabarse. Imaam Ahmad loltuu jabaa tahee guddate. Human waraanaa walitti qabatee Amiira Harar ajjeesee aangoo qabate. Eega sanaa human isaa guddifatee lolaaf ofqopheessutti ka’e, bara 1527tti human Habashaa kan Adaliin weeraru deemu lolee injifannoo guddaa irratti argate. Lola kana booddee Imaam Ahmad waraana isaa qabatee lola jalqabe. Bara 1529tti bakka shuburaa kuraa jedhamutti waraana Habashaa lolee moohe. Waraanni isaa garuu tiikfattootafi godaantootarraa waan ijaarameef, akkasumas gosa isaatiif waan abboomamaniif lola kan booddee ni faca’e. Kanaaf waggaa lama keessatti waraana haaraya ijaarrachuun dirqii itti tahe. Waraana isaa duwwaaaf ajajamu waggaa lama keessatti ijaarrattee lola itti fufe. Bara 1531tti Dawwaaroofi Shawaa qabate. 1533tti ammoo, Amaaraafi Laastaa dhufate. Baallii, Sidaama, Hadiyyaafi Guraagee yeroo tokkotti ofjala galche. Bara 1535tti Tigree weeraree qabatee habashaarraa harka guddaa qabate. Bakka dhaqetti Islaamummaa fudhachiisaa, bataskaana dhabamsisaa deeme. Liban Dingil gargaarsa Poortugaal gaafate osoo hindhaqqabin lolarratti du’e, Ilmi isaa Galaawudoos (1540-59) itti dabree moohe. Poortugaal waraana nama dhibba afur, qawwee wajjiin ergee ture, Liban Dingil bira gahe. Waraanni Kiristaanootaafi Ahmed Giraanyiis ni faca’e. Haa ta’uu malee, humni habashaafi Islaamootas hedduu hubamaee laffate. Haalli kun Oromoon biyya deebifachuurratti hedduu gargaare.

Duula Oromoo jarraa 16ffaa

Jaarraa 13ffrraa kaasee hamma dhuma jaarraa 15ffaatti Oromoon rakknaafi roorroo guddaa jala ture. Yeroo kana ture yeroo inni daga isaarraa dhiibamee laga Awaash gamatti ittifame. Yeroo kan ture yeroon lolli amantii kan Islaamootaafi Habashootaa gidduutti deeme hedduu isa miidhe. Sababnii saa maalirraa madde? Sabani guddaan jaarmaya isa tokkeessu dhabuusaati. Akkuma Oromoonni adda fagaatanii qubataniin gosa gosaan buluun waan isaan tokkeessu dhabame. Oromootni gosuma gosaan miidhaan isaan mudate malee, sirni walitti isaan itichee waliif tumsiisu hinturre. Kanaf roorroon guddaan irra gayuu dandahe.

Jaarraa 15ffaa keessa hawaasa Oromoo keessatti dagaagni argamuu jalqabe. Sirni tokko isaan taasisee roorroo alagaa ittiin ofirraa ittisan dagaagee hawaasa guutummaa dhaqqabuu jalqabe. Sirni haarayni biqilaa ture kun, yeroo dheera keessa kan dhufe tahullee Oromoota irree jabeessee akka lafa isaanii deebifataniifi roorroo alagaa akka ofirraa deebisan gargaare. Oromoos ummata sodaatamafii kabajamaa taasise. Sirni kuniis Gadaa dha. Jaarraa 16ffaa kaasee ummata Oromoo seenaa keessatti kan beeksiseefi harka isaatti kan hambise sirna kana. Ummanni Oromoo gara jaarraa sadii rakkinaafii roorroo isarra gahee ture ofirraa deebisuuf Gadaan ofijaare. Abbaa Bokkuu tokko jalatti walgurmeesse. Haala siyaasafi waraanaa jabaa tolchee ijaarrate. Jaarmaya isaa kanaan ummatoota naannoo isaa jiran caalatti jabaatee humna sodaatamaa tahe. Daga isaarraa qabatame deebifachuuf duula gurguddaa jaarraa 16ffaa jalqabarraa kaasee eegale, humni jajjaboon kan Habashootaafi Islaamootaa lolaan waldadhabsiisanii waan turaniif haala aanjaa argate.

Duula biyya isaa deebifachuuf Oromoon jaarra 16ffaa keessatti jalqabe kan seenaa barreeysitoonni haala adda addaatiin dhiheessuu barbaadu. Sababoota duulli kun itti dhalachuu dandayan akka adda addaatti himu.

Brus namich jedhamu yeroo burqaa laga Naayil (abbayya)qorachuuf kbiyya Habashaa dhaqe, waa’ee Oromoo qoratee akkas jedhe. “duratti osoo gara daangaa Habashaa hindhufin dura isaan ((Gaalla) walakkeesa Ardii Afriikaa jiraatu turan. Lafti jalaa olka’uu jalqabnaan gost isaanii tokko tokko godaanuu jalqaban. Dura gara bahaa galaana Hindiiti sossohan. Achiti walhoranii gara kaabaatti qaceelanii Dawwaaroofi Baallii qubataan. Gost torba walaqabatnii garaa dhihaatti sossohanii kibba laga Abbaayfi naannoo Gojjaam keessa qubatan. Gartuu sadaffaan ammoo, gosa torba tahee walkeessatii hafanii achirraa gara kibbaatti babal’atan” jedhee ture.
Akka Brus jedhu kanatti sossohiinsa Oromoo kan kaase lafti jalaa olka’uudha. Lafti kun yoom olka’e? Akkamitti? Olka’e kan jedhuuf garuu wanti ibsu hinjiru.

Charles T. Beke bara 1842/3 yeroo Habashaa keessa ture waa’ee babal’ifannoo Oromoo waan qorate niqaba. Oduu afaaniin daddabru Habashootarraa qoratee kan inni lafa kaa’e: “Bara dur Gaallaan doko (savage) ture. beekumsa waan tokko hinqabu, qonna hinqotu, loon hintiiksu, uffata hinbeeku, ija mukaa funaanee, hidda harkaan qotee nyaata ture, dubartiin Amaaraa ykn Kristaanaa tokko bidiruu(qorii) tokkotti nyaata, uffata, eeboo, gaachanaafi mia garagaraa guuttattee baahar gamatti argite. Gaallaa dokoon mia kana yeroo argan baay’ee diqisiifatan, nyaaticha dhandhamanii itti tole, uffata ofitti kaa’an, mia gara biraas ilaalanii itti gammadan. Bakka burqaa qabeenya kanaa qabaachuu qabna ja’anii bahara sana cehanii, gara Kiristaanaa dhufan. Kana booddee waldhabbiin dhalatee lolli tahee biyya Habashaa qabatan” jedhama jedhe.
Bekeen waan akka oduu afaanitti dhiheessu kana keessatti sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo ibsuuf yaale. Oromoo cabsuuf, tuffachuufii seenaa isaa gara dabarsuuf kan odeeffamuudha malee, dhugaa tokkollee ofkeessaa hinqabu.

Charles T. Bekeen ammallee itti fufee oduu afaanii kan Oromoota Walloo biratti odeeffamu jedhee barreeyse jira. Akka oduu isaa kanatti durii:-
“Oromoon Hawaash gamaa dhufe. Osoo bahara kana hincehin duratti qarqara isaa loon tiikfatuu turan. Gaaftookko binessi jabbii tokko arihee bahara kana ceesise. Jabbiin kun laga sana ceetee achitti walhorte. Galgala hogga gaallaan loon bishaan obaafachuu dhaqu gaaddidduu loon baay’ee arge. Akka hinliqinfamneef harka walqabatanii laga cehanii loona sana dhaalan. Booda biyyi itti tollaan achuma turan. Walhoranii baay’anaan hamma daangaa habashaatti babal’atan” jedha. Oduu afaanii fakkeessanii duula Oromoo akkanatti ibsuu barbaadu.

namich J. Hultin jedhamu ammoo, babal’ifannoon Oromoo haala adda addaarraa tahuun nimala jedha. Akka inni jedhutti haalli qilleensaa waan geeddarameef bishaaniifi marga barbaacha sossohan. Kun sababa tuhuu nidandaya jedha. Garuu eega haalli qilleensaa deebi’ee tolee margaafi bishaaniis argame, maallif babal’i’annoon kun itti fufe jedhee ofgaafata. Kanaaf jedha: J. Hultin, akkaata sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo ibsuudhaaf haala hawaasa dinagdeefi siyaasaa hawaasa Oromoo qorachuu feesisa jedhee cufe.
Namichi Poortugaal kan Amaanu’eel de Almaad jedhamu sababa babal’ifannoo Oromoo akkaataa lamatti hima. Tokkoffaa Habashoonni amantii katolikii fudhachuu waan didaniif waaqni isaa adabuudhaaf dha’ichaa Gaallaa kana itti erge. Osoo amantii kana fudhatanii kun hundi irra hingayu jedhee barreeyse. Lammaffaa bineessa Liqimsaa jedhamtu naannoo Gaara walaabuu bira isaan facaase. Abbaan muuda isaanii naannooo Walaabu kana jiraata. Naannoon Walabuu lafa baay’ee dinqiiti. Loon adaadii aanna baay’ee keennitu waan tureef namni qotuuf hinrakkatu. Aannan dhugee jiraata. Booda bineessi Lliqimsaa jedhamuu kan bifa saa gegeeddaratu namaafi loon nyaachutti ka’e. Kan baqatanii hamma Habashaatti babal’atan. Kun eegaa waan Almaadaan babal’ina Oromoo itti ibsuu yaaleedha.
I.M.Lewis ammoo, Oromoon babal’achuu kan jalqabe waan Somaaleedhaan dhiibameef jedha. Yaada isaa kana kan deeggaran barreessitoonni maddi saba Oromoo Somaaliyaa keessa warra jedhaniidha.
Asmaaroom Laggasee ammoo, sababni babal’ifannoo Oromoo tahu baay’achuu lakkooysa namaati jedha. Lakkooysi ummata Oromoo jaarraa 16ffaa keessa waan dabaleef lafti itti dhiphannaan irraa godaanuu jalqaban jedha.
J.Hultin ammoo, akka sababaatti hin dhiheessin malee babal’ifannoo Oromoo kan gargaare Gadaan ijaaramuu isaati jedha. Lubi aangoo irra jiru osoo gad hindhiisin, lafa haaraya dabalee qabachuu qaba. Kanaaf akkuma Lubni haarayni dhufee aangoo fudhateen lafti itti dabalameen Oromoon babal’atee lafa guddaa qabachuu dandaye jedha.

Kitaaba(seenaa saba Oromoo fi Sirna gadaa)Birraa/Fulbaana 1995)

(Toleeraa Tasammaa Hundasaa Waaqwayyaa) irraa.

 

http://gadaa.net/wp-content/plugins/google-document-embedder/view.php?url=http%3A%2F%2Fgadaa.net%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2014%2F10%2FGadaa-Tuulamaa_Sagalee-Gadaa.pdf&hl=en_US&gpid=1&embedded=true

OSA2014: Remarks by Former Abbaa Gadaa Aagaa Xanxano, and Gadaa Scholar Prof. Asmarom Legesse

The  Oromo Studies Association’s 2014  Annual Conference theme:  “Gadaa and Oromo Democracy: Celebrating 40 Years of Research and Oromo Renaissance.”

 

 

 

 

http://www.gadaa.com/culture.html

http://gadaa.com/oduu/21141/2013/08/09/gadaa-as-the-fountain-of-oromummaa-and-the-theoretical-base-of-oromo-liberation/

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-40H2_20sWE

http://trace.tennessee.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1005&context=utk_socopubs

http://gabuo.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=887&Itemid=91

http://web.me.com/opsa/Site/Oromia_National_Acadamy_O.N.A_files/kaawo_new1.pdf

http://gadaa.com/OromoStudies/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/History-of-Oromo-Social-Organization-Gadaa-Grades-Based-Roles.pdf

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Speaking for the voiceless: Amane Badhasso, President of the International Oromo Youth Association (IOYA), Discusses about the Ongoing #OromoProtests in Oromia State on SaharaTV May 18, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Amane Badhaso, Colonizing Structure, Dictatorship, Ethnic Cleansing, Finfinnee is the Capital City of Oromia, Finfinnee n Kan Oromoo ti, Free development vs authoritarian model, Genocidal Master plan of Ethiopia, Human Rights, Human Rights Watch on Human Rights Violations Against Oromo People by TPLF Ethiopia, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Land Grabs in Africa, No to land grabs in Oromia, No to the Addis Ababa Master Plan, NO to the Evictions of Oromo Nationals from Finfinnee (Central Oromia), Oromia Support Group, Oromia wide Oromo Universtiy students Protested Addis Ababa Expansion Master Plan, Oromian Voices, Oromians Protests, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Diaspora, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Protests, Oromo Protests in Ambo, Oromo students movement, Oromo students protests, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromo University students and their national demands, Oromummaa, Prof. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis, Say no to the expansions of Addis Ababa, Self determination, State of Oromia, Stop evicting Oromo people from Cities, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Uncategorized.
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IOYA Appeal Letter

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Dear Sir, Madam,

We are reaching out to you as the Board of officers of the International Oromo Youth Association (IOYA) whose nation is in turmoil back in Oromia, Ethiopia. Recently, Oromo students have been protesting against the new Addis Ababa “Integrated Master Plan” which aims at incorporating smaller towns surrounding Addis Ababa for the convenience of vacating land for investors by displacing millions of Oromo farmers. As a political move, this will essentially result in the displacement of the indigenous peoples and their families. Oromo farmers will be dispossessed of their land and their survival both economic and cultural terms will be threatened. The Oromos strongly believe that this plan will expose their natural environment to risk, threaten their economic means of livelihood (subsistence farming), and violate their constitutional rights.

The Ethiopian government is executing its political agenda of progressive marginalization of the Oromo people from matters that concern them both in the Addis Ababa city and the wider Oromia region. The master plan is an unconstitutional change of the territorial expansion over which the city administration has a jurisdiction. The government justifies the move in the name of enhancing the development of the city and facilitating economic growth. The justification is merely a tactical move masked for the governments continued abuse of human rights of the Oromo people.  While the Oromos understand that Addis Ababa itself is an Oromo city that serves as the capital of the federal government, they also consider this move as an encroachment on the jurisdiction and borders of the state of Oromia.

The protesters peacefully demonstrated against this move. University students and residents have been in opposition to the plan, but their struggle has been met by a brutal repression in the hands of the military police (famously known as the Agazi). It has been reported that shootings, arrests, and imprisonments are becoming rampant. It is also reported that the death toll is increasing by the hour. Recently, sources indicate that over 80 people have been shot dead, others severally injured and thousands arrested. In addition, Oromo students have been protesting peacefully for over three weeks now, despite mass killings and arrests by Ethiopian security forces. University and high school students from more than ten universities have been engaging in the Oromo protests. The peaceful rally has now spread across the whole country and is expected to continue until the Ethiopian government refrains from incorporating over 36 surrounding smaller towns into Addis Ababa. It is stated to be displacing an estimate of 6.6 million people and violating constitutional rights of regional states.

As an organization subscribing to broader democratic engagement of the Oromo youth, we oppose the brutal violence that the Ethiopian government is meting out on innocent, unarmed young students who are peacefully protesting. As leaders of the Oromo community, we support and stand in solidarity with Oromo protests in Ethiopia. The human rights violations being carried out by the Ethiopian government against innocent students are unacceptable. Continuous assaults, tortures, and killings of innocent civilians must be stopped. We urge you to join us in denouncing these inhumane and cruel activities carried out by the Ethiopian government. We believe it is imperative that the international community raise its voice and take action to stop the ongoing atrocities that are wreaking havoc to families and communities in the Oromia region.

We urgently request that such actions be taken in an attempt to pressure the Ethiopian government to stop terrorizing and killing peaceful protesters:

  • The US government and other International organizations should condemn the Ethiopian government’s brutal action taken on unarmed innocent civilians. Furthermore, we demand over 30,000 innocent protesters to be released from prisons, as they will be subjected to torture and ill treatment.
  • The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) is currently terrorizing its own electorates/nation. Under the law of R2P in the UN constitution, the international community is obliged to protect a nation that is being terrorized by its own government and EPRDF should be taken accountable.
  • We demand Ethiopia to be expelled from any regional and international cooperation including and not limited to AU and UN for its previous and current human rights violations. The International community should stop providing support in the name of AID and development to Ethiopia as it is violating the fundamental and basic needs of its nation.
  • The Ethiopian government should be stopped on immediate effect; its forceful displacement of the indigenous peoples across Ethiopia is unjust and unconstitutional. We ask the United States, European Union, and the United Nations to stand in solidarity with peaceful student protesters who are condemning such injustice.
  • The onus is on the international community to act in favor of the innocent and civilian populace that is seeking its fundamental right. Punitive actions towards this government should be taken for cracking down on freedom of expression and other democratic rights being expressed by its citizens.

We believe it is in the interest of our common humanity to take responsibility, to pay attention to this problem, to witness the plight of the voiceless victims, and to raise concerns to the Ethiopian government so it can desist from its brutal acts of repression.

We count on your solidarity to help the Oromo youth be spared from arbitrary arrest, incarceration, and shootings.

Yours Respectfully,

International Oromo Youth Association

http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/ioya-appeal-letter/

 

Africa Rising: So What? March 27, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa Rising, African Poor, Agriculture, Aid to Africa, Colonizing Structure, Comparative Advantage, Corruption, Development, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Food Production, Free development vs authoritarian model, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Land and Water Grabs in Oromia, Nubia, Ogaden, Omo Valley, Oromia, Oromia Support Group Australia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Self determination, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tweets and Africa, Tyranny, Uncategorized, Youth Unemployment.
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This study critically discuses  the “Africa rising” story and the sub-narratives it carries, including the rise of the African woman, the rise of the African middle class and the power of innovation. The articles included inform that, in too many cases, it is not the wider population but small segments and interested parties, such as the local political elite and foreign investors, who are benefiting from economic growth and resource wealth. Social cohesion, political freedom and environmental protection carry little importance in the comforting world of impressive growth statistics. The glamorous images of Africa’s prominent women and rising middle class produced and re-produced in the media prevent the less attractive and more complex stories about ordinary people’s daily struggles from being heard.

GDP tells us nothing about health of an economy, let alone its sustainability and the overall impact on GDP is simply a measure of market consumption, which has been improperly adopted to assess economic performance. Rebuilding Libya after the civil war has been a blessing for its GDP. But does that mean that Libya is on an enviable growth path? When there is only one brick left in a country devastated by war or other disasters, then just making another brick means doubling the economy (100 percent growth). Another problem is the reliability of GDP statistics in Africa.  Economic growth figures for most  African countries are incomplete, thus undermining any generalisation about overall economic performance in the continent. Besides statistical problems, there are important structural reasons why one should be suspicious of  the ‘Africa rising’ mantra. Most fast- growing Africa economies are heavily dependent on exports of commodities.

Read the full articles @:

http://ke.boell.org/sites/default/files/perspectives_feb_2014_web1.pdf

 

 

“About 30% of sub-Saharan Africa’s annual GDP has been moved to secretive tax havens.”

http://www.fairobserver.com/article/africa-illicit-outflow-84931

 

 

Copyright © OromianEconomist 2014 & Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014, all rights are reserved. Disclaimer.

Africa: Legacy of Pre-colonial Empires and Colonialism March 13, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Aannolee and Calanqo, Afaan Publication, Africa, Africa Rising, African Beat, African Poor, Agriculture, Aid to Africa, Ancient African Direct Democracy, Colonizing Structure, Comparative Advantage, Corruption, Culture, Development, Dhaqaba Ebba, Dictatorship, Domestic Workers, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Environment, Ethnic Cleansing, Finfinnee, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, Hadiya, Hadiya and the Omo Valley, Haile Fida, Human Rights, Human Traffickings, Humanity and Social Civilization, ICC, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Kemetic Ancient African Culture, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Land and Water Grabs in Oromia, Language and Development, Nubia, Ogaden, OMN, Omo, Omo Valley, Oromia, Oromia Support Group, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Artists, Oromo Culture, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromo Sport, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromummaa, Poverty, Self determination, Sidama, Sirna Gadaa, South Sudan, Specialization, State of Oromia, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Oldest Living Person Known to Mankind, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tweets and Africa, Tyranny, Youth Unemployment.
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‘Our knowledge of the nature of identity relations in pre-colonial Africa is less than complete. However, there is little doubt that many parts of the continent were torn apart by various wars, during that era. Many of the pre-colonial wars revolved around state formation, empire building, slave raids, and control over resources and trade routs. The slave raiding and looting empires and kingdoms, including those of the 19th century, left behind complex scars in inter-identity relations. It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss in detail the nature of pre-colonial empires in Africa. The examples of the Abyssinian Empire and the Mahdiyya state in Sudan provide a glimpse of the impacts of pre-colonial empires on the prevailing problems in inter-identity relations. The Abyssinian Empire, for example, is credited for creating the modern Ethiopian state during the second half of the 19th century and defending it from European colonialism. However, it also left behind a deeply divided country where the populations in the newly incorporated southern parts of the country were ravaged by slave raids and lootings and, in many cases, reduced into landless tenants, who tilled the land for northern landlords (Pankhurst, 1968). The Empire also established a hierarchy of cultures where the non-Abyssinian cultures in the newly incorporated territories were placed in a subordinate position. There are claims, for instance, that it was not permissible to publish, preach, teach or broadcast in Oromiya [Afaan Oromo] (language of the Oromo people) in Ethiopia until the end of the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie (Baxter, 1978, 228). It requires a great deal of sensitivity to teach Ethiopian history in the country’s schools, since the empire-builders of the 19th century are heroes to some identities while they are viewed as villains who brought destruction and oppression by others. Similarly, Sudan’s Mahdiyya state, which professed Arab identity and was supported by slave raiding communities, left behind complex scars in inter-identity relations, which still plague the country (Francis Deng, 2010).’ pp 10-12

Diversity Management in Africa: Findings from the African Peer Review Mechanism
and a Framework for Analysis and Policy-Making , 2011.

http://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/publications/3-diversity-management.pdf

http://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/publications/3-diversity-management.pdf

Related articles:

No Oromo has constitutional or legal protection from the cruelty of the TPLF/EPRDF regime.
A country is not about its leaders but of its people. It goes without saying that the people are the symbolic mirror of their nation. That is exactly why foreigners particularly the development partners assess and evaluate a nation through its people. In other words, a happy people are citizen of not only a peaceful and happy nation but one which accepts the principles of democracy, rule of law and human and people’s right. On the contrast, heartbroken, timid and unhappy people are subjects of dictatorial, callous and brutal regimes. Such people are robbed of their humanity and identity through systematic harassment, intimidation, unlawful detention, extra judicial killing and disappearances by the leaders who transformed themselves into creators of human life or lords. The largest oromo nation in Ethiopia through the 22years of TPLF/EPRDF repressive leadership has turned into a nation sobbing in the dark. One does not need to be a rocket scientist to figure this out. All it takes is a closer look at any Oromos in the face. The story is the same on all the faces: fear, uncertainty, and an unquenchable thirst for freedom. The disturbing melody of the sobs in the dark echo the rhythmic desire to break free from TPLF dictatorial shackles.
The Horn African region of the Ethiopia is home to just 90 million people, it is also home to one of the world’s most ruthless, and eccentric, tyrannical regime .TPLF/EPRDF is ruling the nation particularly the Oromos with an iron fist for the past two decades and yet moving on. Today dissents in Oromia are frequently harassed, arrested, tortured, murdered and put through sham trials, while the people are kept in a constant state of terror through tight media control, as repeatedly reported by several human rights groups. It has been long time since the Woyane government bans most foreign journalists and human rights organizations and NGOs from operating in the country for the aim of hiding its brutal governance from the world. While the people in Ethiopia are being in terrorized by TPLF gangs, the western powers are yet looking at the country as a very strategic place to fight the so called terrorism in horn African region. But In today’s Ethiopia; as an Oromo, No one can speak out against the dictatorship in that country. You can be killed. You can be arrested. You can be kept in prison for a long time. Or you can disappear in thin air. Nobody will help. Intimidations, looting Oromo resources and evicting Oromos from their farm lands have become the order of the day everywhere across Oromia.
No Oromo has constitutional or legal protection from the killing machinery of the TPLF securities. The recent murdering of Tesfahun Chemeda in kallitti prison is a case book of the current Circumstance.
The So called EPRDF constitution, as all Ethiopian constitutions had always been under the previous Ethiopian regimes, is prepared not to give legal protections to the Oromo people, but to be used against the Oromo people. Prisons in the Ethiopia have become the last home to Oromo nationalists, human right activists or political opponent of the regime. Yet the international community is either not interested or have ignored the numerous Human Right abuses in Ethiopia simply because, they think there is stability in the country. Is there no stability in North Korea? I don’t understand why the international community playing double standard with dining and wining with Ethiopian brutal dictators while trying to internationally isolate other dictators. For crying out loud, all dictators are dangerous to humanity and shaking their hands is even taboo much more doing business with them.
Without the support of the USA and EU, major pillars of the regime would have collapsed. Because one reason why TPLF is sustaining in power is through the budgetary support and development funding of the EU, the United States and offered diplomatic validation by the corrupted African Union. Foremost, the US and EU as the largest partners are responsible for funding the regime’s sustainability and its senseless brutality against ordinary citizens. They would have the capacity to disrupt the economic might of this regime without negatively impacting ordinary citizens, and their failure to do so is directly responsible for the loss of many innocent lives, the torture of many and other grievous human rights abuses. Helping dictators while they butcher our people is what I cannot understand. What I want to notify here is, on the way of struggling for freedom it is very essential to call on the western powers to stop the support they are rendering to dictators in the name of fighting the so called terrorism in Horn Africa, otherwise it will remain an obstacle for the struggle.
Holding elections alone does not make a country democratic. Where there is no an independent media, an independent judiciary (for the rule of law), an independent central bank, an independent electoral commission (for a free and fair vote); neutral and professional security forces; and an autonomous (not a rubber stamp) parliament, no one should expect that the pseudo election will remove TPLF from power. The so-called “Ethiopian constitution” is a façade that is not worth the paper which it is written on. It does not impose the rule of law; and does not effectively limit governmental power. No form of dissent is tolerated in the country.
As my understanding and as we have observed for more than two decades, it is unthinkable to remove TPLF regime without a military struggle or without popular Uprisings. They are staying, staying, and staying in power – 10, 20, 22 and may be 30 or 40 years. They have developed the mentality of staying on power as their own family and ethnic property. So that they are grooming their clans, their wives, sons, cats, dogs and even goats to succeed them. They are simply the worst mafia regime and the most politically intolerant in the Africa. It is impossible to remove them electorally because we have been witnessing that the electoral system is fundamentally flawed and indomitably skewed in favor them. Every gesture and every words coming from TPLF gangs in the last several years have confirmed that to remove them by election is nothing but like to dream in daylight.
The late dictator “Meles Zenawi” had once said that TPLF “shall rule for a thousand years”, asserting that elections SHALL NOT remove his government. He also said: “the group who want the power must go the forest and fight to achieve power”. Therefore, taking part in Pseudo election will have no impact on reducing the pain of the oppressed people. Evidently, the opposition and civil societies have been rendered severely impotent, as any form of dissent attracts the ultimate penalty in Ethiopia. Furthermore, we are watching that this regime is intensifying its repression of democracy each day, and ruling strictly through the instrument of paralyzing fear and the practice of brutality against ordinary citizens.
As we are learning from history, Dictators are not in a business of allowing election that could remove them from their thrones. The only way to remove this TPLF dictatorship is through a military force, popular uprising, or a rebel insurgency: Egypt (2011), Ivory Coast (2011), Tunisia (2011), Libya (2011), Rwanda (1994), Somalia (1991), Liberia (1999), etc. A high time to fire up resistance to the TPLF killings and resource plundering in Oromia, is now. To overthrow this brutal TPLF dictatorship and to end the 22 years of our pain, it is a must to begin the resistance with a nationwide show of defiance including distributing postures of resistance against their brutality across Oromia and the country. Once a national campaign of defiance begins, it will be easy to see how the TPLF regime will crumble like a sand castle. Besides, we the Oromo Diaspora need to work on strengthening the struggle by any means we can. It is the responsibility of the Diaspora to advance the Oromo cause, and at the same time to determine how our efforts can be aided by the international community. As well, it is a time for every freedom thirsty Oromo to take part in supporting our organization Oromo liberation Front by any means we can.
These days, TPLF regime is standing on one foot and removing it is easier than it appears. Let all oppressed nations organize for the final push to liberty. The biggest fear of Woyane regime is people being organized and armed with weapons of unity, knowledge, courage, vigilance, and justice. What is needed is a unified, dedicated struggle for justice and sincerity. Oromo’s are tired of the dying, the arrests, the detentions, the torture, the brutality and the forced disappearances. This should come to an end! DEATH FOR TPLF LEADERES ,.long live FOR OROMIYA
_____________________________________
The author, ROBA PAWELOS, can be reached by bora1273@yahoo.com
http://oromiatimes.org/2014/03/13/no-oromo-has-constitutional-or-legal-protection-from-the-cruelty-of-the-tplfeprdf-regime-roba-pawelos/
‘Briefcase bandits’
Africa’s spin doctors (mostly American and European) deliberately choose to represent what the Free Africa Foundation’s George Ayittey so refreshingly describes as “Swiss-bank socialists”, “crocodile liberators”, “quack revolutionaries”, and “briefcase bandits”. Mr Ayittey – a former political prisoner from Ghana – pulls us a lot closer to the truth.
If the mainstream media adopts Mr Ayittey’s language, the free governments of the world would be forced to face the truth and take necessary steps to tie their aid and trade deals to democratic reform for the benefit of Africa’s population. Sunlight is the best disinfectant, and we must combat the work of firms that provide “reputation management” to oppressive states by exposing their role in abetting injustice.
Those firms may want to consider atoning by volunteering for the civil society groups, human rights’ defenders and economic opportunity organisations working to make Africa free and prosperous.’…………………………………………………

A number of African governments accused of human rights abuses have turned to public relations companies to salvage the image of their countries.

The BBC’s Focus on Africa magazine asked two experts whether “reputation management” is mostly a cover-up for bad governance.

NO: Thor Halvorssen is president of the New York-based Human Rights Foundation and founder of the Oslo Freedom Forum.

Thor Halvorssen has published extensively on the subject of lobbying
For Public Relations (PR) companies and their government clients, “reputation management” can be a euphemism of the worst sort. In many cases across Africa, it often means whitewashing the human rights violations of despotic regimes with fluff journalism and, just as easily, serving as personal PR agents for rulers and their corrupt family members.

But they also help governments drown out criticism, often branding dissidents, democratic opponents and critics as criminals, terrorists or extremists.

Today, with the preponderance of social media, anyone with an opinion, a smart phone and a Facebook account can present their views to an audience potentially as large as any major political campaign can attract.

This has raised citizen journalism to a level of influence unknown previously. Yet, this communication revolution has also resulted in despotic governments smearing not just human rights advocates, but individuals with blogs as well as Twitter, YouTube and Facebook accounts. This undermines the power and integrity of social media.

And as PR firms help regimes “astroturf” with fake social media accounts, they do more damage than just muddling legitimate criticism with false comments and tweets linking back to positive content – they also make the general public sceptical about social media.

It is no surprise that ruthless governments that deny their citizens basic freedoms would wish to whitewash their reputations. But PR professionals who spin for them should be exposed as amoral.

It is no surprise that ruthless governments that deny their citizens basic freedoms would wish to whitewash their reputations”

For instance, Qorvis Communications, a PR and lobbying firm in the United States, represents Equatorial Guinea – among other allegedly repressive governments – for a reported $55,000 a month. The firm is said to have amassed more than $100 million by helping their clients with “reputation management”.

By burying opposing public opinions or spinning false, positive stories of stability and economic growth on behalf of President Teodoro Obiang Nguema’s brutal regime, the firm is seriously hampering the progress of human rights in the country.

In response, Qorvis says that customers with troublesome human rights records are a very small part of its client base, and that these governments are using Qorvis as a means to be heard in the “court of public opinion”.

Washington Media Group, another American PR firm, was hired in 2010 by the Tunisian government. The autocracy was subsequently described in various media outlets as a “stable democracy” and a “peaceful, Islamic country with a terrific story to share with the world”. Only after the regime’s snipers began picking off protesters did Washington Media Group end its $420,000 contract.

‘Limited engagement’
When a PR firm spins a dictator’s story, it does not just present a different viewpoint, as the firm might want you to believe; rather, it undermines the resources from which people can draw opinions. If a website or magazine commends the government, how is an average citizen to know for certain if the information is accurate or true?

President Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Teodoro Obiang Nguema is accused of leading a brutal regime in Equatorial Guinea
Many firms that operate, or have done, on behalf of kleptocracies in Africa are based not only in the US but also in the United Kingdom. They include Bell Pottinger (Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt), Brown Lloyd James (Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya) and Hill & Knowlton (Yoweri Museveni’s Uganda).

There are likely many more that continue to do this work under the cover of corporate secrecy. When firms get caught or criticised for their activities many say it is “limited engagement” for only a few months or that the task only involved “tourism” or “economic progress”.

If, for instance, a firm served the questionable government in the Democratic Republic of the Congo they would probably insist they are “consultants” helping to create “economic opportunity” and, no doubt, providing a “guiding hand” to the current president as he improves the lot of the Congolese poor.

Yet the spin doctors most probably ignore the fact that President Joseph Kabila’s security forces killed Floribert Chebeya, arguably the DR Congo’s leading human rights defender, and likely “disappeared” his driver (he is still missing). Only after an international uproar were the policemen directly responsible for the killing brought to justice.

Meanwhile, political opponents routinely disappear, journalists are arrested for criticising the government and any comprehensive human rights report contains appalling anecdotes and painful analysis about a country with little judicial independence and respect for the rule of law.

PR agents do not create “economic opportunities” – they alter reality so that certain deals and foreign aid can flow faster and in larger quantities – all the while being rewarded handsomely.

‘Briefcase bandits’
Africa’s spin doctors (mostly American and European) deliberately choose to represent what the Free Africa Foundation’s George Ayittey so refreshingly describes as “Swiss-bank socialists”, “crocodile liberators”, “quack revolutionaries”, and “briefcase bandits”.

Mr Ayittey – a former political prisoner from Ghana – pulls us a lot closer to the truth.

If the mainstream media adopts Mr Ayittey’s language, the free governments of the world would be forced to face the truth and take necessary steps to tie their aid and trade deals to democratic reform for the benefit of Africa’s population.

Sunlight is the best disinfectant, and we must combat the work of firms that provide “reputation management” to oppressive states by exposing their role in abetting injustice.

Those firms may want to consider atoning by volunteering for the civil society groups, human rights’ defenders and economic opportunity organisations working to make Africa free and prosperous.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-15109351

Copyright © OromianEconomist 2014 & Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014, all rights are reserved. Disclaimer.

Tweets Ranking Africa: Who tweets most? Who is not? March 12, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Accra, Africa, Africa Rising, African Beat, African Poor, Development, Facebook and Africa, Human Rights, Nairobi, Nelson Mandela, Oromo, South Africa, State of Oromia, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Oromo Library, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tweets and Africa, Uncategorized, Youth Unemployment.
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???????????iol scitech dec 11 twitterEmbedded image permalink
Africa’s largest and second-largest economies, South Africa and Egypt, are Africa’s two most active Twitter countries. Accra, Cairo, Johannesburg and Nairobi  are the tweets capitals of Africa. With 344,215 geo-located tweets, Johannesburg is the most active city in Africa. 

According to the United Nations International Telecommunication Union (ITU) latest report on  information and communications technology in Ethiopia, the country  is among the least developed and most expensive in the world. The report placed Ethiopia 151st in ICT development, out of 157 countries, and 152nd out 169 countries in the price of fixed broadband connection. After a decade, in 2012, the internet penetration rate in Ethiopia was a mere 1.1 percent, or 960,331 users and out of this 902,440 are Facebook users. Neighboring Kenya, however, reached a 41 percent penetration rate, with 16.2 million users.   As part of its active engagement in curtailing free media, the Ethiopian state  is known  in making citizen’s  use of  micro social networkings  illegal  and blocks internet connections and sites to public.

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In a follow up to its 2012 study, the London- and Nairobi-based public relations and strategic communications agency Portland analysed geo-located tweets originating from Africa during the final three months of 2013. The second How Africa Tweets study dives deeper into Twitter use on the continent, looking at which cities are the most active, what languages are being used the most and what issues are driving the conversation online.

How Africa Tweets found that, during the final three months of 2013:

Johannesburg is the most active city in Africa, with 344,215 geo-located tweets, followed by Ekurhuleni (264,172) and Cairo (227,509). Durban (163,019) and Alexandria (159,534) make up the remainder of the top five most active cities
Nairobi is the most active city in East Africa and the sixth most active on the continent, with 123,078 geo-located tweets
Accra is the most active city in West Africa and the eight most active on the continent, with 78,575 geo-located tweets
English, French and Arabic are the most common languages on Twitter in Africa, accounting for 75.5% of the total tweets analysed. Zulu, Swahili, Afrikaans, Xhosa and Portuguese are the next most commonly tweeted languages in Africa
Tuesdays and Fridays are the most active tweeting days. Twitter activity rises steadily through the afternoon and evening, with peak volumes around 9pm
The day of Nelson Mandela’s death – 5 December – saw the highest volume of geo-located tweets in Africa
Brands in Africa are becoming increasingly prevalent on Twitter.
Portland tracked major hashtag activity from top brands such as Samsung (#SamsungLove), Adidas (#Adidas) and Magnum ice cream (#MagnumAuction)

Football is the most-discussed topic on Twitter in Africa. Football was discussed more than any other topic, including the death of Nelson Mandela. The most mentioned football team was Johannesburg’s Orlando Pirates (#BlackisBack, #PrayForOrlandoPirates, #OperationFillOrlandoStadium)
Politically-related hashtags were less common than those around other issues, with only four particularly active political hashtags tracked during the time period. This included #KenyaAt50 – celebration of Kenya’s independence – and the competing #SickAt50
Allan Kamau, Head of Portland Nairobi, says: “The African Twittersphere is changing rapidly and transforming the way that Africa communicates with itself and the rest of the world. Our latest research reveals a significantly more sophisticated landscape than we saw just two years ago. This is opening up new opportunities and challenges for companies, campaigning organisations and governments across Africa.”

Mark Flanagan, Head of Digital for Portland, says: “As well as adding diversity of perspective on political and social issues, Africa’s Twitter users are also contributing linguistic diversity. Twitter is now established on the continent as a source of information and a platform for conversation.”http://allafrica.com/stories/201403120080.html

http://www.iol.co.za/scitech/technology/internet/which-african-city-sends-most-tweets-1.1659947#.UyDKotJdXeJ

http://allafrica.com/stories/201312230211.html?viewall=1

 

Copyright © OromianEconomist 2014 & Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014, all rights are reserved. Disclaimer.

The Status of Africa’s Economy and Its Underlying Structural Weakness March 10, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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East Asian countries grew rapidly by replicating, in a much shorter time frame, what today’s advanced countries did following the Industrial Revolution. They turned their farmers into manufacturing workers, diversified their economies, and exported a range of increasingly sophisticated goods.
Little of this process is taking place in Africa. As researchers at the African Center for Economic Transformation in Accra, Ghana, put it, the continent is “growing rapidly, transforming slowly.”
In principle, the region’s potential for labor-intensive industrialization is great. A Chinese shoe manufacturer, for example, pays its Ethiopian workers one-tenth what it pays its workers back home. It can raise Ethiopian workers’ productivity to half or more of Chinese levels through in-house training. The savings in labor costs more than offset other incremental costs of doing business in an African environment, such as poor infrastructure and bureaucratic red tape.
But the aggregate numbers tell a worrying story. Fewer than 10% of African workers find jobs in manufacturing, and among those only a tiny fraction – as low as one-tenth – are employed in modern, formal firms with adequate technology. Distressingly, there has been very little improvement in this regard, despite high growth rates. In fact, Sub-Saharan Africa is less industrialized today than it was in the 1980’s. Private investment in modern industries, especially non-resource tradables, has not increased, and remains too low to sustain structural transformation. The underlying problem is the weakness of these economies’ structural transformation.
As in all developing countries, farmers in Africa are flocking to the cities. And yet, as a recent study from the Groningen Growth and Development Center shows, rural migrants do not end up in modern manufacturing industries, as they did in East Asia, but in services such as retail trade and distribution. Though such services have higher productivity than much of agriculture, they are not technologically dynamic in Africa and have been falling behind the world frontier.
Consider Rwanda, a much-heralded success story where GDP has increased by a whopping 9.6% per year, on average, since 1995 (with per capita incomes rising at an annual rate of 5.2%). Xinshen Diao of the International Food Policy Research Institute has shown that this growth was led by non-tradable services, in particular construction, transport, and hotels and restaurants. The public sector dominates investment, and the bulk of public investment is financed by foreign grants. Foreign aid has caused the real exchange rate to appreciate, compounding the difficulties faced by manufacturing and other tradables.
None of this is to dismiss Rwanda’s progress in reducing poverty, which reflects reforms in health, education, and the general policy environment. Without question, these improvements have raised the country’s potential income. But improved governance and human capital do not necessarily translate into economic dynamism. What Rwanda and other African countries lack are the modern, tradable industries that can turn the potential into reality by acting as the domestic engine of productivity growth.
The African economic landscape’s dominant feature – an informal sector comprising microenterprises, household production, and unofficial activities – is absorbing the growing urban labor force and acting as a social safety net. But the evidence suggests that it cannot provide the missing productive dynamism. Studies show that very few micro enterprises grow beyond informality, just as the bulk of successful established firms do not start out as small, informal enterprises.
Optimists say that the good news about African structural transformation has not yet shown up in macroeconomic data. They may well be right. But if they are wrong, Africa may confront some serious difficulties in the decades ahead.
Half of Sub-Saharan Africa’s population is under 25 years of age. According to the World Bank, each year an additional five million turn 15, “crossing the threshold from childhood to adulthood.” Given the slow pace of positive structural transformation, the Bank projects that over the next decade only one in four African youth will find regular employment as a salaried worker, and that only a small fraction of those will be in the formal sector of modern enterprises.
Two decades of economic expansion in Sub-Saharan Africa have raised a young population’s expectations of good jobs without greatly expanding the capacity to deliver them. These are the conditions that make social protest and political instability likely. Economic planning based on simple extrapolations of recent growth will exacerbate the discrepancy. Instead, African political leaders may have to manage expectations downward, while working to increase the rate of structural transformation and social inclusion. – Dani Rodrik,  Africa’s Structural Transformation Challenge

Read more at http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/dani-rodrik-shows-why-sub-saharan-africa-s-impressive-economic-performance-is-not-sustainable#eEBha6QifdDMgWE5.99

Related Article from the Economist:-

EVERY boom has its boosters and detractors. So it is with sub-Saharan Africa’s economic advance in the past 15 years. GDP across the region has risen by an average 5.1% a year. The IMF forecasts further growth of almost 6% this year and next. Optimists say growth now has an unstoppable momentum. But naysayers point out that a similar spurt in the 1960s and early 1970s gave way to two decades of stagnation. How can Africa make sure it does not repeat that dismal pattern?

A version of this question was posed by Yaw Ansu, chief economist of the Africa Centre for Economic Transformation (ACET), an Accra-based think-tank, as he unveiled a detailed report on Africa’s progress and prospects. The answer from Mr Ansu, who worked for 26 years at the World Bank before joining ACET, is that Africa must focus on “economic transformation” or put more simply “growth built on solid grounds”. His study draws on the experience of eight middle-income countries (six from Asia plus Brazil and Chile) that were as poor 30-40 years ago as Africa is now. The lesson is that GDP growth is not enough. For prosperity to last, economies must also become more diverse, export-oriented and constantly upgrade their technology.

This is a familiar wish-list. But unlike many development blueprints, the ACET report is grounded in economic reality. The road out of poverty, it says, must be linked to Africa’s endowment of abundant cheap labour, land and minerals. For instance the way to ensure that oil, gas and metal deposits are a blessing and not a curse, says ACET, is first to be sure to get the best deal for exploiting minerals and then to use the money well. That means countries should invest in geological surveys so they know as much about their mineral deposits as prospectors do. Cutting a back-room deal for a mining concession is to invite a rip-off. So rights should instead be sold by auction. Countries such as Norway and Chile can be tapped for their know-how in collecting mineral revenue and salting it away.

All too often a natural-resource boom works against lasting development. The mining industry uses lots of machinery and creates relatively few jobs. In good times the foreign earnings from mineral sales push up the value of the local currency making it harder for other kinds of exporters to survive. And mineral-rich countries can become too dependent on a few sources of income which can dry up when world prices suddenly change. A lack of diversity in earnings is a big concern for Africa. The ACET report shows that five exports account for 64% of all exports in Africa compared with an average of 44% in the eight middle-income countries used as a benchmark.

A strong message from the ACET report is that Africa needs more factories if it is to keep up its progress. Manufacturing has greater spillovers for the rest of the economy than mining does and gives variety to export income. While there are gulfs between Africa and richer countries in a wide variety of indicators, the lack of manufacturing muscle is one of the largest. Its share of Africa’s GDP was around 9% in 2010 compared with 24% among the eight middle-income countries.

Africa has lots of surplus labour. What it needs are jobs-intensive industries, such as garment-making and component assembly, to soak it up. The growing middle class in Africa should make this an easy sell to multinational firms. A businesses would be “crazy not to consider building a processing plant in Africa just to supply the local market demand,” says one of the executives surveyed by ACET. Indeed there are recent signs of a manufacturing revival in Africa. But the same executive goes on to say “the challenges are too large for us to be comfortable to invest.”  Business folk surveyed by ACET spoke of unhelpful policies, shortages of skills and the small size of markets as particular barriers.

Among the fixes for these ills suggested by ACET are special economic zones (in which some rules are relaxed); training colleges to cater to specific company’s needs, such as the ones run in Kenya and Nigeria by Samsung, an electronics giant; and more effort to cut tariffs within Africa’s regional trading zones. Indeed there is no shortage of advice for Africa’s would-be lions. The lessons from the success of Asia’s tigers are fairly well understood. The tricky part is to implement them.

http://www.economist.com/blogs/baobab/2014/03/development-africa?fsrc=scn/tw_ec/how_to_make_it_last

Africa Must Industrialize: The Time IS Now February 20, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, African Poor, Agriculture, Aid to Africa, Development, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Environment, Food Production, Oromo, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Uncategorized, Youth Unemployment.
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As the current economic growth did not result from value addition and increased manufacturing, but instead from increases in world commodity prices, it makes the region susceptible to commodity price volatility. If commodity prices fall, Africa’s impressive economic growth might grind to a halt — thus, the dire need for diversification through industrialization. Even if commodity prices stay high, natural resources are not infinite and they must be managed with sagacity.

As recommended by the 2013 Africa Progress report, it is advantageous for African governments to fully implement the Accelerated Industrial Development for Africa (AIDA) plan, signed in 2008 in Addis-Ababa. The AIDA is a comprehensive framework for achieving the industrialization of the continent. If Africa can successfully steward its natural resource wealth, investing it wisely and using some to industrialize, then whether the resources run out or not or whether commodity prices fall, Africa would be on a good economic footing.

Moreover, not only will industrialization create the environment for adding value to Africa’s natural resources, but it will also provide much needed employment at various stages of the value adding chain for Africa’s 1.1 billion people — leading to wealth creation.

Industrialization will address many development gaps in sub-Saharan Africa. Some of these gaps, as noted in a UNECA Southern Africa Office Expert Group Meeting Report, include:

Africa’s high dependence on primary products
Low value addition to commodities before exports
High infrastructure deficit
High exposure to commodity price volatility
Limited linkage of the commodities sector to the local economy
Poorly developed private sector, which is highly undercapitalized
Limited commitment to implement industrial policies
Limited investment in R&D, science, innovation and technology
Low intra-Africa trade
Slow progress towards strengthening regional integration
The Time is Now

Is Africa ready? The answer is an emphatic yes. The phenomenal growth is one reason why Africa is ready, but growth on its own is not enough. Other conditions need to be considered: Does the continent have access to enough raw materials for production? What is the proximity of these natural resources to the continent? Is there adequate land, labor, and capital? These are the traditional factors of production or inputs to the production process.

Yes, Africa has access to the raw materials necessary for production. Unlike already industrialized nations who have to import raw materials from Africa and elsewhere over long distances, Africa enjoys close proximity to these resources.

With regards to the factors of production, Africa is the world’s second largest continent and therefore is home to plenty of land — most of which is arable.

Africa is also the world’s second most populous continent. The average age of an African in Africa is under 19 years. This means Africa has enough manpower or labor to industrialize.

Capital refers to man-made products used in the production process such as buildings, machinery and tools. Africa does have a measure of this, but instead needs to do more in this area — hence the need for greater infrastructural and skills development. In fact, African policymakers as well as their counterparts in the developed world should realize that it is high time for a shift in the nature of aid to the continent — from primarily monetary aid to the type of capital aid needed for industrialization.

Finally, when Africa successfully undergoes industrial development, its huge populace will serve as a market for the outputs of its production processes; any excess supply can be exported and swapped for foreign exchange. Africa is ready and the time for it to industrialize is now.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
read more@

http://www.fairobserver.com/article/africa-must-industrialize-now

Dependency Aid is Dysfunctional: Time for Self-sufficiency February 19, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, Agriculture, Aid to Africa, Development, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Food Production, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Uncategorized.
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Against the dysfunctional dependency foreign assistance, Clare Lockhart in World Affairs argues for cheaper, smarter and stronger aid that creates self-sufficiency.

‘Commerce [and] entrepreneurial capitalism take more people out of poverty than aid . . . . It’s not just aid, it’s trade, investment, social enterprise. It’s working with the citizenry so that they can unlock their own domestic resources so that they can do it for themselves. Think anyone in Africa likes aid? Come on.’

Putting these “Fish for a Lifetime” approaches into effect will require some major shifts. It will involve looking not to how much money was disbursed, or how many schools were built, but to value for money and return on investment. And instead of propping up a vast technical assistance industry of varying and often indifferent quality, a higher priority will be placed on conducting a “skills audit” of key personnel—from doctors and teachers to engineers and agronomists—who can be trained internally rather than importing more costly and less invested technical assistance from abroad.

‘It is also important under this new paradigm to distinguish between “aid” (such as life-saving humanitarian assistance and the financial or material donations it requires) and “development engagement,” which is something quite different. Development engagement can be low-budget, and should be designed to move a needy country toward self-sufficiency—so that the state can collect its own revenues and the people can support their own livelihoods—as soon as possible. Many recipient countries have enormous untapped domestic resources, and with some effort devoted to increasing those revenues and building the systems to spend them, could assume much more of the responsibility of meeting their citizens’ needs.’

But a strategy is only as good as its execution. Implementing development policies and programs correctly will require a clear-eyed look at the way programs are designed and implemented, and a re-examination of the reliance on contractors. There is no substitute in the long term for unleashing a society’s domestic potential of human, institutional, and natural capital through a well governed country.

‘Having judged the development programs of the last decade to be failures, many in the US now call for development budget cuts and wearily espouse isolationism. But it is a classic example of throwing the baby out with the bathwater. Failed methods do not mean that the goal of international development must be abandoned. Development needn’t be an indulgent venture in charity, or risky business, or a road to nowhere paved with good intentions. A more hardheaded approach, one that creates self-sufficiency rather than dependency, is the new beginning that the development world has been waiting for.’ – http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/fixing-us-foreign-assistance-cheaper-smarter-stronger

In 2002, during the early stages of Afghanistan’s reconstruction process, I sat in a remote part of Bamiyan Province with a group of villagers who told me how excited they had been several months before, when a $150 million housing program from a UN agency had been announced on the radio. They felt the program, which promised to bring shelter to their communities, would transform their lives. They were shocked, however, to discover soon after that this program had already come and gone—with very little change to their lives. Indignant, as well as curious, they decided to track the money and find out what had happened to the program that, as far as they were concerned, had never been. Becoming forensic accountants, they went over the files and figures and found that the original amount granted by the UN had first gone through an aid agency in Geneva that took twenty percent off the top before sub-contracting to a Washington-based agency that took another twenty percent. The funds were passed like a parcel from agency to agency, NGO to NGO, until they limped to their final destination—Afghanistan itself. The few remaining funds went to buy wood from Iran, shipped via a trucking cartel at above-market rates. Eventually some wooden beams did reach the village, but they were too heavy for the mud walls used in construction there. All the villagers said they could do was cut up the wood for firewood, sending $150 million literally up in smoke.

With examples like this, it’s really no surprise that a growing chorus of commentators claims that foreign development is expensive, ineffective, and often resented by the intended beneficiaries. In The White Man’s Burden, for instance, William Easterly provides a searing critique of this do-good mentality, which he shows often causes more harm than help. In The Crisis Caravan, Linda Polman documents the unintended consequences of humanitarian assistance. In Dead Aid, Dambisa Moyo argues that aid serves to fuel corruption and lack of accountability among elites.

Critics of US assistance build on this narrative to paint a picture of an America overstretched and in decline, wasting money abroad in a futile effort to serve its uncertain foreign policy objectives, and call for cutbacks and disengagement.

The US has spent $100 billion in nonmilitary funds to rebuild Afghanistan. Yet, after a decade of mind-bending mismanagement and unaccountability, it seems all for naught.
Some of America’s recent engagements abroad have indeed been marked by extraordinary waste and poor design. As Joel Brinkley described in an article in this publication one year ago (“Money Pit,” January/February 2013), American aid to Afghanistan has at times been extravagantly wasteful, as when a contractor overbilled the US government by $500 million. Brinkley also points to the general practice of outsourcing aid projects to contractors with little oversight. Such failures undermine confidence in the very notion of US efforts in confronting poverty and call into question our ability to deal with conflict through “soft power.”

But this criticism misses an important distinction: it is not the principle of engagement, but the way many development projects work that has led to failure. There is, in fact, an alternative way of engaging abroad to promote stability and prosperity with more lasting effect and at a far lower cost than what has become a discredited status quo.

This alternative approach recognizes that there is no shortcut to development that circumvents the citizens and governing institutions of the country. It recognizes the prominent role of entrepreneurial and civic activity. It demonstrates an understanding that institutional change requires years, not months. It has been practiced by a number of farsighted development programs that have reinforced principles of partnership and local ownership of the policy agenda. This “Learn to Fish for a Lifetime” model seeks to build up local institutions that provide security, good governance, and other elements of self-sustaining economic growth. It takes advantage of the things that America knows how to do well: mobilizing investors, firms, universities, and other potent but underused tools that leverage private capital to deliver a kind of development that far outlasts the initial intervention. Many of the activities undertaken with this model actually generate enough revenue to pay back the initial investment, meaning that foreign development projects could someday operate at or close to “net zero” expenditure to the US taxpayer, a particularly appealing prescription in an era of harsh fiscal realities.

Putting “Fish for a Lifetime” approaches into practice, however, requires rejecting the prevailing approach, which makes for a complicated and ultimately self-defeating operation, in favor of one that emphasizes return on investment, both financially and in terms of improved conditions on the ground.

My own wake-up call to the yawning gap between the intentions and impact of major development programs came in that remote part of Afghanistan, soon after the Taliban had fled. Stories similar to the one I heard have been documented by the US special inspectors general for Iraq and Afghanistan reconstruction. But it is not just in combat zones where billions of taxpayers’ funds have created disappointment. After Haiti’s tragic earthquake in January 2010, world powers promised to “build back better” and citizens internationally joined them in committing billions of dollars to that country’s reconstruction. Aid programs in Haiti were notoriously dysfunctional even before the earthquake, but in the scramble to provide help after the catastrophe, funds and opportunities were squandered on an even grander scale. More than three years on, results have fallen far short of the promise. It is what one commentator and Haiti expert, Jonathan Katz, bleakly referred to in the title of his book on the aftermath of the earthquake: The Big Truck That Went By: How the World Came to Save Haiti and Left Behind a Disaster.

Haitian President Michel Martelly has been vocal in his criticisms of the effort, too: “Where has the money given to Haiti after the earthquake gone? . . . Most of the aid was used by nongovernmental organizations for emergency operations, not for the reconstruction of Haiti . . . . Let’s look this square in the eye so we can implement a better system that yields results.”

As Mark Schuller documents in his book Killing with Kindness, foreign donors directed the money to a network of NGOs that bypassed the Haitian government’s policy framework and the implementation capacity of its private sector, and thereby failed to meet the priorities of its citizens. Haitian organizations saw very little of the investment they needed to rebuild their society, but instead were overwhelmed by a vast aid machinery that parachuted down upon them with its own rules and priorities and complex bureaucracy.

Failure, as Haiti showed, does not come from a shortage of money or goodwill. Rather, the aid business has been afflicted by a set of institutional pathologies that almost guarantee failure. Projects designed in national capitals and foreign embassies are often divorced from the realities of the local lives of the people they intend to help, while the long time frames and rigidity of design mean that by the time a project rolls out, it is often irrelevant, even if money actually arrives after the overhead is paid to the food chain of delivery organizations. Multiple contractual layers mean too much of the original project money never even leaves international capital regions—especially Washington.

In Banda Aceh, Indonesia, analysts report how an NGO spent nearly $1 million of European Commission money on a project to construct eleven boatyards intended to stimulate the livelihoods of local fishermen, but in the end only created ten boats, none of them seaworthy.

Somewhere along the way, incentives have become skewed. Project managers and contractors alike are monitored mainly for whether the money in their charge can be tracked, rather than for whether aid activities have any transformational power. For many aid agencies, moreover, running projects has become the goal, rather than seeking to foster institutions and build productive partnerships among governments, firms, and communities. The metrics track whether a project was completed and the money disbursed, not whether sustainable institutions were left after the money had come and gone.

Finally, much of what has become standard procedure in the development business distorts local markets and displaces market activity. Every time a wheat consignment is distributed for free, for instance, local farmers see the market price for their locally grown wheat decrease. In Afghanistan in 2003, after a large-scale World Food Program wheat distribution, farmers threw up their hands and simply let their crops rot because aid had collapsed the market. Nor is it only farmers who are affected by thoughtless charity. Every time solar panels, water pumps, tractors, or cell phones are handed out for free, a local supplier can no longer sell and install his inventory, and a small business that might have long-range prospects for hiring and supporting several people is smothered.

The perversity of incentives operating in the aid and development field is no longer a trade secret. It has caught the attention of even some of the founders of the modern aid movement. “Aid is just a stopgap,” the pop star Bono, one of the forces behind putting charity to Africa on the map through the Live Aid concerts, told an audience at Georgetown University in November 2012. “Commerce [and] entrepreneurial capitalism take more people out of poverty than aid . . . . It’s not just aid, it’s trade, investment, social enterprise. It’s working with the citizenry so that they can unlock their own domestic resources so that they can do it for themselves. Think anyone in Africa likes aid? Come on.”

In an apparent one-eighty from his earlier focus on simply mobilizing aid donations, Bono’s Live Aid partner, Sir Bob Geldof, has followed suit by launching an infrastructure investment firm for Africa, proclaiming, “I want to leave behind me firms, farms, and factories.”

While the stories of what didn’t work in Afghanistan have grabbed the headlines, there have also been several examples of successful development engagement there. The National Solidarity Program in Afghanistan, for example, has directly reached more than thirty-eight thousand villages since 2003. Under its approach, a block grant, ranging from $20,000 to $60,000, goes directly to a bank account held by the village council, or Community Development Council. The village doesn’t have to apply for the funds, but if it wants to, it must follow three simple rules: elect or appoint the council, ensure a quorum of residents attend meetings to choose projects, and post the accounts in a public place. To date, the program has disbursed more than $1.6 billion, and the village councils have completed more than seventy thousand projects—roads to the local markets, water canals, and generators and microhydro systems that electrify the area.

In one case, thirty-seven villages trying to combat the loss of women in childbirth got together and pooled their money to build a maternity hospital. In another case, one hundred and eighty-five villages pooled their money to create a watershed management system, vastly expanding the land they could cultivate. NGOs are involved in these projects as facilitators who support the village through the complex transactions that it must undertake, but unlike in the traditional model of development, they don’t hold the purse strings or oversee the implementation of projects. The US Agency for International Development is now part of an international consortium that contributes to the program costs.

Similar projects exist at even greater scale in Indonesia and Pakistan. In Indonesia, the National Program for Community Empowerment (PNPM) works in more than eighty thousand villages across the nation. The program formed in 1998, in the wake of the Asian financial crisis, with the imperative to benefit communities directly with cash. Neither the government’s social safety nets nor the NGOs could do this alone, and so a partnership between governments and communities was established. Over time, the program has evolved to include micro-finance and other investment facilities, barefoot lawyers programs, and the construction of schools—all managed directly by the villages themselves.

According to official numbers, one of the PNPM programs, PNPM Mandiri Rural, reached four thousand three hundred and seventy-one sub-districts by 2009, and saw the construction or rehabilitation of ten thousand kilometers of road, two thousand and six bridges, two thousand nine hundred and eighty-six health facilities, and three thousand three hundred and seventy-two schools, in addition to the construction of public sanitation facilities and irrigation systems. These projects increased per capita consumption gains by eleven percent and reduced unemployment by one and a half percent. PNPM can accomplish all of this because of an open planning process by which projects are targeted to meet demand as expressed by the community rather than by officials thousands of miles away.

In a similar operation in Pakistan, the Rural Support Programs Network (RSPN) partners with three hundred and twenty thousand community organizations, covering five million households and thirty-three million people. These organizations have led responses to the earthquakes and floods, organized micro-finance and health insurance schemes, and built and operated schools, clinics, roads, and hydropower schemes.

This family of homegrown programs in Afghanistan, Indonesia, and Pakistan, and similar ones in Colombia, Mexico, and India, have proven it is possible to reach communities directly and at scale, cutting out the layers of contractors and NGOs that function as middlemen, while making communities the implementers of their own development in projects that achieve real results.

We really don’t need to look far afield to find approaches that work. There are a number of distinctly American approaches to development that have delivered in the past but have fallen unaccountably into disuse. Take the Economic Cooperation Act of 1948, a framework that for a while worked exceptionally well, but whose practices have been strangely forgotten in recent decades. At its core was the idea of facilitating “the achievement by the countries . . . of a healthy economy independent of extraordinary outside assistance.” The act’s programs, including the tremendously successful Marshall Plan, were geared toward the institutional and economic self-sufficiency of the recipients, with a central premise that the program could be judged a success only if it reduced the need for aid, rather than perpetuating it.

The Marshall Plan worked for the countries it sought to benefit and worked for the donor as well, paying the US back dividends both economically and in security terms far above its costs. This did not happen by chance. One of the participants in this plan, the political scientist Herbert Simon, describes in Administrative Behavior the painstaking organizational design that went into fine-tuning its approach. George Kennan, in a now-declassified memo from 1947, argued that “it is absolutely essential that people in Europe should make the effort to think out their problems and should have forced upon them a sense of direct responsibility for the way the funds are expended. Similarly, it is important that people in this country should feel that a genuine effort has been made to achieve soundness of concept in the way United States funds are to be spent.”

Other lesser-known US development programs similarly brought impressive results with moderate or no cost to the US taxpayer.

In the aftermath of the Korean War, South Korea had one of the lowest GDPs on earth, but between 1966 and 1989, it raised its GDP by an average of eight percent per year. Behind this story lies a dedicated effort to foster local capacity and industrial-led growth, backed by a US partnership. In 1966, President Lyndon Johnson agreed with President Park Chung-hee of South Korea to help establish the Korea Institute of Science and Technology (KIST) and assembled a team of leading scientists and technical experts to form and plan the institute. KIST aimed to nurture Korea’s own technical and managerial capacity to lay the basis for its economic transformation, rather than remain dependent on foreign management and input for its projects and companies. Korea is now one of a handful of nations that combine GDP per capita in excess of $20,000 with a population of more than fifty million people.

The South Korean government and the US government each contributed $10 million to KIST at its founding, and Washington used a similar model when it helped establish the Saudi Arabian National Center for Science and Technology (SANCST) in 1977. Saudi funds went to the US Treasury, which in turn paid for the technical assistance required for the center and a range of other initiatives.

Many of the best development initiatives are not directed by governments, but by the private sector and its use of market mechanisms. One example is the involvement of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) in the Afghan telecom sector. In 2002, Afghanistan had sparse telephone coverage, with access only either through a small number of fixed lines or very expensive satellite coverage. The UN proposed that the telecom sector should be addressed through an aid-driven approach, whereby funds would be used to contract with a major cell phone provider to set up services that would provide coverage to key embassies and aid agencies, at an estimated cost in the tens of millions of dollars. But, in line with how cell phone services are organized in any developed country, it was decided instead that rather than being paid by the government or aid agencies, the telephone company would bid for the license to operate a commercial service, with the proviso that services include a certain level of coverage and standard of quality.

The tender process went ahead. Several international companies registered their interest, but many expressed reservations about the level of risk they would be undertaking. This is where OPIC stepped in to draw up a risk guarantee for possible political and security problems. With an expenditure of just $20 million, this agreement provided sufficient confidence in the telecom sector for investment to proceed. By now, several billion dollars have been invested, more than sixteen million phones purchased, significant revenues generated via taxes to the Afghan government—and the $20 million guarantee was never called upon because the risks feared by the private companies never materialized. In this case, a risk instrument was able to pave the way for new market opportunities and to provide an essential service. Contrast that with the typical aid approach, which would have distorted the market, squandered money, and likely produced, at best, ambiguous results.

A similar example came out of the Caribbean. Before 2007, individual insurance companies were reluctant to insure Caribbean islands for hurricane and earthquake damage, the liability being considered commercially too risky. But then the World Bank’s Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF) was created, pooling risk to enable governments in the area to purchase affordable insurance. CCRIF was designed to protect Caribbean countries from the financial fallout of a natural disaster, offering each country timely and flexible payouts. The group can respond more quickly and more efficiently to a member country in need than can the sort of chaos of good intentions that descended on Haiti, as was demonstrated in its response to Hurricane Tomas in 2010. Barbados, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines received fifty percent of their payouts within days.

In contrast to a top-down, statist aid paradigm, these “Fish for a Lifetime” approaches are all designed to unlock and leverage the value from within the society, state, and market. They all start with the operating principle of co-designing programs with the citizens and leaders from the country concerned. Where there is a market, they do not seek to use grant capital. Once the initial intervention is over, success is judged by whether or not the innovations designed for the crisis are sustainable. This approach is geared toward increasing the self-sufficiency of the country concerned, and in particular boosting its economy and generating its own revenue and tax base.

While the treasuries of most Western countries may be afflicted by the constraints of austerity budgeting, there are vast amounts of private investment capital looking for opportunities. Many of the countries that are seen as the neediest destinations for aid are also considered by emerging market investors as the fastest-growing in the world—Rwanda, Nepal, Indonesia, and India. Infrastructure projects from power to roads and ports can and do attract private capital, and public funds can be used for risk guarantees or as co-investments rather than grant aid for these projects. Rather than seeking to maximize aid, such an approach seeks to maximize the return on investment to the society concerned.

Putting these “Fish for a Lifetime” approaches into effect will require some major shifts. It will involve looking not to how much money was disbursed, or how many schools were built, but to value for money and return on investment. And instead of propping up a vast technical assistance industry of varying and often indifferent quality, a higher priority will be placed on conducting a “skills audit” of key personnel—from doctors and teachers to engineers and agronomists—who can be trained internally rather than importing more costly and less invested technical assistance from abroad.

It is also important under this new paradigm to distinguish between “aid” (such as life-saving humanitarian assistance and the financial or material donations it requires) and “development engagement,” which is something quite different. Development engagement can be low-budget, and should be designed to move a needy country toward self-sufficiency—so that the state can collect its own revenues and the people can support their own livelihoods—as soon as possible. Many recipient countries have enormous untapped domestic resources, and with some effort devoted to increasing those revenues and building the systems to spend them, could assume much more of the responsibility of meeting their citizens’ needs. Getting the toolbox right requires instruments that can best support this approach: the OPIC, enterprise funds, chambers of commerce, public diplomacy, scholarships, international financial institutions, trade measures, and the National Academies, among others.

But a strategy is only as good as its execution. Implementing development policies and programs correctly will require a clear-eyed look at the way programs are designed and implemented, and a re-examination of the reliance on contractors. There is no substitute in the long term for unleashing a society’s domestic potential of human, institutional, and natural capital through a well governed country.

Having judged the development programs of the last decade to be failures, many in the US now call for development budget cuts and wearily espouse isolationism. But it is a classic example of throwing the baby out with the bathwater. Failed methods do not mean that the goal of international development must be abandoned. Development needn’t be an indulgent venture in charity, or risky business, or a road to nowhere paved with good intentions. A more hardheaded approach, one that creates self-sufficiency rather than dependency, is the new beginning that the development world has been waiting for.

Clare Lockhart is the coauthor, with Ashraf Ghani, of Fixing Failed States and the director of the Institute for State Effectiveness, an organization devoted to finding, documenting, and facilitating better approaches to engaging abroad.
Read further at original source:
http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/article/fixing-us-foreign-assistance-cheaper-smarter-stronger

As The 1960s Euphorea, The Current Africa Rising Optimism Is Illusionary Than Real: Let Us Actually Think How Africa Can Become Truly Prosperous. February 13, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, African Poor, Aid to Africa, Corruption, Culture, Development, Dictatorship, Economics, Food Production, Human Rights, Ideas, Land Grabs in Africa, Ogaden, Omo, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Nation, Self determination, Slavery, South Sudan, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tyranny, Uncategorized, Youth Unemployment.
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‘Much of the “Africa Rising” narrative is based on the cyclical growth in income revenues from commodities. But who knows how long this will last? Dr Moghalu wants African governments to grasp hold of their future by creating industrial manufacturing so that Africans can consume what they produce. If that could be achieved, the continent will have moved away from being an import-driven consumer-driven economy. It is only then, he argues, that we can say Africa has truly risen.’
The term “Africa Rising” is on the lips of many these days particularly as seven of the world’s fastest growing economies are believed to be African. But can this current wave of Afro-optimism bring genuine prosperity to the African continent? Dr Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu, the Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria thinks not.

“Hope is good,” he says. “But hope must be based on concrete substantive strategy going forward, so I pour a little bit of cold water of the Africa Rising phenomenon. I think it could lead to illusionary thinking. I recall that when African countries became independent that there was a huge sense of euphoria around the continent that independence guaranteed economic growth, political development and stability. But this did not happen in the following 30 to 40 years.”

In his latest book, Emerging Africa: How the Global Economy’s ‘Last Frontier’ can prosper and matter, Dr Moghalu presents his own ideas on how Africa can become truly prosperous. He describes it as “a vision for Africa’s future based on a fundamental analysis of why Africa has fallen behind in the world economy”.

In doing so, the LSE alumnus discusses some fundamental misunderstandings about which African states need to revise their assumptions.

The first is the idea that globalisation is automatically good. Rather, Dr Moghalu describes it as a huge and influential reality which Africans must engage with a sense of sophistication and self-interest. It is important to find a way to break that stranglehold because globalisation is neither benign in its intention nor agnostic in its belief. It is driven by an agenda and there are people who drive it.

Economist Dambisa Moyo caused controversy with her first book, Dead Aid: Why foreign aid isn’t working and how there is another way for Africa. Dr Moghalu echoes some of her arguments describing foreign aid as one of the leading reasons why Africa is impoverished. “It has removed the incentive of many African nations to seek solutions for their economic challenges and create wealth for their citizens,” he argues. “Instead it has perpetuated poverty because they are simply content to survive from one day to the next.”

Foreign aid does have its place, Dr Moghalu admits, but “it should always be within a limited time frame and it should focus on economic wealth creation activities rather than just helping people survive”. On the day we meet, the UK Secretary of State for International Development Justine Greening is in the news revealing that there will be a radical shift in future UK aid into economic development, concentrating on economic growth and jobs. Dr Moghalu expressed great pleasure at this announcement remarking that “it is very interesting that British policy is catching up with the recommendations in my book”.

Another fundamental understanding that the central banker develops in his book is the importance of understanding the four different kinds of capitalism and the implications they have for Africa’s growth. The first is state capitalism which is not very common, although it is practised by China. It is, in fact, an oxymoron. Many African states do not have the capacity to run state capitalism because you need an all-knowing state with a huge reserve of strategic thinking capacity to be able to direct wealth creation for the purposes defined by the state. There is also oligarchic or crony capitalism in Russia and some African states. This can be turned into strategic activity if cronyism is not rampant. South Korea did that by creating the Chaebols, the family-held businesses which today dominate the South Korea economy. Welfare capitalism is the norm is Europe. Some African states have practised welfare capitalism without generating the type of revenue that will sustain it into the future. Now it is out of favour. Entrepreneurial capitalism is what made America wealthy and this is what Dr Moghalu recommends for most African economies because it suits the African culture. Along with a certain amount of oligarchic and welfare capitalism, it would do Africa a world of good, he adds.

Much of the “Africa Rising” narrative is based on the cyclical growth in income revenues from commodities. But who knows how long this will last? Dr Moghalu wants African governments to grasp hold of their future by creating industrial manufacturing so that Africans can consume what they produce. If that could be achieved, the continent will have moved away from being an import-driven consumer-driven economy. It is only then, he argues, that we can say Africa has truly risen. http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2014/02/12/afro-optimism-will-not-transform-africa/

Stop Clearing Oromo from their Land in the Name of Boosting Economic Development: Who Will Stand for the Oromo People Living on the Outskirts of Finfinnee? February 11, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Aannolee and Calanqo, Africa, African Poor, Aid to Africa, Climate Change, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Culture, Development, Dictatorship, Domestic Workers, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Environment, Ethnic Cleansing, Finfinnee, Food Production, Gadaa System, Human Rights, Human Traffickings, Humanity and Social Civilization, ICC, Ideas, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure. African Heritage. The Genocide Against Oromo Nation, Land Grabs in Africa, Nubia, Ogaden, Omo, Oromia, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromummaa, Self determination, Sirna Gadaa, Slavery, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Uncategorized, Youth Unemployment.
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It is to be recalled that Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) was founded as the present capital city the so called Ethiopian in 1886 by a man called Minilik II. During this time, the area was inhabited by the Oromo people and the area was almost covered with natural forest. Initially the Shawa government made it seat at Ankober. Hence, before the founding of Finfinee as a political and economic capital of the king, all the areas within the present Finfinnee and the surround areas was free like any other Oromia lands. However, after 1886 the Semitic people from the northern segments and others had taken the land and the Oromo people who were used to live in these areas were forced lost their land through time.

For example, according to Central Statistics Agency of Ethiopia (2007) Out of the 2,738,248 100% total population living in Finfinnee, the total number of the Oromo people living in the city was only 534,255 (19.51%). Since its founding as a capital, Finfinnee remained the capital city for the successive Ethiopian regimes (Menilik II, Lij Eyassu, Zawuditu, Hailesillasse I, Mengistu, Melles and HaileMariam). Through time, the number of inhabitants increased and urbanization expanded greatly. The deliberate and implicitly planned mission and decision of the Semitic people to erase any sign of Oromo history from Finfinnee was started during the forcefully integration of Oromo people into Ethiopia as second-class citizens and the process has continued in the present government.

Different people mostly from the northern part of the so called Ethiopia have come from the various ethnic groups come and settled in the capital owing to its supper suitable agro-climatic and exploit the natural within the outside today’s Finfinne from the near distance in the name of work and investment. Where did those Oromo farmers go when Finfinnee became the property of new invaders? Be in mind that the Oromo’s are pushed to the peripheral areas of the capital and the number of Oromo people inhabitants decreased from time to time, as the above data depicts. The indigenous people of the land were pushed out one after the other and were replaced by the invaders from the north. What is happening to the Oromo people living on the outskirt of Finfinne today? It is simply the continuation of a process, which had resulted in a massive displacement of an indigenous Oromo people.

B. The New Master Plan of Fifinnee and Areas to be Incorporated

For the last 100 or so years the Master Plan of Finfinnee city was revised several times. The recent proposal of preparing new Master Plan for City administration that planned to incorporates all the towns and districts lying within the range of 1 hour commuting distance from the Finfinnee, justifies the blatant violation of the constitution and their voracious appetite to systematically replacing resource and land deficient people to these fertile lands owned by the Oromo people. According to the proposed plan of established the “Integrated Regional Development Plan”, an additional 36 towns and 17 districts currently administered by the Oromia regional State will be merged with Finfinnee so that the right of the land use will be determined by the central mayor .

The new Master Plan was intended to incorporate Oromia’s land locating in 100kms around the Finfinnee city. According to Ethiopia Government preparation, the following 36 Towns and 17 Districts are included in the newly planned Master plan. (See the figure 1.)

Some of the Towns are: Adama, Sodere, Mojo, Wenji Adama, Ejere, Alem Tena, Koka, Adulala, Bushoftu, Dukem, Gelen, Akaki Beseka, Godino, Chefe Donsa, Sebeta , Sendafa, Milkewa, Wendoda, Sirti, Duber,Gorfo, Chancho, Mulo, Debra,Muger , Ulo, Adis Alem, Holota, Burayu,Debre Genet, Illu Teji, Tefki, Sebeta, Boneya, Melka Kunture and etc.
Some of the Districts areas are: Adama, Dodota, Bora, Lome, Liben chukala, Adea (around Bushoftu), Akaki, Gimbichu, Bereh(around Sebeta), Aleltu, Jida, Sulultu, Ejere, Welmera, Illu, Sebeta Hawas and etc.
Today, when the world is concerned about preserving ecology and wild life in their natural habitat, it is an Ethiopian Government that is clearing an indigenous Oromo people from their home Land in the name of inequitable Economic Development. Hence, who should stand and speak for these innocent people and argue to preserve the right of the extremely vulnerable Oromo people living in the proposed territories and to preserve the indigenous Oromo people, culture, Languages and etc. Otherwise sooner than latter these great people will be marginalized and lost their identities.

Finfinee
Figure 1: The newly Developed and proposed Master Plan of the tomorrow’s Finfinne over the coming 25 years

C. The Agenda behind the “Integrated Regional Development Plan (IRDP)”

An office called “Addis Ababa and the surrounding Oromia Integrated Development Plan” prepared an International and National Conference on June 2013 at Adama Town, Galma Abba Gadaa. The Objective of organizing the conference of the top ranking government cadres (mostly OPDO’s) was to work on the manifesting of the proposed Integrated Regional Development Plan (IRDP) and prepare the cadre’s to work on the people.

On the Conference, it was stated that, the Purposes of the “IRDP” are:

Instrumental to unleashing Regional Development Potentials
Enables localities addressing their mutual development challenges
Enables localities addressing their mutual development challenges
Strengthens complementarities and interconnection of localities
These purposes can be the explicit or clear objectives of the plan. However, the plan have hidden or implicit agenda. Systematically bringing the land under their custody so that, it will sooner or later scramble among their impoverished people in their region. For example, the Finfinnee City Administration and Finfinnee Special Zone can address their mutual development challenges without being incorporated into one master plan. However, the Master plan is not prepared on mutual benefit as the plan is solely prepared by Finfinnee City Administration, despite the name of the office. Hence, though development is boldly emphasized, the main purpose seems to clear the Oromo farmers from their lands in the name of unfair Economic Development.

It was also stated that the Pillars of the Integrated Regional Development Plan are:

Regional Infrastructure Networks
Natural Resource and Environment Stewardship
Cross – Boundary Investments/ e.g FDI)
Joint Regional Projects
However, there seem hidden agenda behind these pillars. For example, in the name of cross-Boundary Investments, local Oromo farmers are going to lose their land for the so-called “investors” and under the pretext of promoting national economy through FDI initiatives In addition, if the plan is going to be realized natural and environmental degradation is inevitable.

In addition, the Basic Principles of the Integrated Regional Development Plan are:

Ensuring Mutual Benefits
A joint development Framework – not a substitute for local plans
An Integrated Regional Plan voluntarily accepted by participating partners
Differences resolved through negotiation and under in-win scenario
Nevertheless, the plan will not ensure a mutual benefit at it is largely intended to displace Oromo farmers from their land. In additions, the populations of the two areas are not homogenous. Hence, they have no common interest. Even though it is said the “IRDP’ will be voluntarily accepted by participating partners, the top cadres in Oromia themselves have strongly opposed the plan on the conference. Beside, the implicit objective of the plan is to remove/avoid the differences in language and culture there by to plant “Ethiopianism or Tigreans” on Oromo land. The plan is intended to say good bye to Oromo Culture and language. The other thing is that the differences between Oromo and others cannot be resolved as it is intended to eradicate Oromo identity, culture and language. As we know from history, Oromo’s never compromised on these issues. Hence, if the plan is to be implemented, peaceful co-existence may not be there.

D. Problems that may come because of the Integrated Regional Development Plan

As different sources shown, many Oromo’s living in Special Zone has already lost their land in the name of foreign direct investment and land grasping. This is because of several fa3ctories are constructed in the special zone by taking the Lands from local Oromo farmers. It is not new to see Oromo labor workers or guards in their own land. Family members are highly displaced by this measure. Many went to street. Not only the displaced Oromos damaged by this. It is said chemical coming out of the factories are also hurting the health of the remaining Oromos. It is said that “In Central Oromia, thousands of people and their livestock died due to the industrial pollution directly released to rivers and lakes.”

Taking the above as an experience, there also different reasons why the newly Master plan of Finfinne should not be implemented on Oromo people. Some of the reasons are:

1. It will bring Extreme Poverty: It is inevitable that the local Oromo farmers lost their land in the name of investment and urbanization. This means that the Oromos are systematically cleaned from their own land, as they were cleaned from Finfinnee in earlier days. Hence, the local farmers lose their land which is part of their permanent asset. After the lose their land, the farmers will going to work for 300 birrr in the factory or serve as house servant or home guard, which is already started. By doing so, the farmers face extreme poverty. In addition, the gap between rich and poor will very high. For example, one writer described the impact of “investment” saying:

“The current regime has sold out more than 3 million hectares of fertile land to the foreigner investors after forcefully displacing Oromo farmers from their ancestral land. The grabbing of land ended the indigenous people without shelter and foods. This displacement of the Oromo people accompanied by limitless human rights violations set the Oromo to be the vast number of immigrants in the Horn of Africa.”

2. Family displacement and disintegration: Members of a family will be displaced and disintegrated as a result of loosing their land. In addition, the workers of Finfinnee special zone will be displaced as they are working in Afan Oromo.

3. Abuse of constitutional rights: After long year of struggle and sacrifice of thousands of Life, Afan Oromo given constitution right to be used in administration, school and other sectors in Oromia region. This is one of the basic objectives that Oromos has been struggling. However, if the master plan is going to be implemented, working language of Finfinnee City, Amharic, is going to be used in the areas. By doing so, the local people will be forced to learn new language to use it for different purpose. The measure will take back Oromo to the “Atse” region. The Federal Constitution states “Every people, nation and nationality have the right to speak, to write and to develop their own language, as well as to express, to develop and to promote their culture and history.Article 39” will be clearly violated. The Oromo living in Finfinnee Special Zone will lose the rights that the FDRE constitution guarantees them.

4. Academic and psychological impacts on Oromo students: If the newly proposed master plan of Finfinnee City is going to be implemented, Oromo students living in the surrounding area will attend their education in Amharic, which is second language to the students. It is strongly argued that using the native languages of students as a medium of instruction is a decisive factor for effective learning However, this situation, failure to give a role to native languages and largely depending on second/foreign language instruction, brought various difficulties to students. The students are expected to entangle not only with learning the subject matters but also the language itself. It also creates difficulty to students in expressing themselves and as a result it limits their classroom participation as there is fear of making mistakes. In addition, it is a barrier to smooth classroom communication. It is also argued that use of a second/foreign language in education negatively affects the ability and the ease with which knowledge is acquired by students. It also affects the performance of students and creates difficulties in developing their cognitive skills. Moreover, giving low status to native languages of students in educational setting leads to marginalization of majority of the citizens from active engagement in the development arena. In general, the master plan will have negative impacts on Oromo students in various academic aspects.

5. Impact on Identity and Culture of Local Oromo People: The new plan will make Oromos to lose their identity and culture, like the previous regimes did. This is because people having different identity and culture are going to settle on Oromo land. The settlers will push out the Oromo identity and replace by their own. The Oromo’s will have very limited opportunity to exercise their cultural value and linguistic form. The language and cultural development will be also hampered by the new plan.

6. Economic impact: If the master plan is going to be realized, the Finfinnee City Adminstration will control all economic aspects of the areas. The income that is collected from different factories will be taken. The Oromiya government will loose great income to Finfinnee city administration.

7. Impact on Natural Resource and Environment: As the result of the plan, there will be overspread ground and surface water pollution. In addition, there will be severe deforestation and natural resource depletion.

8. Cutting Oromia into East and West Regions: The new Master Plan of Finfinne city will cut the current Oromia into two parts i.e. Eastern and Western. This is because the Central and great part of Oromia is proposed to be taken and incorporated into Finfinnee. Hence, the Central part that joins East and West will be taken.

D. What Should be done to Save the Oromo People around Finfinnee

As shown above, the master plan is so disadvantage for Oromia. In general, if we see the plan, it will affect local Oromo people in various aspects. However, the government who is supposed to represent the Oromo people is unable to see the danger. So we kindly ask the Oromos at home and Diaspora and other concerned bodies to forward ways and mechanisms to stop the intended plan. We ask the Oromo people and international communities, who will stand for the Oromo’s living around Finfinnee??

If we read an honest history of the present and past Governments of Ethiopia, we would conclude that the present Government is truly facing a difficult dilemma. At the dawn of the 21st century, we can neither run away from ourselves nor hide our realities. We have to face our generation and the historical realities of our time. It is undeniable that today, people demand respect for their human and national rights. Above all, people will not rest until their identity and their sovereignty over what is theirs is ensured. These are the peoples’ most burning issues. They realize that they have to make utmost effort of their own. It is within the context of the above-mentioned framework that the Oromo people resolutely demand their rights and freedom. It is to those who want to deny the rights and freedoms of the people that we are most bitterly opposed. It is a crime to deny the national identity and sovereignty of a people no matter how sophisticated the tactics used to do so. It is equally wrong to see the national desire of a people from a selfish perspective. It is based on the above concepts and precepts that the Oromo people continue their unceasing and bitter struggle against being treated as second class citizens. We know that our struggle is just for it is motivated by our desire to preserve our dignity and identity as a people.

We, the sons and daughters of the Oromo people, strenuously oppose the implementation of new Master Plan for Finfinne administration because we fully understand the historical development of the desire of other people to displace the Oromo people in order to benefit the non-Oromo new comers and their lackeys in this country. This highly orchestrated conspiracy, the present Oromo generation shall not tolerate at any cost. It will steadfastly and resolutely resist the conspiracy.

We also request international communities to put pressure on FDRE/TPLF Government and Finfinnee City Administration to stop the proposed Master Plan, which directly or indirectly harm the Oromo people.

We call on the Federal Government of Ethiopia, House of Peoples’ Representatives, the Federation Council, the Oromia Council to stop clearing Oromo people from their home Land in the name of inequitable Development and replacing others on their land.

Please generate comments as many as possible on what should be done about the plan.

May Waaq Gurraacha help us!

From: Sabbontoota Oromoo, Oromia.

We are always Oromo First!!!!

Sabbontoota Oromo can be reached at sabboontotaaoromo@yahoo.in

http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/oromia/stop-clearing-oromo-from-their-land-in-the-name-of-boosting-economic-development/?fb_action_ids=10152023934163952&fb_action_types=og.likes&fb_source=other_multiline&action_object_map=%5B454544934645241%5D&action_type_map=%5B%22og.likes%22%5D&action_ref_map=%5B%5D

 

Ethiopia: Raya under destruction

by Teumay Debesay | February 13, 2014
rayaRaya refers a tract of land stretching from Ala wuha in the south to Alaje in the north. That is bigger than Adwa and Axum awrajas combined. Historically, this is where the Weyane rebellion started in 1928 as a spontaneous reaction to a repressive system of the time. Originating in their present day Kobo wereda, the revolt would quickly spread to cover the entire Raya and Wejerat provinces. Later, the inhabitants of Enderta joined the revolt and a sort of quasi-organized alliance was formed after a decade of Raya and Wejerat rebellion. This alliance, Weyane, would emerge so potent that by its heyday it practically liberated the provinces of Raya, Wejerat and Enderta. The imperial government with the support of British Air force resorted to aerial bombardment of the rebel held areas which caused a wide-spread damage, including complete erasure of villages. However, the most detrimental factor that actually caused the demise of Weyane was to come from none other than Adwa people. In 1943, Dejazmach Gebrehiwot Meshesha along with a dozen of Adwans exploited the trust vested on them to assassinate the leaders of the Weyane movement. This is significant for in the Ethiopian tradition, at least until then, if one manages to kill the leader one will win the battle. Meshesha and co. breach of the traditional trust and value was so venomous that even to this date mistrust and resentment runs high in Raya. It is to be noted that if not for Meshesha of Adwa, the people were in a very strong bargaining position and if one has to look how similar revolts in Bale and other regions were resolved, the rebels demand for better governance was within reach. As a thank you for their contribution, Meshesha and his fellow Adwans were rewarded heavily by Haileselasse while a series of punitive attacks continued on the ‘originators’ of Weyane and ultimately Raya was divided between Wollo and Tigray.
When the TPLF started the armed insurrection in Ethiopia, it took little time to transform itself as an Adwa-only club by the same inherited act of treachery. The legacy of resentment that Meshesha and co. left means TPLF-Adwa had hard time to set foot in Raya. Hence, they needed to come up with a trick and did it so by cosmetically inserting the word Weyane in the Tigrigna version of its name. Taken with the harsher realities under DERG, Rayans reluctantly sided with TPLF on the principle of the lesser devil. Soon, tens of thousands of Raya youth joined the TPLF, including forming the majority and the backbone of Hadush “Hayelom” Ariaya’s fighting force that brought the little known“Hayelom” into prominence. However, if the experience of my village is anything, it is fair to conclude that almost all the Raya recruits ended up as cannon fodders. Those who survived, especially the independent and rational ones, would have never escaped the Meles-Sebhat death squad. In Raya, for example, it is not uncommon to talk to your relative TPLF fighter over the phone in the morning only to be notified of his death of “natural” consequences on the same day. I will say more on the motives next time. But for now, I want to draw your attention to the following Table, which is taken from the 1994 and 2007 population census of Ethiopia. I think this illustrates how the Raya and Adwa are faring under the TPLF-Adwa administration.
Table 1: Population of Raya and Adwa awraja towns in 1994 and 2007 census

Clearly, 7 towns (Robit, Gobiye, Waja, Mersa, Korem, Wedisemro, Chelena) of Raya from the total 11, i.e., 64% of the town that existed in the 1994 Census Ethiopia have died or are dying.  Well, with Adwa awraja towns the figures show a hard-to-believe growth registering as ridiculous as 1033% for Gerhusenay, Idegaarbi(377%), Nebelet(266%); even noticeable is the emergence of a novel city (Diobdibo) in the 2007 census, attesting to the developmental and modernization campaigns  in Adwa rural areas as well. The bar graph of the rate at which towns are expanding (Adwa) or shrinking (Raya) shown below can only be a proof that in the so-called Tigray “killil” both, depending on the area, de-constructive and constructive policies are in operation. To the unsuspecting, it may occur that this might have to do with the pre-1991 TPLF bandit caused civil war. However, it is not quite so for, for instance, there was no single bomb that was dropped on Adwa towns nor was a confrontation in populated areas in the entire Adwa awraja. There was insignificant causality as far as the civilian population of Adwa is concerned for the TPLF military engagement tactic in Adwa/Axum area was totally different from the rest awrajas. For example, Korem town alone might have received far more arial bombardment than the entire Adwa awraja. From SehulMikael (the Godfather of Ethiopia’s disintegration), to Meshesha-Sebhat-Meles-Sebhat(again), there exist very little dissimilarity.Raya-under-destruction2Right now, Alamata, the only remaining city not to die fast enough as Adwans would have liked to see, is under open destruction. The residents never complained on the absence of developmental activity but never expected that the Adwa administration of the city will come-up with a destruction agenda. Surprised by the revelation, the unsuspecting residents went to Mekelle to air their grievances in the hope that the big men there might be rational and take proper action. However, Abay Woldu’s administration did not give it a second to listen; just ordered more Bulldozers, armored tanks and a battalion to effectively carry out the planned destruction. Worse, those who complained the demolishing of their belonging are rounded-up and now languish in Adwa operated secret Tigrayan jails
Reference:

  1. Central Statistical Authority Ethiopia: The 1994 populaion and Housing Census of Ethiopia. Results for Tigray region, Volume 1, Statistical report.Table 2.2, Page 11
  2. Central Statistical Authority Ethiopia: The 1994 populaion and Housing Census of Ethiopia. Results for Amhara Region, Volume 1, Statistical report.Table 2.2, Page 13
  3. The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Tigray Region, Table 2.1, page 7
  4. The 2007 Population and Housing Census of Ethiopia: Statistical Report for Amhara Region, Table 2.2, page 11

http://ethiofreespeech.blogspot.co.uk/2014/02/ethiopia-raya-under-destruction.html?spref=fb

Oromia: The Gadaa System – Why Denied Recognition to Be a World Heritage? February 9, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Culture, Development, Dhaqaba Ebba, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Environment, Gadaa System, Humanity and Social Civilization, Ideas, Irreecha, Kemetic Ancient African Culture, Nelson Mandela, Nubia, Omo, Oral Historian, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromo Sport, Oromummaa, Qubee Afaan Oromo, Self determination, Sirna Gadaa, The Oromo Democratic system, The Oromo Governance System, The Oromo Library, Theory of Development, Uncategorized, Wisdom.
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Odaa Oromoo

‘It is quite long overdue to register Gadaa as a world heritage… ‘If it is inscribed as UNESCO’s world heritage it will be the source of historical pride not only for the Oromo people but also for all peoples of Ethiopia, Africa and the whole world at large. It will also be a center of attraction to the world tourists who would come to see and enjoy the Gadaa system’s tangible and intangible values. Tangible heritages are the age old Gadaa centers like; Hora Arsadi, Oda Nabe, Oda Bulluqi, Oda Bultum, Oda Makoo Billi, Gumii Gayyoo in Borana and many others in western, central, eastern and southern #Oromia. It also includes reverences and ornaments of rituals, the Bokku, the Caaccu and Kalacha. Intangible heritages are ideas, thoughts and the worldview of Abba Gadaa elders, women, men and the youth as members of the Gadaa system.’ Read @http://allafrica.com/stories/201209210569.html?page=3

Silence and pain: Ethiopia’s human rights record in the Ogaden February 2, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Aannolee and Calanqo, Africa, African Poor, Aid to Africa, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Dictatorship, Ethnic Cleansing, Human Rights, ICC, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Ogaden, Omo, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Nation, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromummaa, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Tyranny, Uncategorized.
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Repression in the Ogaden is mainly carried out by the notorious Liyu Police; this is a locally recruited force that has been widely condemned for the repressive methods that it uses.
This is how the force is described by Human Rights Watch:[6]
“Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police in the Somali region in 2007 when an armed conflict between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and the government escalated. By 2008 the Liyu police became a prominent counterinsurgency force recruited and led by the regional security chief at that time, Abdi Mohammed Omar (known as “Abdi Illey”), who is now the president of Somali Regional State.
The Liyu police have been implicated in numerous serious abuses against civilians throughout the Somali region in the context of counterinsurgency operations. The legal status of the force is unclear, but credible sources have informed Human Rights Watch that members have received training, uniforms, arms, and salaries from the Ethiopian government via the regional authorities.”
In January 2013 it was reported that the Liyu police numbered between 10,000 and 14,000. The force was accused of numerous human rights abuses and summary executions.[7] The Guardian newspaper reported that it had seen an internal British government document, from the Department for International Development, indicating that there were plans to spend £13m–15m of aid money on the force as part of a five year “peace-building” programme. The report was denied by the British government, which said all funding would go via United Nations agencies and not through the Ethiopian authorities.[8]
Despite these assurances concern about the behaviour of the Liyu police remains. The testimony below and the reports of atrocities carried out in recent weeks indicate these are well placed.
Testimony of Captain Hassan Mohammed Abdi aka Hassan Afo, a former member of the Liyu Police, who was active with the force in Degehbur Province. June 2012.
“In Balidhuure village (Eastern Degehbur Province) located in between Gurdumi and Koore, a Liyu police unit that left from Aware and commanded by Major Kidinbir rounded up and finally driven away most of the people that lived in the area. Among them was a disabled man who walks with a stick named Ina-Yul-yul or the son of Yul-yul. Not far from the village of Balidhuure, the handicapped man, Ina-Yul-yul could not continue walking. One of the Liyu policemen noticed this and he informed Major Kidinbir by radio. Major Kidinbir said, “He can’t walk? Then kill him where he is at right now.” That’s how Ina-Yulyul was shot and killed. He was killed because of one of his brothers was among the ONLF fighters.”
Reports of human rights atrocities committed in the Ogaden Region over the previous month.
25/12/13: In Guna’gado district of Degahbur province, at least 25 civilians were detained and 25,000 Ethiopian birr was stolen from them
5/1/14: In Gasaangas in Hamara district 5 civilians are unlawfully detained. They were: Hassan Geday, Hassan Nour Moalim Ibrahim, Rukiya Moalim Ibraahin, Anbiya Sheikh Mohammed and Nafis.
5/1/14: In Dhuhun a girl named, Halimo Duulane was detained .
10/1/14: In Eastern Iimay, Fadumo Wacdi Ahmed, Sa’ada Hassan and Gordo Abdi God were detained by the Ethiopian Security Forces.
10/1/14,In Guna’gado, Mohammed Isse Gu’had was tortured, detained and his 11 camels were stolen.
3/1/14: Hamuud-ka, in Fiq Province, the security forces detained Mohammed Ibrahim.
5/1/14: Ya’hob Village in Fiq Province, the security forced killed in a cold-blood Abdullahi Lo’bari in cold blood and injured Ahmed Hassan Awl.
5/1/14: Hamaro in Nogob Province, the security forces detained several people : Mohammed Abdi Rahman Omar, Abdirahman Bade, Ta’kal Yousouf and Ina-Barud.
Annex
Amnesty International on Ethiopia’s Ogaden region[9]
In September, the government and the ONLF briefly entered into peace talks with a view to ending the two-decade long conflict in the Somali region. However, the talks stalled in October. The army, and its proxy militia, the Liyu police, faced repeated allegations of human rights violations, including arbitrary detention, extrajudicial executions, and rape. Torture and other ill-treatment of detainees were widely reported. None of the allegations was investigated and access to the region remained severely restricted. In June, UN employee Abdirahman Sheikh Hassan was found guilty of terrorism offences over alleged links to the ONLF, and sentenced to seven years and eight months’ imprisonment. He was arrested in July 2011 after negotiating with the ONLF over the release of two abducted UN World Food Programme workers.

Human Rights Watch on Ethiopia’s Ogaden region
ETHIOPIA: UPR SUBMISSION SEPTEMBER 2013 [10]
http://martinplaut.wordpress.com/2014/01/31/silence-and-pain-ethiopias-human-rights-record-in-the-ogaden/

 

 

 

Related References:

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/2014/01/28/us-congress-takes-a-historic-stance-against-land-grabs-related-forced-evictions-in-ethiopia/

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/2014/01/19/the-genocidal-ethiopia-and-its-janjaweed-style-liyu-police-the-killings-of-59-oromo-men-women-and-children-the-wounding-of-42-others-the-confiscation-of-property-and-the-forcible-removal-of-pe/?relatedposts_exclude=1589

 

martinplaut

Silence and pain: human rights in the Ogaden

Martin Plaut

Introduction

The Ogaden is Ethiopia’s dark, dirty secret. It is far from prying international eyes, where almost anything can be done to anyone the government does not like.

The Ogaden was conquered and forcibly incorporated into Ethiopia by Emperor Menelik II in the last quarter of the 19th century. Its Somali speaking, almost exclusively Muslim community, never really accepted an Ethiopian identity. In 1977 it was the scene of an international conflict, as Somali President Siad Barre attempted to wrest the region from Ethiopia. The Soviet Union poured arms and Cuban troops into Ethiopia and the invasion was halted. The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) has been fighting the Ethiopian government since 1995, and local people have been caught up in the conflict.

Oagen 1The Ethiopian authorities have sealed off the region to international journalists.

As Human Rights Watch wrote as…

View original post 3,314 more words

The Marks of Aannolee, Azulee, And Chalanqoo/Calanqoo Cannot Be Erased from the Memory of Oromo Generations January 24, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Aannolee and Calanqo, Africa, Aid to Africa, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Development, Dictatorship, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Environment, Ethnic Cleansing, ICC, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Land Grabs in Africa, Nubia, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromummaa, Self determination, Slavery, Tyranny, Uncategorized.
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The marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo/Calanqoo cannot be erased from the memory of Oromo generations The marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo/Calanqoo cannot be erased from the memory of Oromo generations.
By Leenjiso Horo

The marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo Cannot be erased from the memory of successive Oromo generations and from the history of the Oromo people. These marks are incorporated into our collective memory. For this, centuries may pass, generations may come and go but the crimes of Abyssinia-the mutilation of breasts of women and girls and of the right hands of men and boys at Aannolee and the mass massacres at Azulee and Chalanqoo will not be erased, will never be diminished, and never be forgotten.
Menelik II’s mutilation of breasts of women and girls and of hands of men and boys is the first one in warfare throughout written history-from antiquity to modern times, unless proven to the contray. Those who support Menelik’s genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Calanqoo as a “holy war” or as a war of “reunification of Ethiopia” should hold full entitlement to it.
During the campaign of colonization of the south in the late nineteenth-century king Menelik II of Abyssinia exterminated the Oromo population by 50%, Kaficho by 75%, Gimira by 80% and Madii by over 90% (Radio Simbirtu interview with Prof. Mekuria Bulcha, 19 December 2013, part 2). These are genocides of highest proportion. The basic argument of the Abyssinian genocide denials has, however, remained the same as always—it never happened, the term “genocide” does not apply-it is a “reunification of Ethiopia.” Recently, the tactics of denial of genocide has been shifted from “reunification of Ethiopia” to “holy war.”
Abyssinians always avoid public discourse of the genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo believing that sooner or later in the course of time that generation would pass from the scene and their children would become acculturated and assimilated in the Abyssinian way of life and Abyssinian political thought and then the issue of genocide dies out and will be forgotten. However, what the Abyssinians forgot or failed to understand is that the genocide at Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo shapes not only the outlook of the immediate victims of the generation of the time but also of subsequent generations of the future. It is very important for the descendents of the perpetrators- the deniers of Oromo genocide to engage introspection to face and learn from their own history. It is time for the Nafxanyaas-the deniers of genocide to ask themselves question as to how that gross mass genocide could have occurred, instead of denying it and trying to maintain a false righteous self-image.
The Abyssinians are unable or unwilling to deal with the truth. They have always refused to recognize the crimes committed against the peoples of the south, Oromo included as genocide. Instead they elevated it to the level of a “holy war/qidus xorrinnat”; then took pride in it; identified with it, enthusiastically embraced it, glorified and glamorized it. This campaign is in support of their political and religious elites, scholars, governments, institutions, and individuals those who have been preaching genocide committed against Oromo and the south as a “reunification of Ethiopia.”
The Oromo Genocide and Tigrayans’ attempt to deny it
Today, the Tigrayan regime is behind the discussion of the past genocide to divert attention from itself, while it is committing genocide itself more dangerous than that of the past ones. It has undertaken open and total war campaign against the Oromo people. It is vitally important, therefore, that we should focus our attention on current genocide the Tigrayan regime is committing, while at the same time reminding ourselves the genocide that the Amhara regime of Menelik II committed a century ago. The Amharas have been denying the genocide against the Oromo and other southern peoples that their regime of Menelik II committed and now the Tigrayans are also denying the genocide that their regime is committing.
The Amharas are simply dancing and singing to the ghost of Menelik II but they do not possess the means and capabilities to commit anther genocide. Today, it is the Tigrayan regime led by TPLF that is committing genocidal mass murder against the Oromo people; it is this regime that possesses the means and capabilities to commit genocide. Its means are the army, paramilitary unit, the police force, special police or Liyyuu police, secret state agents, Death Squads, the bureaucratic and judicial system. All of these are already fully utilized for this purpose.
The sudden descend of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) upon Oromiyaa in 1991, set in a rapid motion a process to eliminate any opposition to its rule that culminate in the arrests, tortures and killings. Then since 1992, it has been carrying out a systematic, methodical, pre-planned, and centrally-organized genocidal mass murder against the Oromo people. Meles Zenawi was the notorious architect and organizer of policy of the Oromo genocide with his culprits and other thousands of perpetrators of genocide who are still implementing his policy after his death. His brutality against Oromo people has surpassed that of all his predecessors combined. His regime has erected concentration camps across Oromiyaa, camps such as Hursoo, Bilaattee, Dhidheessaa, Zuwaay, and Qalittii are the well known ones. But numerous other clandestine prison cells where the victims are eliminated have been established across the empire. The regime has openly undertaken a major Oromiyaa-wide persecution of Oromo. Hence Ordinary people, for the first time, being rounded up and sent to these clandestine centers for interrogation through torture. In the torture, few survived and many perished.
The pattern of destruction has been repeated over and over in different parts of Oromiyaa. Many of these repetitive destructions are far from the major cities; such repetition are a centrally design one. Further, reward structure set in place. That reward is geared towards those who implement the policy. The regional governors and officials who refuses to carry out orders to annihilate the Oromo are summarily replaced as disloyal and OLF agent. Community leaders are arrested and persecuted. Many of women, children, and elderly run into forests and deserts to escape slaughter. Today, the Oromo people are in violent historical moment. They are the target of Tigrayan regime for physical extermination and forcible removal from their lands. Hundreds of thousands have been killed; millions have been forced out from their lands and their lands haven been sold or leased to local and multination land-grabbers.
The Tigrayan regime has fully undertaken the implementation of the policy of Oromo extermination since 1992. The Amhara genocidal denialists are fully subscribed to this policy. In the Tigrayan regime’s jails millions of Oromo perished as the result of starvation, disease, the harsh environment, and physical extermination.
We are the nation of heroes, heroines and victims. We were the victims of genocide yesterday and we are the victims of genocide today. Yesterday, we were victims of genocide under Amhara successive regimes and today, we are victims of genocide under the Tigrayan regime. Indeed, we are a wounded and bled nation in our country by another nation- the Abyssinian nation.
We oftentimes say, never again to genocide in Oromiyaa. We say, the seeds of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo must not be allowed to sprout again in Oromiyaa. And yet it has already sprout; violence is again around us; violence of genocide is still consuming our people. Menelik’s genocide at Aannolee, Azulee and Chalanqoo is reconstructed and renewed by Meles Zenawi and implemented Oromiyaa wide. Hence, the past genocide has now become the present new genocide. Hence, the dead Oromo are still dead; more are still dying; expropriated Oromoland is still expropriated; The pillaging of Oromiyaa is at its height and the colonized Oromiyaa is still colonized.
The way forward
The way forward is Oromo nationalists’ unity and the fight against occupation. For this, it is important to rebuild the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) as superior mighty force both in quantity and quality to protect the population and secure liberation. This enables the nation to drive out the Tigrayan regime and establish independent Democratic Republic of Oromiyaa. Again, it is vitally important to remove Menelik’s statue from Oromiyaa; establish National Genocide Memorial Day for the victims of Aannolee, Azulee and Chalanqoo. This Oromo Genocide Memorial Day should be established and observed annually while we are still fighting for independence. The date and the month must be different from Oromo Martyrs Day/Guyyaa Gootoota Oromoo.
No one escapes from the history of one’s people. For this, we should and must not allow the past to rest and to be forgotten. Every generation must teach the succeeding generation about the past history, their heroes and heroines. The past, the present as well as the future belong to the succeeding generations. Each new generation hold the entitlement of the past and the present. For this, the establishment of the Oromo Genocide Memorial Day is the order of the day that the marks of Aannolee, Azulee, and Chalanqoo Cannot be erased from the memory of successive Oromo generations.
Oromiyaa Shall Be Free!

Read further from its original post @:http://oromiafreevoice.blogspot.co.uk/2014/01/the-marks-of-aannolee-azulee-and.html?spref=fb

Further references
Ethiopia: land of slavery & brutality – League of Nations, Geneva 1935

http://www.ethiopianewsforum.com/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=60396

The genocidal Ethiopia and Its Janjaweed Style Liyu Police: The Killings of 59 Oromo Men, Women and Children, The Wounding of 42 Others, the Confiscation of Property and the Forcible Removal of People from Their Ancestral Land in Eastern Oromia January 19, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Dictatorship, Domestic Workers, Environment, Ethnic Cleansing, Food Production, Human Rights, Human Traffickings, ICC, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure. African Heritage. The Genocide Against Oromo Nation, Land Grabs in Africa, Nelson Mandela, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Oromummaa, Self determination, Slavery, South Sudan, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Tyranny, Uncategorized, Warlords.
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Oromo Studies Association’s (OSA’s) Letter to U.S. Secretary of State on the Killings of 59 and Wounding of 42 Oromos in Eastern Oromia by Ethiopian-Trained “Liyu Police”:

January 17, 2014

The Honorable John F. Kerry
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street N.W.
Washington, DC20520

Subject: The killings of 59 Oromo men, women and children, the wounding of 42 others, the confiscation of property and the forcible removal of people from their ancestral land in eastern Ethiopia

Dear Mr. Secretary,

I am writing this letter on behalf of the Oromo Studies Association, an independent scholarly, multi-disciplinary, non-profit organization based in North American. My purpose is to bring to your attention and to protest on behalf of the members of OSA a crime committed against the Oromo in Eastern Ethiopia, that is, the killings of 59 Oromo men, women and children, the wounding of 42 others and the confiscation/destruction of property with an estimated value of Eth$14,726,000 in the eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia. These acts of extreme and unprovoked violence, killings, violent wounding, burning of houses and confiscation of cattle and other property of the Oromo citizens in eastern Oromia zone, were committed by Ethiopian government-trained special Somali militia forces known as “Liyu Police” (translation: Special Police Force). The Ethiopian regime arms Somali in that region while disarming Oromo farmers. These actions of deliberately arming one people while equally deliberately disarming the other and, thus, by creating conflict between formerly closely related people – groups who have lived peacefully as neighbors for centuries – goes beyond abdicating governmental responsibility. It is a heinous crime that this government commits against peoples within its jurisdictional borders. The world regards these victims as citizens of Ethiopia, but they are being seriously mistreated with no proper defense available.

In the past several months, there has been a new wave of killing of Oromo nationals in particular who reside in the eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia. Targeted Oromo victims suffer also the confiscation of their property and removal by the thousand of residents from their ancestral lands. This is a miserable new policy which constitutes nothing less than a strategy for creating a blood feud between the two culturally related people, namely, the Oromo and Somali in eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia. In the sacred land of their birth, Oromo children, women and unarmed men are killed systematically by Ethiopian government Special Police forces. Once the slaughter is completed, these government-equipped forces then callously deny their victims even decent burial, which, in itself, is a crime against humanity.

The Ethiopian government is responsible for inflicting a great deal of harm and damage on defenseless Oromo peasants through this practice of arming Somali against disarmed Oromo farmers by building special police force comprised of Somalis. This appears to be a continuation of the callously inhuman policy of the Ethiopian regime that led to the removal of Oromo peasants from seven major ancestral regions covering extensive territories in the eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia. Most OSA members are Oromo Americans, who closely follow events in the region and whose findings are confirmed by the reports of pain and suffering of their families – mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers, relatives and friends – who were killed, wounded and displaced, and whose livelihood was destroyed by Ethiopian government Special Police forces made up of Somali armed by the regime.

The Oromo Studies Association, OSA, was established 26 years ago by international scholars from around the globe to promote studies related and relevant to the Oromo and other peoples in the Horn of Africa. In its attempt to create academic forums where ideas and research findings about the Oromo and other people of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa are freely discussed, OSA has established a peer-reviewed Journal of Oromo Studies, other periodic publications, as well as organizing regular mid-year and annual conferences. OSA has been involved in building a knowledge base for creating a democratic future for the peoples of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. In our scholarly organization Somali and Oromo scholars work together. The Journal of Oromo Studies publishes research papers on Somali studies. Our goal is to strengthen historical relations between the two related peoples.

You may be surprised to learn that Oromia, the Oromo regional state in Ethiopia, is the largest, the richest and the most densely populated regional state in Ethiopia. Because the Oromo constitute the single largest national group in Ethiopia – and in the entire region – they are regarded as the greatest threat to the ruling minority group, dominated by members historically affiliated with the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF). The current government is dominated by Tigrayans persons whose ethnicity represents less than seven percent of the population of Ethiopia. Current Ethiopian government policies, which target populations on the basis of ethnicity, are best understood in light of a history of ethnic politics and ethnic discrimination. Arming Somalis to destroy Oromo in order to confiscate their lands and other resources continues ethnic politics in its most brutal form.

Oromo do not have powerful friends in the western world who bring the injustices that they suffer to the attention of international community. The Oromo Studies Association requests that you respond to our voice as a voice of conscience uttered to the international community. We urge that you immediately put pressure on the Ethiopian regime to desist from driving Oromo out their ancestral land in eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia. We request that the State Department under your able leadership look into this critical matter take effective action while there is time to reverse a criminal policy and save the lives and livelihood of vulnerable populations in Eastern Ethiopia.

In the light of the issue raised which is only the most recent of an ongoing series of violent attacks on Oromo farmers in eastern Oromia zone during 2013, the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) urgently requests that the State Department utilize its good offices to seek justice by putting pressure on the Ethiopian government to:

• Stop immediately the Liyu Police attacks on Oromo farmers in the eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia.

• Return, without delay, those who were forcibly driven from their ancestral lands in eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia.

• Bring to speedy trial those who ordered the Liyu Police force to attack, killing 59 defenseless Oromo children, men and women and wounding 42 others while confiscating or destroying property estimated at Eth$14,726,000.

• Pay compensation for the lives lost and the property confiscated from those defenseless Oromo farmers in eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia.

• Urge the Ethiopian government officials to stop the forcible removal of thousands of Oromo farmers from their ancestral lands in eastern Oromia zone of Ethiopia and make sure that such measures will never be repeated in Oromia or other parts of Ethiopia.

• Advise the leaders of the Ethiopian government to abandon the cruel and crude policy of disarming Oromo while unleashing the special police force on defenseless children, men and women.

• Strongly urge the leaders of the Ethiopian government to respect and implement the provisions in their own Constitution, which officially guarantees respect for human rights and democratic governance.

The Oromo Studies Association requests that the State Department, under your leadership, set an example by taking the above measures in a timely fashion.

You have an extraordinary opportunity to make a difference in the lives of millions of Oromo and other people in Ethiopia. Our scholarly association appreciates your good efforts in this regard.

Sincerely,

Ibrahim Elemo, President
Oromo Studies Association
P.O.Box: 6541
Minneapolis, MN 55406-0541
E-mail: ielemo@weisshospital.com

CC:
Ambassador Girma Birru
Embassy of FDRE, Washington, D.C
3506 International Drive, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20008

Mr. Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General
Office of the Secretary General of United Nations
885 Second Avenue
New York, NY 10017, USA

Mr. David Cameron, Prime Minister of UK
10 Downing Street, London, UK

The Hon. Tony Abbott, MP
Prime Minister
Parliament House
CANBERRA ACT 2600

http://gadaa.com/oduu/23953/2014/01/19/oromo-studies-associations-osas-letter-to-u-s-secretary-of-state-on-the-killings-of-59-and-wounding-of-42-oromos-in-eastern-oromia-by-ethiopian-trained-liyu-police/#.Uts92fi_TfU.facebook

Liyu Police is Ethiopia’s (TPLF’s) style of  Janjaweed to conduct genocide against the Oromo people.

http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1003597/Janjaweed

Copyright © Oromianeconomist 2014 and Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014. All rights reserved. Disclaimer

Economy: South Africa At Top Of wealth List For Africa, Ethiopia At Very Bottom January 8, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Aid to Africa, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Development, Dictatorship, Domestic Workers, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Oromummaa, Self determination, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, Tyranny, Uncategorized, Warlords.
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Ethiopian is among the poorest  in Africa, while South Africa tops the continent’s list of wealth per capita, a new survey released on Tuesday showed.

South Africa’s wealth per person last year was $11,310, according to research by consultancy New World Wealth, which has offices in the UK and South Africa. South Africa’s wealth per person grew 169% from $4,200 in 2000. Ethiopia’s wealth per capita last year stood at $260.

This was  very far lower than that of Zimbabwe ($570), Tanzania ($450), Mozambique ($430) and Uganda ($360).
Wealth per capita is a measure of the net assets held by individuals including real estate, shares, business interests and intangibles, while excluding primary residences, according to the research released on Tuesday.

Libya ($11,040 wealth per capita), Tunisia ($8,400), Algeria ($6,250), Morocco ($5,780) and Egypt ($4,350) rank high on the list. Namibia, with per capita wealth of $10,500, and Botswana at $6,580 were among the top-ranked countries in Africa last year. This was, however, well below the global average of $27,600 and a fraction of that of the top-ranked countries such as Switzerland and Australia with wealth per capita of more than $250,000. When it comes to fastest-growing countries by economic growth per capita from 2000 to 2012, Angola tops the continental list, followed by Ghana and Zambia.

http://www.bdlive.co.za/economy/2014/01/08/sa-at-top-of-wealth-list-for-africa-zimbabwe-near-bottom

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/2013/10/29/ethiopiathe-precarious-balance-of-economic-productutivity-and-corrupt-governance-ethiopia-amongst-worlds-least-competitive-countries/

http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2014/01/daily-chart-3?fsrc=scn/fb/wl/dc/vi/topgrowers2014

http://issuu.com/world.bank.publications/docs/9780821396162

Copyright © Oromianeconomist 2014 and Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014. All rights reserved. Disclaimer.

The People Of South Sudan Deserve Better: Warlords Unfit To Mediate In South Sudan January 7, 2014

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Aid to Africa, Colonizing Structure, Corruption, Development, Dictatorship, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, ICC, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure. Africa Heritage. The Genocide Against Oromo Nation, Land Grabs in Africa, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, South Sudan, Uncategorized, Warlords.
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‘Ethiopia, like Uganda and the CAR, has a government that came to power through the use of military force. For over twenty years Ethiopia’s ruling party has used the army to suppress the political opposition while periodically rigging elections to remain in power.President Museveni and the IGAD leaders are not only supporting President Kiir, they are supporting themselves. The undemocratic way in which President Kiir runs the state and the SPLM is no different from how President Omar al Bashir runs Sudan, President Museveni rules Uganda, President Kabila stumbles along in the DRC and Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn controls Ethiopia. They are not the right people to act as mediators.’ -Alex Obote-Odora, Consultant in International Criminal Law and Policy, Stockholm.
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The world’s newest nation, lies in a dangerous neighbourhood. It is surrounded by countries with leaders who are warlords, dictators and/or indicted for war crimes by the ICC.

These leaders have regrouped under the regional body IGAD. They blindly support President Kiir without first examining the root causes of the conflict and determining which party is at fault.

South Sudan needs honest brokers from amongst past and present leaders with high moral standing who respect human values—not the current tainted IGAD leaders.

The international community must not allow leaders investigated by the ICC for violations of serious international crimes to pretend to act like peace brokers. The people of South Sudan deserve better.

South Sudan, the world’s newest nation, lies in a dangerous neighbourhood. The ‘old’ Sudan, its most important and strategic neighbour, is headed by General Omar al-Bashir, an indicted war criminal at the International Criminal Court (ICC). He is busy pursuing his brand of peace with President Salva Kiir Mayardit.

South Sudan is one of the few countries he can visit without fear of arrest and transfer to the ICC. The Darfur conflict remains unresolved as women and children continue to be killed by his army and proxy militias.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is another unstable neighbour. The state is kept afloat by the United Nations peace-keeping force.

President Kabila faces a plethora of armed opposition groups; he used the ICC to get rid of his political opponents while protecting his soldiers and political allies from investigations and prosecutions. Since 1996, over five millions Congolese are believed killed by his army and by proxy militias of the governments of neighbouring Uganda and Rwanda.

The ICC is currently investigating situations in the DRC. Only a few weeks ago, one of the armed militias attempted, without success, to seize power by force in Kinshasa. In the process, many civilians were killed.

President Museveni, who seized political power in Uganda in 1986, has supervised the slaughter of more than 500,000 civilians in the various wars he has fought from Luwero, through eastern to northern Uganda. Outside Uganda, commanding the Uganda Peoples Defence Force (UPDF), President Museveni is responsible for many more civilians murders carried out by his soldiers and proxy militias in the DRC, South Sudan and the CAR.

Like General Kabila of DRC, General Museveni has also used the ICC to solve some of his political problems while fiercely defending members of the UPDF from investigation and prosecution by the ICC.

South Sudan’s other neighbour, the Central African Republic (CAR), is currently being ‘ruled’ by a war lord who cannot provide security even in the country’s capital, Bangui. The French and AU soldiers are responsible for keeping him in power.

Ethiopia, like Uganda and the CAR, has a government that came to power through the use of military force. For over twenty years Ethiopia’s ruling party has used the army to suppress the political opposition while periodically rigging elections to remain in power.

Like South Sudan, the so-called ‘liberation armies’ in Uganda, DRC and Ethiopia have transformed into ruling political parties without discarding their undemocratic and dictatorial tendencies.

The Kenyan situation is different from the traditional military regimes, but their leaders are currently facing charges of crimes against humanity at the ICC for the mass murders that took place after the 2007 presidential elections.

These leaders have regrouped under the Inter-Government Authority on Development (IGAD), a regional body in Eastern Africa. On 27 December 2013, at a meeting in Nairobi, primarily because of their track record, the IGAD leaders squandered an opportunity to demonstrate neutrality when they blindly supported President Kiir against Dr Riech Machar without first examining the root causes of the conflict and determining which party is at fault.

By issuing threats and taking sides with the principal antagonists, the IGAD leaders demonstrated their common dictatorial credentials and democratic deficit.

There is still a way out of the South Sudan political crisis which unfortunately is being addressed by military means. For a credible and lasting peace in South Sudan, individuals with high moral standing who respect human values from amongst past and present leaders need to be considered for appointment as mediators by the AU or the UN. South Sudan needs honest brokers and not the current tainted IGAD leaders.

One of the persons who enjoys respect from the antagonists is Kenya’s former foreign minister Mr Kilonzo Musyoka. He was a key player in the negotiations leading to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CAP) that led to the creation of the Republic of South Sudan. Similarly, General Daniel Opande, another impartial participant at the negotiations leading to the CAP, is neutral and generally respected by the antagonists.

Former OAU Secretary General, Salim A Salim is another suitable candidate He has an excellent track record for tackling difficult problems during his tenure. Ghana’s former President Kuffor is yet another candidate with respectable democratic credentials.

Africa is not short of talented mediators. It is unreasonable for the AU to send war mongers to negotiate peace. What the AU and the UN can do for South Sudan is to look at stable countries with democratic credentials like Botswana, Ghana, Namibia, Senegal or Tanzania and tap mediators from any of those countries.

On the other hand, it is neither shameful nor un-African to go outside the African continent and seek the best peace mediators from any part of the world. There are many competent and credible mediators in the Nordic region with excellent track record. They can provide the much needed neutrality in the Great Lakes Region in peace-making.

Occasionally mistakes are made and it is only natural to correct past mistakes. It was, for example, an error for the UN to request President Museveni to mediate in the South Sudan conflict. Uganda is already too involved in South Sudan going back to the mysterious death of John Garang. Uganda should be kept out of the South Sudan conflict.

President Museveni is neither an honest broker nor does he have democratic credentials. He is simply one of the many war lords on the Africa continent who has used force to achieve and retain political power. Over the years, he has tried to re-brand himself as a statesman but deep down, he remains a war lord.

Both his NRM and the SPLM are ‘liberation’ armies that failed to successfully transition to multi-party politics which accepts the separation of party and state. The NRM and the SPLM have remained undemocratic, dictatorial and has continued to use force, rig elections and retain power.

What Dr Machar demands in South Sudan is similar to demands made by Dr Kizza Besigye in Uganda: seeking reform of the electoral commission, an establishment of an impartial police force and an army with a national outlook. Instead, President Museveni has consistently threatened, arrested, tortured and detained Dr Besigye and other national politicians opposed to his regime. President Kiir is following his many bad examples.

President Museveni and the IGAD leaders are not only supporting President Kiir, they are supporting themselves. The undemocratic way in which President Kiir runs the state and the SPLM is no different from how President Omar al Bashir runs Sudan, President Museveni rules Uganda, President Kabila stumbles along in the DRC and Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn controls Ethiopia. They are not the right people to act as mediators.

The international community must not allow leaders from the ‘ICC states’ that is, Uganda, Kenya, DRC, CAR, Sudan—countries that are currently being investigated by the ICC for violations of serious international crimes—to pretend to act like peaceful leaders seeking peace in that troubled country. The people of South Sudan deserve better.
Read  more at the original text @ http://naiforum.org/2014/01/warlords-unfit-to-mediate-in-south-sudan/

Copyright © OromianEconomist 2014 & Oromia Quarterly 1997-2014, all rights are reserved. Disclaimer.

Africa: The Time is not for Currency Unions December 9, 2013

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Aid to Africa, Corruption, Development, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure., Oromia, Oromo the Largest Nation of Africa. Human Rights violations and Genocide against the Oromo people in Ethiopia, Self determination, Uncategorized.
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“If a region as rich as the euro zone has struggled to cope with such pressures, the likelihood that the poorer and less well-governed places hoping to adopt the eco could is tiny.”

‘Under the proposal an initial group of six countries will adopt the eco by 2015 (see map). Five years later the members of the West African Economic and Monetary Union (known as UEMOA, its French acronym), which currently share a currency called the West African CFA franc, are to adopt the eco too, creating a currency union of over 300m people. West African politicians are pushing for further integration because they, like most economists, argue that the single currency for UEMOA has been a qualified success. UEMOA member states are more fiscally disciplined than their neighbours outside the currency zone, says Cécile Couharde of the University of Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense. The French government currently underwrites the West African CFA franc by guaranteeing to convert it to euros at a ratio of one to 0.0015. That has provided a stability rare in African currencies. Monetary unions also simplify trade: UEMOA has more intraregional trade than any other region in Africa, according to an IMF paper. But the currency union has downsides. UEMOA economies move at different speeds. According to research by Romain Houssa, at the Catholic University of Leuven in Belgium, economic changes are poorly correlated between member states. From 2007 to 2012, the IMF found, the correlation between the business cycle of Senegal, a country with strong trade links outside the zone, and the other countries in UEMOA was almost zero. Consequently, a UEMOA-wide interest rate is not ideal: as in the euro zone, some countries end up with the wrong rate. And an inflexible exchange rate makes economic adjustment difficult. From 2000 to 2012 average annual growth in output in UEMOA countries was about half that of comparable sub-Saharan economies, according to Gianluigi Giorgioni of Liverpool University. Whereas UEMOA’s currency union has drawbacks, the proposed eco zone may have fatal flaws. It would encompass even more economic diversity. Nigeria in particular stands out. Its economy is huge by its neighbours’ standards. UEMOA’s GDP is about $75 billion; Nigeria’s is about $260 billion. The GDP of the next-biggest economy in the region, Ghana, is about $40 billion. And the Nigerian economy is unusual. Unlike most other West African countries it is heavily dependent on oil, which accounts for over a third of output, according to data from the OECD, a club of mostly rich countries. IMF research shows that Nigeria’s balance of trade tends to move in the opposite direction to its neighbours’—they are largely importers of oil. During periods of high oil prices Nigeria may push for interest-rate rises. That would be disastrous for other eco-zone economies, which are likely to be gasping for lower rates. To make matters worse the eco might be vulnerable to speculative attack. France would be unlikely to guarantee it, reckons Mr Giorgioni, as the liabilities would be large and the countries involved are not former French colonies. Without such support, investors would be nervous. Any fiscal laxity would be punished. If a region as rich as the euro zone has struggled to cope with such pressures, the likelihood that the poorer and less well-governed places hoping to adopt the eco could is tiny.’

http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21591246-continent-mulls-merging-currencies-ever-closer

“In the run-up to achieving a common currency, the East African Community (EAC) nations aim to harmonise monetary and fiscal policies and establish a common central bank. Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda already present their budgets simultaneously every June. The plan by the region of about 135 million people, a new frontier for oil and gas exploration, is also meant to draw foreign investment and wean EAC countries off external aid. “The promise of economic development and prosperity hinges on our integration,” said Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta. “Businesses will find more freedom to trade and invest more widely, and foreign investors will find additional, irresistible reasons to pitch tent in our region,” said Kenyatta, leader of the biggest economy in east Africa.Kenyatta, who is due to face trial at the International Criminal Court on crimes against humanity charges in February, took over the chairmanship of the bloc from Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, hosting the summit.Kenya has launched a $13.8 billion Chinese-built railway that aims to cut transport costs, part of regional plans that also include building new ports and railways. Landlocked Uganda and Kenya have discovered oil, while Tanzania has vast natural gas reserves, which require improved infrastructure and foreign investment so they can be exploited. Tanzania, where the bloc’s secretariat is based, has complained that it has been sidelined in discussions to plan these projects, but Kenyatta said the EAC was still united. Kenneth Kitariko, chief executive officer at African Alliance Uganda, an investment advisory firm, said the monetary union would boost efficiency in the region’s economy estimated at about $85 billion in combined gross domestic product.”In a monetary union, the absence of currency risk provides a greater incentive to trade,” he said.Kitariko said, however, that achieving a successful monetary union would require convergence of the union’s economies, hinting that some challenges lay ahead.”Adjusting to a single monetary and exchange rate policy is an inescapable feature of monetary union … but this will take time and may be painful for some,” he said, referring to the fact that some countries may struggle to meet agreed benchmarks.” http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2013/11/east-african-nations-agree-monetary-union-20131130175336476127.html

Copyright © OromianEconomist 2013 & Oromia Quarterly 1997-2013, all rights are reserved. Disclaimer.

Relaunching Africa: The Call For Pro-Poor Growth November 17, 2013

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Development, Economics, Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Self determination, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Oromo Governance System, Theory of Development, Uncategorized.
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“Policies aimed at enhancing agricultural productivity and increasing food availability, especially when smallholders are targeted, can achieve hunger reduction even where poverty is widespread. When they are combined with social protection and other measures that increase the incomes of poor families, they can have an even more positive effect and spur rural development, by creating vibrant markets and employment opportunities, resulting in equitable economic growth.” F.A.O.

“Poor people feeding their babies better and sending their children to school, while also building a new chicken coop. Let governments ensure that there are teachers there to actually teach the children, and you could be on to a really promising combination. It may look less impressive than a new oil platform or a shiny airport, but it will reduce poverty just the same, if not more!”

The new Deputy Chief Economist for the World Bank in Africa in his call for evidence based debate in pursuit of African development states the following arguments and calls for pro-poor development policies:

In 1990, poverty incidence (with respect to a poverty line of $1.25) was almost exactly the same in sub-Saharan Africa and in East Asia: about 57%. Twenty years on, East Asia has shed 44 percentage points (to 13%) whereas Africa has only lost 8 points (to 49%). And this is not only about China: poverty has also fallen much faster in South Asia than in Africa. These differences in performance are partly explained by differences in growth rates during the 1990s, when emerging Asia was already on the move, and Africa was still in the doldrums. But even in the 2000s, when Africa’s GDP growth picked up to 4.6% or thereabouts, and a number of countries in the region were amongst the fastest-growing nations in the world, still poverty fell more slowly in Africa than in other regions. Why is that? Part of the answer is that Africa’s population growth rates are still very high: 2.7% per year, versus 0.7% in East Asia. So a 4.6% growth rate for GDP translates into a much more modest sounding 1.9% growth in per capita GDP – less than the developing country average in 1999-2012. But an even bigger part is that Africa just seems less efficient at transforming economic growth into poverty reduction. That conversion is measured by what economists call the “growth elasticity of poverty”, a number that tells us by how much poverty falls for each percentage point in economic growth. According to a recent (and as yet unpublished) estimate by my colleagues Luc Christiaensen, Punam Chuhan-Pole and Aly Sanoh, that elasticity was about 2.0 in the developing world as a whole (excluding China) during the 2000s, but only 0.7 in Africa. At this rate, even if countries in Africa continue to grow at the same rates as in the 2000s – a period when the external environment was particularly benign, with rising commodity prices and abundant liquidity – poverty in 2030 would be in the 26%-30% range (assuming constant inequality). Under similar assumptions for other countries, somewhere between 60% – 80% of the world’s poor would live in Africa. Why is growth in Africa apparently less pro-poor than elsewhere? And what can be done about it? At first blush, at least part of the answer (beyond rapid population growth) has to do with both levels and changes in inequality. Inequality is relatively high in Africa: seven of the world’s 10 most unequal countries in the latest data in Povcalnet are in the region – despite the fact that African inequality is almost invariably measured for consumption, rather than income, while the opposite is true in Latin America. In addition, inequality has actually been rising in a number of countries. (Although the truth is that infrequent household surveys and changing methodologies are so common that we actually know relatively little about real changes in inequality in Africa – despite the impression you may get from various sources…)This clearly reflects a growth pattern that is less inclusive than we might like. In our latest Africa’s Pulse and in our recent presentation on the State of the Africa Region to the Annual Meetings of the Bank and the Fund in Washington, we reviewed some of these data, and suggested a four-part strategy for better sharing Africa’s growth in the future:

• First, preserve macroeconomic stability. Africa’s growth success in the 2000s reflects policy improvements, but also a benign external environment. During this period, fiscal deficits and current account deficits grew in most countries (Figure 1). While that is understandable, given plentiful capital flows, the risk is that those capital flows cease – or reverse – precisely at a time when commodity prices have stopped rising and are, in many cases, falling. Countries with large fiscal and current account deficits are inevitably more vulnerable to those risks.

• Second, build more – but mostly better – human and physical capital. Of course, alongside increases in total factor productivity – this is what drives economic growth everywhere. Despite progress, the needs in Africa are enormous, in everything from health and education to transport and energy. Our emphasis here is on quality: there have been real gains in access, but children won’t learn unless the teachers show up at school and, in addition, actually teach! Similarly, the costs of power, water, transport and communications remain excessively high. That is partly due to sheer scarcity, and partly to geographic fragmentation, but not only. The way contracts are designed, the way competition is (or isn’t) promoted, and the way subsidies interact with firm incentives all need looking at as well.

• Third, promote growth in the places and sectors where the poor live and work. For most of Africa, that means in rural areas – both by finding better ways to promote higher yields in agriculture, and by strengthening the off-farm economy. Linkages to small and medium-sized towns seem to be an important ingredient. This suggests that “local investments” – in rural roads and electrification, for example – is likely to be as important as big flagship projects. Even if the political economy tends to favor the latter.

• Fourth, harness the power of growth that takes place elsewhere for investments near – or in – the poor. That is particularly pertinent for (the large and growing group of) countries with large natural resource sectors. Oil and mining are not intensive in unskilled labor and could, if left alone, develop almost as “enclave sectors”. The main policy concern with these resources is to invest as much as possible of the rents they generate into other forms of capital, to replace the natural capital being depleted. But countries should be imaginative and comprehensive in their choice of investment portfolio. The portfolio should obviously include infrastructure, health and education projects, to build physical and human capital. But it may also include foreign assets, to help with the risk of exchange-rate appreciation and “Dutch disease”.
And it should also include some cash transfers made directly to poor people. The prevailing evidence is that poor households tend to use the resources from small cash transfers rather wisely. They buy more and better food. They send their kids to school more often. And they even invest some of it in their own (very) small businesses: they buy chickens in Mexico, or goats in Tanzania.

That’s pro-poor growth for you! Poor people feeding their babies better and sending their children to school, while also building a new chicken coop. Let governments ensure that there are teachers there to actually teach the children, and you could be on to a really promising combination. It may look less impressive than a new oil platform or a shiny airport, but it will reduce poverty just the same, if not more!

For more details refer to: http://blogs.worldbank.org/africacan/sharing-africa-s-growth?cid=EXT_TWBN_D_EXT

Related Articles:

http://blogs.oxfam.org/en/blogs/13-10-23-capturing-africas-missing-billions-and-making-it-work-its-people?utm_source=oxf.am&utm_medium=UFd&utm_content=redirect

African rule of law declines despite economic gains, Ibrahim index shows

Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s annual governance appraisal calls for greater focus on justice and safety to avoid social unrest

http://ethiofreespeech.blogspot.no/2013/10/african-rule-of-law-declines-despite.html

Global hunger down, but millions still chronically hungry

‘Despite the progress made worldwide, marked differences in hunger reduction persist. Sub-Saharan Africa has made only modest progress in recent years and remains the region with the highest prevalence of undernourishment, with one in four people (24.8 per cent) estimated to be hungry. No recent progress is observed in Western Asia, while Southern Asia and Northern Africa witnessed slow progress. More substantial reductions in both the number of hungry and prevalence of undernourishment have occurred in most countries of East Asia, Southeastern Asia, and in Latin America.’

http://www.fao.org/news/story/en/item/198105/icode/?utm_source=twitter&utm_medium=social+media&utm_campaign=FAOnews&utm_content=ac#.Umg6kQ1ZURo.facebook

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/2013/08/30/poverty-deprivation-capability-and-economics/

“Terms like ‘peasant farming’ or ‘traditional farming’ evoke for many people the notion of subsistence agriculture, and peasants living in blissful harmony with nature. The truth is that many peasant farmers struggle, many are poor and ironically constitute the majority of the undernourished in the world.  Smallholder farmers need what other businesses need—access to finance, markets, infrastructure, technology, the tools and knowledge to grow their businesses, get their product to market and increase their incomes. That is their route out of poverty. It’s important to avoid black-and-white dichotomies between ‘big ag’ and ‘little ag’, industrial or traditional etc. Agricultural research, for example, can be of benefit to small farms as much as large.  Small farmers need new technologies, adapted to their farming circumstances. Smallholder farming needs support; the question remains of who’s going to provide that support. There are critical roles for government, the private sector, development agencies and consumers. Integration of smallholders into higher-value market chains calls for a proactive role by national governments in terms of food safety standards, building infrastructure, and making the policy and legal environment conducive. That includes protecting the rights of small farmers—a large proportion of whom are women who face inequality and barriers to access to land, credit, education and advice. Strong producers’ associations managed and owned by small farmers can make working with small farmers more attractive to the private sector and also help safeguard their interests. And the private sector has to come equipped not only with finance but also with respect for rural people and the local context. To achieve food security, a sustained increase in agricultural productivity is required,  with more focus on those small farmers who tend to be the most neglected: youth, women, other disadvantaged social groups and indigenous peoples.  ”

http://ifad-un.blogspot.it/2013/10/how-to-feed-world_24.html

‘The continent’s burgeoning middle class has driven much of that discourse. Stories about its growth, increasing wealth and expanding expenditure have contributed to portray an Africa on the ascent. Prospects are so promising that Mthuli Ncube, chief economist of the African Development Bank (AfDB), suggested that we recalibrate our development priorities[Aid and development strategy] will have to concentrate less on the bottom of the pyramid and move to the middle, which means it has to be supportive of private sector initiatives, which then are the way middle class people conduct their lives.This sentiment is echoed regularly by development institutions. Never mind that the middle class is a precarious and expansive category lumping together people spending $2 to $20 a day. Let’s also ignore that the so-called ‘floating class’ at the bottom end of the spectrum represent almost 40% of said middle class, people who contend with questions like affording school fees and medical treatment on a regular basis. If we cherry pick the middle, what happens to the rest? It is one thing to use the middle class to unpack singular depictions of the continent, it is another to pivot all development policies and priorities towards them. On the continent, despite improvements in national economies, technology, and certain human development indicators, almost 2 Africans out of 3 remain affected by poverty. The number of poor people has doubled since 1980s and among the world’s 10 most unequal countries, six are in Africa. In a recent survey of more than 50,000 people in 34 African countries about current economic conditions, half say they struggle to meet daily needs like food, clear water, and medicine.’ http://naiforum.org/2013/11/against-the-gospel-of-africa-rising/

Copyright © Oromianeconomist 2013 and Oromia Quarterly 1997-2013. All rights reserved. Disclaimer.

Irreecha: The Oromo National And Cultural Holiday Has Been Celebrated With Over 3 million Oromians In The Blessing Festival October 13, 2013

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Culture, Development, Humanity and Social Civilization, Irreecha, Kemetic Ancient African Culture, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromummaa, Self determination, Sirna Gadaa, The Oromo Democratic system, The Oromo Governance System, Theory of Development, Wisdom.
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Irreecha Oromo 2013 at Hora Harsadi, Bishoftuu, Oromia

Oromo culture from ancient to present, Irrechaa  time

Oromo culture from ancient to present, Irrechaa time

Irreecha Oromo 2013 at  Hora Harsadi, Bishoftu town in state of Oromia, East Africa

Irreecha Oromo 2013 at Hora Harsadi

Baga ganna nagaan baatanii booqaa birraa argitan. Good that the rainy season is over for you and that you came to see the spot of the sunny flowering season. The expression signifies the end of one season and the beginning of another season, which incidentally is the beginning of a new year according to Oromo time reckoning. This is not the only expression in Irreecha festival as the event is characterized by vast and varieties of expressions, stories and sequences of cultural displays.  Irreecha is the biggest and very beautiful public displays of ancient culture  that Africa has performed and continue to perform. Holding the green grass and yellow flower (umama), it is the celebration of the season of blessing and love Oromians experience as Thanksgivings to God (Waaqa) the creator (Uumaa).

Irreecha celebration at Malkaa Ateetee, Burayyuu, Oromia,  6th October 2013

Irreecha is one of the most colorful and beautiful Oromo national cultural events that has been celebrated through out since the last week of August and the entire September  and also in October in Oromia and globally where Oromians have been residing (Africa, Australia, Europe and North America). The main Irreecha day was celebrated at Lake Hora Harsadii, Bishoftu, Central Oromia, nearer to the capital Finfinnee on 29th September 2013. According to local news sources from Bishoftuu, over 3 million people attended this year’s Irreecha Malka celebration at Hora Harsadii. “Traditionally, the Oromo practiced Irreecha ritual as a thanksgiving celebration twice a year (in autumn and spring) to praise Waaqa (God) for peace, health, fertility and abundance they were given with regards to the people, livestock, harvest and the entire Oromo land. Irreecha is celebrated as a sign of reciprocating Waaqa in the form of providing praise for what they got in the past, and is also a forum ofprayer for the future. In such rituals, the Oromo gather in places with symbolic meanings, such as hilltops, river side and shades of big sacred trees. …These physical landscapes are chosen for their representations in the Oromo worldview, for example, green is symbolized with fertility, peace, abundance and rain. In Oromia, the core center of Irreecha celebration has been around Hora Arsadi in Bishoftu town, some 25kms to the south of Finfinne, the capital city. Annually, particularly during the Irreecha birraa (the Autumn Irreecha) in September or October, the Oromo from different parts of the country come together and celebrate the ritual. In the past few decades, Irreecha celebrations have been expanded both in content as well as geographical and demographic representations. This short commentary deals with such historical trajectories by contextualizing the changes within political discourses in Ethiopia vis-à-vis Oromo nationalism.”http://gadaa.com/oduu/21320/2013/08/24/irreecha-from-thanksgiving-ritual-to-strong-symbol-of-oromo-identity/

http://gadaa.com/Irreechaa.html

http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC-1046052?fb_action_ids=664189850266075&fb_action_types=cnn-social%3Aupload&fb_ref=og_ireport&fb_source=feed_opengraph&action_object_map=%7B%22664189850266075%22%3A227964664036552%7D&action_type_map=%7B%22664189850266075%22%3A%22cnn-social%3Aupload%22%7D&action_ref_map=%7B%22664189850266075%22%3A%22og_ireport%22%7D

Aadaa fi Duudhaa sirna Waaqeffannaa keessaa inni tokko Ayyaana irreeffannaa ykn irreechati. Sirni Duudhaa irreechaa gosa hedduutti qoodama. Kunis, Irreessa Malkaa, Irreessa Tulluu, Irreessa Galmaa / Gimbii, Irreessa Ujubaa, Irreessa Dakkii, Irreessa Jilaa fi Irreessa Eebbaa ykn Galataa fi kkf. Akkaa fi akkaataan irreeffannaas akkuma sirna isaatti addaa adda. Ammatti kan bal’inaan irraa dubbannu Irreecha yeroo ammaatti biyya keessaa fi alatti beekamee fi kabajamaa jiru, Irreecha Malkaati. Irreechi Malkaa kan kabajamu, ganni yeroon rakkinaa fi dukkanaa dabree birraan yeroo bari’u, sirni Gubaa erga raawwatee booda, ummanni gamtaan Malkaa bu’uun irreeffatee Waaqa galateeffata. Ammaaf Irreecha Malkaa isa biyya keessaa fi alatti bal’inaan beekamaa fi kabajamaa jiru irraa hanga tokko waa addeessuu yaalla. Ayyaanni irreechaa osoo hin gahiin dura waanti raawwataman hedduutu jiran. Kunis seera yayyaba shananii hordofuudhan torban shan dura eegala jechuudha. Ji’a hagayyaa torban sadaffaa keessa birraan bari’uu ykn seenuu isaa kan ibsu, sirna Muka ( korma) dhaabaa kan jedhamutu raawwata. Bakki mukti dhaabaa kun dhaabatu Mijirii jedhama. Mijiriin kun bakka Gubaan itti gubamu ykn bakka ayyaanni ibsaa gubaa raawwatudha. Mukti dhaabbatu 9 ykn 5 ta’an. Kunis hiika mataa ofii qaba. Guyyaa muka dhaabaa irraa eegalee hanga gaafa Gubaatti torban torbaniin waanti godhamu ni jira. Gaafa torban shanaffaa ykn Fulbaana ji’aa dhumaa yeroo ta’u sirna Gubaatu raawwata. Masqala jechuudha. Ayyaana masqalaa kana warri amantii Ortodoksii gara amantii isaaniitti harkisuuf haa yaalan malee gochaa fi seenaan wanti isaan deeggaru hin jiru. aadaa Oromoo fudhatan. Guyyaa gubaa kana ollaan maatii waliin walitti dhufee bakka Mijirii sanatti erga ibsaa gubee dhibaafatee, eebbifateen booda dubartoonni Qunnii (Ingiccaa) guban, dargaggoonni sirba ” Hiyyooko ykn Ya habaab yaa daree ko” jedhamu sirbaa ollaarra naannawanii kennaa fudhatan. Torban isaatti ammoo sirna Ayyaana Irreechaatu raawwata. Gubaan kan dhuunfaa fi ollaati. Irreechi ammoo ayyaana ummanni gamtaan Malkaa bu’ee, dukkana gannaa keessaa gara Booqaa Birraatti nagaan cehuu isaaf kan galateeffatu Guyyaa Galatoo ( Thanksgivings day) jechuudha. Sirni gamtaan Irreeffannaa kun osoo dhiibbaa amantii fi sirna bulchiinsa alagaatiin hin dhorkamiin dura Oromoon naannoo qubatee jiru maratti ni irreeffata ture. Keessumattuu bara mootummaa Dargii sana aadaa ” duubatti hafaa” jedhamee Galma Qaalluu gubuu fi waan Oromoon aadaadhaan raawwatu mara dhorkuun dhabamsiisuuf yaalan. Sababa kanaa fi babal’ina amantii Isilaamaa fi Protestantiin walqabatee bakka hedduutti sirni irreeffannaa fi amantiin Waaqeffannaa ni dhorkame. Dhiibbaa kana irraa damdamtee kan hafe keessaa tokko Ayyaana Irreechaa Hora Arsadii Magaalaa Bishooftuutti kabajamudha. Ayyaanni Irreecha Hora Arsadee qindoominaa fi hirmaannaa ummata bal’aan kabajamuu kan eegale bara 1997 irraa kaaseetu. Isa dura ummatuma naannoo sanaa fi keessattuu warra aadaa Waaqeffannaa hordofaniin ture. Bara 1997 keessa koreen tokko maqaa Guddinaa fi Dagaagina Aadaa Oromoo jedhuun WMT jalatti ijaaramtee Ayyaana Irreecha Bishooftuu kana ummata beeksisuu, barsiisuu fi qindoominaan guyyaa ayyaana kanaa bakka sanatti argamuun qalbii namaa harkisuu jalqabde. Ergasii waggaa waggaan achitti argamuun barumsaa fi dammaqiinsa kennameen sadarkaa har’a ummanni kumaa fi kitilaan kan herreegamu irratti argamee kabaju irraan gahe. Kana malees Oromiyaa gara dhihaatti bakka hedduutti akka kabajamuu fi babal’atuuf karaa saaqe. Baroota hedduu dura jalqabee ammoo biyya alatti walduraa duubaan, USA, Germany, Norway, Canada, Australia, Keenya, Uganda fi Ertriatti kabajamuu jalqabe. Guddinni fi babal’inni kabajaa Ayyaana Irreechaa kun qaama duula Oromoon Aadaa, Eenyumaa fi Oromummaa isaa guddisuuf gochaa jiru keessaa isa tokkoo fi guddicha ta’uu mal’isa. Fuula durallee daran akka guddatuu fi babal’atu Waaqa wajjin abdii qabna.Kabajaa ayyaana irreechaa biyya keessaa fi alatti raawwate ilaalchisee kanaan dura marsaa adda addaatti bahaa turuun ni yaadatama. Dabalataan yaadachiisuu fi bal’inaan kan hin gabaafamiin dabalatee akka armaan gadiitti kan biyyaa keessaa fi biyya alaa bakka adda addaatti kabajamaa ture laalla.”http://waaqeffannaa.org/irreecha/

Photo: Kabaja ayyaana irreecha ..bishooftuu oromiyaa irratti gaggeefame Photo: Shamarraan dursanii gara malkaatti nu yaasani.   Photo

Photo

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http://oromoassociationvic.org/2013/10/03/oromians-seek-blessings-and-love-at-annual-oromo-festival/

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Irreecha Oromo 2013 Celebration, in Sydney, Australia

Irreecha Oromo, event in London,  12 October 2013

Gubaa fi Irreecha @Galma Calalaqii, Miidaaqenyii

Related references:

https://oromianeconomist.wordpress.com/?s=twisted&searchbutton=go%21

Oromo: The Kushitic People of Africa

http://kwekudee-tripdownmemorylane.blogspot.co.uk/2013/07/oromo-people-powerful-kushitic-africans.html

ErechaThe story of Erecha – the celebration of the first harvest of the Ethiopian Spring in September – is a story better told by who else but the late Poet Laureate himself, Blattten Geta Tsegaye G/Medhin.

“….12,000 years ago, ASRA the God of sun and sky of KUSH PHARAOH begotten SETE, the older son ORA the younger of the first and daughter named as ASIS (ATETORADBAR). The older SETE killed his younger brother ORA, and ASIS (ATET OR ADBAR) planted a tree (ODA) for the memorial of her deceased brother ORA at the bank of Nile, Egypt where the murder had taken place, and requested her father who was the god of Sun to make peace among the families of SETE and ORA. Them rain was come and the tree (ODA) got grown. It symbolizes that taken place. Later, at the Stone Age, the tree that had been planted for the memorial of the killed, ORA was substituted by statue of stone that was erected 8000 years ago.

This festival has been celebrated in September of every year and when Nile is flow full in NUBLA and BLACK EGYPT. In Ethiopia during the AXUMITE and PRE-AXUMITE period a great festival has been held around the sun’s statue that planted by ASIS (ATET OR ADBAR) the sister of ORA for the memorial of the later, ORA the son of god of sun, who waked up from death (ORA OMO or OR OMO) for the purpost of celebrating the peace made between the two brothers, the great herald, in thanking the good of sun and the sky with CHIBO.

Then EYO KA ABEBAYE (the traditional and popular song performed at DEMERA events and new year in Ethiopia) has been started being performed since then. “KA” is the first name of God. The name of God that our KUSH Fathers have inherited to us before the old period, Christianity, and Islam is “KA”. Since then, therefore, especially the OROMO, GURAGIE and the SOUTHERN people of Ethiopia have been calling God as “WAKA or WAQA”. “or WAQA”. WAKA” or WAQA” God When we song EYOKA or EYOHA in New Year, we are praising “KA” of God.

“GEDA” or KA ADA” is the law or rule of God. “GEDA” (KA ADA) is the festival by which the laws and orders of God are executed Japan, China, and India are now reached to the current civilization through making the basic traditions and cultures they received from their forefathers (HINDU, SHINTO and MAHIBERATA) be kept and receiving Islam, Christianity, and others especially Democracy and free believes. They are not here through undermining the culture and tradition of their forefathers.

Culture is the collection of many CHIBOs or DEMERA. “ERCHA” or “ERESA” one of the part and parcel of GEDA (KA ADA) system is the comer stone and turning point to the new year for which ASIS (ATET OR ADBAR) has put up the dead body of her brother, ORA who was killed by his older brother like ABEL from the place he died at the river bank of NILE on and planted statue“.

The Oromo people of beautiful Ethiopia believe in one God since time memorial. Their religion is called “WAKEFENA” which means believing in one God that is the creator of the whole universe. ERECHA means a celebration where people get together and perform their prayers and thanking God.

WAKEFENA, the faith being in the GEDA SYSTEM is a religions ceremony that is free from any thing. The fathers of Oromo religion and the people, keeping fresh grass and flowers, perform their prayers and thank their God going to mountains, the sea or a river bank.

They move to the top of mountains or bank of seas or rivers not to worship the mountains or rivers and seas; rather to distract themselves from any noise and to worship their God (WAQA) with concentration. And they go to sea and rivers because they believe that green is holy and peaceful where the spirit of God is found.

In the Oromo culture, the rainy season is considered as the symbol of darkness. At the beginning of September, the darkness is gone, rivers run shallower and cleaner, and the mud is gone. As sunshine rules the land, the OROMO people of Ethiopia go out to celebrate this great natural cycle with the spirit of worshiping God (WAQA).

http://www.ethiopians.com/photoessay/Photo_Essay_Eretcha_06.htm

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Interview with Prof. Mekuria Bulcha, TVORO September 4, 2013

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Interview with Mekuria Bulcha, author and university professor

 

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Gadaa Oromo Democracy: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society September 27, 2012

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ancient African Direct Democracy, Culture, Finfinnee, Gadaa System, Humanity and Social Civilization, Irreecha, Kemetic Ancient African Culture, Oromo, Oromo Culture, Oromo First, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Social System, Oromummaa, Self determination, Sirna Gadaa, State of Oromia, The Oromo Democratic system, The Oromo Governance System, Uncategorized.
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These closely related books reveal the many creative solutions an African society found for problems that people encounter when they try to establish a democratic system of governing their affairs. In much of what has been written about Africa, the common image is that of people governed by primitive customs and practices, in which only feudal roles of elders, kings, chiefs, sultans, and emirs have been acknowledged by Western observers. Little is ever shown of indigenous African democratic systems, under which there is distribution of authority and responsibility across various strata of society, and where warriors are subordinated to deliberative assemblies, customary laws are revised periodically by a national convention, and elected leaders are limited to a single eight-year terms of office and subjected to public review in the middle of their term. All these ideals and more are enshrined in the five-century old constitution of the Oromo of Ethiopia, which is the subject matter of these books.

In these books, Legesse brings into sharp focus the polycephalous or “multi-headed” system of government of the Oromo, which is based on clearly defined division of labor and checks and balances between different institutions. Revealing the inherent dynamism and sophistication of this indigenous African political system, Legasse also shows in clear and lucid language that the system has had a long and distinguished history, during which the institutions changed by deliberate legislation, and evolved and adapted with time.’ Amazon Books &

 — At Finfinnee, Oromian Young Generations Literally Collections.
http://gadaa.com/OromoStudies/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/HistoricalSignificancesOfOdaaWithSpecialReferenceToWalaabuu2013

Review of ‘Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System.’ By Asmarom Legesse

Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System. By Asmarom Legesse.  Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2006, 296p, 10 figures, 8 pictures. $ 29.95 paperback. ISBN 1-56902-139-2. 
Introduction

http://oromopress.blogspot.co.uk/2011/12/review-of-oromo-democracy-indigenous.html?m=1

http://www.readperiodicals.com/201203/2672718591.html

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CONTOURS OF THE EMERGENT & ANCIENT OROMO NATION September 25, 2012

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This book is an important contribution to the study of identity politics, a subject hotly contested by many Africanists. Bulcha’s discussion the state-centered bias in the much of academic work on Ethiopia and its denial of the history and pre-colonial autonomy of indigenous non-Abyssinian peoples aught to lead to some serious debate. (Kajsa Ekholm Friedman, Professor Emeritus, Lund University, Sweden).

This work by Mekuria Bulcha is the most comprehensive and innovative work on the Oromo of Ethiopia ever to be written. Identity politics, he argues can be a positive challenge to the development of the state. As it has been the case of Southern Sudan states can also evolve, disappear and change. This work outlines the history, the traditions and politics of the Oromo people summarized and critically assessing all scholarly work done previously. It will remain a seminal work for scholars of Africa and the Oromo for many years to come. It is master peace and sets new challenge for all of us researching on the Oromo nation and people. (Mario I. Aguilar, Professor, Chair of Religion and Politics & Director of the Center for the Study of Religion and Politics (CSRP), University of St. Andrew, Scotland, UK).

Based on empirical evidence and relevant theories of nationalism Bulcha convincingly argues that the pre-colonial Oromo were a pre-modern nation. He revisits the representation of the Oromo identity in Ethiopian history and proposes the innovative and stimulating thesis that the 16th century Oromo ‘invasion’ of the Ethiopian highlands was the result of a conscious effort to regain control of a territory that was lost and contended since the 14th century Abyssinian expansion into the region. Mekuria Bulcha’s presentation of new evidence of the Oromo resistance to the 19th century conquest, his description of the international appeals by the Oromo elite in the colonial phase, his analysis of the activities of the Oromo social movements for the cultural and linguistic rights in the 1960s, and his account of the history of rebellion and armed struggle from the 60s, up to the current ethnic federalism are likely to make this book a classic reference for the studies on ethno-nationalism. (Marco Bassi, Ph.D. Research Associate, African Centre, University of Oxford, UK).

In his important and interesting discussions on the Gadaa System Mekurian Bulcha argues that:
The Oromo People created Gadaa, and Gadaa created the Oromo nation (Legesse, 2000 as quoted in Bulcha 2012)

The Gadaa system is the matrix of the Oromo culture and society: in the past it stood for several related ideas and practices encompassing cultural, political, economic and religious elements. Many of the basic elements of traditional Oromo culture that are anchored in the Gadaa system have withstood the exigencies of time and still today influence the values, attitudes, and social practices of Oromo people irrespective of, region, religion and social class. Oromo worldview and way of life was shaped by Gadaa system (Bulcha,, 2012 & Legesse, 2006).

The unity of the Oromos that is crystallized in the Gadaa culture is not a nostalgic memory of a glorious past or illusory of vision of the future paradise. Gadaa is a reality embedded in the Oromo psyche that constitutes what is to be Oromo as an individual and as a nation. Gadaa underpins the cohesive or corporate Oromo history that scholars who have not studied the Oromo fail to recognize (Gebissa, 2008).

The most important organ of the Gadaa system is the federal assembly known as Gumii Gayoo in Borana and Caffee in other places. These assemblies were very large and attended by councillors called hayyuu, drawn from different sections of the society. These assemblies made laws which defined the essence of Oromo democracy. In short, the specificity and similarity of the myriads of norms, rituals and political practices around which it was organized throughout the Oromo country make Gadaa a unique pan- Oromo institution of great historical depth (Bulcha, 2012, Legesse, 2000).

http://www.casas.co.za/Publications.aspx?PID=316

Copyright © Oromianeconomist 2012 and Oromia Quarterly 1997-2012. All rights reserved. Disclaimer.

Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers May 3, 2012

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Front Cover

ISBN-10: 1847010334 | ISBN-13: 978-1847010339

‘Provides the gist of one scholar’s knowledge of this country acquired over several decades. The author of numerous works on Ethiopia, Markakis presents here an overarching, concise historical profile of a momentous effort to integrate a multicultural empire into a modern nation state. The concept of nation state formation provides the analytical framework within which this process unfolds and the changes of direction it takes under different regimes, as well as a standard for assessing its progress and shortcomings at each stage. Over a century old, the process is still far from completion and its ultimate success is far from certain. In the author’s view, there are two major obstacles that need to be overcome, two frontiers that need to be crossed to reach the desired goal. The first is the monopoly of power inherited from the empire builders and zealously guarded ever since by a ruling class of Abyssinian origin. The descendants of the people subjugated by the empire builders remain excluded from power, a handicap that breeds political instability and violent conflict. The second frontier is the arid lowlands on the margins of the state, where the process of integration has not yet reached, and where resistance to it is greatest. Until this frontier is crossed, the Ethiopian state will not have the secure borders that a mature nation state requires.’ Amazon Books &
 — At Finfinnee, Oromian Young Generations Literally Collections.
http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/oromia/prof-john-markakis-challenges-ethiopian-ruling-elites/
http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=yckMyLVh3oYC&pg=PA1&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=3#v=onepage&q&f=false
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Methodological Individualism as a development Model and its Critics June 27, 2011

Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Temesgen M. Erena.
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JEL: A11, A23, B13

Methodological Individualism as  a development Model and its Critics

Temesgen M. Erena (DPhil), Economist

The orthodox (neoclassical) world view comprises research programmes that are basically concerned with applying the tenets of neoclassical economics to the study of developing economies. From such a perspective, the principles underlying the economics of developing economies are the same as, or can be considered extension of those governing the economics of developed nations. This implies that meaningful epistemological activities within the development economics cannot be conducted without first determining its inextricable intellectual and analytical ties to mainstream economics.

According to Rostow (1960), the critical intention of development  has been seen as the achievement of ‘high mass consumption society’ that can be measured by the level of per capita income.  In this context, the inherent aim of development seems to materialise a society that reproduce  the political economic system of the western Europe  and North America, i.e., a competitive private enterprise  based on the foundations of   free market economy and a representative and democratic political system. Rostow (1960) has detailed this historical process of development in his schema of   stages-of- growth model. Charles K. Wilber (1988)  argues that  the application of this model as centre of assay  of the course  of development  supposes that  present day developing countries  reckon  to the ‘traditional society’  stage  or at the ‘preconditions’ stage in relative to the present stages of western developed countries. Like so, the contemporary developed countries were formerly underdeveloped,  hence, all countries  progress in the course of  these stages.

In the extreme, the Orthodox (Neoclassical) strand theorises that since principles of economics are universal, there is but one economics, whose basic tenets are equally valid for both developing and developed economies, David (1986). In other words, it is considered inappropriate to speak about two distinct economics- one for developed countries and the other for developing countries. In this case, the, the dominant interpretive model of thought is based on a ‘universalist’ epistemology or ‘one world’ ideology and ‘aesthetic’, which assumes the existence of a continuous and homogenous world, David (1986). Contextually, knowledge and society are viewed in terms of discrete individual elements that become the continuous and homogenous phenomena of economic and social life through a process of aggregation.

The neoclassical paradigm stands on universalist, rationalist and positivist methodological pillars. In addition to the influence  of positivism and other rationalist  patterns of reasoning, neoclassical economic thinking  also makes heavy use of the concept ‘mechanical equilibrium’, which is explained by the self-regulating operation of equilibrating forces. Such forces, it is argued, not only tend to maintain equilibrium of the economic system but also to restore this equilibrium once it has been disturbed by external forces.

In its evolution, the concept of equilibrium has had to be based on some conception of the economic system. Accordingly, it was thought that the evolution of any logically consistent economic order required some institution of private property as well as a sharp conceptual distinction between the economic system and other aspects of social reality, David (1986). This led to an emphasis on capitalistic, free enterprises ethic based on the principle of individualism. In the conception, individuals are considered to be at liberty to organise their social relationships in accordance their own interests, cole, etal (1991). Society hence, becomes no more a collection of individuals, and an individual behaviour, the goal and standards of moral behaviour.

The neoclassical paradigm is based on individualistic and libertarian philosophy. The philosophy postulates that the ultimate constituents of society are individual people who act appropriately in accordance with their own dispositions. In other words, the argument is that no social tendency exists that theorising about classes and other activities can only be represented by mental constructs, which are abstract models for interpreting certain relations among individuals. One implication is that it is impossible to have laws about society. Another is that the good of individuals is primarily objective of society as opposed to the neo-Marxist which emphasis that of the society as whole, Cole etal (1991).

Economic models, theories, and conceptual systems should be considered as device that merely helps the analysts to remember certain predictive regularities in observed phenomena, David (1986).

A related implication follows from the widespread acceptance of the “science as science” methodology. These are based on the claim that search for knowledge should be governed by scientific objectivity and the commitment to universal values that cut across national frontiers. Adherence to universal epistemological principles implies that there are common standards of scholarship and, as others argued there cannot be Chinese, Nigerian or Egyptian criteria for truth and validity. Commercial farms can be nationalised, criteria for truth cannot.

The universality epistemology finds a foremost representation in the study of resource allocation. The underlying principle that all societies must make decisions about the degree of sacrifice that must be made if resources must be allocated efficiently. This is based on the assumption of the universal scarcity of resources relative to human needs.  Given scarce resources, it is impossible to satisfy all of the society’s goals simultaneously. Therefore, if scarce resources are to be efficiently utilised, they must be properly allocated.  The possibility of deriving meaningful benefits from the use of these resources is therefore forecasted upon the nature of sacrifice. The problem of economic decision making in conventional economics is therefore coined in terms of a “cost-benefit” calculus. The neo-classical approach to this problem emphasise the need for rational choice in the use of scarce resources. The basis of this approach is that if the alternatives presented to us are not rationally chosen, resource scarcity is likely to increase within the passage of time, hence, impairing current standards of living and decreasing the possibility for future economic growth, David (1986). In this regard, the neo-classical, explanation of economic behaviour tends to rely heavily on competitive equilibrium, which assumes  that the behaviour of free markets and prices provides the necessary conditions for individual economic agents to achieve maximum economic welfare and personal liberty, Todaro (1991)|.It is based on the methodological individualism mentioned previously, the implication being that individual economic decision-making units (household), firms, national governments, and so on)| are free and rational actors whose behaviour is guided by harmonious equilibrating force, David (1986)|.

The whole economy is assumed to consist of a large number of interacting markets that have a tendency to clear, that is, reach equilibrium, with the latter defined in terms of equality between demand and supply, and price. (These conditions are assumed to take place for individual markets, that is, partial equilibrium, or in other aspects where there is a set of relative prices for all goods and services, resulting in a simultaneous clearing of all markets that is general equilibrium. Given the quantities of resources of all kinds available to economic agents, consumer tastes and preferences, and production technology, the problem of general equilibrium revolves around the determination of the relative quantities of goods of all kind that will be produced and consumed, the prices at which they will be exchanged and how the earnings derived from resource utilisation will be distributed, Cole et al (1991)|.

Income distribution is thus treated as a special case of the general theory of price relations. The over all argument is that it is possible for self-interested individuals in a market-oriented economy to strive for and receive, their fair share of income and wealth created by the competitive process. In this context, the neo-classical model indicates that the marginal productivity forms the basis for payments to all factors of production. The assumption is that individuals have at their disposal a set of factors endowments and that income merely represents the sum of the product of these factors and their marginal products. The evolution of factor shares and incomes over times thus depends on factor prices and quantities, the elasticity of substitution among factors, changes in demand patterns, and the capital or labour savings bias of technological change.

It is therefore assumed that, given completive conditions and perfect information, resources will be efficiently allocated. Adjustment in factors prices are expected to bring equality in factor shares, with each factor receiving its ‘just’ or equitable reward. Under the circumstances, any attempt to enforce equality in the prevailing pattern of income distribution is considered inimical to economic growth and efficiency. To the extent that inequalities exist, they should be considered necessary for guarantying productivity levels, David (1986)|.

The implications of the marginal productivity theory of income distribution can be further explained by considering the distribution of labour and capital incomes. In the case of returns to the human factor (wage and salaries), the theory suggests that differences in marginal productivities can be explained by differences in both innate and acquired abilities. These differences tend to be particularly acute in those societies, for example, developing economies where highly skilled labour is in short supply relative to the large supply of unskilled labour. The argument, as is that individuals with relatively scarce skills would receive quasi-rents. These rents and other payment differences would disappear as more people acquired skill through education and training, David (1986). Hence, they argue that any attempt to equalise wages and salaries would prove to be inefficient. The implicit assumption is that pay differentials  not only reward those with superior natural abilities  but also serve as an incentive to those not so blessed to acquire skills to increase their productivity  and efficiency, Hunt (1989). Given a set of competitive prices, the actions and reactions  of individual economic agents will determine the quantities of goods and services demanded, and these will be matched with the quantities supplied in the various markets of the economy, David (1986). The achievement of such an over all equilibrium requires two sets of conditions.  First, these is a subjective one in which the individual pursues the goal of maximum income satisfaction. The second is an objective one in which the market provides for these incomes and wants based on the maximum profit goals of business people. Thus, through the equilibrium between demand and supply, with all markets cleared, the optimum economic position reached by each individual economic agent becomes compatible with that attained by others.

The general equilibrium analysis (Varian, 1990)  postulates that, in principle, the set of equilibrium prices tend to provide all the information that each individual economic agent needs to have in order to be able to co-ordinate its activities with those of all other economic agents in the economic system, Cole et al (1991). It is therefore, based on the assumptions of perfect competition and knowledge and foresight, and the absence of uncertainty. This ensures that the essential adjustments would take place of a disequilibrium situation were to arise.  Where prices diverge from their equilibrium values, inconsistencies will arise in the plans economic agents, and they will be forced to adjust to an equilibrium situation. The underlying  assumption is that the operation of the market is based on  a negative feedback mechanism that reduces differences to zero through iterative price adjustment processes are also assumed to be stable.  This means that once the system diverges from its equilibrium with a process of automatic readjustment would take place. Full employment is also implicitly assumed.  With demand for goods and services equal to their supply, labour market will also clear. Neoclassicals consider this equilibrium to be the most efficient one, and thus the standard against which particular sectors of the economy as a whole should be appraised. The reasoning is that when over all economic agent will have reached an ‘optimal position’, that is, one that it cannot possibly improve by altering its behaviour. This is the ideal state described by Pareto and also known as a Pareto efficient allocation. It is considered to be the most efficient state and implies that any attempt made to improve a given economic agent’s position would have to be at someone else’s expense (David, 1986, Varian, 1990).

The general framework outlined above is also replicated in analysis of international economic relationships. In this case, trade and exchange are considered to be two of the most effective weapons for promoting resources allocation, distribution, and growth. This follows from assumptions of harmony of interests among nation states, patterns of trade based on comparative advantage, an equitable distribution of the gains from trade, and the free international flow of resources. The same normative forces are assumed to operate both nationally and internationally, with the private market considered to be the most effective mechanism for allocating distributing resources in all spheres, Hunt (1989|).

Consequently, the  neoclassical (orthodox) school of thought attribute  problems of developing economies essentially to the ‘dirigiste dogma’ and the ‘denial of economic principle’  (Lal, 1988); to over extension of the public sector; to economic controls which distorts the market and have unexpected and undesirable side effects; and to an over emphasis on investment in physical capital (spending on lavish prestige projects such as sport facilities, conference centres, brand new capital city, roads leads to nowhere, irrigation schemes that damage soil) compared to human capital. And they have proposed these setbacks to be neutralised to overcome inadequate development, Toye (1987). They took the form of supply side macro-economics and the privatisation of public corporations and call for the dismantling of public ownership, planning, and regulation of economic activities. By permitting free markets to flourish, privatising state owned enterprises, promoting free trade and export expansion, welcoming  foreign investors, and eliminating the plethora of government regulations and price distortions in factor, product and financial markets, the neoclassical argue that economic efficiency and economic growth will be stimulated, Wilber (1988). Contrary to the claims of the political economy strands (neo- Marxist world views) which are subjects of subsequent discussions, the neoclassicals (Orthodox) argue that the third world are underdeveloped not because  of the predatory activities of first world and the international agencies that it controls, but rather because of the heavy hand of the state and corruption, inefficiency, and lack of economic incentives, Todaro (1991).

It is assumed that development  experience of western industrial countries is a model for the developing economies of today and therefore, neoclassical economics is universally applicable. It is held that the international capitalist economy does not discriminate against developing economies, but when conformed to it acts as an engine or motor of growth. What is needed, therefore, is not a reform of the international economic system or restructuring of dualistic developing economies or an increase in foreign aid or attempts to control population growth or amore effective central planning system. Rather, it is simply a matter of promoting free markets and laissez faire economics within the context of permissive government that allow the magic of market forces.  And the “invisible hand” of market prices to guide resource allocation and stimulate economic development, Todaro (1991). They are quoting to us the failures of the public interventionist economies of African countries, Toye (1987).

Neoclassical policy is based on  faith in  the price mechanism to bring about an equilibrium in the economy which maximises welfare and growth, (i.e. development by their terms), “Efficient growth… raises the demand for unskilled workers by getting the prices right… is probably the single most important means of alleviating poverty,” Lal (1983). This process of development raises the standard of living of the poor via the ‘trickle down’ effect. Intervention by the government is unnecessary as a measure to alleviate poverty and would retard growth by distorting the market mechanism, holding up sustainable development. According to Lal, government policies dealing with  basic needs, surplus labour, decreasing terms of trade, etc., are misleading and incorrect.  He argues that developing countries are following the same economic patterns of development as developed countries.  Therefore, the same economic rules and considerations apply. Both he and Bauer criticise ‘dirigistes’ for implying, by their policies, that people of developing countries are not rational that the ‘market decisions’ have to be made for them. That would suggest Toye’s argument- governments fulfilling the desires of frustrating individuals has some validity. Being rational does not necessarily make people able.  It is within this context that the planning, growth with equity approach and a social market economy operation have come into considerations. However, such interventionist approach have been criticised by laissez faire economists as a reaction to far a recipe to failure. Lal (1988) points out that inefficient and incompetent bureaucracy as a cause of government failure. Attempts to intervene in imperfect markets serves to make things even further from the equilibrium of maximum efficiency and welfare. This is an over-sight, a generalisation which dismisses all past, present and future government intervention to make influence on disparities in income and accelerate development, as ineffective. This is clearly not the case.

The rapid development of South Korea and Taiwan in both intervening for growth and equity demonstrate this. Government policies concentrated on rural development, export oriented industrialisation were directly and indirectly dealing with inequality and poverty whilst promoting growth. It would be argued that all government intervention is not good. As is clear, some government intervention is and has bee ill advised- for example ‘the white elephants.’

But what is also becoming increasingly apparent is that the neo-liberal (Washington consensus) policies of liberalisation which the IMF and World Bank have made conditions for accepting loans have also created many problems. Not only have they quite often caused increasing inequalities in income distribution, but they have also failed to encourage growth in these countries. In many countries they have led to near chaos and crisis, in the economy as in many African countries, Lawrence (1986).  External influences, such as increasing oil prices, MNC transfer pricing, increase in debt burdens, increased protectionism  by developed economies, etc, mean that following free market principles lead to decreasing  terms of trade and created economic problems within the countries. D. Lal (1983) would say that this is acceptable because it is a step in the right direction towards free market economies. Toye (1987)  believes the neoclassical  approach neglects the issues and treats  and treats  the solutions, In a reductionist manner, over looking  the complexity of the issues and gives an over simplified solution.” Lack of past successes cannot simply be blamed on government interference with the price mechanism to account for the relatively poor performance of these economies would require a very detailed historical analysis of class forces and class struggle within these countries, of the effects of international strategic and geo-political factors as well as the effects of drought other climatic/ecological disasters, Sender et al (1986).

Neoclassical according to Sender and Smith, have paid too much attention to anti-interventionism- when it would be more beneficial to concentrate on improving what intervention is necessary. It is harmful for economists to adhere to policies which can only be relevant in a hypothetical ‘perfect market’ economy. The post- colonial period has been characterised by an astonishing absence of any coherent, analytical/ideological framework within which to formulate state intervention of an effective and suitable kind,” Sender et al (1986). Neo-classicalists need to address the conclusive historical evidence concerning the role of the state in all late industrialising countries in considering policy formulation.

The laissez faire economists edge on economic growth through the operation of the market mechanism (Adam Smith’s the famous invisible hand) as the key to development. There are also economists  who emphasised planning (government intervention) to supplement or supplant the market. As in the former, the latter  and economic growth has been taken as the essential of development. Meanwhile, the growth with equity economists contemplate on the distribution of the remunerations  of growth to the deprived.

Neo-Marxist  and dependency theorist, two main school of thoughts in the  Political economy paradigm,  are broadly apprehensive of the nature of the progression by which development is attained, Wilber (1988).

Classical Marxism was always, of course, a theory of development, i.e., of capitalism and its development, and transition to socialism. The theory was never adequate, however, in dealing with development problems of third world especially underdevelopment issues. Classical Marxists, after all, consider capitalism as historically progress, in every way an advanced over previous production systems, even if it is to be replaced by socialism one day. “ Imperialism was the means  by which techniques, culture, and institutions that had evolved in western Europe over several centuries… sowed their revolutionary seeds in the rest of the world,” Warren (1980).

Seers (1987) argued that Marxism thus arrived at conclusions similar to those of many neoclassical economists, since both derived from Smith and Ricardo and the economics of the 19th century. He further pointed out that both doctrines assume competitive markets and the overriding importance material incentives. They are both basically internationalist and also optimistic, technocratic and economist. In particular, both treat economic growth as development and due primarily to capital accumulation.

According to Hunt (1989), the neo-Marxist paradigm derives from an attempt to develop and adapt classical Marxist theory to the analysis of underdeveloped economies. The paradigm gained widespread influence in the late 1960’s, providing an ideological and analytical framework for radical critiques of contemporary theories. Drawing their inspiration from the ideas of Marx and Lenin, and influenced also by other early Marxists, particularly Rosa Luxemburg, the neo-Marxists set out to investigate a problem that Marx himself had touched on only briefly- the process of economic change in the economies of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

With respect to the third world, the primary concern of the neo-Marxists is with what is happening to national output and to its distribution, and why. Particularly in the 1950s and 1960s there was little concern on the part of leading neo-Marxists to explore the essential  nature of the models of production  that prevail within the periphery. Instead the emphasis was on the economic and political relations between the ‘centre’ and the ‘periphery.’ In the analysing these issues the neo-Marxists use a terminology for the key concepts in their analytical framework that appears to drive from Marxism with different interpretation to certain concepts.

The neo-Marxist school which is tracing back to the  work  of Paul Baran, differs from Marx in arguing  that capitalism will not be spread  from the ‘centre’ to the ‘periphery’  but rather that existing underdevelopment  is an active process linked to  the development of the centre by the transfer of the surplus, Baran (1957, 1988). As economic surplus was extracted, capital accumulation stopped, and budding industries were killed off by ‘centre’ competition. Development in colonies was forced off its natural course and completely dominated by imperial interests. The colonies stagnated between feudalism and capitalism  or the mix of both systems.

For Baran (1957) the real problem  in developing economies is not the presence of  the vicious circle- a phenomenon  whose existence  is acknowledged – but the lack of  a significant stimulus to development aggravated by the surplus drain.  Here again  we have  a polar view she said, something like a zero-sum game, in which the continuing primitive accumulation by the ‘centre’ implies a simultaneous negative accumulation for the periphery.  Surplus then, generate and maintain underdevelopment in the developing economies, a phenomenon whose existence is acknowledged – but the lack of a significant stimulus to development aggravated by the surplus drain. As Frank (1988) (dependency scholar) has called this leads to “the development of underdevelopment.”

Amin, too, adopts Frank’s Motto, but with an altered meaning; for Amin, it means a “dependent development,” that, is, an inappropriate pattern of growth imposed upon the country through its ties with the centre-  literally, through its being included in the world capitalist system. This view in turn allows for the possibility of growth aggregate income, an observed fact in many developing economies, Hunt (1989).

The crucial problem of how the available surplus is utilised in developing economies leads the political economy worldview to the examination of local elites. Writers like Baran and Sweezy argue that no local development is to be expected from such elites. On the contrary, the elites are by their very nature a factor contributing to underdevelopment.  The analysis is based on the “objective function” in which these elites find themselves. Their economic behaviour- conspicuous consumption, investments in real estate and extreme risk aversion, the export of their savings to be deposited with foreign banks for security, their avoidance of investments in industry- is, from the sand point of private advantage, essentially a rational response to the circumstances in which they find themselves. Their fear of foreign competition where they to invest in more productive activities is seen as fully justified. They argued that most elite members lack the capital retained for the establishment of enterprises able to compete with foreign oligopolies. Also lacking are entrepreneurial skills and attitudes to work and innovation conducive to growth, see Wilber (1988).

Amin offers the view that many members of the developing economies elites profit, too; from foreign activities in their country. What enables Amin to say this is his adoption of Emmanuel’s theory of unequal exchange, in which the level of wages is the major determining factor. That wages are lower in developing economies means that the labour force of these countries carries the burden of exploitation both by its local capitalist class and by the capitalist class at the centre. It is burdened by the “regular” exploitation of the home capitalists and the “primitive accumulation” of the capitalist class at the centre. The higher wages that the centre’s working class enjoys are in turn attributed not solely to its higher productivity; it does not partake of the proceeds of the continuing primitive accumulation, Todaro (1991).

That there is also a disheartening lack of entrepreneurial and administrative talent in the countries of the third world that the neo-Marxists do not deny. But they view those who place this fact at the centre of their explanations of underdevelopment as being eclectic and arbitrary. The claim that entrepreneurial and administrative skills will make their utilisation possible and necessary appears- conditions that cannot exist in an environment of dependence. This problem, they claim, is secondary: It is consequence of the fundamental problem, which is the discouragement and systematic sabotaging (or, for Amin, the guiding into incorrect path), of the local development efforts by the centre, Todaro (1991).

They recognise the existence of a ‘comprador states’ or class and bourgeoisie classes in developing countries but they maintain that their positions are solely dependent on the advantages they give to an imperialist power- not exist in their own right.

So the main consideration for government intervention would be, for neo-Marxists, the ability to make a complete and absolute change “the third world was and is an integral and destined to play a major role in the attempt of capital in the world capitalist economy to stem and reverse the tide of growing economic crisis, “Frank (1981, 1988). This is manifested in increasing repression of the workforce in developing countries, not increasing equality, or alleviating poverty. So in order to achieve sustainable development with equality it would be necessary for a developing country to withdraw from the world capitalist system. The present system only maintains present inequalities due to the interest characteristic of capitalism. They would advocate complete autarky facilitated by a socialist movement.

Generally, the political economy school advocate equity oriented development. The fundamental assumptions of this perspective regarding capitalism and international capitalist economy are essentially opposite to those of neo-classical economists. They not only believe that international capitalist economy discriminates against developing economies, but that is directly responsible for their dire condition. Thus any solution to the poverty predicament requires a fundamental break from the international capitalist economy. A distinction here, more for historical relevance than for the logic of the argument should be made between neo-Marxian and the Marxian of Marx, with (Marx) essentially regarded the capitalist commodity production process as progressive, in that it was required for the realisation of the ultimate inevitable tools of communism. Thus, capitalism for Marx is a necessary phase of societal change. Furthermore, for Marx the capital commodity production process is universally applicable.

The other fundamental disagreement these theorists have with neo-classical school concerns ethics. Equity, for these theorists is an ethical ideal, an end by itself. The logical extreme of this view is that equality must remain the primary objective, even at the cost of efficiency.

It is argued by this perspective that it is contrary to the interests of the international capitalist commodity process, which is essentially and exclusively concerned with maximisation of profit, to redistribute wealth. Instead of a y ‘trickle -dawn’ tendencies, the inner- logic of capitalism with only lead to greater accumulation, and concentrate of wealth. Thus, it is imperative for any comprehensive development effort to break with the internationalist political economy. Since weak political position of the poor prevents them from changing the system, empowering the poor becomes the means to meaningful development. These theorists contend that attacking the symptoms of poverty with basic needs provisions, or welfare laws will not suffice, it is crucial to attack its cause. The answer is the empowerment of the poor.

The general tendency is towards the satisation of the modes of production, at least those sectors of the economy that are essential to the public goods. Thus, only the intervention of a populist state, resulting on the commanding heights of the economy can restructure the relations of production that benefit  not a privileged few, but the unprivileged many.

This perspective defining the ‘left’ contours of the continuum in its logical extreme are diametrically contradicts the neo-classical perspectives.The obvious point of departure on the debate on development between the neo-classical and the political economy  strands  must be a definition  of development. This is inescapably a normative exercise, but one that should not be avoided  for this the reason. Development, by the very meaning  of the word, can only be a process  of the ‘becoming’.  The argument holds regardless of whether the tendencies are rectilinear, cyclical or both (or neither).  According to orthodox school sometimes implicitly  and sometimes explicit value judgement in the definition of development has been westernised. This tendency has been challenged  by the ‘development of another civilisation in East Asia, that is quickly achieving standard of  living comparable to the west. One conclusive inference that can be drawn from the experience of  Japan, China and the Asian Tigers is that a protestant ethic or generally a western social arrangement  or socialist revolution of neo-Marxist is not a prerequisite for economic development.

http://rodrik.typepad.com/dani_rodriks_weblog/2013/05/what-is-wrong-and-right-in-economics.html

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Theorizing Development June 8, 2011

Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics: Development Theory and Policy applications, Temesgen M. Erena, Theory of Development, Uncategorized.
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JEL: A11, A23, B13, D2, D6, O1, O5

Theorizing Development

Temesgen M. Erena (DPhil), Economist

From historical perspectives, the urgency underlying the contemporary development quest of developing economies has been recognised for the last seven decades. Of course, this should not be considered as that there were no problems of development prior to 1940’s.  However, paralleling the increasing for economic self-determination and development of developing economies, there has been a tremendous growth in intellectual activity concerning the development problems.

The past 70 years have also witnessed a gluttony  of models, theories, and empirical investigations of the development problem and the possibilities offered for transforming Asia, African, Latin American, and Caribbean nations. This body of knowledge as come to be known in academics and policy circles as development economics.

In these perspectives development is discerned in the context of   sustained rise of an entire society and social system towards a better and ‘humane life’. What constitutes a better and humane life is an inquiry as old as humankind. Nevertheless, it must be regularly and systematically revised and answered over again in the unsteady milieu of the human society. Economists have agreed on at least on three universal or core values as a discernible and practical guidelines for understanding the gist of development (see Todaro,1994; Goulet, 1971; Soedjatmoko, 1985; Owens, 1987).  These core- values include:

Sustenance:

 the ability to meet basic needs: food, shelter, health and protection. A basic function of all economic activity, thus, is to provide a means of overcoming the helplessness and misery emerging from a lack of food, shelter, health and protection. The necessary conditions are improving the quality of life, rising per head income, the elimination of absolute poverty, greater employment opportunity and lessening income inequalities;

self-esteem:

which includes possessing education, technology, authenticity, identity, dignity, recognition, honour, a sense of worth and self respect, of not being used as a tool by others for their own exigency;

Freedom from servitude:

 to be able to choose. Human freedom includes emancipation from alienating material conditions of life and from social servitude to other people, nature, ignorance, misery, institutions, and dogmatic beliefs. Freedom includes an extended range of choices for societies and their members and together with a minimization of external restraints in the satiation of some social goals. Human freedom embraces personal security, the rule of law, and freedom of leisure, expression, political participation and equality of opportunity.

Sustained and accelerated increase and change in quantity and quantity of material goods and services (both in absolute and per capita), increase in productive capacity and structural transformation of production system (e.g. from agriculture to industry then to services and presently to knowledge based (new) economy), etc. hereinafter economic growth is a necessary if not a sufficient condition for development.

As elaborated in Hirischman (1981) and Lal (1983), this corpus of thought and knowledge denotes economics with a particular perspective of developing nations and the development process. It has come to shape the beliefs about the economic development of developing countries and policies and strategies that should be followed in this process. While development economics goes beyond the mere application of traditional economic principles to the study of developing economies, it remains an intellectual offspring and sub discipline of the mainstream economics discipline. The growth in economic knowledge and the corresponding intellectual maturation of development thought and policy debate has led to the appearance of various perspectives of thought on the theory and reality of development and underdevelopment within the same discipline of development economics. The two  main paradigms are neo-classicals (orthodox), and Political economy (neo-Marxists). There are also eclectics.

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