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HRW: Interview: Ethiopia Lets in Human Rights Watch for First Time in 8 Years Genuine Progress on Rights, Yet Ethnic Tensions Loom in Rural Regions February 23, 2019

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Interview: Ethiopia Lets in Human Rights Watch for First Time in 8 Years

Genuine Progress on Rights, Yet Ethnic Tensions Loom in Rural Regions

Amy Braunschweiger,  Senior Web Communications Manager, HRW and Felix Horne, Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa, HRW

After more than two years of protests, power changed hands in Ethiopia last April. Under the new Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia is shedding its reputation as a country that tortures detainees and spies on its citizens. The authorities have released thousands of political prisoners and dismissed some abusive security force officers. The decades-long conflict with neighboring Eritrea came to an end. And for the first time in eight years, Human Rights Watch staff who cover Ethiopia were permitted to visit the country. Senior Researcher Felix Horne talks with Amy Braunschweiger about these exciting steps forward, as well as his concerns about rising tensions among ethnic groups in the country’s rural areas.

Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples' Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018. © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples’ Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018.  © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

How has Ethiopia changed since you were last there?

Addis Ababa, the capital, has changed so much. Unlike before, modern asphalt roads are everywhere, there are freeways, tall, modern shiny buildings, lots of new restaurants, and a light rail system. It used to smell of smoke, from people burning wood to prepare food, but that smell is now gone. People seemed to feel much more free to express their opinions. They were speaking very openly about sensitive subjects in public spaces, cafes, and mini buses. That’s not the Addis I knew, where everyone was looking over their shoulder to see who was eavesdropping.

You went specifically for a workshop on rebuilding civil society. What did you learn?

Under the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation, civil society groups working on human rights issues in Ethiopia was decimated. Most nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) were closed. Others had their bank accounts frozen. But a new law was passed earlier this month. It eliminates most of the draconian restrictions from previous legislation. The new agency registering NGOs needs to get up and running and that will take time, but we hope NGOs will be able to register soon, which will open up possibilities for funding. Then they can document abuses and advocate for respect for human rights, which is critical ahead of the May 2020 elections.

What was the workshop like?

There was a feeling of newfound optimism there. Still, it was starkly evident the extent to which civil society working on human rights has been decimated since the Charities and Societies Proclamation was passed 10 years ago. It will clearly take time for the sector to recover.

At the workshop, international and Ethiopian NGOs, such as the Human Rights Council of Ethiopia and the Consortium of Ethiopian Rights Organizations, discussed advocacy strategies and research gaps, and talked about economic, social, and cultural rights. It was a chance for everyone to get together in person. There were people there who I knew quite well but had never actually met. It was nice to put faces to names.

Newspaper readers at Arat Kilo, a square in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Newspaper readers at Arat Kilo, a square in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. © 2011 Tom Cochrem/Getty Images

Did anything surprise you?

Some of the activists organized a press conference at the end of the workshop, and I honestly didn’t expect much media interest. But 60 journalists showed up, and most were from the state media. When I talked about how it was our first visa in eight years, there was applause. They asked questions about what work we planned to do in Ethiopia and if we’d open up an office there.

State media never covered our work in the past, and that has clearly changed. But media is still publishing a pro-government prospective. For example, we spoke about all the great reforms happening, and we also talked about our concerns. But most of the media never reported on the concerns.

I have this memory from the press conference, when, among the microphones was one from ETV, which is the main state broadcaster, and next to it was one from OMN, the Oromia Media Network, which used to be banned in Ethiopia. The former government went to great lengths to jam OMN’s television broadcasts and had unfairly charged it under the counterterrorism law. It was great to see them side-to-side and a powerful image of change in the media landscape.

Over the past few years, there have been simmering ethnic tensions across Ethiopia. Where do these tensions now stand?

In Addis, things are good. There’s lots of optimism. But outside the capital – and I’ve been in regular contact with people around the country since Abiy came to power – it’s almost the exact opposite.

Previously, the ruling coalition’s direction was implemented from the highest-level officials down to the villages. An expansive network of intelligence at every level meant the government knew everything, allowing it to suppress any emerging threats to its power and control. The government also used other strategies to stem criticism, including force.

But that system in many places has all but broken down, as people associated with serious abuses, or those not loyal to the current government, have been purged. There is little governance happening at local levels, and local security officials are often ineffectual, allowing some vigilante groups to take control. At the same time, people are feeling newly empowered to speak openly after years of suppression, and many have longstanding grievances over land, border demarcations, access to state resources, and perceived discrimination against their ethnic group.

June 15, 2016 Report

“Such a Brutal Crackdown”

Killings and Arrests in Response to Ethiopia’s Oromo Protests

Unfortunately, institutions that would normally resolve those grievances – the judiciary, parliament, the Human Rights Commission — aren’t yet seen as independent or capable of doing so.

All this is happening at the same time as a massive influx of firearms into the country, many from Sudan. It’s a dangerous mix.

What does this look like on the ground?

The ethnic tensions play out in different ways. In some places, you see young armed gang members stopping cars and demanding payments, smuggling goods, controlling regional trade. There has been open fighting in other places, and the Ethiopian army has recently been engaged in clashes with the Oromo Liberation Front forces. The OLF was welcomed back into the country, but some of its members weren’t willing to disarm or reintegrate into government security forces.

What’s really worrying is that this violence could just be the tip of the iceberg. Around the boundary between the Tigray and Amhara regions, both sides are engaging in war-like rhetoric and heavily arming themselves. If open fighting broke out between those regions, it would affect the whole country. Yet there has been notable silence from Abiy around this and other emerging conflicts around the country.

Some of the challenges facing the government are inevitable in transitioning from an authoritarian government to a fledgling democracy. But restoring law and order doesn’t seem to be high on the government agenda. Officials don’t seem to be taking these risks seriously. Eighty-five percent of Ethiopians are rural, mostly small-scale farmers or pastoralists who need grazing land and water for their animals. If there is widespread conflict, if they’re displaced, or if they can’t plant or harvest because of fighting, the humanitarian consequences would be dire.

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The Ethiopian government is forcibly displacing indigenous pastoral communities in Ethiopia’s Lower Omo valley without adequate consultation or compensation to make way for state-run sugar plantations and the construction of Africa’s highest dam, the Gibe III hydropower project. The Lower Omo valley, one of the most remote and culturally diverse areas on the planet, is home to around 200,000 people from eight unique agro-pastoral communities who have lived there for as long as anyone can remember. Their way of life and their identity is linked to the land and access to the Omo River.

What about the problem of internal displacement?

There are over two million internally displaced people in Ethiopia. This includes 1.4 million new displaced people in the first half of 2018 alone – the largest internal displacement of people in the world during that time period. A changing climate brought increased drought and variability of rains, causing the displacement of pastoralists who didn’t have enough grazing for their animals. But most of those displaced were fleeing armed conflict. In many places along the 800 kilometer boundary between the Oromia and Somali regions, groups, many of them armed, violently removed people from their lands. Because these places are remote, it’s difficult to provide food and other types of humanitarian aid there.

We are worried the government may be forcing internally displaced people back to their lands before it’s safe. Recently, about 900,000 people from the Gedeo ethnic group were forced to flee their lands in the country’s coffee-growing south by the Guji Oromo ethnic group. But the spike in the number of those displaced embarrassed the government, so local officials pressured them to move back in part by telling humanitarian groups – which were feeding the Gedeo – to only provide them food in the places they had fled. Many Gedeo went back because of the pressure, even though for many there is nothing to return to or they feel it is still unsafe.

October 19, 2010 Report

Development without Freedom

How Aid Underwrites Repression in Ethiopia

Using aid to control people’s movement was a strategy the former government regularly deployed. It’s concerning to see it being used again in Abiy’s Ethiopia.

How will these factors play into Ethiopia’s 2020 election?

In the past, Ethiopia’s elections were riddled with irregularities, with the government “winning” over 99.6 percent of federal parliamentary seats in 2010 and all 547 seats in 2015 election. Expectations are high that the 2020 elections will be different.

But lots of important issues about the upcoming elections aren’t being addressed. Key elements for an environment conducive to credible elections, like an independent media, fair registration procedures, and a vibrant civil society, just aren’t in place. Opposition parties, many of which only existed outside of Ethiopia for many years, are starting from scratch. An oft-delayed census, historically controversial in Ethiopia, has still not taken place.

Many people are quietly asking if the elections should be postponed. The ruling party and most opposition parties have not sought a postponement because they all think they will do well. And many of the youth – those who joined the protests that brought about the changes over the past year – don’t feel represented by the existing parties. Combine all this with the current ethnic tensions and the security void, and it’s a potential powder keg.

How does all of this affect your work?

In the past, we never were able to get the government’s perspective on the abuses taking place. We always reached out to officials but got nothing back, which denied them an opportunity to tell their side of the story. I’m hoping this new government will continue to give our researchers visas and be responsive to meeting and discussing our findings. We hope we will also be able to do more research on the ground in Ethiopia, and tackle issues that were previously off limits because of access and security constraints. We also look forward to working more openly with local civil society groups and activists as the sector rebuilds itself. After many years stuck on the outside, there’s lots to do, and we intend to be there to do it.

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Human Rights Watch World Report 2019: Ethiopia: Events of 2018 January 17, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed, newly elected prime minister of Ethiopia, is sworn in at the House of Peoples’ Representatives in Addis Ababa, April 2, 2018. © 2018 Hailu/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images

አማርኛ  English Oromo

After years of widespread protests against government policies, and brutal security force repression, the human rights landscape transformed in 2018 after Abiy Ahmed became prime minister in April. The government lifted the state of emergency in June and released thousands of political prisoners from detention, including journalists and key opposition leaders such as Eskinder Nega and Merera Gudina. The government lifted restrictions on access to the internet, admitted that security forces relied on torture, committed to legal reforms of repressive laws and introduced numerous other reforms, paving the way for improved respect for human rights.

In July, Ethiopia and Eritrea resolved a decades-long stalemate, signed a peace agreement and agreed to implement the 2002 international boundary commission decision. Relations between the countries had been violent or frozen since their troops clashed in the border town of Badme in 1998.

Parliament lifted the ban on three opposition groups, Ginbot 7, Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in June. The government had used the proscription as a pretext for brutal crackdowns on opposition members, activists, and journalists suspected of affiliation with the groups. Many members of these and other groups are now returning to Ethiopia from exile.

With the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)  controlling 100 percent of the seats in parliament, the institutional and legal impediments for sustained political space remain a challenge. Accountability for years of abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, and opening the space for political parties and civil society remain significant challenges for the new administration. There are indications that the reform process may ultimately be hindered by a lack of independent institutions to carry forward changes.

In September, security forces shot and killed five people during demonstrations in the capital Addis Ababa. Protestors criticized the government for not protecting citizens from forced displacement and ethnically-based attacks, particularly allegations of rape and killings in Oromia earlier in the month. Ongoing ethnic violence and internal displacement continue to put lives at risk. More than 2 million people are internally displaced due to intercommunal conflicts and violence, at times involving regional state and local security forces.

Freedom of Expression and Association

Ethiopia released journalists who had been wrongfully detained or convicted on politically motivated charges, including prominent writers such as Eskinder Nega and Woubshet Taye, after more than six years in jail. The federal Attorney General’s Office dropped all pending charges against bloggers, journalists and diaspora-based media organizations, including the Zone 9 bloggers, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT), and Oromia Media Network (OMN), which had previously faced charges of violence inciting for criticizing the government.  

OMN and ESAT television stations reopened in Addis Ababa in June, following calls by Prime Minister Abiy for diaspora-based television stations to return. Additionally, the government lifted obstructions to access to more than 250 websites. The restriction on access to the internet and mobile applications introduced during the 2015 protests was also lifted.

Many of Ethiopia’s repressive laws used to silence dissent and restrict citizens’ meaningful engagement—including the Charities and Societies Proclamation, the Media Law, and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation—were being revised at time of writing.

Impunity, Torture, and Arbitrary Detention

Government officials often dismissed allegations of torture, contrary to credible evidence. But in a July speech to parliament, Abiy admitted that the government used torture and other unlawful techniques on suspects, acknowledging that such techniques amounted to terrorism by the state.

Earlier this year, Ethiopia closed Makaelawi detention center, known for torture and mistreatment of political prisoners. After media reported significant complaints of abuse from prisoners in other federal detention centers, the federal Attorney General’s Office dismissed administrators of five facilities in July but they did not face criminal charges. Many detention centers run by regional administrations, some well-known for ill-treatment, rape, torture, and lack of access to medical and legal aid, remain unaffected by the reform efforts.

In July, the federal attorney general told media that there would be investigations into torture and mistreatment in detention facilities. In November, a number of high-ranking security officials were arrested due to their alleged involvement in human rights abuses in detention, according to the attorney general. They had not yet been charged at time of writing.

The government did not take any steps to carry out investigations into the killings over 1,000 protesters by security forces during widespread protests in 2015 and 2016 in Oromia and other regions. Even though the legal and justice reform council under the Attorney General’s Office announced that judicial independence is a key area of reform, Human Rights Watch is not aware of any concrete steps taken at either the federal or regional level. Courts continue to implement political decisions of the executive branch.

Abuses in Somali Region

In August, Mustapha Omer, an outspoken critic of Somali region’s authoritarian leadership, was appointed regional president in place of Abdi Mohamoud Omar, known as Abdi Illey, who presided over a regime of abuses, especially since 2007, when armed conflict escalated between the insurgent Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ethiopia’s Defense Force.

All sides committed war crimes between mid-2007 and early 2008, and the Ethiopian armed forces were responsible for crimes against humanity, including executions, torture, rape and forced displacement. 

Ethiopian authorities created the Liyu (“special” in Amharic) police, which by 2008 had become a prominent counterinsurgency force reporting to Abdi Illey, regional security chief at the time, who went on to serve as the regional president for eight years. Liyu police continued to commit abuses in the region and, at times, killings in neighboring Oromia regional state.

Abdi Illey resigned and was arrested in August, two weeks after Liyu police and youth loyal to him attacked residents and burned property in the regional capital, Jijiga. He remains in government custody but has not been charged. Police head Abdirahman Abdillahi Burale (known as Abdirahman Labagole) resigned in August, but despite evidence of his involvement in committing human rights abuses, Abdirahman Labagole and other members of the Ethiopian army or Liyu police implicated in abuses against civilians have not faced any charges. 

In Jail Ogden, a regional detention facility administered in part by Liyu police, prisoners were tortured, with no access to adequate medical care, family, lawyers, or even, at times, food. After the July publication of a Human Rights Watch report, many prisoners were released from Jail Ogaden. The prison was closed in August.

Internal Displacement

Ethiopia has over 2 million internally displaced people, including almost 1 million displaced in April and June due to inter-communal conflict between Guji and Gedio communities in Oromia and the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR). In early August, at least 145,000 more people were displaced in Somali and Oromia regional states due to renewed fighting. In September, ethnic violence displaced an estimated 15,000 people from the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Despite signs of possible clashes, the government failed to prevent attacks, resulting in further displacement. Except for humanitarian aid, Human Rights Watch is not aware of sustainable federal government efforts to address internal displacement and inter-ethnic violence. 

Key International Actors 

Ethiopia won international acclaim for its reform agenda this year and continues to enjoy strong support from foreign donors and most of its regional neighbors, due to its role as host of the African Union, its contributions to UN peacekeeping, regional counterterrorism efforts, and migration partnerships with Western countries.

Former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein visited Ethiopia in April, and conducted meetings with released political prisoners and government officials. He underlined the importance of making greater efforts to ensure the independence of the government-affiliated human rights commission.

In April, the US House of Representatives passed a resolution encouraging Ethiopia’s government to increase respect for human rights, rule of law, and democracy. The US maintained its support for Ethiopia and announced that it supports the ongoing reform efforts.

Despite its role as a member of both the UN Security Council and, until the end of 2018, the UN Human Rights Council, Ethiopia maintains its history of non-cooperation with UN mechanisms. Other than the UN special rapporteur on Eritrea, no special rapporteur has been permitted to visit since 2006. The rapporteurs on torture, freedom of opinion and expression, and peaceful assembly, among others, all have outstanding requests to visit the country. 

Ethiopia has been inconsistent on human rights-related issues on a number of country situations on the Security Council. It failed to support a long-awaited arms embargo on South Sudan in July. And while voting in favor of a chemical weapons probe in Syria, Ethiopia did not support a March Security Council briefing by the high commissioner for human rights on the situation in Syria.

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Imaammata mootummaan hordofuufii ukkamsa hamaa qaamolee nageenyaan qaqqabu irratti mormiin waggootaaf erga godhamee booda qabinsi mirga namoomaa Itoophiyaa ji’a Ebla, erga Dr Abiy Ahmed muummicha ministeeraa ta’erraa kaasee hundeen jijjiirameera. Mootummaan ji’a waxabajjii keessa labsii yeroo muddamaa kaasuun Dr Mararaa Guddinaafii Iskindir Naggaa dabalatee hidhamtoota siyaasaafi gaazexeessitoota kumootaan lakkaayaman mana hidhaatii gadi dhiiseera. Dabalataaniis ukkaamsa internetaa kaaseera. Humnootni tikaa dirqiin jecha fuudhaa turuu amanuun seerota hedduu haaromsuuf kutannoon kan hojjatu ta’u beeksiseera. Haaromsa heddu calqabuunis qabinsa mirga namoomaa haalaan fooyyessuuf karaa saaqeera.

Ji’a Adoolessaa keessa Itoophiyaafii Ertiraan wal-dhabdee waggoottan kurnan darbaniif turan furuun waliigaltee nagaa buusuu mallatteessuun murtee komishinii daangaa Idil-addunyaa kan bara 2002 murtaayee hojiirra oolchuuf walii galaniiru. Walittii dhufeenyii biyyoottan lameenii erga loltoonni gamlameenii magaala daangaa Baadimmee jedhamtutti bara 1998titti walitti bu’anii kaasee qunnaamtii baayyee qorraafii kan lolaa ture.

Paarlaamaan biyyattii ji’a waxabajjii keessa walgayuun qoqqobbii paartilee mormituu sadan: Adda Bilisummaa Oromo (ABO), Adda Bilisa Baasaa Ogadenii (ONLF) fii Ginboot torba irratti labsee ture kaaseera. Mootummichi maqaa badii ittisuu jedhu fayyadamuun paartilee mormituu, aktivistootaafii gaazexeessitoota partilee kanneeniin hidhata qabu jedhamanii shakkamman irratti haleellaa gara-jabeenyaan guutame raawwachaa ture. Paartileen kunneeniifi kan biroos yeroo ammaa kanatti biyyaa ambaatii gara biyyaatti galaa jiru.

Paartiin biyya bulchu Addi Dimokratawaa Warraaqsa Uummattoota Itoophiyaa  (ADWUI)n teessoo paarlaamaa biyyattii dhibbeentaa guutuu (100%) dhuunfachuu irraan kan ka’e jijjiirama siyaasaa kana itti fufsiisuu irratti dhaabbileefi seerotni jiran danqaa ta’anii itti fufu. Reebichaafi ajjechaa murtii malee raawwate dabalatee, dhiittaa mirgaa woggoottan hedduuf raawwataniif itti gaafatammumma fiduu, akkasumas dirree siyaasaa paartilee siyaasaafi dhaabbilee siviiliitiif  banuun ammayyuu qormaata bulchiinsa haaraa kana hudhanii qaban keessa jiru. Inumayyuu jijjiiramni deemaa jiru kun dhabinsa dhabbilee bilisa ta’anii irraa kan ka’e dhumarratti gufachuu akka dandda’u wantootni akeekan jiru.

Hiriira nagaa magaala guddittii Finffinneetti Fulbaana darbe godhame irratti namootni shan rasaasa humnoonnii tikaa dhukaasaniin dhayamanii lubbuun darbaniiru. Mormitoonni haleellaa sanyii irrati xiiyyeeffatee, humnaan qeyeerraa buqqayuufi keessattuu ajjechaafi gudeeddaa calqaba ji’a fulbaanaa irratti naannoo Oromiyaa keessatti raawwateef mootummaan eegumsa hin goone  jechuun qeeqani. Haleellaan sanyii irratti xiyyeeffateefi buqqaatiin biyya keessa lubbuu namootaa balaaf saaxiluu akkuma itti fufetti jira. Walitti bu’insa hawaasaa yeroo tokko tokkoo humnootni tikaa naannoofi mootummaaleen naannoo harka keessaa qaban irraan kan ka’e lammiileen miliyoona lamaa olitti lakkayaman qeyeefi qabeenya isaniirraa

Mirga gurmaayuufi yaada ofii bilissaan ibsachuu

Itoophiyaaan gaazexeessitoota sirna-malee hidhamaniifii kaka’umsa siyaasaan himataman kan akka Iskindir Naggaafi Wubishat Taayyeefaa kan waggaa jahaaf hidhaman of keessaa qaban gadhiifteerti. Abbaan Alangaa federaalaa himannaa biloogaroota, gaazexeessitoota, dhaabbilee miidiyaa biyya ambaa mandheeffatanii kan akka OMN if ESAT kan duraan jeequmsa kakaasuun himataman hunda addaan kuteera.

Waamicha muummee ministeera Itoophiyaa Dr Abiy Ahmediif owwaachuun dhabbileen midiyaa OMN fi ESAT ji’a waxabajjii keessa wajjira isaanii Finffinneetti banataniiru. Itti dabaluunis mootummaan Itoophiyaa qoqqoobbii marsariitiiwwaan dhibba lamaafi shantama irra ture kaaseera. Hiriira mormii bara 2015 boodaa ukkamsi interneetaafii aappii moobayilaa irra tures kaafamera.

Seerotnii Itoophiyaa mormii ukkamsuufii walqunnamtii lammiilee danquuf bahan labsii dhabbilee arjoominaafi hawaasotaa, labsii miidiyaafi labsii farra shororkeessummaa dabalatee hedduun isaanii yeroo barreeffamni qophayuttii fooyya’aa jiru.

Reebicha, roorroofi hidhaa seer-malee

Ragaaleen amansiisoon heddu jiraatanus aangawoonnii mootummaa rebichi hidhamtoota irratti raawwachuu waakkachaa turan. Muummichi ministeera Dr Abiy Ahmed reebichii fi malleen seeraan alaa hedduun shakkamtoota irratti raawwatamaa turuu amanuun gochoonni kunnen shorrorkeessummaa mootummaan raawwate jechuun ibsaniiru.

Calqaba bara kana irrattii Itoophiyaan mana hidhaa maa’ikalaawwii jedhamu kan hidhamtootni siyaasaa hedduun keessatti reebamaa turuu beekamu cufteerti.

Adoolessa darbe keessa miidiyaleen gabaasaa dhiittaa mirgaa mana hidhaatti hidhamtoota irra gaye hidhamtoota achi turan gaafachuun erga gabaasanii boodaa Abbaan Alangaa bulchitoota manneen hidhaa federaala shan hojirraa ari’eera. Garuu haga yoonaa jarreen kun seeratti dhiyaatanii yakkaan hin himatamne. Manneen hidhaa mootummaa naannolee jalatti bulan gariin isaanii reebicha, gudeeddaa, qabinsa ilma namaaf hin malle, akkasumas gargaarsa fayyaafi ogeessa seeraa hidhamtootaaf hin kennine hedduun ammallee jijjirama deemaa jiruun hin tuqamne.

Abbaan Alangaa Federaalaa ji’a Adoolessaa keessaa qabinsa badaafii reebichaa mana hidhaattii hidhamtoota irra gaye irratti qorannoon gaggeeffamu jiraachuu miidiyaati himee ture. Ji’a Sadaasaa keessa ammoo aangawota tikaa olaanoo murtaayan kan dhiittaa mirga namooma mana hidhaa keessatti raawwachuun shakkaman toyannaa jala oolchuu ibse. Haga guyyaa barreeffamni kun qophaayeetti garuu himatni jara kana irratti baname hin jiru.

Hiriirota mormii bara 2015 fi 2016 guutuu Oromiyaafii naannoolee biroo keessatti adeemsifame irrattii ajjeechaa namootaa kuma tokkoo olii (1000) humnootni tikaa raawwatan irratti qorannoo gaggeessuuf tarkaanfiin mootummaan fudhate homtuu hin jiru. Manni maree jijjirama seeraafii haqaa kan Abbaa alangaa federaalaa jala jiru bilisummaan manneen murtii ijoo jijjirama kanaa ta’uu ibsullee tarkaanfiin qabatamaan manneen murtii federaalaas ta’ee kan naannoo irratti dhufe jiraachuu Human raayits woch quba hin qabu. Ammallee manneen murtii murtee siyaasaa qaama seera raawwachiistuun murtaaye hojiitti hiikaa jiru.

Dhiittaa mirgaa naannoo Somalee

Musxfaa Omar kan bulchinsa abbaa hirree naannoo Somaalee ifatti mormuun beekamu pirezideentii Naannoo Somalee ta’uun Abdii Mohaammed Omer kan Abdi Illey jedhamuun beekamu bakka bu’ee muudame. Pirezideentiin duraanii Abdii Illeeyn keessattuu bara 2007 yeroo lolli humna riphee lolaa Adda Bilisa Baasaa Ogaadeeniifi humna waraanaa Itoophiyaa gidduutti banamee kaasee naannicha dhiittaa mirgaa hamaa jalatti bulchaa ture.

Gidduu bara 2007 hanga calqaba bara 2008tiitti gareen lachuu yakka waraanaa raawwataniiru. Humni waraanaa Itoophiyaammoo addatti gudeeddaa, qeyeerra uummata buqqaasuu, ajjeechaafi reebichaan yakka sanyii namaa irratti

raawwateera.

Aangawonni Itoophiyaa polisii addaa  ijaaruun bara 2008 irraa kaase humni kun itti waamama Abdii Illeey kan yeroo sanitti naannoo Somaalee waggaa saddeettiif bulchaa ture jala galuun humna deebisee waraanu ta’eera. Gareen polishing addaa kun dhiittaa mirgaa hamaa naannichaafi naannolee ollaa akka Oromiyaa keessattis raawwachu ittuma fufee ture.

Poolisiin addaafi dargaggoonnnii Abdii Illeeytiif ajajamoo ta’an jiraattota magaala Jigjigaafi qabeenya isaanii erga haleelanii booda ji’a Hagayyaa keessa aangoo gadhiisuun towannoo jala oolee jira. Ammayyuu towannoo mootummaa jala jiraatus himanni irratti hin banamiin jira. Ajajaan poolisii addaa Somaalee Abdillahii Burraalee maqaa Abdirhaman Labagoolee jedhamuun beekamu ji’a Hagayyaa keessa aangoo isaa gadhiiseera. Abdillahiifi miseensonnii poolisii addaa Somalee akkasumas raayyaan ittisa biyyaa Itoophiyaa dhiittaa mirgaa namoomaa geessisaa turuu isaanii ragaan danuun jiraatus himannii tokkollee irratti hin banamne.

Manni hidhaa naannoo Somalee hidhaa Ogaadeen jedhamu kan poolisii addaa Somaleen bulaa ture keessatti hidhamtoonni reebamaa turan. Yaalii fayyaa gayaas argataa hinturre. Gargaarsa abukaattoofi daawwannaa maatii dhorkamuurra darbanii nyaatallee dhorkamanii adabamaa turan. Maxxansa Hiyumaans raayits woch ji’a Adoolessaa keessa baase booda hidhamtootni mana hidhaa Ogaden hedduun gadhiifamaniiru. Manni hidhaa Ogaadenis ji’a Hagayyaa keessa cufameera.

Buqqayinsa biyya keessaa

Itoophiyaa keessa ummanni miliyoona lamaa ol-ta’u qeyeefi qabeenya isaarra buqqayee jira. Kana keessa miliyoonni tokko ji’a Eebla haga Waxabajjii qofattii walitti bu’insa hawaasa Geediyoofi Gujii naannoo uummattoota kibbaafi Oromiyaatiin kan buqqayaniidha. Lolli deebi’ee ka’uu irraan kan ka’e baatii Hagayyaa qofa keessa ummannii 145,000 ol ta’u naannoo Somaleefi Oromiyaa keessaa buqqyaniiru.

Naannawaa Finfinneettis walitti bu’insa sabootaa mudateen ji’a Fulbaanaa keessa namoonni kuma kudha shanitti tilmaamaman buqqaafamaniiru. Walitti bu’insi akkasii ka’uu akka danda’u mallattoolen muldhatanus mootummaan balaa kana hambisuu waan hanqateef buqqayinsa hedduuf sababa ta’eera. Gargaarsa namoomaa irraan kan hafe buqqayinsaafi walitti bu’insa sabootaa kanneenif furmaata waaraa buusuu irratti tarkaanffiin mootummaan federaalaa fudhate jiraachuu Hiyumaan raayits woch quba hin qabu.

Taphattoota Idil-Adunyaa ijoo

Itoophiyaan jijjiirama bara kana gaggeessiteen deeggarsa idil-adunyaa

argachuun gargaarsa dhabbilee arjaa, biyyoota ollaa argachuu ittii fuftee jirti. Gamtaa Afrikaaf teessoo ta’uusheefi humna nagaa eegsiistu mootummoota gamtoomanii keessatti hirmaannaa qabduun akkasumas ittisa shorrorkeessumaa naannichaa kessatti qooda qabduufii dhimma baqattootaa irrattiis michuu warra dhiyaa waan taateef gargaarsa addaa argachaa jirti.

Komishinarrii mirga namoomaa mootummoota gamtoomanii duraanii Zeyid Raad Al Huseen Eebla darbe Itoophiyaa daawwachuun hidhamtoota duraaniifii aangawoota

mootummaa waliin mariyataniiru. Haasawaa isaanii keessatti komishinii mirga namoomaa Itoophiyaa mootummaa faana hidhata qabu jijjiiruun dhaabbata bilisaa fi amanamaa gochuun haalaan akka barbaachisu jabeessanii dubbataniiru.

Manni maree bakka bu’oota  Ameerikaa ji’a Eebla keessa wixinee mirga namoomaa, olaantummaa seeraafi dimokiraasii Itoophiyaa deeggaru dabarsee ture. Ameerikaan deeggarsa Itoophiyaaf gootuu jabeessuun jijjiirama deemaa jiru akka deeggartus ibsiteerti.

Itoophiyaan miseensa mana maree mootummoota gamtoomaniifi miseensa mana maree mirga namoomaa mootummoota gamtoomanii taatus seenaa gareelee mootummoota gamtomanii faana hojjachuu didduu itti fuftee jirti.

Erga bara 2006 raappoortara addaa Ertiraa Itoophiyaa deemee as gareen raappoortara mootummoota gamtoomanii addaa tokkolle Itoophiyaa seenuuf haayyama hin arganne. Raappoortaroonni reebichaa, bilisummaan of ibsuu, bilisummaan gurmayuufaa Itoophiyaa daawwachuuf gaaffiin dhiyeessan ammallee deebii hin arganne.

Mana maree mootummoota gamtoomanii kessatti Itoophiyaan qabinsa mirga namoomaa biyyootaa heddu ilaalchisee dhaabbiin calaqqisiistu burjaajayaadha. Qoqqobbii meeshalee waraanaa Sudaan kibbaa irra kayamuuf yeroo dheeraaf eegamaa ture deeggaruu diddeetti. Siiriyaa keessatti haleellaan keemikaalaa raawwachuu isaa akka qoratamu ammoo deeggarsa kenniteerti. Ibsa manni maree mootummoota gamtoomanii ji’a Bitootessaa keessaa haalaa qabinsa mirga namoomaa Siiriyaa irratti baases otoo hin deeggariin hafteerti.