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Chatham House Prize: Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa. July 20, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa.

Abiy Ahmed

Within months of coming to power, Abiy Ahmed sought to rehabilitate Ethiopia’s decades-old authoritarian regime – releasing thousands of political prisoners, decriminalizing opposition groups and initiating reforms to repressive laws. He also appointed a gender-balanced cabinet along with the country’s first female head of state and first female president of the supreme court. Under Abiy, Ethiopia has moved from being one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists to a country with growing press freedom.

The prime minister’s swift action to bring about peaceful relations with Eritrea paid immediate dividends, bringing neighbouring countries into the fold and boosting plans for regional integration. The speed at which he opened civic space and moved to dismantle the politics of animosity and suspicion in the sub-region has been striking given Ethiopia’s entrenched political, security and economic challenges. He has fostered optimism about his potential to help develop good governance and effect positive change in national, regional and global affairs.

Abiy Ahmed’s dramatic appearance on the political scene in 2018, and the once unimaginable achievements registered within such a short period, make him a source of hope for the youth in Ethiopia and throughout Africa, the youngest continent in the world. He has become one of the new faces of African leadership – one that promotes ethical leadership, rights and freedoms, despite the risks this incurs, and his actions deserve recognition on the international stage.

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Chatham House Prize 2019 Nominees19 July 2019

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Ethiopia: Communities in diaspora held massive rally to show their support for PM Abiy Ahmed’s reform July 11, 2019

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FP: Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control July 6, 2019

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“Too little attention was paid to characters like Asaminew, who were licensed to act from expanding islands of power amid the breakdown of party structure and control.”

FOREIGN POLICY DISPATCH

Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control

Ethiopia’s prime minister oversaw the chaotic release of thousands of prisoners, including many ethnonationalist militants. His amnesty may now be coming back to haunt him.

BY NIZAR MANEK | JULY 4, 2019

Members of the army carry a coffin covered with the Ethiopian flag in Addis Ababa on June 25, in preparation for the funeral service of the Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, Seare Mekonnen, who was assassinated on June 22.

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia—Former comrades in arms described retired Brig. Gen. Asaminew Tsige, who was shot dead on June 24, as a mediocre soldier and a poor administrator. Asaminew was gunned down by government forces two days after allegedly masterminding the assassination of three senior officials of Ethiopia’s Amhara state, including its president—events labeled part of “an orchestrated coup attempt” by the Ethiopian prime minister’s office.

Asaminew had a long history in Ethiopian military circles—and in rebel movements. He was an ex-rebel fighter in the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement in the struggle that in 1991 felled the Derg, a Marxist junta that preceded Ethiopia’s current ruling system. Asaminew met in 2009 with leaders of the banned opposition movement Ginbot 7 in Dubai, according to members of that movement. On April 24, 2009, the National Intelligence and Security Service and Federal Police Joint Anti-Terrorism Task Force arrested 35 people allegedly involved in plotting a coup against Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government; most were members of the military or the police. Asaminew was one of them, and he was imprisoned for nearly a decade.

Last February, Asaminew emerged from prison, having allegedly faced solitary confinement and torture, among tens of thousands of prisoners released following a 12-point reform plan handed down by Ethiopia’s ruling politburo in December 2017.

The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But it  has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.Under Abiy Ahmed, who became Ethiopia’s new leader in April 2018, Asaminew was honorably retired with full pension rights—and he was appointed by Amhara state later that year to head its administration and security bureau. The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But as the high-profile June 22 killings have shown, that policy has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.

Tremors have already rippled through the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the federal army, whose manpower mirrors the ethnic makeup of the country’s ruling coalition and has been increasingly involved in internal peacekeeping amid innumerable conflicts that have over the last year turned Ethiopia into the world’s largest source for internally displaced persons associated with conflict.


Abiy has brokered an anarchic political opening, leading the four branches of the ethnically-based ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—Tigrayans, Oromos, Amharas, and ethnic groups from the south—to undertake a grandiose personnel restructuring and rebranding. Asaminew’s own appointment to the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) central committee in October 2018 was part of that trend.

According to security insiders, Asaminew relied on hardliners affiliated with the Amhara Democratic Forces Movement, who, after returning from Eritrea amid an historic peace deal between the two countries, agreed last November to merge with the ADP. One of his two deputies in the Amhara security bureau, Alehubel Amare, had fled to Eritrea and formed the ADFM with other military defectors after the alleged coup plot of 2009, and another, the retired Brigadier-General Tefera Mamo, had been imprisoned with Asaminew.

Abiy’s intention was, in December 2018, to broker a merger between the ADP (which is part of the EPRDF) and the more radical National Movement of Amhara, or NAMA (which is not). This trend was replicated in Abiy’s native region of Oromia with a planned merger between the Oromo Democratic Front, an opposition movement returning from exile, with Abiy’s own Oromo Democratic Party, which is part of the EPRDF.

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

 by appeasing hard-liners in advance of competitive elections intended for 2020.

This ethnonationalist revival in a federal state has unleashed pre-Derg forces seeking to revive a world of feuding dynasties and provincial lords with their own armies competing for dominance based on who has the most weapons while seeking incorporation of so-called ancestral lands into Amhara state, including irredentist claims in other regional states and even in neighboring Sudan.

Prior to his death, Asaminew was overall commander of Amhara state’s special police forces, police, and militia, over which he had direct influence; he did not have a command role in the ENDF. Such militias historically played a pivotal role in Ethiopia’s internal security during the era of princes, between the 18th and 19th centuries, during which nobles had their own militias from their respective communities to defend their territory and security in the absence of any effective central authority.

They were also present during the Red Terror under the Derg, when so-called people’s militias were established largely from the peasantry and empowered to act against so-called anti-revolutionary individuals and groups. In Amhara state, after the Eritrean-Ethiopian War of 1998-2000, residents of North Gondar and the military and police faced attacks from insurgents linked with Eritrean-supported groups. As a result, militias were increasingly entrusted to operate at the grassroots level as local first responders to lawlessness.

The ADP selected Asaminew to its central committee as part of a pivot toward the incorporation of returning opposition forces. The party’s decision to then crown Asaminew as the head of Amhara state’s administration and security bureau—a role accountable to the regional president and supervising all regional security organs—was seen as a way of absorbing and neutralizing hard-liners. But it ended up fueling a bitter power struggle at the core of a fragmenting EPRDF and threatening the survival of the federal coalition’s constituent branches.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

 Mutual animosity between regional states is contributing to a national crisis, with a race to strengthen regional security forces amid rising distrust of federal forces—similar to the distrust of the Serb-dominated Yugoslav National Army by Slovenes and Croats in the early 1990s, as they built up their own territorial defense forces.

As regional nationalism grows, competing irredentist claims are on the rise. One of Amhara state’s borders is with Tigray state. Amhara nationalists want to reclaim the districts of Wolkait and Raya, which they say were annexed to Tigray after the Tigrayan-led EPRDF came to power. Amhara nationalists also want part of Oromia, Al-Fashaga in Sudan, and the federal capital, Addis Ababa—and NAMA labels the EPRDF’s Tigray People’s Liberation Front (which governs Tigray) as a “terrorist group,” according to Christian Tadele, a NAMA politburo member—riling neighboring Tigrayan nationalists.

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Ethiopia’s Amhara state president killed amid regional failed coup attempt. Yaalii Fonqolcha Mootummaa Naannoo Amaaraatti Fashala’een Preezidantiin Naannoo Amaaraa Dhukaasa Banameen Ajjeefaman June 23, 2019

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Ethiopia’s Amhara state chief killed amid regional coup attempt, AL JAZEERA NEWS

The president of Ethiopia‘s Amhara region and his top adviser were killed in an attempted coup in which the country’s army chief was also shot dead, the office of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said.

Spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told journalists a “hit squad” led by Amhara’s security chief Asaminew Tsige burst into a meeting in the state offices of Amhara’s capital, Bahir Dar, on Saturday and shot regional government President Ambachew Mekonnen and his adviser Ezez Wassie.

The men were “gravely injured in the attack and later died of their wounds,” she said.

“Several hours later, in what seems like a coordinated attack, the chief of the staff of the national security forces Seare Mekonnen was killed in his home by his bodyguard in Addis Ababa.”

Also shot dead was a retired general who had been visiting him, Billene added.

The bodyguard has been apprehended while Asaminew is still on the loose, sources said.

Ethiopia coup attempt Amhara

Al Jazeera’s Leah Harding, reporting from Addis Ababa, said Abiy called those responsible “mercenaries”.

“The army intelligence general said the coup was meant to create chaos and division in the military. He said the military now has control over the situation … and he reiterated that there are no divisions within the military,” Harding reported.

“This is particularly important because the two generals that were killed in Addis Ababa are part of the Tigre ethnic group, and the person who we believe is responsible for the coup plot is part of the Amhara group.”

Analysts said the incident showed the seriousness of the political crisis in Ethiopia, where efforts by Abiy to loosen the iron-fisted grip of his predecessors and push through reforms have unleashed a wave of unrest.

“These tragic incidents, unfortunately, demonstrate the depth of Ethiopia’s political crisis,” said International Crisis Group analyst William Davison.

“It is now critical that actors across the country do not worsen the instability by reacting violently or trying to exploit this unfolding situation for their own political ends,” the expert said. 

Ethiopia unrest

Ethiopia Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed condemned the unrest in an appearance on state television [Reuters]

Residents of Bahir Dar said late on Saturday there was gunfire in some neighbourhoods and some roads had been closed off.

The US embassy issued alerts about reported gunfire in Addis Ababa and violence around Bahir Dar.View image on Twitter

View image on Twitter

Travel – State Dept@TravelGov

#Ethiopia: The U.S Embassy is aware of reports of gunfire in Addis Ababa. Chief of Mission personnel are advised to shelter in place. http://ow.ly/kcLf50uKB0w 12111:04 PM – Jun 22, 2019159 people are talking about thisTwitter Ads info and privacy

Early on Sunday, Brigadier General Tefera Mamo, the head of special forces in Amhara, told state television that “most of the people who attempted the coup have been arrested, although there are a few still at large.”

Since coming to power last year, Abiy has tried to spearhead political reforms to open up the once isolated, security-obsessed Horn of Africa country of 100 million people.

He has released political prisoners, lifted bans on political parties and prosecuted officials accused of gross human rights abuses, but his government is battling mounting violence.

Ethnic bloodshed – long held in check by the state’s iron grip – has flared up in many areas, including Amhara, where the regional government was led by Ambachew Mekonnen.

“Since Abiy Ahmed took power and the country moved towards democratisation … there have been different forms of mobilisations, by different actors, particularly nationalists.” Awol Allo, a lecturer in law at Keele University, told Al Jazeera. 

“[In] Amhara regional state, there is this feeling that they were marginalised, and these individuals that were suspected to be behind the coup recently said that Amhara people have never been subordinated.. so there is this sense of grievance and victimhood that is driving the nationalist movements,” he added. 

Ethiopia is due to hold a national parliamentary election next year. Several opposition groups have called for the polls to be held on time despite the unrest and displacement. Ethiopia is due to hold a national parliamentary election next year. Several opposition groups have called for the polls to be held on time despite the unrest and displacement.

Related News from Oromian Economist sources:

Yaalii Fonqolcha Mootummaa Naannoo Amaaraatti raawwatameen Preezidantiin Naannoo Amaaraa dhukaasa banameen ajjeefaman, BBC Afaan Oromoo

Ethiopia’s chief of staff killed in coup attempt in Amhara state, Reuters

The Amhara state president, Ambachew Mekonnen, and his adviser were shot dead and the state’s attorney general was wounded in Amhara’s capital, Bahir Dar, on Saturday evening, according to a statement from the office of the prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, The Guardian

Yaalii fonqolchaa kana akka itti hubatamuu qaburratti aktivistoonni Amaaraa bakka lamatti bahanii wal falmaa jiru. Gareen ija jabeessi ‘kun diraamaa Abiyyi tahe jedhee raawwatedha’ jechuun yakkamtoota isaaniirraa dhiiga dhiquu yaalaa jiru. Gareen kaan ammoo Abiyyiin jibbinuyyuu dhugaa kana haaluun rakkisaa dha, nun baasu jechuun haqa liqimsaa jiru. Kan nama qaanfachiisu garuu, warra maqaa Oromoon of waamaa ‘hojiin kun diraamaa Abiyyi malee yaalii fonqolchaa miti’ jechuun gartuu Asaamminoo Tsiggee irraa dhiiga dhiquuf dhama’us arguu dha. https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=903553573365016&id=100011311443078

Jeneraal Se’are kan ajjeesse waardiyaa isaa Mesafint jedhamu ta’uun himameera. Bakki dhaloota isaa Gondar, Amhara dha. Ajjeechaa sana erga raawwatee booda of ajjeesuu yaalee kan ture yoo ta’u of madeessee lubbuun keessa jirti.

Dr. Ambachew Bahirdaaritti kan ajjeese Jeneral Asaaminew Tsige ta’uunis himamaa jira. Amma Bahirdar keessaa miliqee bakka hin beekamne dhokatee jira jedhama. Walgayii magaalattii walakkaa keessatti ta’e keessatti nama lama ajjeessee dhokachuu danda’uun isaa bulchiinsa Amaaraa keessaa deggertootaa hedduuf cimdaa bal’aa qabaachuu isaa agarsiisa. Hatattamaan hin qabamu yoo ta’e dhiyootti deggertoota isaa wajjin waraanaa mootummaa federaalaa irratti banuun isaa waan hin oolle. Caasaan ABN isa cina dhaabbachuun falmisiisaa miti. Qaamni kun Amaara keessa qofa otuu hin taane biyyattii bakka hundatti caasaa diriirfatee jira. Keessumaa magaalota Oromiyaa kanneen akka Adaamaa, Asallaa, Goobbaa fi Finfinnee keessatti caasaan ABN cimaa ta’uu hin oolu. Kanaaf ummatni keenya of eeggannoo cimaa godhuu qaba. Poolisii Oromiyaa cina dhaabbatee nageenya isaa tiksuu qaba. 
Solomon Ungashe tiin. https://www.facebook.com/daniel.areerii/posts/3080992428584542

Ethiopia: People’s resistance movements have brought change in political relations on three decades old Ethiopian Federation, Obbo Ibsa Gutamaa April 16, 2019

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People’s resistance movements have brought change in political relations on three decades old Ethiopian Federation. This change has forced a transitional arrangement in which supremacy of the law is to be observed. There is consensus it seems, that EPRDF new leaders administer the transition. This will be the first journey towards freedom in the last hundred and more years for all oppressed peoples of the empire from own and colonial ruling classes. Members of those classes won’t go easily without the last effort to regain the power they lost to people’s revolution since 1974. The transitional governments role is not to attempt making fundamental changes but to enforce supremacy of the law and carry on routine government functions. Elected representatives after transition will establish the direction the post empire state would take. Oromiyaa is going to be one of the participating states in the decision making. Finfinnee is her capital. One that says Finfinnee does not belong to Oromiyaa is only one that considers Oromiyaa is not Oromo’s. Leftovers of past ruling class still have nostalgia for the old order. They are even heard advising Dr. Abiy to annul the constitution and rule with iron hand simply to deny Oromo regaining their lost rights. Oromiyaa showed willingness that there must be peace to discuss on how people continue living together not accepting supremacy of Ethiopia but believing in their equality. Freedom for the Oromo is assurance for freedom all oppressed classes and peoples in the empire. For leftovers of past ruling class democracy is disaster and demeaning. They are losers that have tried to sabotage the change that appeared in the empire from the beginning. They had hands in Darg’s genocide, Eritrea’s separation, collapse of the old army, and the coming to power of Wayyaanee. Still, they are trying the last effort to sell their evil ideas before aging takes them away. Their advice made Mangistuu monster and that alone will deny them credibility. The failed coup they masterminded caused the demise of the cream of Ethiopian elite forces. To pass their evil thoughts to the next generation they are advising their young to make all efforts that Oromo shall never raise their heads. They forget that mother mouse has also advised what mother cat advised. They are crying about the demise of the empire system as if it did not start cracking fifty years ago. Though he cannot save it, Abiy can make it smooth and tranquil for them to rehabilitate. From ruins of the empire there will not be catastrophe for the majority but free nations and democratic system are sprouting. Those that are not concerned to empower the peoples but want power for themselves wish crumbling or dictatorship for and show no worry for fate of the peoples. Oromo love peace and serenity; they will have gain from success of transitional government not from its fall. That could take them back to long and bitter struggle. The time is when we need peace and stability for viable change. But that does not mean they will not fight back aggressors. Let alone Dr. Abiy the one they initially tried to compare to, even if the true Moses of their dream comes, he cannot turn the wheel of change backwards, he would only help it cross the transition bridge. They started smear campaign against Abiy when they found that he has his own personality and own dreams not clone of Goobana. His trying to Ethiopianize Oromo demands was not enough for them. Contribution of Oromo intellectuals on matters of Finfinnee and anti-Oromo movements are so far not sufficient. Throwing slogans with emotions alone does not serve much. Oromo question is only about human rights, democracy, peace and freedom for all. Finfinnee will have City Council which will be filled by their representatives according to principle of one person one vote. Contrary to leftovers of Habashaa ruling class Oromo sovereignty will bring to Finfinnee peace, democracy and better understanding with neighbors. Oromo are simply saying that Oromo have sovereign right over Oromiyaa that includes Finfinnee. Areas that require interference of the sovereign will not exceed some tax areas and human rights and areas which are beyond the ability of the city. Non-Oromo residing in Oromiyaa had never been forced to change their style of life, culture and language; the same applies for Finfinnee. Whatever rights universally recognized Oromiyaa will be the first to implement because Oromo have a tradition in which rule of law and respect for human rights have priority. These are the truth whose distorted versions are presented by Nafxanyaa system hopefuls. They want to own everything, Oromo land, resources and Oromo labor. Therefore, Oromo media and intellectuals have a homework to handle. To report to Oromiyaa for Silxee, Adaree, Guraagee, Indagany, Qabeena, Dawuroo, Dorzee, Kambaataa, Hadiyyaa, Alaabaa, Sidaamaa and other Southern peoples that have established their lives on trading in Finfinnee has more advantage than remaining under control of Nafxanyaa hopefuls. Many relatives of Finfinnee residents live scattered over all parts of Oromiyaa than in any other state enjoying Oromo hospitality. But to tell the Oromo that Finfinnee is not theirs will be failed justice. Finfinnee can grow or diminish, profit or lose, based on Oromo will. The Oromo will like Finfinnee get better democratic governance than ever; develop more than ever; be more beautiful and peaceful; welcome all hard-working human beings to join in her development, not oppression, plundering, and neglect of the past hundred years to return to her. Everybody has to understand what it means to say Finfinnee is Oromiyaa’s? The truth is not what the children of colonial war lords, Raas Birruu, Raas Daargee, Raas Kaasaa, Raas Tasammaa, Negus Walda Goorgis, Raas Haayiluu and others who want to maintain colonial legacy say. Oromo are ready to negotiate with any nation and nationality based on equality and respect for mutual interest and rights. All peace-loving persons have to involve in creating understanding between peoples of the region. The Ethiopia Nafxanyaa system hopefuls are singing for, will not come back again but a beautiful maiden is being seen from distance whatever her name may be. What do you say?

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

A Review of Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed’s Achievements At One Year in Office/ The African Exponent March 31, 2019

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A Review of Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed’s Achievements At One Year in Office

Abiy Ahmed and One Year of Redefining Ethiopia

Amenna Dayo, The African Exponent, 27 March 2019

On a scale of one to ten, how do you rate PM Abiy Ahmed?

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, will clock one year in office on the 2nd of April, 2019.At just 42-years-old, the ever-smiling prime minister sits on the helm of affairs of one of Africa’s greatest countries and chairs both the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP).

Prior to his inauguration, critics had doubted his capability to steer a country like Ethiopia and stabilize the EPRDF, which consists of four political parties, namely Tigray People’s Liberation Front, Amhara Democratic Party, Oromo Democratic Party, and Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement.There is no doubt that he has surprised the world.The “RD” in EPRDF which stands for Revolutionary and Democracy is no doubt the blueprint of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in the last twelve months of ruling Ethiopia.

During his time, he has done a lot in reforming the country and re-defining governance. This has also been reflected in the entire region as he has been dubbed ‘the unifier’ and ‘transformer’.Even his opponents will admit that he has done well since coming into office.

Below are a few of Abiy’s achievements in less than one year since becoming prime minister of Ethiopia.

1. Signing peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea

True to his word, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea in July, putting to an end two decades of bitter relations. He promised to withdraw Ethiopian forces from the borders and end the killings. In December, barely five months after the peace deal was signed, Ethiopia concluded all arrangements and withdrew its troops from the Ethiopian-Eritrean boarders.

2. Adopted the Visa on arrival policy for Africans across the continent

In line with the African Union’s decision to improve Regional Integration in the continent and while other Africa leaders were still dragging their feet one step forward and two steps back, Ethiopia adopted the Visa on Arrival policy for Africans across the continent.

3. Re-positioned Ethiopian Airlines

He re-positioned Ethiopian Airlines, making the current best airline and one of the biggest Pan-African brands in Africa.

4. Made peace with Somalia

He reconciled his country with Somalia after 41 years and flights to the neighboring country resumed after four decades.

5. Reduced the cabinet size of the country, with more women added

In what was the first in Africa, he reduced his cabinet members to just 20 and surprised the world when he released the list to reveal that ten out of the twenty ministers were women.

6. Ethiopia got its first female president

Ethiopia currently has the only female president in Africa after the Prime Minister appointed Mrs. Sahle Work-Zewde for the position of president in October. It was swiftly passed by the parliament.

7. Ahmed is on a monthly salary of $300

During a speech in October, the Prime Minister again shocked the world when he revealed that he was on a monthly salary of $300. African leaders hid their heads in shame when they saw this because some of them earn as much as $591,871.68 annually as their official salary.

8. Lifted the ban on political exiles

He promised to reach out to opposition both home and abroad, and this he did. In November, he lifted the ban on Berhanu Nega – who had been exiled for many years because of his critical views of the former regime. Nega finally returned to Ethiopia, a signal of Abiy Ahmed’s sweeping democratic reforms.

9. Peacemaker in the Horn of Africa

He made himself an emissary in the Horn of Africa and has successfully united the region. The United Nations arms embargo and sanctions on Eritrea was lifted after Abiy Ahmed organized reconciliation between the country and its neighbors with which it was in conflict.

10. Leading a fast-growing economy

Ethiopia was rated as one of the fastest growing economies in 2018.

HRW: Interview: Ethiopia Lets in Human Rights Watch for First Time in 8 Years Genuine Progress on Rights, Yet Ethnic Tensions Loom in Rural Regions February 23, 2019

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Interview: Ethiopia Lets in Human Rights Watch for First Time in 8 Years

Genuine Progress on Rights, Yet Ethnic Tensions Loom in Rural Regions

Amy Braunschweiger,  Senior Web Communications Manager, HRW and Felix Horne, Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa, HRW

After more than two years of protests, power changed hands in Ethiopia last April. Under the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia is shedding its reputation as a country that tortures detainees and spies on its citizens. The authorities have released thousands of political prisoners and dismissed some abusive security force officers. The decades-long conflict with neighboring Eritrea came to an end. And for the first time in eight years, Human Rights Watch staff who cover Ethiopia were permitted to visit the country. Senior Researcher Felix Horne talks with Amy Braunschweiger about these exciting steps forward, as well as his concerns about rising tensions among ethnic groups in the country’s rural areas.

Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples' Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018. © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples’ Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018.  © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

How has Ethiopia changed since you were last there?

Addis Ababa, the capital, has changed so much. Unlike before, modern asphalt roads are everywhere, there are freeways, tall, modern shiny buildings, lots of new restaurants, and a light rail system. It used to smell of smoke, from people burning wood to prepare food, but that smell is now gone. People seemed to feel much more free to express their opinions. They were speaking very openly about sensitive subjects in public spaces, cafes, and mini buses. That’s not the Addis I knew, where everyone was looking over their shoulder to see who was eavesdropping.

You went specifically for a workshop on rebuilding civil society. What did you learn?

Under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, civil society groups working on human rights issues in Ethiopia was decimated. Most nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were closed. Others had their bank accounts frozen. But a new law was passed earlier this month. It eliminates most of the draconian restrictions from previous legislation. The new agency registering NGOs needs to get up and running and that will take time, but we hope NGOs will be able to register soon, which will open up possibilities for funding. Then they can document abuses and advocate for respect for human rights, which is critical ahead of the May 2020 elections.

What was the workshop like?

There was a feeling of newfound optimism there. Still, it was starkly evident the extent to which civil society working on human rights has been decimated since the Charities and Societies Proclamation was passed 10 years ago. It will clearly take time for the sector to recover.

At the workshop, international and Ethiopian NGOs, such as the Human Rights Council of Ethiopia and the Consortium of Ethiopian Rights Organizations, discussed advocacy strategies and research gaps, and talked about economic, social, and cultural rights. It was a chance for everyone to get together in person. There were people there who I knew quite well but had never actually met. It was nice to put faces to names.

Newspaper readers at Arat Kilo, a square in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Newspaper readers at Arat Kilo, a square in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. © 2011 Tom Cochrem/Getty Images

Did anything surprise you?

Some of the activists organized a press conference at the end of the workshop, and I honestly didn’t expect much media interest. But 60 journalists showed up, and most were from the state media. When I talked about how it was our first visa in eight years, there was applause. They asked questions about what work we planned to do in Ethiopia and if we’d open up an office there.

State media never covered our work in the past, and that has clearly changed. But media is still publishing a pro-government prospective. For example, we spoke about all the great reforms happening, and we also talked about our concerns. But most of the media never reported on the concerns.

I have this memory from the press conference, when, among the microphones was one from ETV, which is the main state broadcaster, and next to it was one from OMN, the Oromia Media Network, which used to be banned in Ethiopia. The former government went to great lengths to jam OMN’s television broadcasts and had unfairly charged it under the counterterrorism law. It was great to see them side-to-side and a powerful image of change in the media landscape.

Over the past few years, there have been simmering ethnic tensions across Ethiopia. Where do these tensions now stand?

In Addis, things are good. There’s lots of optimism. But outside the capital – and I’ve been in regular contact with people around the country since Abiy came to power – it’s almost the exact opposite.

Previously, the ruling coalition’s direction was implemented from the highest-level officials down to the villages. An expansive network of intelligence at every level meant the government knew everything, allowing it to suppress any emerging threats to its power and control. The government also used other strategies to stem criticism, including force.

But that system in many places has all but broken down, as people associated with serious abuses, or those not loyal to the current government, have been purged. There is little governance happening at local levels, and local security officials are often ineffectual, allowing some vigilante groups to take control. At the same time, people are feeling newly empowered to speak openly after years of suppression, and many have longstanding grievances over land, border demarcations, access to state resources, and perceived discrimination against their ethnic group.

June 15, 2016 Report

“Such a Brutal Crackdown”

Killings and Arrests in Response to Ethiopia’s Oromo Protests

Unfortunately, institutions that would normally resolve those grievances – the judiciary, parliament, the Human Rights Commission — aren’t yet seen as independent or capable of doing so.

All this is happening at the same time as a massive influx of firearms into the country, many from Sudan. It’s a dangerous mix.

What does this look like on the ground?

The ethnic tensions play out in different ways. In some places, you see young armed gang members stopping cars and demanding payments, smuggling goods, controlling regional trade. There has been open fighting in other places, and the Ethiopian army has recently been engaged in clashes with the Oromo Liberation Front forces. The OLF was welcomed back into the country, but some of its members weren’t willing to disarm or reintegrate into government security forces.

What’s really worrying is that this violence could just be the tip of the iceberg. Around the boundary between the Tigray and Amhara regions, both sides are engaging in war-like rhetoric and heavily arming themselves. If open fighting broke out between those regions, it would affect the whole country. Yet there has been notable silence from Abiy around this and other emerging conflicts around the country.

Some of the challenges facing the government are inevitable in transitioning from an authoritarian government to a fledgling democracy. But restoring law and order doesn’t seem to be high on the government agenda. Officials don’t seem to be taking these risks seriously. Eighty-five percent of Ethiopians are rural, mostly small-scale farmers or pastoralists who need grazing land and water for their animals. If there is widespread conflict, if they’re displaced, or if they can’t plant or harvest because of fighting, the humanitarian consequences would be dire.

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The Ethiopian government is forcibly displacing indigenous pastoral communities in Ethiopia’s Lower Omo valley without adequate consultation or compensation to make way for state-run sugar plantations and the construction of Africa’s highest dam, the Gibe III hydropower project. The Lower Omo valley, one of the most remote and culturally diverse areas on the planet, is home to around 200,000 people from eight unique agro-pastoral communities who have lived there for as long as anyone can remember. Their way of life and their identity is linked to the land and access to the Omo River.

What about the problem of internal displacement?

There are over two million internally displaced people in Ethiopia. This includes 1.4 million new displaced people in the first half of 2018 alone – the largest internal displacement of people in the world during that time period. A changing climate brought increased drought and variability of rains, causing the displacement of pastoralists who didn’t have enough grazing for their animals. But most of those displaced were fleeing armed conflict. In many places along the 800 kilometer boundary between the Oromia and Somali regions, groups, many of them armed, violently removed people from their lands. Because these places are remote, it’s difficult to provide food and other types of humanitarian aid there.

We are worried the government may be forcing internally displaced people back to their lands before it’s safe. Recently, about 900,000 people from the Gedeo ethnic group were forced to flee their lands in the country’s coffee-growing south by the Guji Oromo ethnic group. But the spike in the number of those displaced embarrassed the government, so local officials pressured them to move back in part by telling humanitarian groups – which were feeding the Gedeo – to only provide them food in the places they had fled. Many Gedeo went back because of the pressure, even though for many there is nothing to return to or they feel it is still unsafe.

October 19, 2010 Report

Development without Freedom

How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia

Using aid to control people’s movement was a strategy the former government regularly deployed. It’s concerning to see it being used again in Abiy’s Ethiopia.

How will these factors play into Ethiopia’s 2020 election?

In the past, Ethiopia’s elections were riddled with irregularities, with the government “winning” over 99.6 percent of federal parliamentary seats in 2010 and all 547 seats in 2015 election. Expectations are high that the 2020 elections will be different.

But lots of important issues about the upcoming elections aren’t being addressed. Key elements for an environment conducive to credible elections, like an independent media, fair registration procedures, and a vibrant civil society, just aren’t in place. Opposition parties, many of which only existed outside of Ethiopia for many years, are starting from scratch. An oft-delayed census, historically controversial in Ethiopia, has still not taken place.

Many people are quietly asking if the elections should be postponed. The ruling party and most opposition parties have not sought a postponement because they all think they will do well. And many of the youth – those who joined the protests that brought about the changes over the past year – don’t feel represented by the existing parties. Combine all this with the current ethnic tensions and the security void, and it’s a potential powder keg.

How does all of this affect your work?

In the past, we never were able to get the government’s perspective on the abuses taking place. We always reached out to officials but got nothing back, which denied them an opportunity to tell their side of the story. I’m hoping this new government will continue to give our researchers visas and be responsive to meeting and discussing our findings. We hope we will also be able to do more research on the ground in Ethiopia, and tackle issues that were previously off limits because of access and security constraints. We also look forward to working more openly with local civil society groups and activists as the sector rebuilds itself. After many years stuck on the outside, there’s lots to do, and we intend to be there to do it.

Wanti barbaachisaan maqaa Itophiyaa utuu hin tahin, akka ilmaan namaatti fedhan waliin jiraachuuf maqaa fedhe jalatti walii galte hawaasomaa uumuu dha. Obbo Ibsaa Guutamaa irra February 15, 2019

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What is important is not the name Ethiopia, but the will to enter into a social contract to live together in peace as human beings under any name. 

Kanneen bara Minilik duudan ammallee Oromiyaa biyyoota mootii xixiqqoo isaan bulchoota muudaniifitt ciruu abjootu. Qaabannoo gabaabachuun, dargaggoon Oromo kaleessuma biyya ofii irra darbanii isaanuu bulcha abbaa hirree hamaa, TPLF jalaa bilisa baasuu saanii irraanfatanii jiru. Ummati Oromo fi dargagoon saas hardhas tokkummaa biyya ofii irraa hamaa ittisuuf caalaa dammaqanii eeguu cimsaa jiru. Finfinneen keenya jechuun “Humnoota tokkummaa”, akeeki saanii sana utuu hin tahin, Oromiyaa gargar kutuu akka tahe beeku. Kun waan haaraa utuu hin tahin bara Qinijjitii kaasee kan karoorfatanii. Wacabbarii saanii gidduu kanaa sanumaaf ture. Oromo bilisaa fi walabummaa hameessa saanii waggaa dhibbaa olii, biyya Oromoo, Oromoo biyaa (Oromiyaa) jibbu. Kallachi mormii Oromoo, dargaggoon Oromoo fi demokratoti biraa empayera keessa jiran TPLFiin kan buqqisan goblaa mirgaa kan tahe abdattuun sirna Nafxanyaa bakka buufachuuf miti. Sirni imperial dullachii sadarkaa kabeebsuun hin dandahamett babbaqaqee jira. Gaaffiin ama jiru Itophiyaa dullattii akkamitt dhinsinaa utuu hin tahin, mirkanii lafa jiru, moo’ummaa ummatootaa fudhachuu dha. Yoosi, kan tokkee haaraa fedha ummatootaa irratt hundaawe ijaaruun kan dandahamuu. Akeeki sochii bilisummaa Oromoo qabaa Itophiyaa jalaa Oromiyaa walaboomsuu dha. Sana bakkaan gahuuf waan teekinikaa xixinnootu isa hafee ture. Kanaaf akka ta’iisi sun xifa hin jirreett fudhachuun waldiddaa caalaatt hammeessuu dandaha. Kaayyoo ummata Oromoo ABOn akka ganama dhihaatett tuffiin ilaaluun ayyaamii saba sanaa waldhaaluu taha. ABOn fardaa, yoo dulloome Kaayyoo, ayyaana sabaa utuu hin tahin farda biraatu bakka bu’a. Kan tahuu qabu golooti nagaa jaallatan hundi, yaayyoo karaa mormii ummata booda jijjiirama demokraatawaaf yayyabame hanga xumuraatt hordofuu dha. Danuun seenaa bulcha cehumsaa Garee Lammaa Dr. Abiyyiin hogganamu uumee jiraa. Yero ammaa filmaati wayyaan jiru isaanuma. Deggersi keenya qeeqaa tahuu dandaha, garuu ifaajjee jijjiiramaa barbaachisu fiduuf akka dandeessisutt ijaaraa tahuu barbaachisa. Bu’aa ciicannoo kennaafiin wal amantee uumaa; mucuci asii fi achii, miiddhaan dhaqabsiisu yoo jiraate bu’aa yaa’icha keessa argamu hin caaluu. Waggoota dhibba tokkoof sammuu dhiqaaan jiraatuyyuu Itophiyaa tahuu kan hin fudhatin jiru. Kanaaf, ta’innaan, godinicha tokkeessuuf tattaaffiin godhamu mirkanii jiru kanaan wal gitchisiisuun barbaachisaa dha. Jalqaba, rakkinoota waggoota dhibbaa fi shantama as haanan keessatt kahan erga ilaallee kan waggoota kumaatt dabarra. Mirga saba hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu kan walabummaa dabalatu beekuun wal amantee sabootaa fi sabaawota akka walqixxeett waliin mari’achuu mijjeessu uumuu dandaha. Tokkumaan olii gad gonfamu, si’achi fudhatama hin qabaatu. Uumaa empayerii irratt qayyabannoo waloo qabaachuu yaaluun wal nokkora hedduu hambisuu dandaha. Qabeen saa, namoota daaya, gootota, alaabaa, afaan, aadaa fi seenaa tokko hin qabne, biyya ofii qaban kan tahee dha. Barri imperiyaalism jara akkasii humnaan bulcha tokko jalati fide. Hariiroon haala sana jalatt gaggeeffamaa ture hariiroo ashkarii fi goftaa giddu jiru ture. Booji’amootaa fi bitamtee hojjettuun Oromoo, Empayera Itophiyaaf dirree hedduutt gumaachanii. Dirree lola gurguddaatt jabduu agarsiisanii jiru; makiinaa afaan Amaaraa barressu (type writer) uumaniiruuf; dirree hogbarruu fi ooginaa afaan Amaaraa fi sportiitt kkf Itophiyaatt kan isaan gitu hin turre. Tajaajilli akkasii addatt kan Itophiyaa qofaatt beekame miti. Gumaachi Pushkin, Ruusiyaaf galmeeffame malee biyya tarii keessaa maddee Iroobiif miti. Gumaachi garbooti gurraachi qarooma addunyaaf tolchan Afrikaaf utuu hin tahin biyyoota gooftolii saaniif galmaawan. Biyya tokko keessatt tajaajiltummaan qooda fudhachuu fi bilisummaan hojjechuun adda addaa. Kanaaf “Gamna gowwoomsuun jibba barbaacha” kan jedhamu yaadataa, qabattee mirgoota ilmaan namaatt of haa daangessinu. Gumaacha ashkarootii fi booji’amtooti isaan keessaa maddan tolchan Oromoo gowwoomsee gaafii bilisummaaf qaban irraa isaan hin maqsuu. Akka daagaagicha Afrikaa fi ummata aadaan riqata qabuutt Oromoon waan tokkummaa Afrikaaf gumaachuu dandahan hedduu qabu. Garuu dura duubbee cimaa, Oromiyaa barbaadu. Gidiraa jiraatus, waliin jiraachuun jaarraa tokko olii, anjaa kennuun gara jijjiiramaa demokraatawaatt atoomaan waliin hojjennee ummati akka bilisummaan hiree saanii murteeffatan humneessuu ni dandeenyaa. Eenyuu maqaa Itophiyaa jala da’atee, sirna dullacha deebisee fiduu akka hin dandeenye gochuu dha. Fakkeenyi sirna dullacha, namichi ergaramaan tokko, ofii bututtuu uffatee kophee malee, ijoollee saa qullaa of jala yaasee harreett midhaan, dammaa fi dhadhaa fe’ee, qoraan gateettii baatee, tumaalessa ijoollee saa harkisiisuun warra abbaa lafaa gabbatoo takkaa hin daarre, afaan saa hin beekneef fida ture. Sun deebi’uu hin qabu. Ijoolleen Oromoo utuu hin quufinn, utuu daara hin bahin, utuu barumsa hin qabaatin, ummati Oromo jeejee,i dhukkubaa fi bulcha badaatt saaxilamaa qabeeenya Oromoo eenyuu saamee ittiin gabbachuu hin qabu. Wanti barbaachisaan maqaa Itophiyaa utuu hin tahin, akka ilmaan namaatt fedhan waliin jiraachuuf maqaa fedhe jalatt walii galte hawaasomaa uumuu dha. “Lammafata bishaan gaanii” jette hantuuti, jedhu Oromon. Bishaan gaanii keessa cubuluqxee akka tasaa dhangalaafnaan baraaramtee. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

What is important is not the name Ethiopia, but the will to enter into a social contract to live together in peace as human beings under any name. 

Those deafened during the time of Minilik still dream of partitioning Oromiyaa into small kingdoms whose rulers will be ordained by them. Their memory being short, they have already forgotten that it was only yesterday that Oromo youth freed not only own country but also theirs from tyrannical rule of the TPLF. Oromoo people and their youth are still today standing guard vigilantly to protect integrity of their country. That the real objective of “Forces of unity” claiming Finfinnee is not in itself but aimed at dividing Oromiyaa is well known to them. This is only a plan that started during the time of Qinijjit. That was what all their hullabaloo of these days about. They hate to see free Oromo and independent Oromo country, Oromo biyyaa (Oromiyaa) their milk cow for over hundred years. It should not be expected that Oromo youth, the vanguard of people’s protest and all democratic youth in the empire that helped in removing the tyrannical rule of TPLF to tolerate another right wing Nafxanyaa system hopefuls to replace it. The old imperial system has cracked beyond repair. The demand now is not how to mend old Ethiopia but recognizing reality on the ground and taking each people as sovereign. That is when reconstructing a new union based on the will of the peoples becomes possible. Oromo liberation movement aimed at liberating Oromiyaa from Ethiopian occupation. It has almost done it except for some technicalities. Therefore, to talk as if that phenomenon never existed is inviting the conflict to escalate. Undermining the Oromo national Kaayyoo as originally articulated by the OLF is failing to understand the psychological makeup of that nation. OLF is only a horse; if it ages another horse will be replaced not the Kaayyoo, spirit of the nation. What should be done is that all peace-loving parties cooperate in following to the end the road map for democratic change that is drawn as a result of people’s protest. Historical accident has created a transitional administration led by Team Lammaa chaired by Dr. Abiy. Right now, they are the best alternative available. Our support can be critical but constructive so as to help them in their effort to bring about the required change. Give them benefit of the doubt; probable damages from slips here and there will not be greater than the benefit one gets from the process. Despite the over one and half century brain washing not everyone accepts being Ethiopians. So, assumptions made to unite the region should be adjusted to this reality. Let us first deal with problems created in the recent hundred fifty years and later we shall deal with those of the thousand years. Recognizing the right of nations to national self-determination up to and including independence creates trust that will enable all nations and nationalities to confer as equals. Super imposed union is no more acceptable. Common understanding of nature of the empire could save us unproductive controversy. It is composed of peoples that have no common vision, no common heroes/heroines, no common flag, common language, culture and history and have own territory. The era of imperialism had brought all this under one rule by force. All relation under that condition were done in servant, master relations. Oromo captives and merceneries have contribute much for the Ethiopian empire in so many fields. They have fought courageously in many known war fields. The have created Amharic type writer; No one excelled them in the field of Amharic literature and arts and Ethiopian sports etc. Such service of slaves is not peculiar to Ethiopia. Pushkin’s contribution is registered for Russia not for Iroob from where he might have originated. Contribution of black slaves to world civilization was not registered for Africa but to their masters’ countries. To take part in a country’s business while in servitude and working as a free person are two different things. Therefore, not forgetting the saying “Trying to fool a smart one is to beg for hatred”, let us stick to the issue of human rights. Praising Oromo nation for contribution of servants and captives originating from it will not fool and distract Oromo from their demand for freedom. As one of the giants of Africa and having the essential cultural inclinations, Oromo have lots to contribute to Pan Africanism. But first they need strong rear, Oromiyaa. Using our living together for over a century, we can turn our past misfortunes into greater advantage of working in harmony towards democratic change, empowering peoples to freely determine on their fate. No one should be allowed to hide under the name Ethiopia and bring back the old order. Example of old order is, a dilapidated man wearing tattered clothes and having no shoes, being followed by his naked children, with donkeys loaded with cereals, honey and butter, and carrying fire wood on his shoulder and his children drawing a ram for well-fed well clothed family of his land lord that do not speak his language. That should not be repeated. Sun deebi’uu hin qabu. When Oromo offsprings do not have enough to eat, enough to cloth, have no education opportunity and when Oromo people are exposed to hunger, decease and bad governance, no one should plunder Oromo resources and enrich oneself. What is important is not the name Ethiopia, but the will to enter into a social contract to live together in peace as human beings under any name. As an Oromo saying goes, “Never again tank water said the mouse” when water in the tank she was drowning in was accidentally poured out and she survived. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

The East African Review: SPEAK OF ME AS I AM: Ethiopia, Native Identities and the National Question in Africa February 3, 2019

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Speak of Me as I Am

Does a country create a people, or do a people create a country? KALUNDI SERUMAGA responds to Mahmood Mamdani’s recent analysis on the political situation in Ethiopia. Published in The East African Review, January 26, 2019

The Westphalian principles, rooted in the 1648 Treaties signed in the European region of that name, have been monstrously mis-applied when it comes to the African continent, yet they established modern international relations, particularly the inviolability of borders and non-interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. The default position of a certain generation and class of African nationalist, is to cleave unto the “new” nation born at Independence, as the only legitimate basis upon which African progress can be conceived and built. Everything else, especially that dreaded category, ‘ethnicity’ is cast as a diversion and dangerous distraction. This is the tone that runs through Ugandan Professor Mahmoud Mamdani’s one thousand-word opinion piece: The Trouble With Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism, published on 3rd January for the New York Times by (and patriotically reproduced in Uganda’s Daily Monitor newspaper), bearing a total of fifty-four iterations of the word ‘ethnic’.

The default position of a certain generation and class of African nationalist, is to cleave unto the “new” nation born at Independence, as the only legitimate basis upon which African progress can be conceived and built.

At Independence, the Westphalia protocols were conferred on to the former colonial contraptions. The results were economic stagnation and political repression. For over five decades, these new nations have been the focus of intellectual and political agitation among Africa’s thinkers. When, after all that rumination and fulmination, our thinkers still get things horribly back to front, we all get stuck at a crossroads. Mamdani’s essay comes as our current Exhibit A in this long history of intellectual malfunction. Current Prime Minister, the youthful Abiy Ahmed is faced with a many-sided series of demands from a deeply frustrated population. Many of these relate directly to the lack of an economic growth model that palpably raises living standards. Others reach further back to the age-old question of land ownership and reform. Naturally, the demand for greater civic rights to speech and assembly come as a prerequisite. One feature common to these demands is the tendency for the Ethiopians to speak through, and/or on behalf of the various constitutionally recognised native identities within the country. Some may have even formed militias for this purpose.

Mamdani’s essay comes as our current Exhibit A in this long history of intellectual malfunction.

Mamdani engages with this to make an analysis not just of the Ethiopian crisis itself, but of the question of what he terms “ethnicity” which, he sees as the issue – or more accurately, the ‘problem’ – permanently bedevilling African politics. “Fears of Ethiopia suffering Africa’s next interethnic conflict are growing,” he warns. Prime Minister Abiy has been quick to concede much, and roll out as many reforms as he can. Most notably, he has ended the two-decade stand-off with his northern neighbour, Eritrea.

Mamdani engages with this to make an analysis not just of the Ethiopian crisis itself, but of the question of what he terms “ethnicity” which, he sees as the issue – or more accurately, the ‘problem’ – permanently bedevilling African politics.

This may not be enough, Mamdani tells us. The real problem, as he sees it, is the introduction of ethnicity into Ethiopian governance, and its central position in the Ethiopian constitution. This, Professor Mamdani says, was done by former Prime Minister, the late Meles Zenawi, who served as the de facto Ethiopian strongman from 1991 to 2012. Mamdani describes this as an attempt to replicate a similar strategy of ethnic organization that, in his view, was introduced to Africa as part of the colonial method of governing: “In most of Africa, ethnicity was politicized when the British turned the ethnic group into a unit of local administration, which they termed ‘indirect rule.’ Every bit of the colony came to be defined as an ethnic homeland, where an ethnic authority enforced an ethnically defined customary law that conferred privileges on those deemed indigenous at the expense of non-indigenous minorities.” This analysis fails to stop itself there, which would have been bad enough. “The move,” continues the Professor, “was a response to a perennial colonial problem: racial privilege for whites mobilized those excluded as a racialized non-white majority. By creating an additional layer of privilege, this time ethnic, indirect rule fragmented the racially conscious majority into so many ethnic minorities, in every part of the country setting ethnic majorities against ethnic minorities.” Describing native homelands as a “fiction”, the Professor goes on to say that while such ethnic labelling and selective privileging may have served the colonial purpose, it had the effect of first, “dividing a racially conscious African population” and second, turning them into people who saw themselves as “tribes” first and foremost. Thus, he concludes, “Wherever this system continued after independence, national belonging gave way to tribal identity as the real meaning of citizenship.” Having thus problematized the “ethnic” thing, Mamdani goes on to imply that there may be no peace to come in Ethiopia unless the issue is excised from the Ethiopian body politic in particular, and Africa in general. These words have many meanings, none of them good for Africans, at least. First, this is the same thing as saying that before European arrived in Africa, “ethnic” identities were not politicized, and neither were they units of administration. Taken to its logical conclusion, this is to say that there were no ‘politics’ in precolonial Africa, and neither were there forms of administration.

Having thus problematized the “ethnic” thing, Mamdani goes on to imply that there may be no peace to come in Ethiopia unless the issue is excised from the Ethiopian body politic in particular, and Africa in general.

Africans seem to have been roaming the continent as a cohort of an undefined but also homogenous mass, with wholly insignificant identities, which were only solemnised, formalized, and bestowed with political meaning with the arrival of a European power amongst them. Second, it also implies that only the European had the skill to animate these identities, without them tearing the (therefore necessary) European-planted state apart. Third, that the tragedy of modern Africa began when the European withdrew his controlling hand. Left to their own devices, the identities he had created, mutated into a Frankenstein’s monster of tribal strife. Fourth, that there is such a thing as ‘national identity’ that sprung to life fully formed at independence, a good by-product of the European-planted state, and that it is African ‘tribalism’ that destroys it. In other words, European-invented African tribalism spoils the one good thing (nationalism) that Europe brought to Africa. Finally, that belonging to the European-planted nation in Africa is the only viable means of an African citizenship. But if the British were pre-occupied with “ethnicizing”, and the resultant people’s feelings and loyalties were exclusively ethnic, where then does “national belonging” come from at independence? The entire analysis of the crisis is a crisis in itself: of naming, histories, theories and practice. It is intellectually disingenuous and patronising, and goes beyond the usual linguistic demotion and belittling one usually encounters from many an expert on Africa.

Naming

Why are 34 million Oromo in Ethiopia an ‘ethnicity’, and 5.77 million Danes a ‘nation’? Why are the three great wars that shaped modern Europe (Franco-Prussian, the 1914-18 and 1939-1945 great wars), not conceptualized as ethnic conflicts?

Mamdani’s entire analysis of the crisis is a crisis in itself: of naming, histories, theories and practice. It is intellectually disingenuous and patronising, and goes beyond the usual linguistic demotion and belittling one usually encounters from many an expert on Africa.

Why are there only a handful of contemporary states in Africa whose names bear a relation to the identity of people actually living there. Everyplace else is a reference to a commodity, or an explorer’s navigational landmarks. This frankly malevolent labelling offers the space for the linguistic demotion of entire peoples. To wit: 34 million Oromo, seven million Baganda, 43 million Igbo, 10 million Zulu will always remain ‘ethnicities’ and ‘tribes’ to be chaperoned by ‘whiteness’. 5.77 million Danes, 5.5 million Finns, and just 300,000 Icelanders can be called ‘nations’, complete with their own states with seats at the UN. Some of these states were only formed less than two centuries ago (Italy: 1861, Germany: 1815, Belgium: 1830), while some of those ‘tribes’, and most critically for the argument, their governing institutions had already been created. Why has the ethno-federalization of Great Britain itself, not been seen as such, and as a recipe for conflict? This, in fact, is the real ‘fiction’, and it has led to decades of instability. But just because Westphalia does not see them, does not mean the African nations don’t exist. The denial of their existence is in fact, an act of violence. This is what led a thus exiled Buganda’s Kabaka Edward Muteesa II to write: “I have never been able to pin down precisely the difference between a tribe and a nation and see why one is thought to be so despicable and the other so admired.” Many modern Africans, especially those whose identity is a product of the European imposition of contemporary African states, have a vested interest in making a bogeyman out of native African identity. The starting point of this enterprise is to invite the African to agree to see our own identities as a liability to African progress, by labelling them “ethnic”. When “ethnic” conflicts do flare up, those natives who have refused to jump on to this bandwagon are subjected to a big “I told you so”, as Mamdani’s essay now seeks to do.

Many modern Africans, especially those whose identity is a product of the European imposition of contemporary African states, have a vested interest in making a bogeyman out of native African identity.

This was the position of the OAU member states, and many African political parties, including those in opposition to their increasingly repressive post-Independence governments. But Ethiopia presents a huge problem for Professor Mamdani’s theory of the colonial roots of “ethnicity”, since its history falls outside the usual African pattern of a direct experience of European colonialism. Since his initial assertion when introducing the issue of ‘ethnicity’, was that it was a result of European labelling leading to a “divide and rule” situation, Mamdani is then faced with the difficulty of explaining where those particular Ethiopian ‘ethnicities’ spring from if there were no Europeans creating them. Unless, to develop his assertion of homelands being a ‘fiction’, he thinks Ethiopia’s various nationalities are fictional too?

Ethiopia presents a huge problem for Professor Mamdani’s theory of the colonial roots of “ethnicity”, since its history falls outside the usual African pattern of a direct experience of European colonialism

He covers up this logical gap by pre-empting a proper discussion of that history. Then changing tack, he suggests that the presence of “ethnic” problems in Ethiopia, despite the country’s lack of a European colonial history actually shows that “ethnicity” is somehow a congenital defect in the body politic of all Africa. “The country today resembles a quintessential African system marked by ethnic mobilization for ethnic gains.” Of course the correct answer to all the above questions is that Africa’s Africans had their ‘ethnic’ identities well known and in place long before the arrival of any European explorer or conqueror. And these were not anodyne proto-identities, but actual political institutions and methods of organization and governance. But this is an inconvenient truth, because then it forces the proper naming of these alleged ‘ethnicities’: nations. All told, deploying notions of “ethnicity” and “tribe” is a tactic to corral Africans into primordial nomenclatures, thereby avoiding a recognition of their pre-colonial formations as nations. It serves to fetishize the colonial project as the godsend device to rescue the African ethnic strife and predestined mayhem. But if the 34 million Oromo are an ethnicity, then so are the 5.77 million Danes. More so for our situation so are the English, Scots and Welsh who field national teams during the World Cup and the Commonwealth games. We need consistency, people must be spoken of as they are.

Deploying notions of “ethnicity” and “tribe” is a tactic to corral Africans into primordial nomenclatures, thereby avoiding a recognition of their pre-colonial formations as nations.

Naturally, the emergent Independence-era African middle class was more than happy to go along with this erasure, in what Basil Davidson called an attempt at “the complete flattening of the ethnic landscape”, and even fine-tuned it. Where some concessions had been made to the existence of the old nations, these were quickly, often violently, dispensed with. In British Africa, the politics of trying to dispense with this reality is what dominated virtually all the politics of pre-independence constitutional negotiations. The question informed even the political alliances that emerged at independence. In Zambia it required a special constitutional pact between the new head of state, Kenneth Kaunda and the ruling council of the Barotse people – they have recently sought to repudiate it and return to their pre-colonial status. Ghana’s Asante kings were against the British handing power to Nkrumah’s government. They argued that since they had ceded power to the British via treaty, then the departure of the British meant a termination of those treaties. Logically, therefore, that power should be re-invested in the ones it had been taken from under treaty. In Kenya, the Maasai and the Coastal peoples used the same argument during the decolonisation conferences at Lancaster House. Significantly, the Somali rejected inclusion in the independence Kenyan state, insisting that they wanted to be integrated into independent Somalia. Unable to resolve the ‘Three Questions’ the Foreign and Colonial Office cynically kicked them into the not-very-long grass for the incoming leadership to deal with. The Mombasa Republican Council of today draws its political legitimacy from the updated colonial-era Witu Agreement of 1906, signed between their ancestors and the independence government.

Histories

To understand the current situation in Ethiopia, one must face up to the challenge of properly understanding any part of Africa, a continent so taxonomised and anthropologised by white thinking that it is barely recognizable on paper to its indigenous inhabitants. It is a two-stage challenge. First: to understand Ethiopia’s history. To do that, one must first recognise and accept the possibilities of an African history not shaped, defined and animated by European imperatives. Africans, like all people, have been making their own history. And like people elsewhere, this has as much narration of the good as it does the bad.

To understand the current situation in Ethiopia, one must face up to the challenge of properly understanding any part of Africa, a continent so taxonomised and anthropologised by white thinking that it is barely recognizable on paper to its indigenous inhabitants.

Ethiopia’s crisis is a consequence of a century-old unravelling of the empire built by Emperor Menelik II (1889-1904). As his title implies, this was not a nation, but an Empire: a territory consisting of many nations, brought into his ambit by one means or another. Menelik’s motives and method can, and should be debated, but the fact is that Europe met its match in the Ethiopian Highlands, and were forced to leave Menelik to it.

Ethiopia’s crisis is a consequence of a century-old unravelling of the empire built by Emperor Menelik II (1889-1904).

Yes. Africans also produce momentous historical events. It is not an exclusive trait of white people. We must get into the habit of discussing our own non-European driven history as a real thing with real meanings. Just as we may talk about the continuing long-term effects of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire on the European Balkan region, so can we talk about how the demise of Menelik’s empire continues to impact on the greater Horn region. If that sounds far-fetched, bear in mind that since Menelik’s passing 120 years ago, Ethiopia has had only six substantive rulers: Zewditu/Selassie, Mengistu, Zenawi, Dessalegn and now Abiy. On his passing, Menelik left a region covering more than three times the area he inherited. Prince Tafari, upon eventually inheriting the throne as Emperor Haile Selassie in 1930 simply sought to consolidate it. In his 2002 biography: Notes from the Hyena’s Belly: An Ethiopian Boyhood, the Ethiopian author Nega Mezlekia tells the story of him and his family, as one of many Amhara families that migrate to Jijiiga, a region in the far east of Ethiopia during the reign of Emperor Selassie. This was part of a government programme of Amhara settlement to many parts of the Ethiopian countryside. Jijiiga is home to ethnic Somalis. Amhara expansion, one of several factors, eventually provokes an armed revolt. Ironically, the author in his youth joined the insurgents. Emperor Selassie can be said to have made some errors, but the context is critical: his reign spanned a period that saw immense changes in global politics, and social ideas.

Consider his life and times:

He witnessed the two great inter-European wars, the fall of its empires (Italian, German, Ottoman, Japanese) and the end of direct European occupation of Africa. He suffered two European invasions of his realm, and lived in exile. He was a regent during the Bolshevic Revolution in 1917, and saw the emergence of the Soviet Union as a world superpower and the Cold War that followed. He may have been one of only a handful of world leaders to have been a member of both the United Nations, and the League of Nations that preceded it. This sweep of history also had its impact on the Ethiopian peoples. One response was a growing demand for social, economic and political reform, including loosening the bonds of Selassie’s empire. By the time of the 1975 coup against him, the world was a fundamentally different one than the one he had met when he took the throne. He was, in fact, so “old school” that his captors were taken aback when he calmly informed them that he had no personal income or savings to look after himself. He took a hard line on Eritrea, which had settled into an uneasy federation, provoking a war of secession; continued Amhara settler expansion into Oromo and elsewhere; and he failed to manage Tigrayan nationalism, rooted partly in their dynastic loss of the imperial throne to that of Menelik’s Shewa kingdom. Critically, he did not effectively address agrarian land reform, one of the roots of the country’s political and agricultural crises. So, to sum up Emperor Selassie: ultimately, he neither succeeds to fully consolidate his empire, nor does he re-order the empire’s boundaries and strictures, which he had inherited in a fundamentally different era. He found himself fighting the more conservative elements of his aristocracy opposed to his reforms; the modernist republicans concerned that he was not reforming fast enough; and the increasingly radical nationalists in the regions demanding self-determination. Enter Colonel Mengistu, something of a zealot, but who, for all his violent tendencies, was more of the “social reform” persuasion, and sympathetic to the “land to the tiller” demands of the early radical youth movements. Having overthrown a monarch, he saw himself in the image of the Soviet Union’s Communist party in Russia which had deposed the Russian King Tsar Nicholas II. His task, as he saw it, was to create a socialist state. However, Mengistu had basically taken over the same state that Selassie inherited and he was still wedded to it. His modernist concept of history and the world prevented him from understanding that he was dealing with a home-grown imperial history, and that he was in effect therefore, running an empire. This blinds him to the “nationalities question”, and only intensifies the agitations among the various indigenous nations trapped in his now secular empire. So, he basically tries to kill everybody opposed to him. This is the reality Mamdani fails to see, and mistakenly calls Mengistu’s state a ‘unified republic’; interestingly, he does not offer any of the gruesome details of how Mengistu ‘instituted’ this so-called unification. The only places where Ethiopia was unified and a republic was in Mengistu’s mind (and in his armory). What the various territories wanted was recognition of their separate identities, and an unchallenged say over the land of their ancestors. Mengistu’s response was to raise even higher the levels of violence needed to keep these rebellions in check, simultaneously fighting Tigrayan, Eritrean, Somali and Oromo insurgencies.

Theory and practice.

Ideologically, the leaderships of the Ethiopian insurgencies were taken over by persons claiming to be as Marxist as Lenin was. Eventually, all the belligerents, including the regime, claimed to be Marxist organisations, yet they were in conflict with each other. What intensified the crisis was the conflicting understandings of what Marxist practice should therefore be, in their context. It was at this point that a number of left-ideological debates came into play, and where a lot of left-ideologues lost their way. Marxist theory, which mobilized millions of people worldwide, and its practical implications, should be examined with some care. History on this point is necessary. These nationalist struggles based their arguments on the Leninist principle of “The Right of Small Nations to Self-Determination”, which had been partially applied in the Soviet Union from its formation in 1917. After Lenin’s death in 1924, his successor, Josef Stalin, found less time for it, and, in the face of sustained Western European aggression seemed to see it as a liability to the security of the revolution. The 1975 coup that brought Mengistu to power (or, more accurately, the coup that Mengistu then subsequently violently hijacked) was a response to widespread unrest, particularly among youth and student movements. This led to a number of practical problems on the ground, in relation to ideology. At the heart of both the Dergue and the later Tigrayan movements was the issue of land reform. Mamdani does note that the initial upheavals of the 1970s were driven by this, but then fails to make the correct links. For the vast majority of Africans, especially back then, land is not just a place to live, but also a place of work. To be without land is to be without a secure job. Subsistence peasant agriculture is back-breaking, often precarious, and not financially lucrative. It is also – and many progressives fail to recognize this – autonomous. To a very great extent, the subsistence peasant is not dependent on the state or the global economy. If anything, those entities depend on the farmer whose austere lifestyle acts as a hidden subsidy in providing the market with cheaply-grown food at no investment risk to the consumer or the state. Clearly, one thing that can transform and undergird this existence is sensible reforms to the way the farmer secures tenure of the land they work. But what happens when land rights encounter cultural rights based on land? A “homeland” is certainly not the “fiction” of Mamdani’s assertion. It hosts the identity and worldview of the people that occupy it. It holds their sacred sites, and places marking their cultural consciousness. More so, that culture underpins their ability to keep producing autonomously. To suggest that it does not exist or does not matter, actually shows a complete failure to grasp who black African people are and how they live, and think. It is a fundamentally anti-African statement implying, as it does, that black Africans do not have an internal intellectual and spiritual logic, developed indigenously, and augmented by physical spaces and objects within them, that informs a worldview. Africans, the suggestion is, are inherently transposable, as they are not tied to any thing or any place. The captains of the old transatlantic slave ships could not have theorized it better. Coming from someone who lives in Africa, this is a bit surprising. Coming from a professor heading an institute within one of Africa’s new universities, designed to bolster the colonial state’s mission of deracinating the African, perhaps less so. However, the current crisis in Ethiopia is very real, and failure to finally resolve it holds huge implications for the entire region. That is precisely why a correct analysis is needed. Not a comfortable one rooted in essentially racist tropes. The allegedly ‘ethnic demands’ were demands for a different type of guarantee to land rights than those being promoted by Mengistu. For example, would an Amhara family like Nega Mezlekia’s, originally settled by Emperor Selassie in Jijiiga, have a legally equal claim to land against the ethnic Somali communities native to the area, just because they now happen to be the ‘tillers’ there? Would there be a hierarchy of claims? In any event, who should decide? A central authority in Addis Ababa, or a federated unit representing the historic native community? There are no easy answers. But the regime’s (and other ‘progressives’) complete refusal to even consider the issue, is what led to the conclusion that for there to be justice in Ethiopia, the issue of native nationalities, and their land-based cultural rights, would have to be physically resolved first. In short, it became clear that the land reform question could not be effectively addressed without also addressing the underlying question of productive cultural identities and the historical land claims that arise from that. This was particularly sharp in those areas of the country –such as Oromo and Tigray- that are dominated by pastoralist communities. Historically, much of Africa’s land grabs have taken place against pastoralist communities, the great city of Nairobi being a prime example. This is the basis of the ‘ethnic’ movements that have so perturbed Professor Mamdani. It was, in fact, a debate of the Left, and not some right-wing atavist distraction. So, the great irony is that Ethiopia, home to that great bastion of mis-applied Westphalian thinking, the Organisation of African Unity, becomes ground zero for the great unresolved National Question as it applies to Independent Africa: what is an African nation, and is it the same thing as a given African state (or, more accurately, a state located in Africa)? The armed struggle began in Eritrea, after Selassie’s unilateral abrogation of the federal arrangement. The original fighting group, called the Eritrean Liberation Front was soon violently displaced from the field by a more radical Eritrean Peoples’ Liberation Front of Isias Afwerki, espousing those aspects of Leninism and Maoism that enabled it to mobilise a broad front of all classes affected by the feeling of Occupation. The rebels’ demands were clear: a federation of Ethiopia or separation from it; control of their own lands, and an equal recognition of cultures. For his part, Mengistu, now fighting five separate militant groups, including a very militant hard-line the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front based in urban Ethiopia, placed all his faith in military might. He ended up building the largest armed force in Sub-Saharan Africa (if not Africa as a whole) of some half- a million soldiers, and being heavily dependent on the Soviet Union, which saw him as a vital foothold in Africa, for war materiel and other supplies. He also received military support from Cuba. It again may not be widely known that at the height of the fighting, these different forces which had grown in to wholesale armies, were fighting some of the largest engagements (including tank battles) since the 1939-1945 European inter-ethnic conflict called the Second World War. The fight progressively turned in favour of the rebels. With Mengistu’s main arms supplier, the Soviet Union, finally capitulating against the US in the Superpower contest in 1989, his forces were routed and he was driven from the capital in 1991. The Eritrean armed struggle started in 1961, the Tigrayan one in 1975 and Oromo’s in 1973. All end with Mengistu’s fall. If Mamdani genuinely believes these nationalities are just “ethnicities”, and that Ethiopia is now running the risk of hosting “Africa’s next inter-ethnic conflict”, then this history shows that Ethiopia has in fact already had the “next inter-ethnic” conflict. Mamdani’s fears, this is to say, are 30 or 40 years late. To sum up Mengistu: he seized power in response to a severe political crisis, and then, misreading his position, sought to impose his concept of “socialism” on the various peoples still caught in the net of Menelik’s Empire state. This led to a situation of mounting violence, in which he saw just about everyone as an enemy to be physically crushed. His regime eventually succumbed to the overwhelming resistance. Enter Meles Zenawi, who came out of that generation of student activists who took up the nationalities and land reform demands during the time of the Emperor. To many of them, Mengistu’s high-handedness in dealing with the matter was a disappointment. Tigrayans today do not easily recall that when Meles led the the youth to start the war, they sought refuge in Eritrea, and were nurtured and trained there by Isias Afwerki’s EPLF forces already at war against the Ethiopian state. The issue of identity does not therefore mean that Africans are perennially and illogically at each others throats in some kind of primordial frenzy. They do politics, and are fully capable of defining their interests and maintaining relations, or breaking them off, as needs may dictate. Zenawi (to an extent like Daniel Ortega on the other side of the world, and even Yoweri Museveni, in his own way), found himself in charge of a state now encountering a new, neo-liberal global world order being enforced by the only super power left standing. Like Selassie, the circumstances around them had changed greatly from when they had begun their political journeys. Far from simply “introducing” a federal constitution whose “ethnic” nature Mamdani is problematizing, Zenawi’s regime was finally having the Ethiopian state recognise the long-standing historical realities that had emerged from decades of political and armed struggle. To reduce the product of all that sweeping history to a notion of “fictions”, is a dangerous over-simplification. In this quest for erasure, Mamdani applies the same misleading thinking backwards by calling the 1994 Ethiopian constitution a “Sovietificaton” of Ethiopia. The Russian nationalities were no more an invention of Lenin than the Ethiopian ones are of Meles Zenawi’s creation. The various units that made up the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics were based on nationalities long in place before the 1917 communist revolution took place there. The responsible thing to do, as a starting point, was acknowledge that fact, which the communists did (and Stalin to a greater extent than Lenin before him). Yes, Meles was a dictator. And yes, the constitution is based on indigenous nations. That does not automatically suggest causality: Meles Zenawi did not “turn Ethiopia to ‘ethnic’ federalism”. Its long history did. In fact, events show that Zenawi and the dominant faction he governed with, were no longer in support of the “rights of small nations” by the time they took power. With the exception of holding the pre-agreed referendum on Eritrean independence (he may have had little choice in the matter: friends in Addis used to like to tell the story of how Meles’ own stepmother, who happens to be Eritrean, and who raised him, left him in his official Addis residence to go and vote for independence in Eritrea, then returned after), he fails to implement the sprit and the letter of the new arrangements that were based on principles forged in the course of the long war. As a small example: Article 5 of the country’s constitution now says that: “1. All Ethiopian languages shall enjoy equal state recognition”, but goes on to add that: “2. Amharic shall be the working language of the Federal Government.” Zenawi, despite being very fluent in the language reportedly refused to make public speeches in Amharic for the entire time he was in charge. A more substantive example is found in the very incident that sparked the current uprising: if the regime knew that – as Mamdani points out – the 1994 federal constitution guaranteed the nationalities concerned authority over their land, why then did it try to expand the boundaries of the Federal capital Addis into Oromo territory over the objections of people there? In other words, the problem in Ethiopia is the exact opposite of what Professor Mamdani sees. It is not the “ethnic” constitution at fault; it is the failure by the Zenawi regime to genuinely implement it, by negating the spirit of the idea in private, while pretending to uphold it in public. In particular, Zenawi’s “Woyane” regime repeated Mengistu’s mistake of trying to hold on to Menelik’s state. Critically, he too failed to address the historic issue of land reform that began the whole shake-up of Ethiopia with the student protests against the Emperor. In practice, land is still the property of the state, to be handed out for “developmental” purposes, upholding the Mengistu mentality, but now in the context of global neo-liberalism. “Derg and [the TPLF] took a very similar approach to the land question. Which is why, three decades after TPLF comes to power, they have still been unable to do land reform, abandoned agrarian reform and ironically, put rural Ethiopian land on the international auction. Something like four million acres of rural farmland, mostly in southern Ethiopia has been leased out to foreign investors since the mid-2000s, ” observes journalist Parselelo Kantai, who frequents the country. Power comes with its temptations, and a state machine comes with its own institutional imperatives. It would appear that once a group finds itself in control of the apparatus of an empire such as Menelik’s, they become very reluctant to abandon its workings. Perhaps it is only the armed forces in Portugal, having overthrown their autocratic Caetano regime in 1974, that ever went on to immediately dismantle their empire and allow the conquered to go free. The politics of the armed coalition coming together and finally driving Mengistu out may well have been the moment for this change in attitude to begin, not least because the Meles’ TPLF was by far the militarily dominant faction of the alliance. To sum up Meles Zenawi: he evolved into what many ‘revolutionaries” became after the Cold War era: a technocratic autocrat placing his hopes in a neo-liberal approach to solving the country’s deep economic problems through a “developmentalist” strategy. He quite literally burned himself out hoping that, by bringing rapid infrastructural development, he could perhaps outpace the historical political claims, and thus render them redundant. This essentially meant a new form of what Mengistu and Selassie had done before him: overlook people’s ancestral claims to this or that, and simply see the whole landmass as a site for “development” projects, no matter who they may displace or inconvenience. But “any notion of ‘progress’ or ‘modernization’ that does not start from a peoples’ culture is tantamount to genocide.” the late Professor Dan Nabudere warned us. Meles Zenawi sought to hold on to the very imperial state he had once fought. His unwillingness to fully honour the terms of the broad alliance of all the fighting groups, and instead consolidated his armed group to take factional control of the whole state and set the course for new upheavals. His sudden death became the opening for these issues to spill out into the streets. His immediate successor, Hailemariam Desalegn, soon found that the kind of extreme state violence that had served Zenawi, and Mengistu before him, and Selassie before them both, no longer worked, forcing Deslaegn to resign in failure. Abiy Ahmed must finally deal with these realities. Ultimately, any attempt to do politics based on the imperatives of the Menelik-created state was, and is, going to come up against the fact that this state actually started life as an empire. If the history of Ethiopia has shown one thing, it is that this approach has always provoked rebellions. Ethiopia, one could say, is back to the pre-war situation it was in just before Mengistu’s coup. The problem is conceptual; the same one that confronted Selassie and Mengistu: are we running a nation, or a homegrown empire made up of several?  Mr Abiy Ahmed would be wise not to go down that path. His challenge is to dismantle the remnants of Meles’ personal military apparatus, genuinely re-orient the country back to its federal constitutional ethos, begin to address the land tenure question, and quickly, before the political grievances – and the economic challenges underlying them – completely boil over. As the world becomes less secure and with fewer overlords, there will be more and more examples of Africa’s invisible nations asserting themselves to manage control of their resources. Dismissing them as “ethnic” is simply laying a foundation to justify violence against them.

Read more at: https://www.theeastafricanreview.info/op-eds/2019/01/26/speak-of-me-as-i-am/
E Review.

PM Abiy Ahmed has been named a global thinker by the Foreign Policy (FP) magazine. January 25, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed PRIME MINISTER OF ETHIOPIA

Lauren Tamaki illustration for Foreign Policy

In less than a year in office, Abiy Ahmed has already made history in Ethiopia by forging peace with its neighbor Eritrea. The move reunited families and reopened long-dormant trade networks. Now Abiy is focused on healing Ethiopia’s own divisions, and his status as the country’s first leader from the restive Oromia region has given many of his constituents hope that he’ll succeed.

Oromia’s Olympic athlete, Feyisa Lilesa, named among the 2016 top 100 global thinkers by the Foreign Policy (FP) magazine.

FP  Global Thinkers  2016: The challengers, FEYISA LILESA

Both the rise of PM Abiy Ahmed and Athlete Feyisa Lilesa’s protest on global stages have been the consequences of #OromoProtests, Qeerroo Revolution.

Relief Web: The UN Humanitarian Coordinator calls for a scale-up response to displacement crisis in Western Ethiopia January 23, 2019

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The United Nations Humanitarian/Resident Coordinator (HC/RC a.i.) for Ethiopia Mr. Aeneas Chuma has called for a scaled-up response to an estimated 250,000 people displaced from Benishangul Gumuz into east/west Wollega zones of Oromia region and within Benishangul Gumuz region. The HC/RC reminded the Ethiopia Humanitarian Country Team (EHCT) members that very limited presence of operational partners coupled with constrained security in western Ethiopia has negatively impacted the response to immediate life-saving and protection needs of IDPs. On 14 January 2019, a mission led by the HC/RC visited Gomma Factory site in Nekemte town and two IDPs sites in Belo area of Sasiga woreda and observed that IDPs face shortage of food, shelter, and medicine. The visit also witnessed as many as 600 persons are confined in a hall in the IDP sites-posing serious protection concerns. Lack of access to education for IDPs children is also one area that needs to be addressed immediately. Humanitarian partners have been constrained from accessing five woredas in Kamashi zone, Oda Woreda of Assosa zone, and Mau Kumo Special Woreda in Benishangul Gumuz region due to the ongoing tense security situation in the areas.

The humanitarian community will continue to work with the Government of Ethiopia through the National Disaster Risk Management Commission (NDRMC) and the Oromia Disater Risk Management Commission to expand the emergency operation in east and west Wollega to boost the coordination structure.

Durable Solutions as nexus opportunity in the Somali region: Lessons from SDC

The dramatic growth in the volume, cost, and length of humanitarian assistance for over a decade in Ethiopia, in large part due to the protracted nature of crises, has given prominence to the long-standing discussion around better connectivity between humanitarian and development efforts. The largest number of stakeholders at the World Humanitarian Summit (WHS) identified the need to strengthen the humanitarian-development nexus against the backdrop of the adoption of the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

As Ethiopia is moving towards a multi-year strategy in which humanitarian and development actors envision a collective outcome in a given period of time, countries like Switzerland are already implementing a durable solution to IDPs in Somali region. The Swiss Development Cooperation (SDC) in Ethiopia has been working in the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia since 2015. For SDC nexus has become one of the priority themes in the region motivated by the context where incidences of disasters have increased alongside the ever-weakened coping mechanisms of communities and weak government capacities requiring coherent approaches particularly in the Somali region.

Resilience building is an opportunity to secure sustainability linked to Agenda 2030 and achieve the objective to “Leave No-one Behind”. The SDC’s migration and protection programme engagement in building resilience in the Somali region includes supporting the government to find durable solutions for the displaced population and host communities. The support focuses on improving the wellbeing of IDPs through enhanced information management, capacity building, policy development and advocacy towards durable solutions. By supporting the regional government, SDC is strengthening the Durable Solutions Working Group (DSWG), established in 2014. Under the leadership of the regional Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Bureau (DPPB), and International Organization for Migration (IOM), SDC reactivated the group in 2016. The engagement with the Group has resulted in the development and endorsement of a Somali Region Durable Solutions Strategy. The group conducted multi-agency assessments in IDP relocation sites to inform partners on programming, and IDP intention survey in 10 conflict-induced IDP sites with Durable Solutions principles integrated.

The SDC support provided capacity building training for Somali regional sector bureaus on existing international, regional and national conventions, legal provisions, policies and strategies on the rights of IDPs including their rights for achieving durable solutions. The SDC will continue its work in the region to implement IDPs voluntary return, local integration and resettlement activities based on the interests of IDPs and host communities. It will deploy technical experts on Durable Solutions both at the regional and federal levels and will conduct IDP intention survey data collection activities in 45 IDP sites between January and April 2019.

Other areas where the SDC is looking at the nexus approach are through its health and food security programmes. The health programme focuses on improving access to the most vulnerable population i.e. pastoralist communities, to affordable high-quality health care in the Somali region. Focus is given to ‘One Health’ to improve the well-being of pastoralists through improving the governance and service delivery of the three sectors/pillars that pastoralism stands on i.e. livestock, people and natural resources management. To this end, a new thirteen and half year’s project will be launched in March 2019, which encompasses a crisis modifier as a rapid response to protect the developmental gains through early action for communities. The SDC’s food security resilience-building program aims at ensuring resilient and sustainable livelihoods and food security of the drought-prone pastoralists and agro-pastoralists in collaboration with the German Development Cooperation (GIZ) and the Ministry of Agriculture in collaboration, the Bureau of Livestock and Pastoralist Development (BoLPD) and Bureau of Agriculture & Natural Resources Development (BoLNRD).

New law grants more rights to refugees in Ethiopia

The House of Peoples’ Representatives of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia on Tuesday (15 January 2019) passed a law that allows refugees in Ethiopia to exercise more rights. The law allows refugees to move out of the camps, attend regular schools and to travel and work across the country. They can also formally register births, marriages and deaths, and will have access to financial services such as bank account. Ethiopia’s revision of its refugee law comes just weeks after the UN General Assembly agreed to the Global Compact on Refugees on 17 December 2018. The New legislation is part of the “Jobs Compact— a US$500 million program which aims to create 100,000 jobs — 30 percent of which will be allocated to refugees.

Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA) said the new law would enhance the lives of refugees and host communities. The UN Refugee Agency welcomes Ethiopia’s historic new refugee law in a press statement released on 18 January 2019. “The passage of this historic law represents a significant milestone in Ethiopia’s long history of welcoming and hosting refugees from across the region for decades,” said Filippo Grandi, UN High Commissioner for Refugees. “By allowing refugees the opportunity to be better integrated into society, Ethiopia is not only upholding its international refugee law obligations, but is serving as a model for other refugee-hosting nations around the world.”

Ethiopia currently hosts over 900,000 refugees, primarily from neighbouring South Sudan, Somalia, Sudan and, Eritrea, as well as smaller numbers of refugees from Yemen and Syria, making it Africa’s second largest refugee population next Uganda. For more on this: https://reliefweb.int/node/2955609/

Nearly 36 million children in Ethiopia are poor and lack access to basic social services: new report

A joint press release by the Central Statistical Agency and UNICEF Ethiopia indicates that an estimated 36 million of a total population of 41 million children under the age of 18 in Ethiopia are multi-dimensionally poor, meaning they are deprived of basic goods and services in at least three dimensions. Titled “Multi-dimensional Child Deprivation in Ethiopia – First National Estimates,” the report studied child poverty in nine dimensions – development/stunting, nutrition, health, water, sanitation, and housing. Other dimensions included education, health related knowledge, and information and participation.

The study finds that 88 per cent of children in Ethiopia under the age of 18 (36 million) lack access to basic services in at least three basic dimensions of the nine studied, with lack of access to housing and sanitation being the most acute. The study reveals that there are large geographical inequalities: 94 per cent children in rural areas are multi-dimensionally deprived compared to 42 per cent of children in urban areas. Across Ethiopia’s regions, rates of child poverty range from 18 per cent in Addis Ababa to 91 per cent in Afar, Amhara, and SNNPR. Poverty rates are equally high in Oromia and Somali (90 per cent each) and Benishangul-Gumuz (89 per cent). For more on this: https://reliefweb.int/node/2953869/Multi-dimensional Child Deprivation in Ethiopia – First National Estimates

Inter-ethnic conflict and violence continues to lead to large scale displacement in Ethiopia. 2.35 million people are internally displaced due to the violence (out of a total of 2.9 million IDPs in the country).

Vatican News: Pope Francis receives Ethiopian Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed January 23, 2019

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Pope Francis receives Ethiopian Prime Minister,
 Source: Vatican News

On the afternoon of Monday 21 January 2019, Pope Francis received in Audience Mr Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia.

Pope Francis on Monday met with the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, at an Audience at the Vatican.

According to a communique from the Holy See Press Office, the “cordial talks” emphasized “important initatives underway for the promotion of national reconciliation, and for the integral development of Ethiopia”. The talks also focused on the “role of Christianity in the history of the Ethiopian people”—Ethiopia was one of the first lands to adopt Christianity, and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church remains the largest religious body in the country by population.

A significant sign of peace

During the discussions, the situation in Eastern Africa was addressed, including the importance of the “peaceful resolution of conflicts and the socio-economic development of Africa.” In particular, Ethiopia’s “commitment to the stabilization of the Horn of Africa,” and the recent resumption of diplomatic relations with Eritrea were noted.

Earlier this month, in his address to diplomats accredited to the Holy See, Pope Francis took special note of the “historic agreement” between the two countries, which he described as one of the significant signs of peace in the past year.

Exchange of gifts

At the conclusion of their encounter, the two leaders made a traditional exchange of gifts, with the Prime Minister offering a present of traditional Ethiopian fabrics, along with a painting of the Risen Christ. The Holy Father, for his part, presented Prime Minister Abiy with a medallion with an image of an ear of corn and a bunch of grapes in the desert – a reference, the Pope explained, to the prophecy of Isaiah, that the desert would one day become a garden. Pope Francis also gave the prime minister a copy of the text of the Message for the World Day of Peace, and bound copies of four other Pontifical Documents: Evangelii gaudiumLaudato síGaudete et exultate, and Amoris laetitia.

Following the Audience with the Holy Father, Prime Minister Abiy met with Vatican Secretary of State Cardinal Pietro Parolin, and Msgr Antoine Camilleri, Under-Secretary for Relations with States.

Related from Oromian Economist sources:-

A conversation with Abiy Ahmed, The Prime Minster of Ethiopia, World Economic Forum Annual Meeting, @wef https://www.weforum.org/events/world-economic-forum-annual-meeting/sessions/a-conversation-with-abiy-ahmed-prime-minister-of-ethiopia

Unicef Ethiopia: Nearly 36 million children in Ethiopia are poor and lack access to basic social services, a new report reveals January 18, 2019

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Nearly 36 million children in Ethiopia are poor and lack access to basic social services, a new report reveals

Joint Press release

 Click here for Unicef Ethiopia, 17 January 2019Joint Press release

School children at a local school in Shashego, SNNPR.

UNICEFEthiopia/2018/NOA

The study reveals that there are large geographical inequalities: 94 per cent children in rural areas are multi-dimensionally deprived compared to 42 per cent of children in urban areas ,January 17, 2019,APO Group  

An estimated 36 million of a total population of 41 million children under the age of 18 in Ethiopia are multi-dimensionally poor, meaning they are deprived of basic goods and services in at least three dimensions, says a new report released today by the Central Statistical Agency and UNICEF.

Titled “Multi-dimensional Child Deprivation in Ethiopia – First National Estimates,” the report studied child poverty in nine dimensions – development/stunting, nutrition, health, water, sanitation, and housing. Other dimensions included education, health related knowledge, and information and participation.

”We need to frequently measure the rates of child poverty as part of the general poverty measures and use different approaches for measuring poverty. This requires all stakeholders from government, international development partners and academic institutions to work together to measure, design policies and programmes to reduce child poverty in Ethiopia,’’ said Mr Biratu Yigezu, Director General of Central Statistical Agency.

The report adapted the global Multi-Dimensional Overlapping Deprivation Analysis (MODA) methodology and used information available from national data sets such as the Ethiopian Demographic and Health Surveys of 2011 and 2016. MODA has been widely used by 32 countries in Africa to analyze child well-being. The methodology defines multi-dimensional child poverty as non-fulfilment of basic rights contained in the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and concludes that a child is poor if he or she is deprived in three to six age-specific dimensions. The report’s findings have been validated through an extensive consultative process involving the Ministry of Women, Children and Youth, National Planning Commission, the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs together with the  Economic Policy Research Institute, among others.

Children in Ethiopia are more likely to experience poverty than adults, with distressing and lifelong effects which cannot easily be reversed

“Children in Ethiopia are more likely to experience poverty than adults, with distressing and lifelong effects which cannot easily be reversed,” said Gillian Mellsop, UNICEF Representative in Ethiopia. “Ethiopia’s future economic prosperity and social development, and its aspirations for middle income status, depend heavily on continued investments in children’s physical, cognitive and social development.”

The study finds that 88 per cent of children in Ethiopia under the age of 18 (36 million) lack access to basic services in at least three basic dimensions of the nine studied, with lack of access to housing and sanitation being the most acute. The study reveals that there are large geographical inequalities: 94 per cent children in rural areas are multi-dimensionally deprived compared to 42 per cent of children in urban areas. Across Ethiopia’s regions, rates of child poverty range from 18 per cent in Addis Ababa to 91 per cent in Afar, Amhara, and SNNPR.  Poverty rates are equally high in Oromia and Somali (90 per cent each) and Benishangul-Gumuz (89 per cent).

Additional key findings from the report indicate:

  • High disparities across areas and regions of residence in terms of average number deprivations in basic rights or services. For example, the differences in deprivation intensity (average number of deprivations in basic rights and services that each child is experiencing) between rural and urban areas are significant; multi-dimensionally deprived children residing in rural areas experienced 4.5 deprivations in accessing basic rights and needs on average compared to 3.2 among their peers in urban areas;
  • Given their large population sizes, Oromia, Amhara, and SNNPR regions are the largest contributors to multi-dimensional child deprivation in Ethiopia. These three regions jointly account for 34 of the 36 million deprived children in Ethiopia, with Oromia having the highest number at 16.7 million, SNNPR at 8.8 million, and Amhara at 8.5 million. Regions with the lowest number of poor children are Harar at 90,000, Dire Dawa at 156,000, and Gambella at 170,000.
  • Although there has been progress in reducing child deprivation, much more remains to be done. The percentage of children deprived in three to six dimensions decreased from 90 per cent to 88 per cent between 2011 and 2016 and the average number of deprivations that each child is experiencing decreased from 4.7 to 4.5 dimensions during the same period.
  • Most children in Ethiopia face multiple and overlapping deprivations. Ninety-five per cent of children in Ethiopia are deprived of two to six basic needs and services, while only one per cent have access to all services. Deprivation overlaps between dimensions are very high in rural areas and among children in the poorest wealth quintiles.

The report makes the following recommendations:

  1. Speed up investments to reduce child poverty by four per cent each year for the next decade if Ethiopia is to achieve the Sustainable Development Goal on poverty reduction;
  2. Accelerate investments in social sectors prioritizing child-sensitive budgeting at the national and regional levels to enhance equality and equity; and
  3. Improve collaboration among different social sectors to ensure that the multiple needs of children are met.

Distributed by APO Group on behalf of UNICEF Ethiopia.

Human Rights Watch World Report 2019: Ethiopia: Events of 2018 January 17, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples’ Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018. © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

አማርኛ  English Oromo

After years of widespread protests against government policies, and brutal security force repression, the human rights landscape transformed in 2018 after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in April. The government lifted the state of emergency in June and released thousands of political prisoners from detention, including journalists and key opposition leaders such as Eskinder Nega and Merera Gudina. The government lifted restrictions on access to the internet, admitted that security forces relied on torture, committed to legal reforms of repressive laws and introduced numerous other reforms, paving the way for improved respect for human rights.

In July, Ethiopia and Eritrea resolved a decades-long stalemate, signed a peace agreement and agreed to implement the 2002 international boundary commission decision. Relations between the countries had been violent or frozen since their troops clashed in the border town of Badme in 1998.

Parliament lifted the ban on three opposition groups, Ginbot 7, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in June. The government had used the proscription as a pretext for brutal crackdowns on opposition members, activists, and journalists suspected of affiliation with the groups. Many members of these and other groups are now returning to Ethiopia from exile.

With the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)  controlling 100 percent of the seats in parliament, the institutional and legal impediments for sustained political space remain a challenge. Accountability for years of abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and opening the space for political parties and civil society remain significant challenges for the new administration. There are indications that the reform process may ultimately be hindered by a lack of independent institutions to carry forward changes.

In September, security forces shot and killed five people during demonstrations in the capital Addis Ababa. Protestors criticized the government for not protecting citizens from forced displacement and ethnically-based attacks, particularly allegations of rape and killings in Oromia earlier in the month. Ongoing ethnic violence and internal displacement continue to put lives at risk. More than 2 million people are internally displaced due to intercommunal conflicts and violence, at times involving regional state and local security forces.

Freedom of Expression and Association

Ethiopia released journalists who had been wrongfully detained or convicted on politically motivated charges, including prominent writers such as Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye, after more than six years in jail. The federal Attorney General’s Office dropped all pending charges against bloggers, journalists and diaspora-based media organizations, including the Zone 9 bloggers, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT), and Oromia Media Network (OMN), which had previously faced charges of violence inciting for criticizing the government.  

OMN and ESAT television stations reopened in Addis Ababa in June, following calls by Prime Minister Abiy for diaspora-based television stations to return. Additionally, the government lifted obstructions to access to more than 250 websites. The restriction on access to the internet and mobile applications introduced during the 2015 protests was also lifted.

Many of Ethiopia’s repressive laws used to silence dissent and restrict citizens’ meaningful engagement—including the Charities and Societies Proclamation, the Media Law, and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation—were being revised at time of writing.

Impunity, Torture, and Arbitrary Detention

Government officials often dismissed allegations of torture, contrary to credible evidence. But in a July speech to parliament, Abiy admitted that the government used torture and other unlawful techniques on suspects, acknowledging that such techniques amounted to terrorism by the state.

Earlier this year, Ethiopia closed Makaelawi detention center, known for torture and mistreatment of political prisoners. After media reported significant complaints of abuse from prisoners in other federal detention centers, the federal Attorney General’s Office dismissed administrators of five facilities in July but they did not face criminal charges. Many detention centers run by regional administrations, some well-known for ill-treatment, rape, torture, and lack of access to medical and legal aid, remain unaffected by the reform efforts.

In July, the federal attorney general told media that there would be investigations into torture and mistreatment in detention facilities. In November, a number of high-ranking security officials were arrested due to their alleged involvement in human rights abuses in detention, according to the attorney general. They had not yet been charged at time of writing.

The government did not take any steps to carry out investigations into the killings over 1,000 protesters by security forces during widespread protests in 2015 and 2016 in Oromia and other regions. Even though the legal and justice reform council under the Attorney General’s Office announced that judicial independence is a key area of reform, Human Rights Watch is not aware of any concrete steps taken at either the federal or regional level. Courts continue to implement political decisions of the executive branch.

Abuses in Somali Region

In August, Mustapha Omer, an outspoken critic of Somali region’s authoritarian leadership, was appointed regional president in place of Abdi Mohamoud Omar, known as Abdi Illey, who presided over a regime of abuses, especially since 2007, when armed conflict escalated between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ethiopia’s Defense Force.

All sides committed war crimes between mid-2007 and early 2008, and the Ethiopian armed forces were responsible for crimes against humanity, including executions, torture, rape and forced displacement. 

Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police, which by 2008 had become a prominent counterinsurgency force reporting to Abdi Illey, regional security chief at the time, who went on to serve as the regional president for eight years. Liyu police continued to commit abuses in the region and, at times, killings in neighboring Oromia regional state.

Abdi Illey resigned and was arrested in August, two weeks after Liyu police and youth loyal to him attacked residents and burned property in the regional capital, Jijiga. He remains in government custody but has not been charged. Police head Abdirahman Abdillahi Burale (known as Abdirahman Labagole) resigned in August, but despite evidence of his involvement in committing human rights abuses, Abdirahman Labagole and other members of the Ethiopian army or Liyu police implicated in abuses against civilians have not faced any charges. 

In Jail Ogden, a regional detention facility administered in part by Liyu police, prisoners were tortured, with no access to adequate medical care, family, lawyers, or even, at times, food. After the July publication of a Human Rights Watch report, many prisoners were released from Jail Ogaden. The prison was closed in August.

Internal Displacement

Ethiopia has over 2 million internally displaced people, including almost 1 million displaced in April and June due to inter-communal conflict between Guji and Gedio communities in Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). In early August, at least 145,000 more people were displaced in Somali and Oromia regional states due to renewed fighting. In September, ethnic violence displaced an estimated 15,000 people from the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Despite signs of possible clashes, the government failed to prevent attacks, resulting in further displacement. Except for humanitarian aid, Human Rights Watch is not aware of sustainable federal government efforts to address internal displacement and inter-ethnic violence. 

Key International Actors 

Ethiopia won international acclaim for its reform agenda this year and continues to enjoy strong support from foreign donors and most of its regional neighbors, due to its role as host of the African Union, its contributions to UN peacekeeping, regional counterterrorism efforts, and migration partnerships with Western countries.

Former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein visited Ethiopia in April, and conducted meetings with released political prisoners and government officials. He underlined the importance of making greater efforts to ensure the independence of the government-affiliated human rights commission.

In April, the US House of Representatives passed a resolution encouraging Ethiopia’s government to increase respect for human rights, rule of law, and democracy. The US maintained its support for Ethiopia and announced that it supports the ongoing reform efforts.

Despite its role as a member of both the UN Security Council and, until the end of 2018, the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia maintains its history of non-cooperation with UN mechanisms. Other than the UN special rapporteur on Eritrea, no special rapporteur has been permitted to visit since 2006. The rapporteurs on torture, freedom of opinion and expression, and peaceful assembly, among others, all have outstanding requests to visit the country. 

Ethiopia has been inconsistent on human rights-related issues on a number of country situations on the Security Council. It failed to support a long-awaited arms embargo on South Sudan in July. And while voting in favor of a chemical weapons probe in Syria, Ethiopia did not support a March Security Council briefing by the high commissioner for human rights on the situation in Syria.

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Imaammata mootummaan hordofuufii ukkamsa hamaa qaamolee nageenyaan qaqqabu irratti mormiin waggootaaf erga godhamee booda qabinsi mirga namoomaa Itoophiyaa ji’a Ebla, erga Dr Abiy Ahmed muummicha ministeeraa ta’erraa kaasee hundeen jijjiirameera. Mootummaan ji’a waxabajjii keessa labsii yeroo muddamaa kaasuun Dr Mararaa Guddinaafii Iskindir Naggaa dabalatee hidhamtoota siyaasaafi gaazexeessitoota kumootaan lakkaayaman mana hidhaatii gadi dhiiseera. Dabalataaniis ukkaamsa internetaa kaaseera. Humnootni tikaa dirqiin jecha fuudhaa turuu amanuun seerota hedduu haaromsuuf kutannoon kan hojjatu ta’u beeksiseera. Haaromsa heddu calqabuunis qabinsa mirga namoomaa haalaan fooyyessuuf karaa saaqeera.

Ji’a Adoolessaa keessa Itoophiyaafii Ertiraan wal-dhabdee waggoottan kurnan darbaniif turan furuun waliigaltee nagaa buusuu mallatteessuun murtee komishinii daangaa Idil-addunyaa kan bara 2002 murtaayee hojiirra oolchuuf walii galaniiru. Walittii dhufeenyii biyyoottan lameenii erga loltoonni gamlameenii magaala daangaa Baadimmee jedhamtutti bara 1998titti walitti bu’anii kaasee qunnaamtii baayyee qorraafii kan lolaa ture.

Paarlaamaan biyyattii ji’a waxabajjii keessa walgayuun qoqqobbii paartilee mormituu sadan: Adda Bilisummaa Oromo (ABO), Adda Bilisa Baasaa Ogadenii (ONLF) fii Ginboot torba irratti labsee ture kaaseera. Mootummichi maqaa badii ittisuu jedhu fayyadamuun paartilee mormituu, aktivistootaafii gaazexeessitoota partilee kanneeniin hidhata qabu jedhamanii shakkamman irratti haleellaa gara-jabeenyaan guutame raawwachaa ture. Paartileen kunneeniifi kan biroos yeroo ammaa kanatti biyyaa ambaatii gara biyyaatti galaa jiru.

Paartiin biyya bulchu Addi Dimokratawaa Warraaqsa Uummattoota Itoophiyaa  (ADWUI)n teessoo paarlaamaa biyyattii dhibbeentaa guutuu (100%) dhuunfachuu irraan kan ka’e jijjiirama siyaasaa kana itti fufsiisuu irratti dhaabbileefi seerotni jiran danqaa ta’anii itti fufu. Reebichaafi ajjechaa murtii malee raawwate dabalatee, dhiittaa mirgaa woggoottan hedduuf raawwataniif itti gaafatammumma fiduu, akkasumas dirree siyaasaa paartilee siyaasaafi dhaabbilee siviiliitiif  banuun ammayyuu qormaata bulchiinsa haaraa kana hudhanii qaban keessa jiru. Inumayyuu jijjiiramni deemaa jiru kun dhabinsa dhabbilee bilisa ta’anii irraa kan ka’e dhumarratti gufachuu akka dandda’u wantootni akeekan jiru.

Hiriira nagaa magaala guddittii Finffinneetti Fulbaana darbe godhame irratti namootni shan rasaasa humnoonnii tikaa dhukaasaniin dhayamanii lubbuun darbaniiru. Mormitoonni haleellaa sanyii irrati xiiyyeeffatee, humnaan qeyeerraa buqqayuufi keessattuu ajjechaafi gudeeddaa calqaba ji’a fulbaanaa irratti naannoo Oromiyaa keessatti raawwateef mootummaan eegumsa hin goone  jechuun qeeqani. Haleellaan sanyii irratti xiyyeeffateefi buqqaatiin biyya keessa lubbuu namootaa balaaf saaxiluu akkuma itti fufetti jira. Walitti bu’insa hawaasaa yeroo tokko tokkoo humnootni tikaa naannoofi mootummaaleen naannoo harka keessaa qaban irraan kan ka’e lammiileen miliyoona lamaa olitti lakkayaman qeyeefi qabeenya isaniirraa

Mirga gurmaayuufi yaada ofii bilissaan ibsachuu

Itoophiyaaan gaazexeessitoota sirna-malee hidhamaniifii kaka’umsa siyaasaan himataman kan akka Iskindir Naggaafi Wubishat Taayyeefaa kan waggaa jahaaf hidhaman of keessaa qaban gadhiifteerti. Abbaan Alangaa federaalaa himannaa biloogaroota, gaazexeessitoota, dhaabbilee miidiyaa biyya ambaa mandheeffatanii kan akka OMN if ESAT kan duraan jeequmsa kakaasuun himataman hunda addaan kuteera.

Waamicha muummee ministeera Itoophiyaa Dr Abiy Ahmediif owwaachuun dhabbileen midiyaa OMN fi ESAT ji’a waxabajjii keessa wajjira isaanii Finffinneetti banataniiru. Itti dabaluunis mootummaan Itoophiyaa qoqqoobbii marsariitiiwwaan dhibba lamaafi shantama irra ture kaaseera. Hiriira mormii bara 2015 boodaa ukkamsi interneetaafii aappii moobayilaa irra tures kaafamera.

Seerotnii Itoophiyaa mormii ukkamsuufii walqunnamtii lammiilee danquuf bahan labsii dhabbilee arjoominaafi hawaasotaa, labsii miidiyaafi labsii farra shororkeessummaa dabalatee hedduun isaanii yeroo barreeffamni qophayuttii fooyya’aa jiru.

Reebicha, roorroofi hidhaa seer-malee

Ragaaleen amansiisoon heddu jiraatanus aangawoonnii mootummaa rebichi hidhamtoota irratti raawwachuu waakkachaa turan. Muummichi ministeera Dr Abiy Ahmed reebichii fi malleen seeraan alaa hedduun shakkamtoota irratti raawwatamaa turuu amanuun gochoonni kunnen shorrorkeessummaa mootummaan raawwate jechuun ibsaniiru.

Calqaba bara kana irrattii Itoophiyaan mana hidhaa maa’ikalaawwii jedhamu kan hidhamtootni siyaasaa hedduun keessatti reebamaa turuu beekamu cufteerti.

Adoolessa darbe keessa miidiyaleen gabaasaa dhiittaa mirgaa mana hidhaatti hidhamtoota irra gaye hidhamtoota achi turan gaafachuun erga gabaasanii boodaa Abbaan Alangaa bulchitoota manneen hidhaa federaala shan hojirraa ari’eera. Garuu haga yoonaa jarreen kun seeratti dhiyaatanii yakkaan hin himatamne. Manneen hidhaa mootummaa naannolee jalatti bulan gariin isaanii reebicha, gudeeddaa, qabinsa ilma namaaf hin malle, akkasumas gargaarsa fayyaafi ogeessa seeraa hidhamtootaaf hin kennine hedduun ammallee jijjirama deemaa jiruun hin tuqamne.

Abbaan Alangaa Federaalaa ji’a Adoolessaa keessaa qabinsa badaafii reebichaa mana hidhaattii hidhamtoota irra gaye irratti qorannoon gaggeeffamu jiraachuu miidiyaati himee ture. Ji’a Sadaasaa keessa ammoo aangawota tikaa olaanoo murtaayan kan dhiittaa mirga namooma mana hidhaa keessatti raawwachuun shakkaman toyannaa jala oolchuu ibse. Haga guyyaa barreeffamni kun qophaayeetti garuu himatni jara kana irratti baname hin jiru.

Hiriirota mormii bara 2015 fi 2016 guutuu Oromiyaafii naannoolee biroo keessatti adeemsifame irrattii ajjeechaa namootaa kuma tokkoo olii (1000) humnootni tikaa raawwatan irratti qorannoo gaggeessuuf tarkaanfiin mootummaan fudhate homtuu hin jiru. Manni maree jijjirama seeraafii haqaa kan Abbaa alangaa federaalaa jala jiru bilisummaan manneen murtii ijoo jijjirama kanaa ta’uu ibsullee tarkaanfiin qabatamaan manneen murtii federaalaas ta’ee kan naannoo irratti dhufe jiraachuu Human raayits woch quba hin qabu. Ammallee manneen murtii murtee siyaasaa qaama seera raawwachiistuun murtaaye hojiitti hiikaa jiru.

Dhiittaa mirgaa naannoo Somalee

Musxfaa Omar kan bulchinsa abbaa hirree naannoo Somaalee ifatti mormuun beekamu pirezideentii Naannoo Somalee ta’uun Abdii Mohaammed Omer kan Abdi Illey jedhamuun beekamu bakka bu’ee muudame. Pirezideentiin duraanii Abdii Illeeyn keessattuu bara 2007 yeroo lolli humna riphee lolaa Adda Bilisa Baasaa Ogaadeeniifi humna waraanaa Itoophiyaa gidduutti banamee kaasee naannicha dhiittaa mirgaa hamaa jalatti bulchaa ture.

Gidduu bara 2007 hanga calqaba bara 2008tiitti gareen lachuu yakka waraanaa raawwataniiru. Humni waraanaa Itoophiyaammoo addatti gudeeddaa, qeyeerra uummata buqqaasuu, ajjeechaafi reebichaan yakka sanyii namaa irratti

raawwateera.

Aangawonni Itoophiyaa polisii addaa  ijaaruun bara 2008 irraa kaase humni kun itti waamama Abdii Illeey kan yeroo sanitti naannoo Somaalee waggaa saddeettiif bulchaa ture jala galuun humna deebisee waraanu ta’eera. Gareen polishing addaa kun dhiittaa mirgaa hamaa naannichaafi naannolee ollaa akka Oromiyaa keessattis raawwachu ittuma fufee ture.

Poolisiin addaafi dargaggoonnnii Abdii Illeeytiif ajajamoo ta’an jiraattota magaala Jigjigaafi qabeenya isaanii erga haleelanii booda ji’a Hagayyaa keessa aangoo gadhiisuun towannoo jala oolee jira. Ammayyuu towannoo mootummaa jala jiraatus himanni irratti hin banamiin jira. Ajajaan poolisii addaa Somaalee Abdillahii Burraalee maqaa Abdirhaman Labagoolee jedhamuun beekamu ji’a Hagayyaa keessa aangoo isaa gadhiiseera. Abdillahiifi miseensonnii poolisii addaa Somalee akkasumas raayyaan ittisa biyyaa Itoophiyaa dhiittaa mirgaa namoomaa geessisaa turuu isaanii ragaan danuun jiraatus himannii tokkollee irratti hin banamne.

Manni hidhaa naannoo Somalee hidhaa Ogaadeen jedhamu kan poolisii addaa Somaleen bulaa ture keessatti hidhamtoonni reebamaa turan. Yaalii fayyaa gayaas argataa hinturre. Gargaarsa abukaattoofi daawwannaa maatii dhorkamuurra darbanii nyaatallee dhorkamanii adabamaa turan. Maxxansa Hiyumaans raayits woch ji’a Adoolessaa keessa baase booda hidhamtootni mana hidhaa Ogaden hedduun gadhiifamaniiru. Manni hidhaa Ogaadenis ji’a Hagayyaa keessa cufameera.

Buqqayinsa biyya keessaa

Itoophiyaa keessa ummanni miliyoona lamaa ol-ta’u qeyeefi qabeenya isaarra buqqayee jira. Kana keessa miliyoonni tokko ji’a Eebla haga Waxabajjii qofattii walitti bu’insa hawaasa Geediyoofi Gujii naannoo uummattoota kibbaafi Oromiyaatiin kan buqqayaniidha. Lolli deebi’ee ka’uu irraan kan ka’e baatii Hagayyaa qofa keessa ummannii 145,000 ol ta’u naannoo Somaleefi Oromiyaa keessaa buqqyaniiru.

Naannawaa Finfinneettis walitti bu’insa sabootaa mudateen ji’a Fulbaanaa keessa namoonni kuma kudha shanitti tilmaamaman buqqaafamaniiru. Walitti bu’insi akkasii ka’uu akka danda’u mallattoolen muldhatanus mootummaan balaa kana hambisuu waan hanqateef buqqayinsa hedduuf sababa ta’eera. Gargaarsa namoomaa irraan kan hafe buqqayinsaafi walitti bu’insa sabootaa kanneenif furmaata waaraa buusuu irratti tarkaanffiin mootummaan federaalaa fudhate jiraachuu Hiyumaan raayits woch quba hin qabu.

Taphattoota Idil-Adunyaa ijoo

Itoophiyaan jijjiirama bara kana gaggeessiteen deeggarsa idil-adunyaa

argachuun gargaarsa dhabbilee arjaa, biyyoota ollaa argachuu ittii fuftee jirti. Gamtaa Afrikaaf teessoo ta’uusheefi humna nagaa eegsiistu mootummoota gamtoomanii keessatti hirmaannaa qabduun akkasumas ittisa shorrorkeessumaa naannichaa kessatti qooda qabduufii dhimma baqattootaa irrattiis michuu warra dhiyaa waan taateef gargaarsa addaa argachaa jirti.

Komishinarrii mirga namoomaa mootummoota gamtoomanii duraanii Zeyid Raad Al Huseen Eebla darbe Itoophiyaa daawwachuun hidhamtoota duraaniifii aangawoota

mootummaa waliin mariyataniiru. Haasawaa isaanii keessatti komishinii mirga namoomaa Itoophiyaa mootummaa faana hidhata qabu jijjiiruun dhaabbata bilisaa fi amanamaa gochuun haalaan akka barbaachisu jabeessanii dubbataniiru.

Manni maree bakka bu’oota  Ameerikaa ji’a Eebla keessa wixinee mirga namoomaa, olaantummaa seeraafi dimokiraasii Itoophiyaa deeggaru dabarsee ture. Ameerikaan deeggarsa Itoophiyaaf gootuu jabeessuun jijjiirama deemaa jiru akka deeggartus ibsiteerti.

Itoophiyaan miseensa mana maree mootummoota gamtoomaniifi miseensa mana maree mirga namoomaa mootummoota gamtoomanii taatus seenaa gareelee mootummoota gamtomanii faana hojjachuu didduu itti fuftee jirti.

Erga bara 2006 raappoortara addaa Ertiraa Itoophiyaa deemee as gareen raappoortara mootummoota gamtoomanii addaa tokkolle Itoophiyaa seenuuf haayyama hin arganne. Raappoortaroonni reebichaa, bilisummaan of ibsuu, bilisummaan gurmayuufaa Itoophiyaa daawwachuuf gaaffiin dhiyeessan ammallee deebii hin arganne.

Mana maree mootummoota gamtoomanii kessatti Itoophiyaan qabinsa mirga namoomaa biyyootaa heddu ilaalchisee dhaabbiin calaqqisiistu burjaajayaadha. Qoqqobbii meeshalee waraanaa Sudaan kibbaa irra kayamuuf yeroo dheeraaf eegamaa ture deeggaruu diddeetti. Siiriyaa keessatti haleellaan keemikaalaa raawwachuu isaa akka qoratamu ammoo deeggarsa kenniteerti. Ibsa manni maree mootummoota gamtoomanii ji’a Bitootessaa keessaa haalaa qabinsa mirga namoomaa Siiriyaa irratti baases otoo hin deeggariin hafteerti.

BBC: Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: The leader promising to heal a nation January 3, 2019

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Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: The leader promising to heal a nation

BBC, 3 January 2019

Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed (C) greets a child as he arrives to welcome Eritrea's President at the airport in Gondar, nothern Ethiopia, on November 9, 2018

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been widely praised for introducing sweeping reforms aimed at ending political repression, writes BBC Africa editor Fergal Keane after visiting the country.

The crowd at the airport in Jimma in Ethiopia’s Oromia region was handpicked and universally rapturous.

But these were not the praise-singing party hacks who so often grace the arrivals and departures of powerful men in Africa.

Men and women, old, young and very young – beaming babies were held above the crowd – had gathered to witness the arrival of a political sensation.

“We are so very happy,” an elderly man shouted to me above the sound of the military band, “it is like a renaissance. We have waited so long for this.”

Shift from autocracy

Then Abiy Ahmed was among us, descending the steps of his plane to delighted cheers, testing the nerves of his security detail as he reached into the crowd to kiss a baby here, embrace an old man there.

I was conscious of an extraordinary fusion between the driven energy of an individual and the hope of a nation. Africa has rarely seen anyone like him.

Cheering supporters of PM Abiy
Image captionPro-democracy activists have welcomed the changes in Ethiopia

At 42 he is the youngest leader on the continent but his impact is far greater than his age suggests.

When the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition elected him prime minister nine months ago the country, Africa’s second largest in terms of population with more than 100 million people, shifted decisively from a long period of autocracy.

He ended a 20-year conflict with neighbouring Eritrea, freed thousands of political prisoners, unfettered the media and appointed women to half the cabinet posts.

Parliament also accepted his female nominees for president and head of the supreme court.

On top of that, he asked a dissident leader to return from exile in the United States to run the electoral commission.

Quote: Thousands, if not millions, of people paid [a heavy price] to see this kind of change in this country

The pace of change has delighted pro-democracy activists and thrown more reactionary elements off balance.

Fourteen years ago, Birtukan Mideksa spent 18 months in prison as leader of an opposition party before leaving for exile in the US.

She was as surprised as most observers when Mr Abiy invited her to return and chair the National Election Board.

“Thousands, if not millions, of people paid [a heavy price] to see this kind of change in this country… to see this opening,” Ms Birtukan told me.

“To have a former opposition leader, former dissident, to lead an institution with significant independence of action… means a lot.

“For those people who paid a price in the process, it’s really significant,” Ms Birtukan added.

‘Use ideas not weapons’

But change has inevitably emphasised the significant challenges still facing Mr Abiy.

When I caught up with him at a graduation ceremony for medical students in Jimma he appealed to them to “use ideas not weapons” and to follow the example of a nation like Japan, which recovered from World War Two to build a sophisticated economy.


Key facts: Abiy Ahmed

Abiy Ahmed
  • Born to a Muslim father and a Christian mother on 15 August 1976
  • Speaks fluent Afan Oromo, Amharic, Tigrinya and English
  • Joined the armed struggle against the Marxist Derg regime in 1990
  • Served as a UN peacekeeper in Rwanda in 1995
  • Entered politics in 2010
  • Briefly served as minister of science and technology in 2016
  • Became prime minister in April 2018

Ethiopia has one of the fastest growing economies in the world but still has a vast number of unemployed young people.

This is both a reservoir of potential talent and potential dissent if Mr Abiy’s moves to liberalise the economy and tackle corruption do not succeed swiftly.

The prime minister was addressing the graduates in Jimma against a backdrop of deepening ethnic conflicts across the country.

Ethiopia has more than 80 different ethnic groups.

The divisions are old and deep rooted, but they flared up with a new intensity in the first half of last year when 1.4 million people were forced to flee ethnic conflict in the west of the country, according to the UN.

Chart showing the ethnic make-up of Ethiopia

Overall, some 2.8 million people have been uprooted from their homes in recent years. The other major concern is the fighting on the borders of the Oromia and Somali regions.

Over decades, the central government used force and a whole battery of repressive legislation to quell ethnic unrest.

Predictably, this merely gave an impression of national cohesion while unaddressed grievances festered. They erupted into protest in 2016.

‘Steel in Abiy’s voice’

Demonstrations by members of the Oromo community – Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group – precipitated the resignation of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and the election of Mr Abiy.

Mr Abiy is the first leader to come from the Oromo community but has stressed that he is a leader for all Ethiopians.

Map showing Ethiopia's regions

When I caught up with him in Jimma I asked if he was the man to unite an increasingly divided country.

He was being ushered away from the crowds by his guards but the question made him pause.

Looking around he caught my eye and shouted above the noise: “Of course I am. No doubt about it!” There was steel in the voice. And then the smile returned.

Last month, Mr Abiy established a reconciliation commission to deal with some of the issues.

This may provide an outlet for the airing of uncomfortable truths about the past but the greater challenge is the federal constitution which divides regional government along ethnic lines.

Respecting ethnic rights while fostering the idea of a nation will demand considerable political and legal sure-footedness.

Presentational grey line

Abiy’s reforms in 2018

Celebrations as border is reopened
Image captionPeople celebrated as the land border between Ethiopia and Eritrea was reopened
  • May – frees thousands of political detainees
  • June – lifts state of emergency
  • July – alongside the Eritrean president declares the end of war between the two nations
  • September – reopens land border with Eritrea
  • October – appoints women to half of ministerial posts
  • November – appoints ex-opposition leader to head electoral commission
Presentational grey line

In the Tigray region, in the north, there have been ominous stirrings.

Although Tigrayans compose only a small percentage of the population they dominated the previous government.

In recent months, prominent Tigrayans in the army, security services, as well as business figures, have been accused of human rights abuses and corruption.

Travelling in Tigray one frequently hears concerns about the alleged marginalisation of the once-powerful group.

Quote: "He represents the kind of tendency to gloss over things... to try to telescope decades into months, years, to rush things"

A former communications minister, Getachew Reda, told me he thought Tigrayans were being turned into scapegoats.

It was as if only Tigrayan leaders were responsible for past abuses under the ruling coalition, he said.

Although still calling himself a friend of Mr Abiy he believes the young leader risks creating a failed state.

“He symbolises the kind of ambition, the kind of courage to storm the heavens that youth would represent.

“But he also represents the kind of tendency to gloss over things, the kind of tendency to try to telescope decades into months, years… to rush things.”

For the moment Mr Abiy has the momentum and no shortage of energy.

Posters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed are seen on a tuc-tuc in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on November 07, 2018
Image captionPrime Minister Abiy Ahmed plans to steer the nation to elections in 2020

Even in Tigray, the ordinary citizens I spoke to saw him as an inspirational figure.

Elsa Tesfaye is a small-holder farmer who lives close to the border with Eritrea and lost a brother to the war between the two nations.

For her Mr Abiy is the man who brought peace “and I thank him for that”.

‘Revivalist preacher’

She worries about ethnic divisions and whether her son – an engineering student – will be able to work in other parts of the country if the situation deteriorates.

“[The reforms] are great. But it still needs a bit of work. If ethnic conflict… and hate could be removed I would be satisfied.”

Mr Abiy is a devout Pentecostal Christian and there is something of the revivalist preacher in the way he evangelises for his vision. He has the energy, the passion and the certainty.

The question is whether he can prevent an escalation of conflicts without resorting to the repressive methods of the past, and maintain his reformist momentum up to the next elections in 2020.

Presentational grey line

Read more about Ethiopia’s reforms:

Presentational grey line

Before he left Jimma I managed to speak with Mr Abiy again.

He greeted me with a traditional embrace and kiss. This was Mr Abiy being the consummate politician.

The world should look at the example of Ethiopia, he told me, to see how people can live together in peace. Given the vast numbers of displaced it seemed more a statement of ambition than reflective of any current reality.

But on the central question of reform he was adamant.

“Would anything stop you?” I asked.

“Not at all,” he replied with a vehemence that left no room for doubt.

Related from Oromian Economist Sources:-

Abiy Ahmed: The Ethiopian Prime Minister who captured Africa’s imagination, CNN

Click here to read Analysis by Farai Sevenzo, CNN

Oromia: KFOn Raayyaan Ittisa Biyyaafi hidhattoonni uummata keessaa faca’anii jiran akka dachaafaman gaafate January 3, 2019

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KFOn Raayyaan Ittisa Biyyaafi hidhattoonni uummata keessaa faca’anii jiran akka dachaafaman gaafate

BBC Afaan Oromoo, Amajjii 2 Bara 2019

Haxaa KFO
Goodayyaa suuraaHaxaa KFO

Ibsa haala yeroo irratti baaseen paartiin Kongirasii Federaalawaa Oromoo (KFOn) Mootummaafi Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo waldhabdee gidduu isaanii jiru atattamaan furanii Raayyaan Ittisa Biyyaafi hidhattoonni uummata keessaa faca’anii jiran akka dachaafamaniif gaafate.

Waliigaltee qaamoleen kunneen gidduutti raawwatame uummanni akka beekuufi hojiirra akka ooluufis hubachiiseera ibsa isaa kanaan.

KFOtti Damee Liigii Dargaggootaatti Itti-gaafatamaan Sab-qunnamtii Obbo Addisuu Bullaalaa ibsa paartiin isaanii baase kana irratti BBC Afaan Oromootti akka himanitti, murni ykn jaarmiyaaleen adda addaa injifannoo qoodachuuf jecha akka hin taanetti karaa irraa waan maksaa jiraniif nutti dhaga’ama jedhan.

Dubbiii ijoon ibsa kana akka baasaniif isaan kakaases, “Haalli kun bayyee nu yaaddessa, uummanni keenya guddaan, nutis, paartiin keenyas gatii guddaa itti kaffaleera waan ta’eef kunuunfachuu qabna waan jennuufidha. Injifannoo arganne kanas cimsinee sirna ijaarrachuu qabna waan jennuuf ibsa kana baasne,” jedhan.

Qabsoon Oromoon waliin ta’ee tokkummaan yeroo bu’aa argamsiisuu jalqabe irraa kaasee karaa adda addaatiin uummata kana irratti bobba’amee jira jedhan Obbo Addisuun.

Uummata waliin jiraataa turre sabaafi sablammilee waliiti buusuudhaan saba kana buqqisuun, ajjeesuun, qabeenya isaa barbadeessuun waggoota darban keeessa deddeebiyee mul’achaa tueera jedhan Obbo Addisuun.

Isa sana jala dabarree gaafa jennu ammoo yeroo ammaa kana ifaafi ifatti mootummaan biyya kana bulchu raayyaa ittisa biyyaa akka hin taanetti uummata keessa sochoosaa jira kan jedhan Obbo Addisuun, kanaan alatti ammoo hidhattoonni karaa adda addaatiin uummata keessa faca’anii jiru.

“Waraana Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo haa ta’uutii ta’uullee haa dhiisuutii sana eger gargar bahuu danda’a. Garuu qaamni hidhate kamiyyu kan WBO haa ta’u kan raayyaa ittisa biyyaa yeroo uummata keessa deemanii walitti bu’an kan gidduutti miidhamu uumata haarsaa kaffalaa ture, qote bulaa, daa’imman, barattootaa, dubartootaafi jaarsoliidha,” kanadha.

Kanaaf kun sirrii waan hin taaneef humnoonni kunneen uummata keessa hidhattoota keessaa akka baasaniifi kaampiitti akka deebifatan gaafanneera jedhan.

Ibsi KFO kun dabalataan yeroo ammaa kana naannoo Oromiyaa bakka adda addaa keessatti walitti bu’insi Raayyaa Ittisa Biyyaafi hidhattoota gara garaa gidduutti mul’ate uummata goolaa akka jiru kaasee, fakkeenyaaf yeroo darbe Godina Gujii Lixaa ganda Fincaa’aa jedhamutti humni mootummaa kan itti shakkamu meeshaan guddaan dhukaafamee lubbuu namoota 13 galaafachuu addeessa.

Itti dabalees, hidhattoonni naannolee biroo gara naannoo Oromiyaa godina Wallaggaa, Boornaa, Gujiifi Harargee keessa seenuudhaan uummata Ororomoo ajjeesaa, saamaafi buqqisaa akka jiran qaamolee adda addaa dabalatee mootummaanis amaneera.

Uummanni Oromoo injifannoo aarsaa guddaan argate eeggachuuf sababii walitti bu’insaa kaniif tikfachuufi firii isaalle dhamdhamachuu dadhabuu qofa osoo hin taane, isa itti aanu kallattiii qabsoo misoomaafi guddinaatti ce’uuf gufatee uummanni boo’ichaafi gadadoo biraatiif saaxilameera jedha ibsichi. Caalaatti as tuqaatii BBC Afaan Oromoo irraa dubbisaa

More from Oromian Economist sources:-

 Mootummaa Itoophiyaatiif Waamicha Godhe!

Uummati Oromoo injifannoo aarsaa guddaan argate sababa walitti bu’insa haaraa ABO fi Mootummaa gidduutti dhalateetiin injifannoosaa eeggaachuu fi tifkachuu akkasumas firiisaa dhandhamachuu dadhabu qofa utuu hin taanee, isa itti aanutti kallattii qabsoo misoomaa fi guddinaatti ce’uun gufatee ummati keenya booyichaa fi gadadoo biraatiif saaxilamuun isa gadda guddatu nutti dhage’ameera. Keessattu dhiya Oromiyaa godinalee Wallaga afranii fi kibba Oromiyaa godinalee Gujii fi Booranaatti gochi dhiyeenya kana raawwatamee ammas aarsaa biraatiif kan nu affeeruu fi qisaasama Hawaasi-Diinagdee nutti fidu kan dande’uusa ni amanna. Rakkoolee asiin olitti caqafaman akka itti hin fufnee fi kan caalutti akka hin galleef KFOn tarkaanfii asii gadi hatattaamaan akka fudhatamu waamicha godha.

1. Mootummaa fi Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo waldhabdee isaan gidduu jiru hatattaamaan furanii Raayyaa Ittisa Biyyaa fi Hidhattoota uummata keessa faca’anii jiran akka uummata keessaa dachafatanu cimsee gaafata. Waliigalteen qaamolee kunneen gidduutti raawwatame ummati akka beeku fi hojiirras akka oolu ni hubachiifna.

2. Mootummaan Federaalaa hidhattoota kutalee biraa irraa naannoo Oromiyaa seenanii uummata ajjeesaa, saama fi buqqisa turani fi jiranu akka dhaabsisu cimsinee gaafanna.

3. Hawaasooti Itiyoophiyaa, qaamoleen amantaa, maanguddooti biyya fi addunyaa rakkoo ummataa keessa jiru hubatanii qaama furmaataa fi araaraa akka ta’anu kabajan gaafanna.

4. Mootummaaleen naannoo Oromiyaa fi federaalaa akkasuma haawasi biyya keessaa fi biyya alaa lammiilee buqqa’anii fi saamamaniif deeggarsaa akka godhanu maqaa ummata miidhamaniin ni gaafanna.

5. Qeerroon uummata Oromoo akkuma asiin duraa eennuyyuu odoo hin loogiin uummata isaa cina dhaabbatee injifannoo aarsaa isaatiin argame akka tiksu adaraa jechuun waamicha goona.

6. Mootummaan Itiyoophiyaa uummata humnaan bulchuun faallaa dimookiraasii ta’uunsa akkuma beekamu ta’ee, mootummaan kun rakkoo biyya kanaa qophaa hiiku akka hin dandeenye beeke paartii taayita irra jiru dabalatee qaamoleen dhimmi ilaalu hundii kan keessatti qooda fudhatu Mootummaan Waliigalaa Biyyoolessa (National Consensus Government) akka hundeeffamu irra deebinee ni gaafanna.

Kongireesii Federaalawaa Oromoo (KFO)
Finfinnee: Muddee 23, 2011

BBC: Letter from Africa: Africa’s history makers in 2018 December 26, 2018

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Letter from Africa: Africa’s history makers in 2018

BBC, 26 December 2018

Screen grab of PM doing press-ups
Image captionEthiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed got soldiers who had threatened him to do press-ups

In our series of letters from African writers, Ghanaian journalist Elizabeth Ohene looks back at some of the big events on the continent in 2018.

It has been a year where one is tempted to invoke the “always something new out of Africa” theory.

It is not every day you have a prime minister leading a group of soldiers into doing press-ups, particularly not when the armed soldiers had tried to force their way into the compound of the prime minister to protest against unpaid wages.

It is the type of scenario that used to end up in coups in the old days.

But Abiy Ahmed has been doing the seemingly impossible ever since he unexpectedly became prime minister of Ethiopia in April.

He is 42-years-old, and currently Africa’s youngest leader.

Quote: In diplomatic relations, the prime minister did the equivalent of making the sun rise from the west

There is nothing predictable about the man and how he has set about doing his job.

Ethiopia had been seen by critics as an authoritarian state that brushed off criticism and remained an implacable foe to neighbour Eritrea.

But within a few months of taking office, Mr Abiy had lifted the state of emergency, released thousands of political prisoners, allowed dissidents to return home and unblocked hundreds of websites and TV channels.

Peace with long-time foe

Just as people were digesting the dizzying changes on the domestic front, the prime minister, in the sphere of diplomatic relations, did the equivalent of making the sun rise from the west.

He ended the state of war with Eritrea by agreeing to give up disputed border territory thereby normalising relations with the long-time foe.

The new president standing with the prime miniser
Image captionSahle-Work Zewde is Ethiopia’s ceremonial head of state, while Abiy Ahmed (r) holds political power

This came in an unexpected visit to the Eritrean capital, Asmara, and publicly holding hands with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki to declare the end of the two-decade old war.

Women in power

Flights and telephone communications have been restored and there has been an outbreak of love between the two nations that has stunned the world.

And if anyone thought there had been enough surprises, in October, Mr Abiy appointed women to half of all cabinet posts.

If that does not sound impressive enough, there were other changes. Ethiopia now has a female president (Sahle-Work Zewde), a female head of the Supreme Court (Meaza Ashenafi), a female head of the electoral commission (Birtukan Mideksa), and the official spokesperson of the government is a woman (Billene Aster Seyoum).

South Africa was another country which saw a major change of leadership, but the optimism that came with the accession of Cyril Ramaphosa to the presidency has fizzled out. |Click here to read the full text at BBC

AFRICAN LEADERSHIP MAGAZINE: BREAKING: PRIME MINISTER ABIY AHMED EMERGES AFRICAN OF THE YEAR 2018 December 15, 2018

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BREAKING: PRIME MINISTER ABIY AHMED EMERGES AFRICAN OF THE YEAR 2018

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards committee has unveiled the winners for different categories in the just concluded polls for the African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards 2018, with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed resoundingly emerging as the African of the Year 2018, with over 85% of total votes/submissions.  

The keenly contested poll, across 7 different categories, attracted 123,446 votes on our website, 33,000 entries across our social media platforms, and 3400 submissions from both our emails and offline hard copy submissions. Winners shall be decorated and presented with the instruments of honour on the 22nd February 2019 in Johannesburg, South Africa, at a colourful ceremony that shall attract a wide spectrum of African policy, diplomatic and business leaders. The winners were unveiled by the Publisher of the Magazine Mr. Ken Giami, at the UK Head Office of the group, after the awards committee working with the editorial team concluded the collation of both online and offline votes and submissions from the over 1 million subscribers / followership base of the publication.

The final winners are:

African of the Year 2018:

H.E. Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Ethiopia – winner

African Female Leader of the Year 2018:

Amina J Mohammed, Deputy Sec. Gen. UN, Nigeria

ALM Person of the Year 2018-Educational Development

Mohammed Indimi, Oriental Energy, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Employment Generation

AtikuAbubakar, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Political Leadership

President John PombeMagufuli, President of Tanzania – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Philanthropy & Charitable Contributions to Society

Tony Elumelu, Heirs Holding, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Young Person of the Year 2018

Bogolo Joy Kenewendo, Minister of Investment, Trade & Industry, Botswana- Winner

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards, which has become the leading vote-based third-party endorsement in the continent, recorded an upsurge of 20% votes from the African Diaspora this year.   In addition to the winners, a special ALM Commendation citation shall be presented to the most distinguished runners up, which includes:

African of the Year Commendation citation:

H.E. SeretseKhama Ian Khama, former President of Botswana

African Female Leader of the Year Commendation citation:

H.E GraçaMachel DBE, South Africa,

ALM Person of the Year -Educational Development Commendation Citaton

Fred Swaniker, African Leadership development Academy, Ghana

ALM Person of the Year Employment Generation Commendation citation

Christo Wiese, Shoprite, South Africa

ALM Person of the Year  – Political Leadership Commendation citation

H.E. Nana Akufo-Addo, President of Ghana

ALM Person of the Year  – Philanthropy & Charitable Contributions to Society Commendation citation

Mohamed Al Kettani – CEO Attijariwafa Bank, Morocco,

ALM Young Person of the Year Commendation citation

SanguDelle, CEO, Golden Palm investment, Ghana

The Publisher, Mr. Giami, maintained that, all the nominees are deserving of the crown -considering their personal contributions to the continent’s growth and development. In his words, ” the nominees have demonstrated great faith in the Africa project, and are ‘walking their talk’ in their communities. They all are true lovers of Africa, determinedly contributing, sometimes amidst very difficult circumstances, but undoubtedly making their communities a better place for its people. ” –

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year which is in its 7th year, is an annual award reserved for distinguished Africans, who are considered to have blazed the trail in the year under review. A shortlist of nominees are selected from results gathered via a Call for nomination – traditionally promoted via a paid online and offline campaigns across the continent, Europe, and the Americas. The call for nomination is the first step in a multi-phased process.

This year, the selection committee considered, among others, four broad themes: – Africans whose activities, policies and actions have contributed to ‘Investments into Africa’s young people, jobs & wealth creation; promotion sustainable peace & development, delivering of democratic values; & the promotion of Africa’s image globally’; in arriving at their decisions. Sustainable peace is a precursor to development in the continent, hence the need to encourage state and non state actors to contribute towards the pursuit of sustainable peace on the continent.

About African Leadership Magazine:

The African Leadership magazine is published by African Leadership (UK) Limited, a company registered in the United Kingdom. The magazine focuses on bringing the best of Africa to a global audience, telling the African story from an African perspective; while evolving solutions to peculiar challenges being faced by the continent today.

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PURSUING TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN ETHIOPIA’S HYBRID TRANSITION December 15, 2018

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PURSUING TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN ETHIOPIA’S HYBRID TRANSITION

addisstandard /  December 14, 2018 

Illustration: John Holmes for Human Rights Watch report on Jail Ogaden 

Solomon A Dersso, PhD,

Addis Abeba, December 14/2018 – Addressing the topic of transitional justice and reconciliation in today’s Ethiopia is perhaps one of, if not, the most difficult one. Transitions, which are characterized by political and institutional fluidity and societal polarization, by their very nature, are complicated and challenging. They as such make justice and reconciliation unavoidably problematic. That is why the theme is a very delicate subject that should be handled with a great deal of principled care, wisdom and sense of responsibility.

As a point of departure and to enable us all have a common framework or vocabulary, it is important that to start off by clarifying the concept of transitional justice.

As aptly put in the AU Transitional Justice Policy, transitional justice refers to the various (state centric and community based) policy measures and institutional mechanisms that societies coming out of violent conflict or repression or patterns of systematically unjust power relationships adopt, through an inclusive consultative process, in order to overcome past violations, divisions and inequalities and to create conditions for both security and democratic and socio-economic transformation.

Justice defined in a context of transition thus goes far beyond judicial forms of accountability and covers wide range of political, institutional and socio-economic measures required for a transition destined to establish solid foundations for just and inclusive political and socio-economic order.

Before delving further into the core of the theme, it is important to make an observation on the nature of Ethiopia’s unfolding transition.

The current transition is not a negotiated transition like the transition in South Africa in the early 1990s. It is not either a transition that resulted from the overthrow of the old regime like the transitions this country witnessed in 1974 and in 1991. It is rather a hybrid transition.

It is a transition that resulted from the ad hoc alliance of members of society who mobilized in public protest against the prevailing regime of the ruling EPRDF and a portion of the membership of the EPRDF. It is a transition that brought to the position of leadership, and is being led by, the major reformist members of the EPRDF coalition to a position of leadership. It is a hybrid transition, which relies on the old EPRDF based regime while trying to fundamentally reform it. The feature of the transition is not without its major ramifications for the trajectory of the transition and the pursuit of transitional justice and reconciliation in Ethiopia.

It is important to note that for a society in transition seeking to pursue transitional justice, it is imperative that it develops, as part of the transitional process, a well-thought out approach for planning, designing and implementing transitional justice and reconciliation. Experience from successful transitions in Africa and the world over shows that, the elaboration of such approach needs to be informed by key considerations for designing legitimate and rule-based effective transitional justice and reconciliation process.

Key considerations

The first of these considerations or questions is our definition of the injustice to which transitional justice and reconciliation is to be applied as a response. One form of injustice is that which results from the non-recognition of certain ethno-cultural groups or of the equal worth of such groups and the oppression accompanying it. Charles Taylor’s famous work of ‘The politics of recognition’ is worth mentioning here for a great philosophical exploration of this theme.Another form of injustice is that which result from gender oppression. Another form of injustice involves the socio-economic marginalization and deprivation.

The injustice that often dominates the discourse on transitional justice results from the arbitrary use of state violence by state agents against human rights activists, political opposition actors, journalists and dissidents.

The second consideration relates to the question of the injustice/s of which period. This is a question about the temporal scope of transitional justice and reconciliation.

The next question is what approach of transitional justice and reconciliation to be used. In an opinion piece that he wrote on Al Jazeera using the on-going criminal investigation relating to grand corruption involving embezzlement of public funds and perpetration of human rights violations as a backdrop, Awol Allo argued that the path to reconciliation and justice should combine both criminal accountability and a peace and reconciliation process that allows for a comprehensive official investigation and a public acknowledgement of the abuses and harms done.

The issue that arises here is how a transitional society determines the balance and which factors matter for putting more or less emphasis on one aspect of the transitional justice approach (let’s say criminal prosecution) than on another (truth and reconciliation or institutional reform). The African Union Transitional Justice Policy, adopted in October this year, states that ‘emphasis on one element of transitional justice should be equitable and hence not result in either impunity (by failing to ensure accountability) or full-throated revenge of victor’s justice.’

In a line that eloquently captures the weight of the dilemmas involved, the late Chief Justice of South Africa, Justice Mohamed, writing for the South African Constitutional Court in AZAPO v. the President of the Republic of South Africa, put it thus, transitional justice involves a ‘difficult, sensitive, perhaps even agonizing, balancing act between the need for justice to victims and the need for reconciliation and rapid transition to a new future’. The key for success is the approach that the society adopts for addressing this dilemma that often arises during transitions. This relates to the next question or consideration.

The other question that needs to be addressed in our consideration of transitional justice in Ethiopia is how to organize and administer the chosen approach of transitional justice. Experience from across the continent and other parts of the world shows that for a transitional justice approach to be not only successful for delivering its objectives but also legitimate, the process of its design and implementation has to be transparent, independent and compliant with the minimum requirements of due process.

Past experience is another consideration. As we all know transitional justice is not completely new to Ethiopia. An exercise at transitional justice has been undertaken following the fall of the Derg regime. That exercise in transitional justice focused on the wrongs that happened during the Red Terror – the transitional justice mechanisms chosen involved principally criminal trials, although it also combined the use of lustration, some form of restorative justice involving the reinstating of possessions taken away unjustly and memorialization by erecting the Red Terror Museum at the heart of Addis Abeba.

The limitations from the transitional justice approach of the Red Terror including the lack of even-handedness of the process and the lessons from this experience should thus inform the design and implementation of any transitional justice and reconciliation process we may pursue in the context of the current transition.

The other question is the process that should be followed in initiating, designing and implementing transitional justice and reconciliation. When the transition is a result of negotiation, the parameters for pursuing transitional justice are set as part of the peace settlement. In Ethiopia’s hybrid transition, there is no agreed upon framework on how to formulate and implement transitional justice. Questions abound as to whether relevant stakeholders such as victim groups, civil society organizations and the legal community will be afforded the opportunity and platform to take part in the planning and formulation of the transitional justice process and in its monitoring.

Indeed, as experiences show and appropriately underscored in the AU Transitional Justice Policy, such effective participation of the public is one of the most important success factors of transitional justice.

It has been hinted earlier and has by now become clear that the nature of the transition is the other consideration that informs the choice of the form that transitional justice takes. The current transition did not lead to major bloodshed in the country. It may not be completely off mark if one describes the current transition as a bloodless revolution as opposed to the enormous blood letting that the two previous revolutions involved. Yet, it is also a transition that combines both hope and uncertainty and change and continuity.

These features of the transition are not without consequences for the choice of the mechanism or the combination of mechanisms to be used for pursuing transitional justice and importantly how such mechanism or mechanisms are designed and pursued. As Awol rightly pointed out, ‘pursuing prosecutorial justice while at the same time promoting reconciliation of a highly divided society, particularly in a highly fragile (context) …requires a strategic and holistic integration of the process, as well as careful planning’.

The other consideration is the objective/s or purpose for which the transitional justice and reconciliation process is to be applied. Among others, this depends on whether the focus is primarily on how to deal with the past or how to achieve rule-based democratic transformation that secures the interest of all sectors of society. This question also depends on the consideration of whether the focus of transitional justice is on perpetrators of violations, and hence punishment or on victims and hence recognition of the injustice they suffered and healing, or the political system and hence on building a system of governance based on constitutionalism, rule of law and respect of the rights of all.

The final consideration is the care that should be taken to avoid the perils that come with transitions, such as emergence of new grievances and deepening of polarization. During transitions, the politics, the economy and the social structure of the state tend to be in flux. Despite the demand of transitional justice for a rule-based approach, much of the changes may involve ad hoc measures, popular but extralegal or extra-constitutional actions and purges lacking due process of the law. This is particularly the case where transitions unfold without a common framework or negotiated roadmap. Another peril that comes with transitions is the susceptibility of transitional societies to external influence in their choice of the form of transitional justice and reconciliation approaches.

By way of conclusion 

From the foregoing exposition it is clear that transitional justice and reconciliation is not an easy endeavor.

This is not totally surprising.

For some of us it could be a topic, which provokes our memories of suffering, our experience of being violated and undeservedly subjected to physical and psychological violence.

It could also be a topic that summons our sense of vengeance, our innate disposition of taking the law into our own hands, our retributive desire of meting out on our tormentors and their real or perceived associates the pain and suffering we endured.

It is also a subject, which is not always amenable for an easy and neat identification of responsibility. After all, the failures that resulted in the wrongs of the past are not simply products of individual culpability. Rather, they are in the main outcomes of societal and institutional pathologies, including a tradition of intolerance to and violent repression of dissent and political opposition, patterns of authoritarianism and patriarchal chauvinism, among others.

It is also a subject that necessitates all at once the act of cursing and exorcising the wrongs of the past, acknowledging the suffering that those wronged endured, while allowing room for showing magnanimity to those willing to own up their responsibility and culpability.

If pursued within legitimately established and internationally accepted parameters, transitional justice and reconciliation is also a subject that affords those who were wronged (victims, or to use a more empowering language, survivors) the platform and opportunity to tell their stories in public, to have their suffering get public acknowledgement and thereby enabling society to establish a record of the wrongs of the past through the voice of survivors and to learn lessons for avoiding the conditions that make the perpetration of such wrongs possible.

It is also a subject that offers society as a whole the occasion to see itself on the mirror, examine its various flaws, scars and violent divisions and apply the necessary corrective measures for removing the flaws, fully healing the scars and wounds and for mending the divisions among the members of society that the wrongs of the past sowed and nurtured.

As various sections of the public reflect on how to deal with the wrongs of the past and create the conditions for a better future that forestalls the recurrence of such wrongs, it is imperative that the foregoing considerations inform these reflections and the choices or decisions being made (or yet to be made) on the scope, form and implementation of transitional justice in Ethiopia. This is possibly a major issue that stands to shape the success of the current transition in charting a political and socio-economic order that is more enduring, stable and just than the previous transitions the country has experienced. AS

Click here for full article at Addis Standard

የፍትህ ሰቆቃ – በኢትዮጵያ ሲፈሙ በነበሩ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶች ዙሪያ የተሰራ ዶክመንተሪ Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s crime against humanity, documentary December 12, 2018

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Relief Web: East Africa Food Security Alert: December 7, 2018 December 8, 2018

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East Africa Food Security Alert: December 7, 2018

REPORT from Famine Early Warning System NetworkPublished on 07 Dec 2018 —View Original

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Significant October to December rainfall deficits to result in below-average crop and livestock production

Across the Horn of Africa, rainfall performance during the October to December Deyr/short rains season has been significantly below average and erratically distributed. Based on rainfall to date and the NOAA/CPC forecast through December 31, wide areas of Somalia, Kenya, and southern Ethiopia will accumulate large rainfall deficits (Figure 1). Crop production in Somalia and Kenya is expected to be at least 30 percent below average, and pasture and water availability is likely to be well below average throughout the region. As a result, from February to April 2019, more areas will be in Crisis (IPC Phase 3) than originally projected. Humanitarians should prepare for an increase in need throughout 2019. Although impacts on food security are unlikely to be as severe as those following the failed 2016 Deyr, five out of the region’s last six rainy seasons have been below average and close monitoring of the impacts on crop and livestock production is critical. Early forecasts also indicate an increased likelihood of a below-average 2019 Gu. If this forecast materializes, additional rapid deterioration in acute food insecurity would be likely.

Although there is roughly an 80 percent chance of an El Niño forming in December, there has been a lack of atmospheric response to warming sea surface temperatures, which is important for the enhanced rainfall typically associated with El Niño events. As a result, seasonal rainfall performance has been worse than originally forecast. In addition to below-average rainfall totals to date, the season began up to 30 days late. Despite a short-term forecast of increased rainfall in early December, below-average crop production and below-average pasture and water availability remain the most likely scenario. Rainfall is forecast to cease before late December as tropical rainfall systems shift southward earlier than normal.

Rainfed cereal production in Somalia is anticipated to be 60 to 70 percent of average, with significantly below-average to failed production in some low potential agropastoral areas. In Kenya, marginal agricultural production is anticipated to be 70 percent of average, though Kitui, Makueni, and Taita-Taveta counties may see larger shortfalls. Due to near normal rainfall in the Ethiopian highlands that has resulted in adequate river water levels, irrigated riverine production in Somalia and southern Ethiopia is likely to be average. Food availability is expected to be most affected in Bay, Bakool, and Togdheer regions in Somalia and in southeastern marginal agricultural areas in Kenya. However, carry-over stocks from the 2018 Gu/long rains harvest are expected to offset below-average Deyr production and stabilize market supply, keeping retail food prices below average through April. This is likely to support food access and enable Stressed (IPC Phase 2) outcomes in many livelihood zones, though Crisis (IPC Phase 3) outcomes are expected in several agropastoral areas of Somalia.

In pastoral areas, poor households still recovering from the effects of the 2016/2017 drought are most at risk of food consumption gaps. In central and northern Somalia and in Ethiopia’s southwestern Somali and southern Oromia regions, regeneration of pasture and water is well below average, and to a lesser extent in southeastern Somali Region. Earlier-thannormal livestock migration is occurring in Somalia, while increased migration is soon expected in Kenya and southern Ethiopia. Reductions in body conditions, milk yields, and market value are likely beginning in January. Given already below-baseline livestock holdings and below-average income from livestock production, previously anticipated livestock asset recovery is unlikely to be realized. Many households are likely to be in Crisis (IPC Phase 3) and will struggle to meet their minimum food needs without food assistance.

Cumulative Deyr rainfall in Somalia appears similar to previous signature drought years, including 2016. In Kenya, current seasonal totals in the southeastern lowlands place this season as one of the three driest short rains seasons since 1981. Despite the very poor 2018 Deyr performance, deterioration in food security outcomes will be partially mitigated through early 2019 by the impact of the March to May 2018 Gu/long rains season, which resulted in bumper harvests and significantly improved livestock conditions across most of the Horn of Africa. Nonetheless, the size of the food insecure population during the first half of 2019 is expected to be larger than previously estimated and additional humanitarian food assistance will be required to prevent food consumption gaps. In addition, early NOAA/CPC forecasts indicate that rainfall during the 2019 Gu is likely to be below average in southern Somalia and southeastern Kenya, though average in the rest of the Horn. Should this forecast come to fruition, historical trends indicate that food security outcomes could rapidly worsen. Therefore, in addition to providing increased assistance during the first part of 2019, national governments and humanitarian partners should prepare for the possibility that a more substantial increase in assistance will be needed later in the year.

Ongoing

Primary country

Somalia

Other countries

Ethiopia: የህወሓቶች ገበና ሲጋለጥ፤ እንደ ወራሪ ጦር የዘረፉት መሬት፣ እንደ ጠላት የትም የበተኑት ገንዘብ! (አፈትልኮ የወጣ ሰነድ) December 4, 2018

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የህወሓት ዘረፋና የመሬት ወረራ የተጀመረው ገና በትግል ላይ ሳለ ነው። በትግል ወቅት በቁጥጥሩ (ምርኮ) ስር የወደቁ ማናቸውንም ዓይነት ንብረትን የመውረስና ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ሰብስቦ የመውሰድ አባዜ ነበረው። ነገር ግን በዚህ መልኩ ተዘርፎ የሚወሰድ ሃብትና ንብረት ለህወሓቶች በቂ ወይም አጥጋቢ ሆኖ ባለመገኘቱ ከቁሳዊ ሃብት ይልቅ የከተማና ለም የሆኑ የእርሻ መሬቶችን መዝረፍ ጀመረ። የመሬትን ዘላቂ ጥቅምና አዋጭነት የተረዱት ህወሓቶች በ1984 መጀመያ አካባቢ በሰሜን ጎንደርና ወሎ ያሉ ለም የእርሻ መሬቶች ያሉበት ሁመራና ራያ በትግራይ ክልል ስር እንዲጠቃለል አደረጉ።

በመቀጠል በደርግ መንግስት ስር ይተዳደሩ የነበሩ የሜካናይዝድ የእርሻ መሬቶችን፣ ማሽኖችን፣ የባንክ ገንዘቦችን፣ በአጠቃላይ በወቅቱ በመንግስት ቁጥጥር የነበሩ ንብረቶችን “በኢንዳውመነት” ስም እንዲመዘገብ አደረጉ። በመቀጠል በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ ክልሎች የሚገኙ የእርሻ መሬቶችን በኢንቨስትመንት ስም ተቆጣጠሩ። በዚህ መሰረት በጋምቤላንና አፋር ሙሉ በሙሉ በሚባል ደረጃ፣ አብዛኛው የቤንሻንጉል-ጉሙዝ የእርሻ እና የከተማ መሬቶች፣ በደቡብ ኦሞ የመንግስት እርሻ ቦታዎች፣ የሆቴል እና የመኖሪያ ቦታዎች፣ በመተማና ጎጃም እርሻ ልማቶች፣ እንዲሁም በአዲስ አበባ እና ዙሪያዋ የሚገኙ ጥሩ የኢንቨስትምት እና የማዕድን ቦታዎችን ያለ ተቀናቃኝ በበላይነት ተቆጣጥረዋል።

በዚህ ተግባር የተሰማሩት ሰዎች የአንድ መንደር ተወላጅ የሆኑ የህወሓት አባላት ናቸው። እነዚህ መንደርተኞች በድብቅ መሬት እንዲወስዱ የተደረገው በወቅቱ የሀገሪቱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር በነበሩት በአቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ትዕዛዝ ነው። አሁንም እየዘረፉና ሃብቱን እያሸሹ ያሉት እነዚህ ሰዎች ናቸው። ይህን ለማረጋገጥ በኢትዮጵያ ልማት ባንክ አማካኝነት ከዋናው መስሪያ ቤት እስከ ቅርንጫፍ የተሠጡ ብድሮችን፣ እንዲሁም በብድር ማስታመሚያና ማገገሚያ ክፍሎች ያሉት ፕሮጀክቶች የእነማን እንደሆኑ በመመርመር እውነታውን መገንዘብ ይቻላል፡፡

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Ethiopia: U.S. State Department Sanctions ex-Intelligence Chief, Getachew Assefa November 28, 2018

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Ethiopia: U.S. State Department Sanctions ex-Intelligence Chief

Ethiopia: U.S. State Department Sanctions ex-Intelligence Chief

The U.S. State Department is set to impose travel, assets and financial sanctions against the fugitive former Ethiopian Intelligence chief Getachew Assefa under the Global magnitsky act.

BY ANDUALEM SISAY | THE EAST AFRICAN/ TESFA NEWS

The US has imposed a travel ban travel and assets freeze on the fugitive former Ethiopian Intelligence head Getachew Assefa.

The sanctions follow the House of Representatives (HR) 128 Bill passed by the US Congress against Mr Getachew’s violation of human rights.

The request to the State Department was made by the House of Representatives’ Mike Coffman (R), who sponsored the HR 128 bill and finally got it passed by the Congress.

Gang Rape

Mr Getachew is accused for orchestrating the assassination attempt on the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in Addis Ababa during the rally called in support of the reformist leader. The charges against him also include crimes against humanity on thousands of prisoners across the country such as allowing gang rape of both males and females, torturing and killings using different techniques in secrete jails.

The US federal prosecutor recently indicated that many secrete prisons used for torturing inmates had been found in Ethiopia, seven of which were in Addis Ababa.

While about a dozen former intelligence officers were arrested recently, Mr Getachew, whose face was not known by the public, was reportedly hiding in Tigray region.

Reports show that billions of dollars have been stolen from Ethiopia and stashed abroad over the past few decades, mainly by officials who run political party mega businesses and their affiliates, including holders of foreign passports.

Illicit Money

Over $2 billion was reportedly stolen from Metal Engineering Corporation, owned by the military.

Ethiopia lost $11.7 billion in illegal capital flight from 2000 through to 2009, according to Global Financial Integrity report released in 2011.

More worrying, according to the study, is that Ethiopia’s losses due to illicit capital flows were on the rise. In 2009, illicit money leaving the economy totalled $3.26 billion, which was double the amount in each of the two previous years and more than its $2 billion annual export earnings at the time.

As Ethiopia went through political crisis and instability over the past few years, the amount of money that left the country was estimated to exceed far more than was the case in 2009.

Read more at TESFA NEWS

      U.S. govt asked to sanction Ethiopia’s ex-spy boss, Getachew Assefa,  Africa  news

Ethiopia: የህወሓቶች ቁጥር የበዛው የሌብነቱ ፈር-ቀዳጅ እና ፈቃጅ ስለነበሩ ነው! November 21, 2018

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ላለፉት አመታት በከፍተኛ የሌብነትና ሙስና ተግባር የተሰማሩት በተለያየ ደረጃ የሚገኙ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናትና ኃላፊዎች፣ ከመንግስት እና ገዢው ፓርቲ ጋር የቀረበ ግንኙነት ያላቸው በተለያየ የግል ባለሃብቶችና ድርጅቶች፣ እንዲሁም በአገልግሎት ሰጪ ተቋማት የሚሰሩ ሰራተኞች በግንባር ቀደምትነት ይጠቀሳሉ። ይሁን እንጂ መንግስታዊ መዋቅርና የተቋማት ሥራና አሰራር የተዘረጋው፣ የሀገሪቱ የኢኮኖሚ እንቅስቃሴ የሚመራው በህወሓት መሪነት የፖለቲካ አቋምና አመለካከት ነው። ከህወሓት የፖለቲካ አቋምና አመለካከት የተለየ ወይም የሚቃወም ሰው የፖለቲካ ስልጣን ሊኖረው አይችልም።

ከህወሓት የተለየ የፖለቲካ አመለካከት ያለው ግለሰብ በተቀሩት የኢህአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች ውስጥ አንኳን ወደ አመራርነት መምጣት አይችልም። በመሆኑም የኢህአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች አባላትና አመራሮች በሙሉ የህወሓት የፖለቲካ እና ኢኮኖሚ የበላይነትን የተቀበሉ እና የሚያገለግሉ ናቸው። ከህወሓት ጋር የቀረበ ግንኙነትና የጥቅም ትስስር የሌላቸው የሀገር ውስጥ እና የውጪ ቢዝነስ ተቋማት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በነፃነት መስራትና መንቀሳቀስ አይችሉም።

የህወሓት አመራሮች፣ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች እንደ ሌሎች የኢህአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች ሁሉ በሙስና እና በህገ ወጥ ዘረፋ ተግባር ተሰማርተዋል። ሆኖም ግን ሌሎች የኢህአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች በሙስና እና ዘረፋ ተግባር የተሰማሩት በህወሓት ፍቃድ እና ይሁንታ ነው። ስለዚህ ሌሎች የኢህአዴግ አባል ድርጅቶች አመራሮች፣ አባላት እና ደጋፊዎች ያለ ህወሓት ፍቃድና ይሁንታ በዘረፋና ሌብነት ተግባር ውስጥ መሰማራት አይችሉም። ምክንያቱም የህወሓትን የበላይነት የሚቃወሙ ሰዎች እንኳን መስረቅ በሀገራቸው ሰርተው መብላት አይችሉም።

በተመሳሳይ የህወሓት የሙስና እና ዘረፋ ተግባር የሚቃወሙ እና የሚያጋልጡ ሰዎች በነፃነት መናገር፣ መፃፍና መደራጀት አይችሉም። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ ከህወሓት ጋር የጠበቀ የጥቅም ትስስር የሌላቸው ተቋማትና ድርጅቶች እንኳን በህገወጥ ተግባር በህጋዊ መንገድ መስራትና መንቀሳቀስ አይችሉም። የህወሓት የበላይነት እና ጭቆና የሚቃወሙ ሰዎች በመንግስት ተቋማት ውስጥ ቀርቶ በግል ተቋማት ውስጥ እንኳን ተቀጥረው መስራት አይችሉም።

በአጠቃላይ ባለፉት 27 አመታት ያለ ህወሓት እውቅና እና ፍቃድ በህገወጥ ዘረፋና ሙስና ተግባር የተሰማራ የመንግስት ባለስልጣን፣ የንግድ ድርጅት ወይም አገልግሎት ሰጪ ድርጅት የለም። በዚህ መሰረት የህወሓት አመራሮች፣ አባላትና ደጋፎዎች በራሳቸው በሙስና እና ህገወጥ የንግድ እንቅስቃሴ ከመሰማራታቸው በተጨማሪ ሌሎች የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች፣ የንግድ ተቋማት፣ የመንግስት እና የግል ሰራተኞች በዘረፋና ሌብነት ተግባር እንዲሰማሩ አድርገዋል። ስለዚህ የህወሓት አባላትና አመራሮች መጠየቅ በራሳቸው ለፈፀሙት ዘረፋና ሌብነት ብቻ ሳይሆን ሌሎች የፖለቲካ ቡድኖች፣ ተቋማት እና ሰራተኞች በተመሳሳይ ህገወጥ ተግባር እንዲሰማሩ ፈር-ቀዳጅ እና ፈቃጅ በመሆናቸው ጭምር ነው። ከዚህ አንፃር በህግ የሚጠየቁ የህወሓት አመራሮች፣ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ቁጥር ከሌሎች አንፃር ሲታይ ብዙ ቢሆን ሊገርመን አይገባም። 

የህወሓቶች ቁጥር የበዛው የሌብነቱ ፈር-ቀዳጅ እና ፈቃጅ ስለነበሩ ነው!

Ethiopia: Shocking news of the unfolding TPLF’s corruption, crimes and political scandal November 14, 2018

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Shocking news of the unfolding TPLF’s corruption, crimes and political scandal in Ethiopia 

Recap of Monday’s shocking news of the unfolding TPLF’s corruption, crimes and political scandal in #Ethiopia via Mohammed Ademo, Executive director of Oromia Broadcast Network (OBN) :

♦ 63 suspects accused of corruption and human rights abuses appeared in court on Monday. 27 of the detainees, including former METEC deputy CEO B/Gen. Tena Kurunde, are accused of years of embezzlement at the state-owned conglomerate; whereas 36 are former officials at the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS), federal and Addis Ababa police officers, and prison administration officials implicated in egregious rights violations.

♦- Per Addis Fortune, one of the suspects brought before the judge today was a spouse of Yared Zerihun, former deputy head of NISS. She’s accused of (attempt) to help her husband flee arrest.

♦- A federal judge on Monday evening denied all of the suspects the right to bail. Investigators were granted 14 days to finish investigation/file charges. More arrests (reportedly higher up the chain) are expected in the days (and weeks) ahead.

♦- Ethiopia’s Attorney General @BerhanuTsegaye alleges senior leaders of NISS orchestrated the Meskel Square plot to kill PM Abiy Ahmed in June using paid Oromo agents. Pretext: The killing of the PM, an ethnic Oromo, by an Oromo would give the impression that his own constituents did not support him.

♦- A five-month long investigation by the AG’s office uncovered 7 CIA blacksite-style secret prisons (villas and houses) across Addis Ababa that were used by NISS agents to torture victims —particularly terrorism suspects and political opponents — in order to extract false confessions.

♦- Opposition party members were tortured at the 7 secret dungeons until they withdrew their memberships. Those who refused were severely beaten. Some died from the torture. Suspects were forced to confess to owning illegal weapons and to sign documents admitting to various crimes.

♦- Torture methods: Electric shock, pulling male genitals with pins or hanging bottle waters on them, rape, hanging suspects on a tree and beating them, tying naked suspects to trees and leaving them in the forest overnight, waterboarding, pulling fingernails, putting pen in suspects noses, etc.

♦- Suspects were held alongside wild beasts. Female interrogators peed on the faces of male suspects. Detainees were routinely forced to drink a pee and gang raped. Victims were denied medical attention for life threatening injuries. Some were amputated, paralyzed as a result.

♦- On METEC: internal and external procurement, $2 billions worth in 6yrs, made without any formal bidding. Traffickers, who are relatives of government officials and who were paid commission, intervened in procurement decisions at times demanding and forcing a 400 % price increase.

♦- METEC imported used cranes from Singapore and China without any bidding (ጨረታ). One of the five cranes is now being used by an individual. Individuals, companies and merchants known as “affiliates” were routinely called by phone to purchase materials at highly inflated prices.

♦- METEC purchased two old ships valued at $3.3 million from Ethiopian Shipping Lines at a reduced price…to use the ships to transport heavy metals. It renovated the ships at the cost of 513 million birr. But the ships may have been used to transport weapons and other contraband between Somalia and Iran.

♦- The Ethiopian flag bearing ships apparently had temporary permits only to move between ports for maintenance. Yet they made several unauthorized and illegal voyages, including to China, for unknown missions. METEC eventually sold the ships for $2.6 million but the money was never deposited into the company’s corporate account.

♦- METEC allegedly purchased a number of airplanes without any formal bid. The private rides were used by government officials, primarily METEC chair Gen. Kinfe Dagnew. At least one of the airplane is now untraceable. The extravagant purchase left the state-owned corporation at least 24 million birr in the red.

♦- In sum, the detained METEC officials are suspected of money laundering, illegal hotel purchase, organized corruption and other grand thefts. In court, the suspects reportedly complained they were arrested without a court warrant after being called to attend a meeting. During a subsequent operation, police recovered bombs, other weapons, house deeds and car titles. Many incl. Kinfe are still on the loose.

*Folks, this is but the tip of the iceberg of the heinous rights abuses, grand national theft and institutionalized robbery. More scary, mind-numbing and dizzying details expected to come to light as the investigation unfolds. Buckle up..!

More from Oromian Economist sources:-

Dokumantarrii Addaa gocha Malaamaltummaa hooggantoonni METEC raawwatan kan agarsiisuu dhiyaachaa jira Daawwadhaa.
OBN Sagalee Uummataa!



Over 40 officials of corruption riddled METEC, members of intelligence under arrest

Meejar Jenaraal Kinfee Daanyaw to’annoo jala oolanii Finfinnee dhufaa jiru, BBC AFAAN OOROMOO

Meejer Jeneraal Kinfee Daanyew

Daarektarri Olaanaa duraanii Korporeeshinii Sibiilaafi Injiinaringii (MeTEC) Meejar Janaraal Kinfee Daanyaw to’annaa jala oolan.

Erga to’annaa jala oolfamanii booda gara Finfinnee fidamuu isaanii miidiyaan biyya keessaa gabaasanii jiru.

Aanga’aan kun naannoo Tigiraay bakka Humaraa jedhamutti wayita to’annoo jala oolchan miidiyaan biyyaalessaa ETV’n kallattiin tamsaasee jira.

Hojii Korporeeshinichaa waliin walqabateen kan shakkaman Daarekteerichi gama Lixa Tigiraayitti kan argamtu Baataar bakka jedhamtutti tumsa hawwaasaafi humna ittisaatiin ture kan to’annaa jala oolan.

Guyyaa kaleessaa Abbaan Alangaa Mootummaa Federaalaa saamicha maallaqaa guddaatiin kan shakkaman gaggeessitoota ol aanoo MeTEC  namoota 27 akkasumas ogeessota to’annoo jala oolfamuu ibsa kennee ture.

Presentational grey line

Akka Abbaan Alangaa Federaalaa Kaleessa jedhetti ‘METEC’ birrii biiliyoona 37 oliin dorgommii caalbaasii malee biyya alaatii bittaa raawwateera.

Adeemsi bittaa kun hariiroo faayidaa dhuunfaafi firummaan kan raawwatame ta’uus himaniiru.

Bittaan kun gatii meeshaalee hanga dachaa 400tti guddisuun kan raawwatame ta’uus qorannoon argamuu himaniiru.

Bittaan biyya keessaas dhaabbilee hoogganoota ‘METEC’ waliin hidhata michummaa fi firummaa qaban irraa caal-baasii malee raawwatame jedhan Obbo Birhaanuun.

Dooniiwwan lama Abbaay fi Andinnat jedhaman waggoota baay’eef tajaajiluu isaaniirraa kan ka’e faayidaa kennuu hin qaban jedhamee dhaabbata biyya alaaf wayita gurguramuf jedhutti ‘METEC’ sibiila dooniiwanii caccabsee fayyadamuuf gaaffii dhiyeessee dooniiwwan lamaan bituu himaniiru.

Boodas dooniwwan kanneen caccabsee sibila isaa itti fayyadamuu dhiisuun dooniwwan kanaan hojii daldalaa seeraan alaa hojjechuun maallaqa doolaara kuma dhibba shan galii argatullee maallaqichi mootummaaf galii hin taanes jedhaniiru.

Kana malees bittaawwan xiyyaaraa fi hoteelootaa irrattis yakkawwan hojjetamusaani abbaan alangaa federaalaa himan.

Dhaabbatichi xiyyaara tajaajilaa ala ta’an shan kaampanii biyya Israa’el irraa bitee Afran isaanii hojiin ala ta’anii dhaabatani kan jiran yoo ta’u tokko eessa akka jiru hin beekamu jedhan Obbo Birhaanuun.

Yakkawwan malaammaltumaa kunneenin walqabatees namootni 27 to’annoo jal oolaniiru jedhan.

Yakkawwan kunneenin walqabate shakkamtootni biyya keessatti dhokatan fi gara biyya biraatti baqatanis ni jiru kan jedhan Obbo Birhaanu Tsagaaye hojiin namoota kunneen to’annoo jala oolchus hojjetamaa jira jedhan.

Kanneen biyya keessa bakka garagaraa dhokatanii jiranis to’annoo jala akka oolfaman himaniiru.

Kan biyya alaatti argaman to’annoo jala oolchuuf biyyaalee keessa jiran waliin dubbataa jirra, biyyaaleenis dabarsanii nuuf kennuuf waadaa galaniiru jedhan Obbo Birhaanuu Tsagaaye.

Yakkawwan kunneenin walqabatee konkolaataawwan, kaartaan manaa, eyyamawwan daldalaa, meeshaaleen waraanaa fi sanadootni biroos to’annoo jala oolaniiru jedhan.

To’annaa jala oolun namoota kunneeni dhimma sabummaa namootaa walin hidhata kan hin qabne akka ta’es Obbo Birhaanu Tsagaaye himaniiru.

Yakkamtoota kanneen qabanii seeratti dhiyeessuuf hawaasni akka tumsus gaafatanii jiru.

Oromia: Athletic Nation Report: Oromo Athlete Lelisa Desisa Wins the 2018 New York City Marathon in a Sprint Finish November 4, 2018

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Oromo Athlete Lelisa Desisa Wins the 2018 New York City Marathon in a Sprint Finish.png

Lelisa Desisa Wins New York City Marathon in a Sprint Finish

He holds off a late charge from Shura Kitata, his Ethiopian countryman.

GETTY IMAGESTIMOTHY A. CLARY

Lelisa Desisa started with cool judgment, held on with stern resolve, and finished with blazing passion to win the New York City Marathon today. The Ethiopian’s 2:05:59 is the second fastest time in the race’s 48 years. His training partner and protégé, Shura Kitata, chased him to the last drop of willpower up the draining final incline to Tavern on the Green, and will follow Desisa in the record book, as the third fastest ever on this demanding course, 2:06:01.

Both disappeared after the finish into a gleeful three-man hug with their coach, Haji Adillo Roma. They had plenty to celebrate. It was Ethiopia Strikes Back, a dramatic riposte against what until today seemed total Kenyan dominance of the world men’s marathon in 2018.

Mary Keitany, Lelisa Desisa Win 2018 New York City Marathon
by Runner’s World US

Everyone read this race wrong, except Desisa. Prerace, Geoffrey Kamworor of Kenya was universally the hot favorite. He was the defending champion, possessed of stellar track and road times, close friend of the godlike world-record holder Eliud Kipchoge, whom he has recently matched in training. Through 24 miles, moving smoothly, he appeared to have things under control, just as we all expected.

We were wrong. While Kamworor was leading the anxious-looking Desisa through Central Park with three miles to go, he seemed to be holding the pressure, waiting for his moment to break the chain. In cold stats reality, in mile 24 Kamworor slowed to 4:45, after running 4:29 for mile 23. He was hurting. It was Desisa who chose the moment. Near mile 25, as we waited for Kamworor to thrust in the sword, Desisa looked ahead, tossed away his woolen hat, and threw in the fierce surge that seized the race.

Desisa knew what he wanted, and only he believed possible. He has twice won the Boston Marathon, and is beloved there for returning his 2013 medal to the city as a gesture of support after the bombings that year. But in five attempts at New York, he has always been the gallant loser, three times standing on the podium, without a victory. He neatly summed up his New York history after the race, in willing but less than perfect English.

“I think this year to be champion,” he said. “In New York, I am number 2, number 3, one year I did not finish, again number 3. This year I decide to be the champion. I am tired for champion here. This is my dream.”

While Desisa has been winning marathons since 2013, Kitata is the rising force. He hit the headlines in April as the surprise challenger and runner-up to Kipchoge in London in a personal best of 2:04:49, burned a fast solo 59:16 half marathon in Philadelphia in September, and started out today with youthful confidence and aggression. Perhaps youthful folly. It’s not often that anyone risks putting a gap on a world-class field up the quite steep first mile on the Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge.

“I did everything my coach told me,” Kitata said through an interpreter. “I was extremely confident of a fast time, so I was happy to lead the race. Later I felt that effort in my legs, so dropped behind Lelisa and Geoffrey. But when my legs felt better, I was confident I could be second.”
image

Lelisa Desisa falls to the ground after claiming his first NYC Marathon victory.

© 2018 KEVIN MORRIS

Kamworor had no response, though he has the consolation that his 2:06:26 for third is the fourth-fastest New York time ever, and four minutes faster than his winning time in 2017. At the postrace media conference, Kamworor looked more disappointed than he was willing to admit.

“I am happy. I gave out the best I could,” he said. But he will need a bit more of the Kipchoge magic if he is to emulate his mentor.

Or perhaps Kamworor was simply outsmarted by a well-drilled team. The early miles were a display of collaborative running by the Ethiopians. At three miles, they had the first four places. Kitata was usually out front by about 30 yards, arms pumping, smiling cheerfully, sometimes even seeming to interact with Ethiopian spectators. Training buddies Desisa and Tamirat Tola sometimes moved alongside, most often when Kitata slowed at drink tables, exchanging hand signals. All are coached in Addis Ababa by Roma, who told Runner’s World before the race “they are all well prepared.”

Desisa described how carefully they ran their accelerating race.

“We ran halfway on pace for 2:06-plus. Then we increase after halfway, especially after 35K,” Desisa said. The “we” is significant. Kamworor had no Kenyan company, once former London champion Daniel Wanjiru drifted back at halfway, and then the little-known Festus Talam just before 20 miles.

The Ethiopia/Kenya rivalry in major marathons is unofficial and usually unnoticed, but when Desisa won Boston in 2013 and 2015, the way he worked with his compatriots shaped both races. This time it looked as if Kitata, 22, was the star, and the older Desisa, 28, was there to support and protect him.

Wrong again. When Kamworor first attacked at 22 miles, it was Desisa who moved right with him, and Kitata who drifted. In the last 800 meters, when the resurgent Kitata swept past Kamworor into second, and closed within strides of Desisa, it took one glance for Desisa to dig even deeper and drive himself to the tape, two seconds clear. It was the closest men’s finish at New York since 2005.

“At 800 to go, I saw him. I know him. We train together. He is a young and strong guy. I am afraid of him. But this is my dream,” Desisa said.

Desisa won $100,000 for the victory, plus a $45,000 bonus for going sub-2:06.


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The Sidama people take another step towards statehood and Konso has become Special Zone November 4, 2018

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Sidama people (the 3rd largest nation in Ethiopia), one of the ancient African (Kushitic) people.

Sidama take another step towards statehood,  Ethiopia Insight, November 3, 2018

 

The Council of Southern Nations region yesterday accepted Sidama Zone’s request to become a state and restructured other administrative districts.

A referendum in the zone of perhaps four million people now needs to be organized before August. London-based activist Seyoum Hameso believes the course is set for the Sidama to form the tenth federal state.

“The demand for regional status is long-standing. It is the first time in over two decades the democratic and constitutional order is being implemented. The reformist government of Dr Abiy Ahmed is walking the talk to democratize Ethiopia and uphold the rule of law,” he said in an interview.

Ethiopia’s federal constitution provides for “unconditional” self-determination including secession for communities that share a “large measure” of language, culture or other traits and inhabit the same territory.

A request to pursue statehood was accepted by zonal authorities on July 18, although the campaign also reached that stage in 2006.

Federal restructure

SNNP’s Council restructured the region of around 20 million people and more than 80 groups, adding three zones and 44 woredas. Konso was made a zone in a split from Segen Zone, which was itself a 2011 amalgamation of three special woredas. Alaba Zone was created from out of Kembata Tembaro Zone and Gamo-Gofa Zone has been split into two.

Ethiopia has nine federal regions and two self-governing cities, Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa. Each state has its own legislative chamber and revenue-raising powers. They range in size from Oromia’s population of around 40 million to Harari, which has less than 300,000 people. Zonal authorities are generally responsible for planning services, while woredas primarily delivery them. Elections for woreda leaders and also for the councils of kebeles, the lowest administrative tier, were postponed this year due to instability. Ethiopia’s four-party region-based ruling coalition and affiliated parties virtually monopolize the federation’s millions of elected seats. According to a 2007 census, the population of Sidama Zone, which has an area of 10,000 square kilometers, was three million people who were 93 percent Sidama. The district is bordered by Oromia region and SNNP’s Gedeo Zone on the south, Wolayta Zone to the west, and on the north and east by Oromia.  Click here to read more


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#የምስጋና_መልዕክት!!
“””””””””””‘””””””””””””””””””
የምስጋና መልዕክት #ለቄሮና ለመላው #የኦሮሚያ ወንድሞቻችን:-

የሲዳማ ህዝብ ላለፉት 130 አመታት በአጠቃላይና ለ27 አመታት ደግሞ በተለይ ለማንነቱ ብዙ መስዋዕትነት መክፈሉ ይታወሳል፡፡
ላለፉት 3 አመታት ቄሮ በዋናነት ታግሎ በጀመረው ትግል መላው የክልላችሁ ህዝብ እንዲሁም ኤጄቶና ሙሉ የሲዳማ ህዝብም የማይናቅ ትግል አድርገን ተጨባጭ ለውጥ መጥቷል፡፡

እንዴ እኛም ሁኔታ ከእናንተ ጋር Strategically ባደረግነው አስደናቂ ትግል ዛሬ ጥቅምት 23/2011 የደቡብ ምክር ቤት ባደረገው ስብሰባ የክልል መንግሥት መመስረቻ ጥያቄያችንን በህገ መንግስቱ መሠረት በህዝበ ዉሣኔ እንድጠናቀቅ ወስኗል፡፡

ከፈጣሪና በ27 አመታት ውስጥ በትግሉ ከተሰው ጀግኖች በመቀጠል ለእናንተ ታላቅ ክብር አለን፡ ለዶ/ር አቢይ፡ ለኦቦ #ለማ፡ ለኦቦ ወርቅነህ ለአቶ ደመቀ፡ ለአቶ ገዱ፡ ለኦቦ #ጃዋር ፡ዶ/ር #ፀጋዬ እጅ ነስተናል፡፡

በተለይ ደግሞ #የምዕራብ አርሲ ቄሮና ህዝብ ፈጣሪ አብዝቶ ይባርካችሁ፡ለቀሪ ጥቂት ሂደቶችም እንደማትለዩን እንተማመናል፡፡

ላለፋት 27 አመታት የሲዳማ ክልል ጥያቄ በኢህአዴግ መቃብር ብቻ ይመለሳል ሲሉ የነበሩትን ኣይተ መለስ ዜናዊ(ነብሳቸውን ይማር): አቶ ሀይለማርያም ደሳለኝ፡ ኣይተ ቢተው በላይ፡ ኣይተ አባይ ፀሀይ፡ ኣይተ በረከት ስምዖን፡ ኣይተ ስበብሀት ነጋ፡ ኣይተ ጌታቸው አሰፋ፡ በጥቅሉ ወያኔ፡ ካላ ሽፈራው ሽጉጤና የእናንተና የኛ ጠላቶች የሆኑ ኢሳትና አንዳንድ የሀገር መሪን ጥቁር ለብሰው የሚቀበሉ አሳፋሪ ተላላኪዎቻቸው አይናቸው እያየ ጆሮያቸው እየሰማ ድል በድል ሆነናል፡፡

በተጨማሪም OMN and SMN ምስጋናችን ከልብ ነው፡፡
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Ethiopia’s New Leader Relies on Support from Youth November 3, 2018

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7 million strong freedom-loving #Oromo have converged onHulluuqoo Kormaa, Dirree Masqalaa (Meskel Square) in Finfinnee to welcom OLF leaders, 15 sept. 2018#OromoProtests, Oromo students movement for freedom

Ethiopia’s New leader Relies on Support from Youth

Reuters


They were tortured for their political beliefs. They saw friends shot dead by security forces. They were forced to cut their hair and give up other cultural traditions. This year, they say, they caused a revolution.

Young men from Ethiopia’s Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group, proudly declare “we won” when describing their role in the rise of 42-year-old reformer Abiy Ahmed, also an Oromo, to become prime minister.

Across the Oromiya region, many of those young men claiming victory now want Abiy to deliver – and fast. The “Qeerroo”, an Oromo term meaning “bachelor” adopted by politically active young men, are demanding answers.

Will there be justice for friends who died during strikes and protests over the past three years? Will their rights as Oromos be respected? When will Abiy’s pledges of change help their impoverished communities?

Whether Abiy can answer those demands without favouring his home region over the rest of the country will dictate whether the young men remain an asset to him or become a dangerous liability. Before he came to power, the Oromo youths had already demonstrated they could shut down parts of the country with protests and strikes, and that pressure on the ruling EPRDF culminated in the resignation of Abiy’s predecessor in February.

Even as they celebrate Abiy, the Oromo youth are still frustrated with life under the EPRDF, a one-time Marxist-Leninist movement which has controlled nearly every aspect of Ethiopians’ lives since seizing power 27 years ago.

Frustration has spilled into violence. In September, Oromo youths were reported by Amnesty International to have carried out deadly mob attacks on other ethnic groups near Addis Ababa. Police said 28 died.

Elsewhere in Oromiya, young men are starting to challenge the state. They want local officials sacked and have booed them out of rallies.

“I appreciate Abiy for the reform he brought, and blame him for not removing those corrupt and evil killers from their positions and bringing them to court,” said unemployed accountant Dambal Dejene, 26, at a rally in the town of Woliso.

Abiy became prime minister in April after the EPRDF decided reforms were essential for its survival.

His appointment was a small step towards breaking the power of the Tigrayan elite who have controlled the state since they took power in 1991 and founded the EPRDF as a coalition with other ethnic political parties.

Youths wearing traditional Oromo costumes attend an Oromo Liberation Front rally asked what they want from the government, more than a dozen young Oromo men told Reuters:

“Freedom.”

“No more torture.”

“Justice.”

“Economic opportunity. Jobs.”

“End to corruption and unfair land deals.”

“Respect for our culture. Dignity.”

“Democracy.”

“Free and fair elections.”

A man wearing traditional Oromo costume rides a horse during an Oromo Liberation Front rally.

Abiy announced reforms several months ago but these have stalled in part due to a spike in ethnic violence.

More than one million people have been forced to flee their homes since Abiy took office. In the most serious violence, Oromo communities have clashed with other groups.

Acknowledging a breakdown of the rule of law, the EPRDF said last month: “Anarchy is witnessed in the country.” In a speech to parliament, Abiy said: “Lawlessness is the norm these days. It is something that is testing the government.” He has reshuffled his cabinet and formed a “Ministry of Peace”.

Gelana Emana (right), 36, the leader of a group of politically active youth from the Oromo ethnic group, sits in a cafe with fellow activists Alemu Kumarra (center), 26, and Dinaol Dandaa, 27.

Some young Oromos seem emboldened to settle old ethnic scores, said Felix Horne, Ethiopia researcher at Human Rights Watch.

“Since Abiy came to power, things have changed,” he said. “The ethno-nationalist narrative is much more dominant than it used to be … a lot of the young Oromos are not willing to take ‘second place’,” Horne said.

“The youth have already shown that they can be very influential. How they choose to be influential is an important question,” said a senior western diplomat in Addis Ababa. “Their support, or non-support, for the reform agenda will directly impact how quickly and how well the reform agenda succeeds.”

Abiy’s chief of staff, Fitsum Arega, did not respond to requests for comment.

A spokesman for Abiy’s political party said changes were needed at the grassroots.

“Anyone who was slapping you, shouting at you, seeing that face may dissatisfy the people. We feel it,” said Taye Dendea, public affairs head for the Oromo Democratic Party.

He requested patience from the youths while the ruling coalition implements change.

Magarsa Kanaa teaches in his classroom.

But like many young Oromos, Magarsa Kanaa, a 28-year-old teacher, said he is still very upset at the crimes committed by security forces against his friends.

He named one who was shot dead at a protest last year, and said he and other young men “are starting a committee to seek justice for him and other guys”.

Magarsa Kanaa stands on a hill.

Proud to be wearing his hair in an Afro, he spoke bitterly of how the government had not allowed Oromos to practice their culture. Men his age, he explained, like to wear their hair in the shape of the “Odaa”, the Oromo word for the sycamore tree that is significant as the site of rituals and meetings to resolve disputes.

Instead, he said: “We were forced to cut our hair.”

Activist Jawar Mohammed promotes an “Oromo first” ideology. Click here for the images

The 32-year-old with 1.4 million Facebook followers returned to Ethiopia in August from the United States. He told Reuters that although he used social media to coordinate Oromo youths in strikes and protests, he also “built a solid ground network” in every town in the region. Jawar is the movement’s hero.

“Jawar Mohammed is my pride,” said Dambal, the accountant. “He took the Oromo struggle to the next level. We were lacking someone to lead the youth … he made us line up all together all over Oromiya and win.”

Interviewed in a villa in Addis Ababa surrounded by bodyguards provided by the government, Jawar justified Oromo nationalism: “When the state particularly represses an ethnic identity, you are forced to defend it.”

But his “Qeerroo” are disciplined, he said, and will stick to non-violent resistance.

At a rally in the town of Kemise, north of the capital, Jawar told thousands of young men chanting “Qeerroo’s Father is here!”: “Obey Abiy. Don’t be emotional in order to help the reforms.” But on social media, his language is often less restrained.

Speaking to Reuters, he argued that Ethiopia is experiencing a “promising and terrifying” moment where the “power of the people” is rising and the state’s legitimacy has collapsed.

“People power” – particularly from the Oromo – is a strength for Abiy, but rebuilding and controlling the state is an urgent problem, Jawar said.

“If (Abiy) doesn’t move quickly to take full control of state power, so that he can use it to answer some of the demands of the youth … these people will turn against him.

“They think this is their government … So it’s just a ticking time bomb. We’ve gotta move fast,” he said, referencing elections that are due in 2020. He said Abiy “has good intentions, but he has no plan, no deadline.”

Older Oromo politicians agree.

“The youth moved the struggle we have been undertaking for the last 50 years one step forward,” said Merera Gudina, 62, leader of the Oromo Federalist Congress. “The PM makes a lot of promises. If he cannot walk his talk, then he’ll face the youth, definitely.”

Macron hails reformist Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed on first Europe trip. France/Ethiopie: Emmanuel Macron salue les réformes menées par Abiy Ahmed October 30, 2018

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Ministirri Muummee Dr. Abiy Ahimad affeerraa pirezidantiin Faransaay Imaanu’eel Maakroon isaaniif taasisaniin kaleessa Faransaay turtii taasisaniiru.

Jarman: MM Abiy walgahii Compact with Africa irratti hirmaataa jiru, BBC Afaan Oromoo

ለ ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድ ከፖለቲካ በፊት ሰውነት ይቀድማል፡ ከምርጫ በላይ መሳም ይበልጣል. ሰው ሰው የሚሸት መሪ .


 

Macron hails reformist Ethiopia PM on first Europe trip

French president Emmanuel Macron (R) and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed are both keen to present themselves as reformist leaders

 

French President Emmanuel Macron on Monday hailed “unprecedented” moves by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to transform his country as the young African leader makes his first trip to Europe.

Abiy, 42, has won global praise for forging peace with neighbouring Eritrea, announcing economic reforms and reaching out to dissidents, but is grappling with bloody ethnic disputes which have displaced some 1.4 million people.

Macron offered “all my support and that of France” in reforming Ethiopia and “in calming domestic tensions”, telling Abiy at a press conference in Paris: “You have here a country which loves yours but also admires the transformation you are carrying out”.

“I know how much he has risked to see these reforms through and how much these reforms are fraught with difficulties, but also how much Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has chosen a courageous path,” Macron told reporters.

“The political, economic, social and cultural transformation that you are in the process of carrying out and that you’ve committed to in Ethiopia is unprecedented,” added Macron, another leader keen to present himself as a reformer.

Abiy vowed to tackle the violence gripping Ethiopia, saying it would be resolved through “greater peace-building in the whole country”.

“The communal conflicts cannot undo the reform agenda,” he added, arguing that economic reforms would help end the violence by bringing greater prosperity.

“The reform process is contributing to greater peace in the country,” he said.

Analysts see no single cause for the killing that has stretched from the countryside to the capital and left scores of Ethiopians dead.

But they say Abiy, who inherited a vast, ethnically diverse nation used to the iron-fisted rule of his predecessors, has his work cut out for him as he seeks to impose his leadership without tipping into authoritarianism.

French officials signed a string of cooperation deals with their counterparts from Africa’s second most populous nation, in areas ranging from transport and energy to culture.

French experts are set to advise Ethiopian officials on how to open the national palace, dating back to the rule of Haile Selassie who was emperor until 1974, to tourists.


Related, Oromian Economist sources,

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has started his tour of Europe. He will start in France where he will meet with President Emmanuel Macron. Ahmed will then proceed to Germany to attend the G-20 meeting. CGTN’s Girum Chala has more


 

France/Ethiopie: Emmanuel Macron salue les réformes menées par Abiy Ahmed


Prime Minister Dr Abiy Ahmed on Tuesday arrived in Germany on the second leg of his three cities Europe tour.

He was received by German’s Chancellor Angela Merkel.

The Prime Minister is expected to have bilateral discuss with Merkel shortly.

The Premier will address 25,000 Ethiopians drawn from different European countries in Frankfurt tomorrow.

Moreover, he will attend the second edition of the Compact with Africa (CwA) meeting schedule to take place later today. At least 12 African heads of state will also attend the event.

The CwA was initiated under the German G20 Presidency to promote private investment in Africa, including in infrastructure.

The CwA’s primary objective is to increase attractiveness of private investment through substantial improvements of the macro, business and financing frameworks.

It brings together reform-minded African countries, international organizations and bilateral partners from G20 and beyond to coordinate country-specific reform agendas, support respective policy measures and advertise investment opportunities to private investors.

The initiative is demand-driven and open to all African countries. Since its launch in 2017, the CwA has sparked great interest.

So far, 11 African countries have joined the initiative- Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Morocco, Rwanda, Senegal, Togo and Tunisia. Click here to read from the source, Fana


Ethiopia Insight: Untangling a toxifying and liberating web October 27, 2018

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Podcast: Untangling a toxifying and liberating web

In this second instalment of Ethiopia Insight’s podcast, William Davison talks with Addis Standard‘s Editor-in-Chief Tsedale Lemma about Ethiopia’s media landscape and the impact of social media.The podcast was recorded exactly a month ago on Sep. 26. That was not long after the confusing and deadly events that occurred around the time of the OLF and G7 rallies in Addis Ababa, which generated plenty of heated exchanges.

We go over the negative and positive aspects of the online conversation on Ethiopia current affairs and consider how the issue of a weak private press contributes to the more problematic elements.

Looking ahead, we discuss what the Government can do to improve its communications and the environment for the media, and talk about the prospects for such positive change occurring in time to affect the 2020 elections. Click here to listen to  the Audio 

 

Oromia (Ethiopia): Exiled Olympic runner Feyisa Lilesa returns home. #Qeerroo #OromoProtests #OromoRevolution October 22, 2018

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Ethiopia: Exiled Olympic runner Feyisa Lilesa returns home

Marathoner who sought exile after making protest gesture at 2016 Olympic Games returns amid political reforms at home.

Feyisa: 'I knew this day was coming because I know the blood spilled by all these people was not going be in vain' [File: Athit Perawongmetha/ Reuters]
Feyisa: ‘I knew this day was coming because I know the blood spilled by all these people was not going be in vain’ [File: Athit Perawongmetha/ Reuters]

An Ethiopian marathon runner who made global headlines with an anti-government gesture at the Rio de Janeiro Olympics finish line has returned from exile.

Feyisa Lilesa’s return on Sunday came several months after Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy took officein the East African nation and announced sweeping political reforms.

The runner held his arms over his head, wrists crossed, as he finished second in the 2016 Olympicsin solidarity with protesters in his home region, Oromia.

He sought asylum in the United States, saying he feared he would be imprisoned or killed if he returned home.

On Sunday, Foreign Minister Workneh Gebeyehu received Feyisa at Addis Ababa’s airport, where relatives – clad in traditional attire from the Oromia region – and fans had also gathered.

OPINION

Why I run

Feyisa Lilesa
by Feyisa Lilesa

Feyisa said the new government is “a result of the struggle by the people” and he hopes it will address concerns after years of repression.

“I knew this day was coming because I know the blood spilled by all these people was not going be in vain,” the medal-winning runner told the Reuters news agency upon arrival.

‘Loved by my people’

The unrest in Ethiopia was originally triggered by protests over a government development plan for Addis Ababa, which critics said would lead to expropriation of farmland in the surrounding Oromia region.

Hundreds were subsequently killed by security forces as the demonstrations evolved into rallies against perceived political and economic marginalisation of ethnic Oromos.

In April, the EPRDF coalition which has ruled the country since 1991, elected Abiy – a 42-year old ethnic Oromo – as prime minister.

“I knew the dictatorship would eventually fall down,” Feyisa said. “I was expecting this day, but I did not know if it would be today or tomorrow, but it has been clear in my mind that I would go back to my father’s land alive.”

As well as making peace with neighbour Eritrea, Abiy has pursued a reconciliation strategy, extending an olive branch to dissidents and rebel groups, although the changes have not stopped bouts of ethnically charged violence.

After Rio, 28-year old Feyisa competed in a number of marathons, winning some. He told reporters he planned to focus on training for his sport.

“I can still bring good results for my country in my field,” he said. “I was loved by my people because I am a sportsman not because I am a politician. I only brought their suffering to global attention by using my profession.”


More from Oromia Economist sources:-

 

Olimpikii Riyoo irratti mallattoo mormii mootummaa irratti agarsiiseen waggoota lamaaf biyya ambaa kan ture atileet Fayyisaa Leellisaa biyyatti deebi’eera.

ETHIOPIA: PM DR. ABIY AHMED’S DOWNSIZED CABINET SEES RECORD 50 PER CENT WOMEN MINISTERS INCLUDING THE COUNTRY’S FIRST WOMAN DEFENSE MINISTER FROM HISTORICALLY THE OPPRESSED THE AFAR NATION October 16, 2018

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Itoophiyaan ministiroota haaraa muudde 20 keessaa 10 dubartoota

Ministirri Muummee miseensota kaabinee 20 akka muudamaniif mana maree bakka bu’oota ummataatti dhiheessan keessaa walakkaan isaanii dubartoota tahuun barame.

Ulaagaan hoggantoonni muudaman kunneen ittiin filatamanis ga’umsa isaanii qofa akka ta’e Ministirri Muummee Dr. Abiy Ahimad himaniiru, BBC Afaan Oromoo 


 

Ethiopia’s new cabinet is now a record 50 percent female, including the country’s first woman defence minister, after legislators unanimously approved the nominations put forward by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. Al Jazeera News


NEWS UPDATE: PM ABIY AHMED’S DOWNSIZED CABINET SEES 50 PER CENT WOMEN MINISTERS ASSUME KEY POSITIONS,  

 

Addis Abeba, Oct. 16/2018 – For the second time since becoming Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed formed a new cabinet today. But unlike the first one, PM Abiy has downsized the number of ministers from 28 to 20 and equalized the gender composition to 50% women and 50% men; he also gave key positions, such as minister of peace and defense, to women ministers, a move applauded by many.

The prime minister presented his new cabinet members to the House of People’s Representatives (HPR) this morning, and secured the house’s unanimous approval for the new draft bill No. 1097/2018, authorizing the power and responsibilities the new executive organ.

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Breaking:PM due to announce his new cabinet. The new ministerial portfolio will have a record number of female ministers consisting 10 out of the 20 ministers. This include the position of ministry of defense, which will be held by a woman for the first time in history

Accordingly the following are list of the ten women ministers

Muferiat Kamil -Minister of Peace

Aisha Mohammed – Minister of Defense

Adanech Abebe – Minister of Revenue

Fetlework Gebregziabher – Minister of Trade and Industry

Dagmawit Mogess – Minister of Transport

Hirut Woldemariam (PhD) – Minister of Science and Higher education

Yalem Tsegaye Assfaw -Minister of Women’s’, Children’s’ and Youth

Ergoge Tesfaye (PhD) -Minister of Labour and Social Affairs

Hirut Kassaw (PhD) -Minister of Culture and Tourism

Fitsum Assefa (PhD) – Minister of Planning and Development Commission

The following are list of the ten men ministers

Workneh Gebeyehu (PhD) – Minister of Foreign Affairs

Ahmed Shide -Minister of Finance and Economy

Umer Hussien – Minister of Agriculture

Amir Aman (PhD) – Minister of Health

Dr Getahun Mekuria -Minister of Innovation and Technology

Engineer Seleshi Bekele (eng.) Minister of Water, Irrigation and Electricity

Jantirar Abay -Minister of Urban Development and Construction

Samuel Hurko (PhD) – Minister of Mines and Petroleum

Berhanu Tsegaye – Attorney General with the Rank of a Minister

Tilaye Gete (PhD) – Minister of Education


In addition to appointing the reshuffled cabinet, the new draft bill No. 1097/2018 mandated the new ministry of peace to be led by former house speaker Muferiat Kamil to oversee the National Intelligence & security Service (NISS); Information Network Security Agency (INSA); Federal Police Commission; & Finance Security & Information Center; National Disaster Risk Management Commission; the Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs; Ethiopian Foreign Relations Strategic Studies Institute; and the Main Department For Immigration & Nationality Affairs. Ministry of Peace will also assume the roles and responsibilities of former Federal & Pastoralist Development Affairs.

The bill also placed the following agencies under the auspices of the House of People’s Representatives (HPR): Ethiopian News Agency (ENA); Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA); Ethiopian Press Agency (EPA); Federal anti corruption commission; & Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation.

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Breaking:HPR speaker Muferiat Kamil will assume the new ministerial portfolio, Ministry of Peace; Workneh Gebeyehu will remain as minister of Foreign Affairs; and Ahmed Shide will become minister at Ministry of Finance,where he was a state minister before moving to communication pic.twitter.com/nZJ6Cuur8l

View image on TwitterView image on TwitterView image on Twitter

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Breaking: PM dissolved the Government Communication Affairs Office, which was led by Ahmed Shide with ministerial portfolio and instated it under the Prime Minister’s office. Ahmed Shide will be announced the new minister of finance. Parliament is in session. pic.twitter.com/39ia7v17y5

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The other major reshuffle is the dissolving of the Federal Government Communication Affairs office led by Ahmed Shide with ministerial portfolio. GCAO is no more and its mandate is restructured as press secretariat under the prime minister’s office. AS


Read more from the Oromian Economist sources:-


Women win half of Ethiopia’s cabinet roles in reshuffle

Prime minister Abiy Ahmed creates new peace ministry in the latest in a string of changes, The Guardian

Jawar Mohammed’s red-carpet return signals Ethiopia’s political sea change October 14, 2018

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Two years ago, the state branded him a terrorist. Now, after years in exile, activist Jawar Mohammed is back – and determined to see democracy in his country

A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed
 A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

Jawar Mohammed never travels alone. When the US-based Ethiopian activist returned to his home country on 5 August, he was treated like royalty. A posse of sharply suited young men hovered by him at all times. Jeeps carrying security guards patrolled his hotel in central Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. Supporters from the provinces arrived in droves to pay their respects. Over the course of a two-week visit he held about 25 to 30 meetings a day, according to an exhausted aide.

After meeting with the Guardian in his hotel suite he rushed off to give a lecture at the capital’s main university, entourage in tow.

Nothing demonstrated the breathtaking transformation in Ethiopian politics over the past four months quite like the red-carpeted return of a figure who was once the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) most wanted man.

From a studio in Minneapolis, where he founded the controversial Oromia Media Network, Jawar has spent the past decade agitating over social media for political change back home in Ethiopia, which he left as a scholarship student in 2003. This was his first time in Ethiopia since 2008.

Jawar Mohammed, U.S.-based Oromo activist and leader of the Oromo Protest, addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia August 5, 2018. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri
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 Jawar Mohammed addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa in August. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

So effective was he as an activist that by late 2016, as anti-government protests billowed across the country compelling the EPRDF to impose a state of emergency, the Oromia Media Network was labelled a terrorist organisation and Jawar accused of crimes against the constitution.

By early 2018 the revolutionary fervour had grown so loud that Hailemariam Desalegn was forced to resign as prime minister, paving the way for his enormously popular successor Abiy Ahmed, a young reformist from Oromia, Jawar’s home and the country’s largest and most populous region.

The Oromia Media Network, along with some smaller outlets and activists, has used social media to devastating effect over the past few years, coordinating boycotts and demonstrations and bringing Ethiopia’s large and often brutal security apparatus close to its knees.

“We used social media and formal media so effectively that the state was completely overwhelmed,” Jawar says. “The only option they had was to face reform or accept full revolution.”

During the course of a triumphant homecoming, the former terrorist (charges were dropped in May) toured the country, mostly around Oromia, where he was welcomed by vast and jubilant crowds. On his first day he led a tub-thumping rally in the capital’s main concert hall.

Later he travelled to Ambo, the epicentre of the Oromo protest movement – a struggle for political freedom and for greater ethnic representation in federal structures, which Jawar played a main role in orchestrating. Tens of thousands arrived to greet him, more than when Abiy visited the town shortly after his inauguration in April.

As Jawar had promised his supporters – mostly young, politically active Oromo men known as the Qeerroo – he took off his shoes and walked prophet-like through the streets of the city. He then planted a tree at the site where a young man was killed by security forces nearly 15 years ago, long before the rise of the movement that threw him into the national spotlight.

“They used to make me so happy and proud with what they did,” he said of Ambo’s Qeerroo. “So I told them: ‘One day I will come to your city and show my respect by walking barefoot.’ That day came and I had to deliver.”

Few doubt the importance of Jawar in recent Ethiopian history. Perhaps more than any other single individual, he took the once-marginal politics of Oromo nationalism and made it mainstream. Today, Oromos – the country’s largest ethnic group – dominate the highest offices of state, and Jawar enjoys significant personal influence over the country’s new leaders, including Abiy himself.

In a recent interview with local media he claimed – to the dismay of many Ethiopians – that the country now effectively has two governments: one led by Abiy, the other by the Qeerroo. This puts him in a position of extraordinary responsibility, since he is “one of the Qeerroo” and “a significant portion of the country listens to me”, he admits.

Many are uncomfortable with the whiff of demagoguery that accompanies Jawar. One Ethiopian journalist (who asked to remain anonymous) notes his “Trumpian sense of truth when inconvenient facts surface”.

He has been accused of inflating the numbers of protesters killed by security forces and, infamously, telling his followers (73,000 on Twitter and more than 1.4m on Facebook) that army helicopters fired live bullets at civilians during the tragic stampede that occurred during an Oromo cultural festival in October 2016. Independent journalists present confirmed this did not happen. He has a history of smearing journalists he disagrees with as government “agents”.

He has also been accused of inciting ethnic and religious violence. In a 2013 video, for example, he is heard saying: “My village is 99% Muslim. If someone speaks against us, we cut his throat with a machete.” Jawar says the clip was doctored, adding that he would not say such a thing because his father was a Muslim and his mother a Christian.

In recent years, he has whipped up his supporters against the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, the once dominant ethnic Tigrayan wing of the ruling coalition, which critics argue led to attacks against Tigrayan civilians as well as those of other ethnic groups. Jawar says that he has long sought to steer his supporters towards “non-violent resistance”, and adds that “even when TPLF was in power and actively killing our civilians we ensured Tigrayan civilians were not subject to attacks”.

These days, Jawar comes across as a more moderate and conciliatory figure. He says he plans for the Oromia Media Network to set up offices across Ethiopia and become a professionalised outfit. He points to the BBC and NPR as models. He insists he has no intention to enter formal politics, preferring to remain an activist.

“I want to help us in the next couple of years transition to democracy. And for that I want to use my influence over the population so that they can calm down, contain themselves, and ensure peace while the political leadership works out arrangements for transition,” Jawar says.

The last point is especially significant. In recent weeks instability across Ethiopia has escalated sharply, especially in his own region. The day after his interview with the Guardian a rally in the town of Shashamene turned violent, as a crowd of Jawar followers publicly hung a man they suspected of carrying a bomb. Two more died in the carnage that followed. Many Ethiopians blame him for the unrest, and he was compelled to cancel the rest of his tour.

Jawar nonetheless remains optimistic about the country’s future, and about the prospect of a peaceful politics free from violent expressions of ethnic identity. “I do believe if we democratise the Ethiopian state – allowing people of all ethnicities to participate in the political process and to get a fair share of power and wealth – there is a possibility the next generation will be proud Oromo and proud Ethiopian at the same time. I think that is possible.”

  • This story was amended on 21 August to include a response from Jawar Mohammed and to clarify claims against his organisation.


Irreecha Malkaa 2018: The Oromo National And Cultural Holiday, Oromians and other nations and nationalities in Millions Celebrating the Blessing Festival in Oromia and all over the Globe. Irreechi 2018: Irreechi Hora Arsadiitti haala ho’aan kabajamaa oole nagaafi milkiin xumurameera September 30, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistWISH YOU A VERY HAPPY IRREECHA BIRRAA OROMO 2018

Irreecha Birraa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia

The blessing and colorful Irreecha Thanks Giving Annual season  that started in mid August and continue to be celebrated in Birraa (September- October). Over  six million from all over Oromia, Sidama, Konso, Burji, Gaamo, Alaba, Aga’u and other nations   have attended Hora Harsadi (Bishoftuu, Oromia) with success on Sunday 30 September 2018. Irreecha of peace, love and unity is the symbol of multicultural, peace and unity in diversity  of ethnic federal Ethiopia. Irreecha is the most important annual event  in Oromo people national calendar. #Irreecha2018.

Irreecha jaalalaa fi Tokkummaa: Irreecha (Irreessa)  Birraa Oromoo kan Bara 2018 (akka lakkoobsa Oromootti kan Bara 6412)  akka gaariitti karooreffatamee, haala oo’aa fi bareedan kabajamaa jira. Haaluma kanaan kan  Hora Harsadi Birraa 30 Bara 2018 nagaan irreeffatameera. Saboonni Kush kan akka Sidaamaa, Koonsoo, Aga’u, Alaabaa, Burjii fi Gaamoo aadaa isaanii guutuun irratti argamuun bareedinatti bareedina dabalanii jiruu.


 

 

Ayyaanni irrechaa sirna Gadaa waliin wal qabatee waggota 3000 oliif kabajamaa akka ture hayyoonni seenaa ni himu.

Oromoon miliyoonaan lakkaa’aman guutummaa Itoophiyaafi biyya alaarraa Bishooftuu Hora Arsadiitti bahanii Ayyaana Irreechaa kan bara 2018 kabajaa jiru. BBC AFAAN OROMOO

 

Irreecha Birraa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia


  Oromo Irreecha celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png

Oromo Raayya fi Walloo
  Qeerroo at Irreecha Malkaa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
  Irreecha Birraa Oromo Celebration, on September 30th, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
  Culture, fashion at  Irreecha Birraa Oromoo celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
  Irreecha Birraa Oromo Celebration, on Sunday  September 30th, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
https://twitter.com/NuNuWako/status/1046295919245824000
 Foollee Gadaa,  Irreecha Birraa Oromo Celebration, September 30th, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
https://twitter.com/FBedaso/status/1046137165913227269
   Oromo Artist and Journalist At Irreecha Birraa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
   Oromo Artist and Journalist At Irreecha Malkaa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
Culture, fashion, Irreecha Birraa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia
  Culture, fashion at  Irreecha Birraa celebration, September 30, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
Irreecha Birraa Oromoo Celebrations, on Sunday September 30th, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia
  Culture, fashion at  Irreecha Birraa Oromo Celebration, September 30th, 2018 in Bishoftu, Oromia.png
Happy Irreecha 2018 from Eritrea
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SqwsvsQFU5Q
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LhJDNCQRHSA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bBAh-kFBgUI
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4bZoxpEUF7k

In a joint statament OLF, OFC, ODF, UFIO & OLF-United say an attack on Oromo identity is taking place. የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ አንድነት እና አንገብጋቢ የወቅቱ ጉዳዮችን አስመልክቶ ኦነግ፣ ኦፌኮ፣ የተባበሩት ኦነግ፣ የኦሮሚያ ነፃነት አንድነት ግንባር እና የኦሮሞ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር የጋራ መግለጫ አውጥተዋል። September 25, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Paartileen siyaasaa: ‘Gareen Oromoo balleessuuf gurmaa’ee socho’u akka jiru hubanneerra’

 

Aanga'oota paartilee Oromoo haala yeroo irratti wayita ibsa kennan
Goodayyaa suuraaAanga’oota paartilee Oromoo haala yeroo irratti wayita ibsa kennan

Paartileen siyaasaa Oromoo shan gochaan magaala Burraayyuufi Finfinnee keessatti Oromoota irratti raawwatame kan isaan gaddisiise ta’uu himan.

Dhaabbileen Oromoo shan KFO, ABO, ABO Tokkoome, Adda Dimokiraatawaa Oromoofi Addi Tokkummaa Walabummaa Oromoo haala siyaasaa biyyattii tibbanaa irratti erga Fulbaana 12 mariyatanii booda ibsa waliinii baasaniiru.

“Gareen Oromoo balleessuuf gurmaa’ee socho’u akka jiru hubanneerra” jedhan. Paartileen siyaasaa tokko tokkos namoonni dhaadanoowwan “Oromoofi Nootummaan Naannoo Oromiyaa magaala Finfinnee keessaa yaa bahan” jedhan qabatanii akka bahan godhaniiru.

Miidiyaalee rakkoo afarsan abaaruu

Dhaaboleen Oromoo shanan miidiyaalee ummataaf uummata walitti buusuuf hojjechaa jiran jedhanis balaalefataniiru.

“ESAT propogaandaafi olola maqaa balleessi Qeerroo irratti baneera” kan jedhan barreessaa Olaanaan KFO Obbo Baqqala Garbaa “miidiyichi Qeerroo bulguu fakkeessuun dhiyeessera” jedhaniiru.

Paartileen siyaasaa karaa nagaan dorgomuu hin barbaanne maallaqa sobaa namootaaf raabsuun okkara uumuufi mootummaan biyyattii bulchuu kan dadhabe fakkeessanii aangoo qabachuuf socho’aa akka jiranis Obbo Baqqalaan himaniiru.

Namoonni yakka raawwatan seeratti akka dhiyaataniif miseensonniifi deeggartoonni keenya mootummaa cinaa ni dhaabbatu jedhan.

“Namoota muraasaafi miidiyaa tokkoon biyyi yeroo diiggamu ilaaluu hin barbaadnu. Balaaleffachuu qofa osoo hin taanee namummaaf jennee uummata cinaa ni dhaabbanna.”

Ibsa waliin baasan kanaan halleellaa qabeenyaa akka manneen barnootaa Afaan Oromoo, baankiiwwaniifi kollejjootarra ga’es balaaleffataniiru.

Federaalizimii ilaalchisee

Sirna Federaalizimii rakkoo eenyummaa baroota dheeraaf Itoophiyaa keessa ture furuudhaaf diriirfame humnoonni dantaa hin qabne ka’umsi rakkoo kanaa federaalizimii akka ta’e mullisuudhaaf yaalii gochaa akka jiran ibsuudhaan ibsichi balaalleffateera.

Kanaaf, nuti paartileen Oromoo sochiin miidiyaalee dabalatee taasifamaa jiru kun balaa eenyummaa keenyarratti dhufe waan ta’eef cimsinee balaaleffanna, jedhaniiru.


የኦሮሞ ድርጅቶች፡ «ኦሮሞ እና አማራን የሚነጣጥሉ አይሳካላቸውም»

 

«ኦሮሞ እና አማራን የሚነጣጥሉ አይሳካላቸውም»

የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ አንድነት እና አንገብጋቢ የወቅቱ ጉዳዮችን አስመልክቶ ኦነግ፣ ኦፌኮ፣ የተባበሩት ኦነግ፣ የኦሮሚያ ነፃነት አንድነት ግንባር እና የኦሮሞ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር የጋራ መግለጫ አውጥተዋል።

ፓርቲዎቹ በጋራ ባወጡት መግለጫ አምስት ዋና ዋና ነጥቦች ላይ አተኩረዋል።

አነሱም የኦሮሞ ማንነትን ለማጥፋት እየተደረገ ያለው ሙከራ፣ አዲስ አበባ ጉዳይ፣ ሕዝብን ከሕዝብ የሚያጋጩ ሚድያዎች፣ በሃገሪቱ እየታየ ያለው ለውጥን እና በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተ ፌዴራሊዝምን የሚመለከቱ ናቸው።

• “መቼም ደህንነት አይሰማኝም”

• ኦሮሞ ማንነት

ፓርቲዎቹ ሰሞኑን አደርግነው ባሉት ውይይት «ጠላቶቻችን የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ለማጥፋት አሰቃቂ ግድያ ከመፈፀም አልፎ በኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ሰም የሚጠሩ ተቋማትን በማውደም ከፍተኛ ዝርፍያ ፈፅመዋል» ብለዋል።

«ከዚህ ጀርባ ፀረ ኦሮሞ አቋም ያለው የተደረጃ የፖለቲካ ቡድን ስለመኖሩ የሚያመለክቱ በርካታ መረጃዎች ተገኝተዋል» ይላል መግለጫው።

«በማንነታችን ላይ የተቃጣውን ድርጊት ከማንኛውም ጊዜ በላይ እናወግዛለን፤ ድርጊቱን የፈፀሙ በህግ እንዲጠየቁ እንጠይቃለን» በማለት ፓርቲዎቹ መግለጫቸው ላይ አትተዋል።

• አዲስ አበባ በተመለከተ

«ዛሬ አዲስ አበባ የምትገኝበት ሥፍራ የጥንት የኦሮሞ ጎሳዎች የእምነት፣ ፖለቲካ እና ኢኮኖሚ ማዕከል የነበረ መሆኑ አይካድም» የሚለው መግለጫው «ጎሳዎቹ መሬታቸውን ተነጥቀው እንዲጠፉ ተደርገዋል» ሲል ያክላል።

ፓርቲዎቹ «እኛ ኦሮሞ ድርጅቶች አዲስ አበባ ሁሌም የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ናት፤ ይህ ማለት ግን ከኦሮሞ ውጭ መኖር አይችልም ማለት አይደለም» ሲሉ በመግለጫቸው አትተዋል።

• ጅምላ እሥር በአዲስ አበባ

«ሆኖም አንዳንድ የፖለቲካ ድርጀቶች ይህን በመካድ ከተማዋን እያሸበሩ መሆናቸውን ታዝበናል፤ አልፎም በኦሮሞ እና አማራ ሕዝብ መካል ጥርጣሬ እንዲፈጠር ደፋ ቀና እያሉ ይገኛሉ። ቢሆንም አይሳካላቸውም፤ የኦሮሞ እና የአማራ ሕዝቦች ለውጥ ለማምጣት አብረው ታግለዋልና» ይላል መግለጫው።

መላው ሕዝብ የእኒህን ኃይሎች ሴራ ለማክሸፍ አብሮ መቆም አለበትም ሲል መግለጫው ያክላል።

• ሕዝብን ከሕዝብ የሚያጋጩ ሚድያዎች

ለወገናዊ ፖለቲካ የሚያደሉ ሚድያዎች ሕዝብን ከሕዝብ ለማጋጨት ተግተው እየሰሩ እንደሆነ መግለጫው አትቷል።

«ስለዚህ ውጭም ሆነ ሃገር ቤት ያላችሁ ሃገር አማሽ ሚድያዎች በህግም በታሪክም ፊት ተጠያቂ መሆናችሁን አውቃችሁ ከድርጊታችሁ ታቀቡ» በማለት መግለጫው አስገንዝቧል።

• በሃገሪቷ እየታየ ያለውን ለውጥና ሽግግር በተመለከተ

«በሃገሪቱ ውስጥ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ እየታየ የመጣውን ለውጥና ፖለቲካዊ መነቃቃት ለውጡን በሚፈልጉ የሥርዓቱ አካላት የተገኘ እንደሆነ እናምናለን» የሚለው መግለጫው በዚህ የሽግግር ወቅት ስልጣን ላይ ያሉ አካላት ዘላቂ ለውጥ እንዲያመጡ ሁኔታዎችን እናመቻቻለን» የሚል አቋም ይዟል።

«ነገር ግን እንደማይሳካላቸው የተገነዘቡ የፖለቲካ ቡድኖች በሃሰት የብር ኖቶች ዜጎችን በማታለል የሃይማኖትና የብሄር ግጭት በማስነሳት መንግስት የሌለ ለማስመሰል እየተሯሯጡ እንደሆነ ግልጽ ነው።»

• ኦህዴድ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲንና ዴሞክራሲያዊ ማዕከላዊነትን ታሪክ ሊያደርጋቸው ይሆን?

«በመሆኑም አሁን ያሉ ተቋማት በህገ መንግሥቱ መሰረት በትክክል እንዲሰሩ ተደርጎ በነጻ፣ ተአማኒና በቂ ፉክክር በተደረገበት ህዝባዊ ምርጫ ወደ ዴሞክራሲ የሚደረገውን ሽግግር ብቻ የምንደግፍ መሆኑን እንገልጻለን» ሲሉ ድርጀቶቹ አቋማቸውን አንፀባርቀዋል።

• በቋንቋ ላይ የተመሰረተ ፌደራሊዝምን በተመለከተ

ለዘመናት ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የነበረውን የህዝቦች የማንነት ጥያቄ ለማክበር የተዘረጋውን የፌደራሊዝም ሥርዓት ደንታ የሌላቸው ኃይሎች ሥርዓቱ የችግሩ መንስኤ እንደሆነ አድርገው ለማቅረብ እየሞከሩ ነው ሲል መግለጫው ይወቅሳል።

አንዳንድ ሚዲያዎችም ይህንኑ ተግባር ተያይዘውታል። ስለዚህ እኛ የኦሮሞ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶች ፈጽሞ የማንቀበለው መሆኑንና በህልውናችን ላይ የተቃጣ አደጋ አድርገን እንደምንመለከተው እንገልጻለን በማለት ድርጀቶቹ መግለጫቸውን አጠናቀዋል።


Oromia State: ODP: OPDO’s 9th Congress: Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, and leader of the ruling EPRDF & OPDO, delivering a message of peace & unity. The party changes name and logo September 21, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistOromo Democratic Party, ODP.png

Rebranding itself, the Oromo People Democratic Organization (OPDO) has  changed its name to Oromo Democratic Party (ODP).

Oromo Democratic Party, ODP, elected central committee members. 21 September  2018.png

Paartiin Dimokiraatawaa Oromoo(ODP) yaa’ii isaa 9ffaan miseensota koree giddu galeessaa 55 filateera. Caalamaan isaanii dargagoota. Isaanis (Newly elected ODP Central Committee Members):
1. Dr. Abiyyi Ahimad
2. Obbo Lammaa Magarsaa
3. Dr. Warqinaa Gabayyoo
4. Obbo Birhaanuu Tsaggaayyee
5. Aadde Adaanech Abeebee
6. Inj. Taakkalaa Uumaa
7. Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa
8. Obbo Umaar Huseen
9. Aadde Xaayibaa Hassan
10. Obbo Addisuu Araggaa
11. Dr. Girmaa Amantee
12. Dr. Biqilaa Hurrisaa
13. Dr. Milkeessaa Miidhagaa
14. Dr.Tashoomaa Addunyaa
15. Obbo Taayyee Danda’aa
16. Dr. Alamuu Simee
17. Dr. Tolaa Biriisoo
18. Kom/ Dammallaasha G/ Mikaa’el
19. Obbo Girmaa Hayiluu
20. Obbo Warquu Gaachanaa
21. Obbo Shaafii Huseen
22. Obbo Tolosaa Gaddafaa
23. Obbo Fiqaaduu Tasammaa
24. Obbo Birhaanuu Baqqalaa
25. Obbo Awwaluu Abdii
26. Obbo Geetuu Wayyeessaa
27. Obbo Kaasahuun Goofee
28. Obbo Abdulaakiim Muluu
29. Obbo Malaakuu Faantaa
30. Obbo Taarraqany Galataa
31. Obbo Abarraa warquu
32. Obbo Makuyyee Mohaammad
33. Obbo Ahimad Tusaa
34. Obbo Assagid Geetaachoo
35. Obbo Dhangee Booruu
36. Obbo Namarraa Bulii
37.Obbo Abdullaaziiz Mohaammad
38.Obbo Roobaa Turcee
39. Obbo Jamaal Kadir
40. Obbo kaffaloo Tafarraa
41. Obbo Masfiin Asaffaa
42. Aaddee laalisee Lammii
43. Obbo Naasir Huseen
44. Obbo Mogos Ida’ee
45. Dr. Darajjee Dhugumaa
46. Aadde Caaltuu Saanii
47. Aadde Loomii Badhoo
48. Obbo Muhaammad Kamaal
49. Dr. Inj. Habtamuu Ittafaa
50. Dr. Inj. Geetaahuun Makuriyaa
51. Obbo Mashoo Olaanaa
52. Obbo Alamtsaah Shifarraa
53. Obbo Ahimad Idiriis
54. Aadde Muunaa Ahimad
55. Obbo Xilaahun Fiqaaduu


Ethiopia’s Oromo party changes name, logo ahead of 2020 vote, Africa News



 

Faaruu ODP (haarawaa har’a ragga’e)

ODP
ODP, ODP paartii jijjiiramaa
Gurmuu qabsoo Oromoo mirgaa fi walabummaa
Faajjii bilisummaa bu’uura Oromummaa
Partii tarkanfataa kutatee falmataa
Galmisaa milkeessuu fedhiif faayidaa Oromoo
Feedhiif faayidaa uummataa

Abbaa kayyoo dhugaa ilaalcha moo’ataa
Gaddisa hoggansaa tuuta sabbonotaa
Abokaatoo haqaa irree adda durootaa
Kallacha Oromoo saba seenaa hojjetaa.

Nagaafi misoomaa demookraasii waaraa
Mirkansu galmisaa imallisaa dheeraa
Hundeen isaa Oromummaa daandiin isaa sirrii
Paartii lammii boonaa dhaloota haraaf borii.

Sabni Oromoo guddaan kallattii hundaan cimee
Mirgaaf bilisummaan miidhagee faayamee
Arguudhaaf qabsoofna badhaadhee ijaramee
Jaalalaan hammannee saba biyyaa hundaa
Walqixxummaa obbolummaan
Gamtaan dhugoomsinaa hegeree bareedaa.

Kaayyoo eebbifamaa keenyaaf amanamnee
Jaallummaa qabsootiin yaadaa gochaan tokkoomnee
Saba keenya goota sabboonaa qabannee
Wanti hin moone hin jiruu tabbi nuti hin baanee.

Qabsaa’onni kufan imaanaa nuuf kennan
Dhiigaan kukkulanii faajjii nu dhaalchisan
Qabaannee qabsaa’aa hawwii ummata keenyaa
Harka wal qabannee hunda galmaan geenyaa
Harka wal qabannee ijaarra biyya keenyaa.

Ergaa Cimaa Dr Baqqalaa Garbaa Yaa’ii 9ffaa DH.D.O dhageeffadhaa waliis dhageeysisaa!!


Sirna baniinsa Yaa’ii Dhaabbattummaa DhDUO 9ffaa har’a Jimmatti baname irratti bakka bu’oota dhaaba siyaasaa hedduutu dubbate. Hunda keessaa kan qalbii na tuqe haasaa MM Dr. Abiyyi Ahmedii fi kan Obbo Baqqalaa Garbaa ti. Lamaanuu karaa Oromoon ittiin injifannoo harkaan gahatu akeekan. Dr. Abiyyi guddina Oromoo yeroo ibsu Itoophiyaanuu itti dhiphatti jedhe. Garuu guddinni kun yoo tokkummaa mul’ataa mirkaneessine malee hakka hin dhugoomne hubachiise. Dhaabota siyaasaa Oromoo dantaa aangoof jecha qaama isaan hin fakkaanne waliin harka wal keessaa qaban akeekkachiise. Firoomni akka dhaabaatti qabnu dura akka Oromummaatti ragga’uu akka qabu hubachiise.

Dr. Abiyyi bolola aangoo akka hin qabne kan caalaatti mul’isu ammoo jecha isaa yeroo hundumaa irra deddeebi’u tokko. ”Oromoodhaaf dhaaba kudha meeqa osoo hin taane dhaaba jajjabaa lama yookiin sadi qofatu gaha” kan jedhu. Kun dhugumatti Oromoon akka jaaramuu fi humni isaa akka hin qoqqoodamne hawwii qabaachuu paartii isaa agarsiisa. Osoo dhaabota hunda moohatanii aangoo irra jiraachuu barbaadu tahee dhaabonni Oromoo biroon bakka meeqaatamatti wal cicciruun isaan hin yaaddessu ture. Inumaa OPDO irraa kan hafe hundumtuu qoqqoodamoo fi lallaafoo yoo tahan filmaata irratti mohachuuf jara gargaara ture. Garuu aangoo caalaa dantaan Oromoo eegamuu akka qabu hawwiin dhugaan jiraachuu kana irraa hubanna.

Obbo Baqqalee Garbaa haasaa isaa keessatti dubbii mucaa wagaa 6 kan Oromoo tahee qofaaf ajjeefamee yeroo kaasu ijoo dubbii dheeraa jecha gabaabduudhaan lafa kaa’e. Diinni kan nurratti aggaammatu OROMOO taanee qofaaf akka tahee fi kanuma qofayyuu laallee garaagarummaa qabnu dhiphifnee tokkoomuu caalaa furmaanni biraa akka hin jirre akeeke. Kana malees Oromoon ofii dogoggorees haa tahuu qaama biraatiin gowwoomfamee akka saba kamuu irratti harka ol hin fudhanne kadhate. Karaan kufaatiitti nu geessu gaafa saba biraa irratti harka ol fudhanne tahuu isaa jala mure. Haasaan Obbo Baqqalee har’aa kun gabaabumatti bilchina siyaasaa nama kana keessa jiruu fi Oromiyaan ilmaan ishii bira dabranii biyyattiifuu boonsoo tahan mormitoota keessaas horachuu agarsiisa. Dhaaba siyaasaa adda addaa (DhDUO fi KFO) keessaa bahuu isaanii yoo tahe malee, ergaan Dr. Abiyyii fi Obbo Baqqaleen haasaa har’aa keessatti dabarsan homaa kan garaagarummaa qabu tahee natti hin mul’anne.

 

 

The Guardian: Jawar Mohammed’s red-carpet return signals Ethiopia’s political sea change #Qeerroo August 20, 2018

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Jawar Mohammed’s red-carpet return signals Ethiopia’s political sea change

Two years ago, the state branded him a terrorist. Now, after years in exile, activist Jawar Mohammed is back – and determined to see democracy in his country

A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed
 A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters


Jawar Mohammed never travels alone. When the US-based Ethiopian activist returned to his home country on 5 August, he was treated like royalty. A posse of sharply suited young men hovered by him at all times. Jeeps carrying security guards patrolled his hotel in central Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. Supporters from the provinces arrived in droves to pay their respects. Over the course of a two-week visit he held about 25 to 30 meetings a day, according to an exhausted aide.

After meeting with the Guardian in his hotel suite he rushed off to give a lecture at the capital’s main university, entourage in tow.

Nothing demonstrated the breathtaking transformation in Ethiopian politics over the past four months quite like the red-carpeted return of a figure who was once the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) most wanted man.

From a studio in Minneapolis, where he founded the controversial Oromia Media Network, Jawar has spent the past decade agitating over social media for political change back home in Ethiopia, which he left as a scholarship student in 2003. This was his first time in Ethiopia since 2008.

Jawar Mohammed, U.S.-based Oromo activist and leader of the Oromo Protest, addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia August 5, 2018. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri
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 Jawar Mohammed addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa in August. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters


So effective was he as an activist that by late 2016, as anti-government protests billowed across the country compelling the EPRDF to impose a state of emergency, the Oromia Media Network was banned and Mohammed declared a terrorist.

By early 2018 the revolutionary fervour had grown so loud that Hailemariam Desalegn was forced to resign as prime minister, paving the way for his enormously popular successor Abiy Ahmed, a young reformist from Oromia, Jawar’s home and the country’s largest and most populous region.

The Oromia Media Network, along with some smaller outlets and activists, has used social media to devastating effect over the past few years, coordinating boycotts and demonstrations and bringing Ethiopia’s large and often brutal security apparatus close to its knees.

“We used social media and formal media so effectively that the state was completely overwhelmed,” Jawar says. “The only option they had was to face reform or accept full revolution.”

During the course of a triumphant homecoming, the former terrorist (charges were dropped in May) toured the country, mostly around Oromia, where he was welcomed by vast and jubilant crowds. On his first day he led a tub-thumping rally in the capital’s main concert hall.

Later he travelled to Ambo, the epicentre of the Oromo protest movement – a struggle for political freedom and for greater ethnic representation in federal structures, which Jawar played a main role in orchestrating. Tens of thousands arrived to greet him, more than when Abiy visited the town shortly after his inauguration in April.

As Jawar had promised his supporters – mostly young, politically active Oromo men known as the Qeerroo – he took off his shoes and walked prophet-like through the streets of the city. He then planted a tree at the site where a young man was killed by security forces nearly 15 years ago, long before the rise of the movement that threw him into the national spotlight.

“They used to make me so happy and proud with what they did,” he said of Ambo’s Qeerroo. “So I told them: ‘One day I will come to your city and show my respect by walking barefoot.’ That day came and I had to deliver.”

Few doubt the importance of Jawar in recent Ethiopian history. Perhaps more than any other single individual, he took the once-marginal politics of Oromo nationalism and made it mainstream. Today, Oromos – the country’s largest ethnic group – dominate the highest offices of state, and Jawar enjoys significant personal influence over the country’s new leaders, including Abiy himself.

In a recent interview with local media he claimed – to the dismay of many Ethiopians – that the country now effectively has two governments: one led by Abiy, the other by the Qeerroo. This puts him in a position of extraordinary responsibility, since he is “one of the Qeerroo” and “a significant portion of the country listens to me”, he admits.

Many are uncomfortable with the whiff of demagoguery that accompanies Jawar. One Ethiopian journalist (who asked to remain anonymous) notes his “Trumpian sense of truth when inconvenient facts surface”.

He has been accused of inflating the numbers of protesters killed by security forces and, infamously, telling his followers (73,000 on Twitter and more than 1.4m on Facebook) that army helicopters fired live bullets at civilians during the tragic stampede that occurred during an Oromo cultural festival in October 2016. Independent journalists present confirmed this did not happen. He has a history of smearing journalists he disagrees with as government “agents”.

He has also been accused of inciting ethnic and religious violence. In a 2013 video, for example, he is heard saying: “My village is 99% Muslim. If someone speaks against us, we cut his throat with a machete.”

In recent years, he has whipped up his supporters against the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, the once dominant ethnic Tigrayan wing of the ruling coalition, which critics argue led to attacks against Tigrayan civilians as well as those of other ethnic groups. Jawar says that he has long sought to steer his supporters towards “non-violent resistance”, and adds that “even when TPLF was in power and actively killing our civilians we ensured Tigrayan civilians were not subject to attacks”.

These days, Jawar comes across as a more moderate and conciliatory figure. He says he plans for the Oromia Media Network to set up offices across Ethiopia and become a professionalised outfit. He points to the BBC and NPR as models. He insists he has no intention to enter formal politics, preferring to remain an activist.

“I want to help us in the next couple of years transition to democracy. And for that I want to use my influence over the population so that they can calm down, contain themselves, and ensure peace while the political leadership works out arrangements for transition,” Jawar says.

The last point is especially significant. In recent weeks instability across Ethiopia has escalated sharply, especially in his own region. The day after his interview with the Guardian a rally in the town of Shashamene turned violent, as a crowd of Jawar followers publicly hung a man they suspected of carrying a bomb. Two more died in the carnage that followed. Many Ethiopians blame him for the unrest, and he was compelled to cancel the rest of his tour.

Jawar nonetheless remains optimistic about the country’s future, and about the prospect of a peaceful politics free from violent expressions of ethnic identity. “I do believe if we democratise the Ethiopian state – allowing people of all ethnicities to participate in the political process and to get a fair share of power and wealth – there is a possibility the next generation will be proud Oromo and proud Ethiopian at the same time. I think that is possible.”

 


 

Ethiopia Violence A Concern Despite Reform Promises, – Human Rights Watch August 16, 2018

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Ethiopia Violence A Concern Despite Reform Promises

Government Should Address Killings in Somali and Oromia Regions



Read Related Articles from Oromian Economist  sources:

Ethiopia: Abusive police unit must be stopped, – Amnesty  International

The spectre haunting Ethiopia: Unbridled torture, impunity in Somali region,– The East African

 

Ethiopia: At least 37 people killed and more than 44 wounded after attack by the Liyu police in at least three separate localities in Eastern Hararghe zone of the Oromia State. Over 30,000 Oromos displaced from Djibouti.August 13, 2018,  Oromian Economist

HARARHGE :
This week at least 50 people have been killed and tens of thousands are displaced and are once again facing catastrophic situations in East Hararghe zone. They need different humanitarian support. Among these a top urgent is medical support. I demand Federal Ministry of Health and Oromia Regional Health Bureau to provide immediate medical assistance to those injured and internally displaced in different districts of East Hararghe Zone of Oromia National Regional State. – Oromo Federalist Congress

Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria, New Telegraph August 1, 2018

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Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria


 


Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria

Good governance exemplars in Africa continue to evolve, even if slowly. An African country, Ethiopia, has the youngest democratically elected Head of State on the continent; who happens also to be one of the 20 youngest Heads of State in the world. Africa should be proud. Yet it seems Africa failed to take sufficient notice.

In the past 18 months, Africa has seen 15 leadership changes averaging approximately one per month. One of the remarkable transition was in Ethiopia. Its run up was not seamless, but the end result is predictably remarkable. Ethiopia’s leadership evolution started with the former Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, who decided to step aside in the aftermath of mass protests on the streets of Ethiopia, and evident failure to quell the restiveness, despite deploying various drastic measures. In surrendering power, he yielded to the voice of reason and democratic dictates.

In stepping aside, Desalegn was cognizant that such gesture had the capacity to create the political and conciliatory space required to bring about new solutions and certainly stem the bloodletting and wanton killing of Ethiopian defenseless civilians from Oromo ethnic stock, who would not stop protesting.

By resigning, the former Prime Minister gave Ethiopia a new lease of life to move forward. In comparative terms and given African realities, he deserves credit. After all, when last did an African Head of State willingly resign from office. Robert Mugabe and Jacob Zuma remain very awkward examples. Desalegn leaving stoke the embers of effective succession planning amidst conflict.

Inevitably, the question became who will replace him? Who will the nation accept? And had the capacity and persona to quell turmoil and rally the nation to reconciliation and healing? The lot fell on Dr. Abiy Ahmed, who was chosen by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, as its Chairman with 108 of 180 possible votes. Ethiopia’s ruling party is made up of four ethnic parties including Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation, (OPDO), Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM); the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Indisputably, with Abiy Ahmed’s emergence, Ethiopia struck the proverbial gold and netted four giant birds with one cage. First, Ahmed is of the Oromo ethnic stock, which has been at the root of the antigovernment protests.

The Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia constituting about 34% of the country’s 100 million population, but have never ruled the country. They have accused the government repeatedly of neglect and humiliation. Now, their son, who interestingly was the chairperson of the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation (OPDO), is now the Prime Minister. Psychologically, his emergence ought to solve at least half of the problem, or nothing else will.

Ahmed is a pacifist thrown up by conflict. He is also a paradox. In him, Ethiopia has her first Muslim Prime Minister who interestingly, hails from a home with a Muslim father and a Christian mother. Suffice to say that while he checks off on both boxes, he had consistently identified with his Muslim roots. This latter disposition underlines his broad acceptability. But there’s more to his bonafides.

Ahmed arrived at his new job, wellschooled and with the requisite expertise. He served as a former Minister of Science and Technology under Desalegn, he just completed his doctorate in peace and security from Addis Ababa University in 2017 and comes from a military/intelligence background where he last ranked as a colonel in the Ethiopian army. Add to that the fact that he speaks fluent English and three Ethiopian languages, you find sufficient expertise written all over him. He possesses the skill and grit that is of immediate need to Ethiopia. Also, you have a Prime Minister with all expertise at 42. He’s dynamic, energetic, thinking and the youngest in the continent. He is well-equipped to drive an already progressive Ethiopia to the next level. Ethiopians must be beating their chest in cheers to such a win.

There is much for Nigeria to learn if she truly yearns for a way forward. Hardly in our national history have we been as divided along ethnic lines as today. There are alleged cases of ethnic cleansing going on in some states including Benue, Taraba and Zamfara under the watch of the government, yet the troubling silence from quarters that should defend justifies Nigerians’ suspicion of conspiracy.

Nigeria is not officially at war, but the number of deaths recorded from the killing of the Fulani herdsmen in the last three years is more than enough casualties for most wars. In the face of these all, and with the latest killing in Plateau State, President Muhammadu Buhari continue to give credence to criticisms that he is incapable of finding solutions to Nigeria’s problems. Even changing cabinet members or appointees who have failed in their responsibility seems too arduous. Increasingly, there is pressure for the President to resign both from those who mean well and those who are purely politicking. However, if the President truly cares about Nigeria, he knows the choice to make.

For Nigerian youths who are getting ready to contest elective positions on the basis of the ‘Not Too Young To Run’ bill allowing them to do so now that the bill have been passed into law, becomes imperative. Age is not necessarily the problem. It’s about competence and experience. Look at Ahmed. He served previously as minister and led his own party before becoming the Prime Minister. He was close to power and understood the challenges; now his experience is evident in his reforms. He’s taking the bold step of putting a limit to the tenure of Prime Ministers, which was hitherto unchecked. There’s great optimism in Addis Ababa that the right man is on the saddle.

Look at Emmanuel Macron: he served first as minister; formed and led his own party with which he became the President. We witnessed his meetings with President Donald Trump a few weeks ago in the U.S. He bossed it despite being 32 years younger than Trump.

If you’re serious about taking back your country, chat little about age on Facebook and go to work. Form your party or join existing ones. Reform them to suit modern ideologies and lead them. Stay genuinely close to power. Fight for the Youth Minister position to be truly yours first. Fight for a percentage of National Assembly positions in your party. Slowly, you will take over. Nobody will hand you power, there’s no free lunch anywhere. Being young will never win you an election; there must be a story to your youth that stands you out, something that clearly defines you and that can easily predict what the future will be with you. You must be strategic fellow young people.

A look at Ethiopia’s party structure reveals something interesting. In all the parties, there are four ethnic/regional parties that form the coalition. Leaders of each party stand the chance of becoming the next Prime Minister. In the Nigerian context, that should mean there will be a leader for the Northern group in APC, PDP and all other parties, same for Middle Belt, South-East, South-South and the West. With the regional leaders, you already know who is likely to emerge as the President and begin to fight early if that choice will not do the country any good. It does look like a great example but it reminds us one thing, we can’t escape restructuring for Nigeria to become functional. Ethiopia looks set to continue in its development trajectory especially in infrastructure.

Despite the protest against the previous government and internet shut down, the country continued to implement her development plan building top infrastructure for its cities. Every visit to Ethiopia, offers one the chance of encountering incremental development, especially in infrastructure. Recently, Ethiopia opened Africa’s first energy plant that converts trash into electricity.

It will incinerate 80 per cent of Addis Ababa’s waste and supply electricity to 30 per cent of its household. It will also recover 30 million litres of water and averting the release of 1.2 million tons of carbon emissions. It was opened casually. The Prime Minister didn’t even attend. Such a project in Nigeria will leave the Presidency on the brink of inviting God to physically attend the lavish commissioning. Ethiopia is leading; Nigeria, when will you Arise?


 

•Udeh is a Research Associate at Selonnes Consult Ltd; Obaze is MD/CEO Selonnes Consult Ltd


 

OMN: Simannaa MM Dr. Abiy Ahmad fi Perz. Lammaa Magarsaa (Minnesota), Little Oromia. Welcoming H.E. PR. OF ETHIOPIA DR. ABIY AHMED AND H. E. PZ. OF OROMIA DR. LAMMAA MAGARSAA July 30, 2018

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OMN: Welcoming H.E. PR. OF ETHIOPIA DR. ABIY AHMED AND H. E. PZ. OF OROMIA DR. LAMMAA MAGARSAA

Photos: Ethiopians turn up in thousands to meet PM in Minnesota

Thousands of Ethiopians in the United States’ city of Minnesota packed the Target Center to catch a glimpse of the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

Clad in bright national and traditional colours, the crowd packed the center long before the arrival of the PM and his team. Abiy’s call for peace and unity of Ethiopians has been a common message on his tour and he was supposed to reiterate that message.

The PM and his entourage comprising the Foreign Affairs Minister, Information Minister and President of the Oromia regional state arrived in the state for the final leg of Abiy’s diaspora tour.

The tour took him first to Washington DC – where he held high-level political and economic meetings before addressing the Ethiopian diaspora. Next stop was in Los Angeles before arriving in Minnesota on Monday.

Photos courtesy TargetCenterMN and Opride [Mohammed Ademo, a pro-democracy activist]

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Tsedale Lemma@tselemma

If you can’t understand & try to accept the collective images coming out of as the image of , you will have failed the mini litmus test of understanding the Ethiopia to come; the Ethiopia we will be negotiating to build & the Ethiopia we will be settling for.

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Awol Allo@awolallo

So proud of Minnesota (aka little Oromia) right now. Thus far, it is looking like a showpiece of diversity, inclusion, and tolerance. I hope it ends that way – as an outstanding example of the type.

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Mohammed Ademo

@OPride

PM Abiy Ahmed and his delegation landed at Minneapolis International Airport for the final leg of a three-state diaspora tour. He was welcomed by members of the community and prominent individuals, inc. @Jawar_Mohammed

 


Daawwannaa Ameerikaa Kan Muummicha Ministeeraa Abiy Ahimed fi Dr. Lammaa Magarsaa

 

 

MPR News: Photos: Thousands welcome Ethiopian prime minister to Minneapolis

 

Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed cheer.
Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed wave Ethiopian and American flags while waiting for him to speak inside Target Center in Minneapolis on Monday, July 30, 2018. Evan Frost | MPR News
Yusuf Ahmed lowers his glasses to peer at the stage.
2Yusuf Ahmed lowers his glasses to peer at the stage before Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed speaks. Evan Frost | MPR News
Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed wave flags.
3Supporters of the prime minister wave flags from the VIP section as he takes the stage. Evan Frost | MPR News
The floor of Target Center in Minneapolis is filled.
4The floor of Target Center in Minneapolis is filled with supporters. Prime Minister Ahmed was scheduled to appear at 2:30 p.m. but did not show up until nearly 5 p.m. Evan Frost | MPR News
Two attendees dance with the flag of the Oromo people.
5Two attendees dance with the flag of the Oromo people in the crowded arena. Evan Frost | MPR News
People carry giant Ethiopian and Oromo flags around.
6People carry giant Ethiopian and Oromo flags around the floor of Target Center. Evan Frost | MPR News
Rado Ali cheers for the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
7Rado Ali cheers for Prime Minister Ahmed during his speech. Evan Frost | MPR News
Attendees wave flags before Abiy Ahmed's speech.
8Attendees of a speech by Prime Minister Ahmed wave flags and cheer before he takes the stage. Evan Frost | MPR News
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
9Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and other government officials look out at the crowd inside Target Center. Evan Frost | MPR News
Dancers perform on stage for Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
10Dancers perform on stage for Ethiopian Prime Minister Ahmed. Evan Frost | MPR Newshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fyPz89iAAtshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kbXFMPM3qJI