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New Internationalist: The Equality Effect July 25, 2017

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The equality effect can appear magical. In more equal countries, human beings are generally happier and healthier; there is less crime, more creativity, more productivity, and – overall – higher real educational attainment. The evidence for the benefits of living more economically equitable lives is now so overwhelming that it will soon start to change politics and societies all over the world.

Greater equality is not sufficient for widespread happiness, but it is necessary. This is borne out by looking at statistics from all over the world – as well as by surveying long stretches of human history with the benefit of hindsight.

Equality means being afforded the same rights, dignity and freedoms as other people. These include the right to access resources, the dignity of being seen as able, and the freedom to choose what to make of your life on an equal footing with others. Believing that we all deserve such parity is very far from suggesting that we would all behave in the same way if we had more equal opportunities.

Although leftwing and green politicians tend to advocate greater equality more vocally, and rightwing and fascist ones tend to oppose it, equality is actually not the preserve of any political label. Great inequality has been sustained or increased under systems labelled as socialist and communist. Some free-market systems have seen equalities grow and the playing field become more level. Anarchistic systems can be either highly equitable or inequitable. Many such social systems existed in the past before the rule of law and the concept of property became widespread, and they were not all greatly equitable or inequitable. Click here to read more at  The New Internationalist

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Obbo Edao Odaa Boru Eenyu Turani? Pure, selfless and multi-genius July 25, 2017

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It’s when you’re acting selflessly that you are at your bravest. –Veronica Roth

 

Edao Boru Eenyu Turani?

Edao Oda Boru 

July 16, 1960 – July 18, 2017

 

‘Known to many as a “walking library” because of his incredibly deep knowledge of Oromo history, Edao Oda is a long-time member of the Oromo community in Tennessee and a life-long participant in the Oromo national struggle. He is a father, a friend for many, and he has throughout his life selflessly helped others in need and devoted his time to researching and teaching about the Oromo people. Due to his commitment to the Oromo cause, he has sacrificed and suffered immensely as a political prisoner, torture survivor and political exilee.

Obbo Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii is widely  known as historian, he is also a legal expert,  linguist and translator and fluent in many languages including in Afaan Oromoo, Amharic, English, French and Russian. He studied at General Wingate, Prince Mekonnen, Nefas Silk (pre- college). He studied  undergraduate and postgraduate degree courses in   Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University, Moscow Institute of Economics and Statistics, University of London, Birkbeck College (Applied Statisttics and Operations Research), University of North London (MA Employment and Human Resources Studies), University of Westminster, London and University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii was born and brought up in Finfinnee. He and his family are among the survivors of indigenous Oromo of  Finfinnee. He lived in Moscow, London (Camden Town) and Tennessee (Knoxville).

Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii is  pure, selfless, multi-genius, a champion of human freedom and Oromo superhero.

‘Edao Oda Boru, An Exemplary Oromo, is a national treasure’.- Teferi Degeneh Bijiga 


OMN: Oduu Gaddaa: Obbo. Ida’oo Odaa Boruu boqotan. ( Ado. 18, 2017)

 

Ni dhaatu hin booyan
Gaafa goonni du’e
Gaafa beekan kufu,
Odaa hundeen jabaa
Du’an gala hin taatuu
Seenaan kee haa ifu.
Gootaaf hin booyan
Itti dhaadataniit
Faarsanii garmaamuu,
Seenaan kee gaalanaa
Himaamsi hin xumuruu
Waraabamee hin dhumuu. Bilisee  Sabaa irraa

 

 

Oromia: Qallačča and Bokkuu: Themes in the ancient Qaallu institution and rock paintings of Hararqee— implications for social semiosis and history of Ethiopia July 23, 2017

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Qallačča and Bokkuu: Themes in the ancient Qaallu institution and rock paintings of Hararqee— implications for social semiosis and history of Ethiopia


In Journal of Sociology and Anthropology
Vol. 1(4), pp. xxx – xxx, July 2013 DOWNLOADED

By Dereje Birbirso (PhD)
School of Foreign Language, College of Social Science and Humanities, Haramaya University

 Little or none is known about the social origin and meaning of the ancient rock paintings of Ethiopiaand Horn of Africa. This article critically analyzed some of the ancient rock paintings of Hararqee (Eastern Ethiopia) with the intention to understand the social semiotical and rhetorical structures that underlie beneath these social ‘texts’. It did so through using the ancient Qaallu Institution of the Oromo of East and Horn of Africa as analytical device. Multi-disciplinary approach that combined concepts
from various disciples was adopted as a guiding theoretical framework, while the Eurocentric approach that mystifies and de-Ethiopinizes them was rejected. Field data was collected from various sites besides archival data. Informants expert with the local’s social epistemology or wisdom were selected and used as ‘critical friends’. The results revealed both substantive and methodological insights.
Substantively, it suggests that the Oromo Qaallu Institution and its sub-themes such as the preChristian belief in Black Sky-God, line of descent and identity, kingdomization, pastoral festival, and bovine symbolism crosscutting all of these. Methodologically, the unique Oromo social semiosis which can be referred to as ‘metaplasmic witticism’ appeared as the underlying rhetorical structure.
Key words: Oromo, Qaallu institution, Horn of Africa, Ethiopia, ancient rock paintings, language, social semiosis, Laga Oda.

QZ Africa: TAXING: Ethiopia’s troubled Oromia State has been hit with anti-tax protests. #OromoProtests July 20, 2017

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TAXING

Ethiopia’s troubled Oromia region has been hit with anti-tax protests

 


A new tax levied by authorities on small businesses and vendors has reportedly led to protests in Ethiopia’s Oromia region with the military and police deployed to bring the situation under control. The tax hike is being imposed on businesses with an annual turnover of up to 100,000 birr ($4,300), as part of a new government proposal to boost the tax base and raise much-needed government revenue.

Residents in Ambo city in Oromia damaged two state-owned vehicles, according to Addis Standard newspaper, while businesses in Woliso town shut their businesses in protest. The paper also quoted state officials saying that even though the situation was currently under control, there were plans for region-wide protests.

Like many sub Saharan Africa countries, tax collection in Ethiopia is still a low share of GDP when compared with the average for OECD countries of around 34%. Just 15.2% of Ethiopia GDP was generated by tax revenue as of 2015, according to the World Bank. Last year, a World Bank survey also showed that 54% of businesses thought the process of complying with taxation was more burdensome than the amount of due tax itself.

The new reports from Oromia are significant given that it was the genesis of anti-government protests that hit the country in Nov. 2015. The demonstrations initially began in response to the government’s master plan which sought to expand the capital Addis Ababa into neighboring towns and villages inhabited by the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group. The Oromo said the plan would displace farmers and stymie the growth of their culture and identity.

For Oromos, who make up at least a third of the population, they believe the federal capital, which they call Finfinne, belongs to Oromia. They recount a long history of grievance which casts Oromos as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.

The Ethiopian government reacted with force to the protests, leading to the death of 669 protesters, according to a government-mandated investigation. Last October, the government also declared a still-ongoing state of emergency, shut down the mobile internet, and banned the use of social media networks to document the unrest.


Related articles:

Ethiopia: The bankrupted fascist Ethiopia’s regime has imposed huge sums of arbitrary payments and demands on small businesses

Africa News: Ethiopia economy gets knock with unneeded tax protests in Oromia

Reuters: Businesses go on strike in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region over taxes

 

 

OMN: Oduu (Ad. 19, 2017)

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0y78aLyj6hQ&feature=youtu.be

https://youtu.be/0y78aLyj6hQ

OMN: Oduu (Ado. 18, 2017)

Diddaan Xumura Gabrummaa Oromiyaa Bakka Gara Garaa Keessatti Itti Fufee Jiraachuu Qeerroon Gabaase.

 

 

 

 

 

J.M. irra: The road from Finfine to Chiro has been closed at Chiro this evening at 9 PM local time


“Arra galgala 19/72017 sa’aatii 3:00 irratti daandiin guddichi Finfinne Harar geessu magaalaa Ciroo iddoo Hospitaalaatti sa’aatii muraasaaf cufameera. amma qeerroo barbaacha poolisoonni fifiigaa jiru. qeerroon magaalaa Ciroo hundi ofeeggannoo akka godhan dhaamsa dabarsiif…”

 

 

 

 

 

Feyisa Lilesa Gemechu irraa dhaamssa darbbe.
Namni barreeffama kana argitan hundi ilmaan oromootin naaf gahaa.

Akkam jirtu kabajamtoota qaqqaalii Qeerroo ilmaan Oromoo!
Nagaa kiyyatti aansuudhaan,akkuma beekamu yeroo ammaa kana fincilli diddaa gabaa lagannaa itti fufeeti jira.haa ta’u malee,godinoota muraasa keessatti qofa waan ta’eef quubsaa miti.Oromiyaa bakka hunda walga’uutu irraa eeggama.
Dhimmi kuni kan yeroo gabaabaa keessatti dhaabbatu osoo hin ta’iin kan yeroo dheeraf itti fufu ta’uutu irra jiraata.irra caalatti waantootni baadiyyaarraa fe’amanii gara magaalaa finfinnee deeman hundu haalan dhorkamuutu irra jiraata.sana booda kabajni keessan gaafattanii osoo hin ta’iin,ofiif manatti isiiniif dhufti.
Kana booda daandirratti harka duwwaa du’uun dhaabbachuu qaba.qabsoon keenya haala abshaalummaa qabu kanaan deemutu irra jiraata.kan nu fixaa jiru qabeenya keenya waan ta’eef isuma gabaa laguudha.
Loon,Hoolaa,Re’ee,Midhaan,Kuduraa fi Fuduraa gabaa lagi.yoomiyyuu waan qabeenya kee gurguruu diddeef namni dhufee mana keetti si ajjeesuu hin jiru.
Inni dhaabbatee isinitti dhukaasus maal nyaatee akka sinitti dhukaasu gaafasuma hubattu.
Keessayyuu Harargee bahatif,jimaa keessaan sumaalee dhorkachuu waan diddaniif kan daangaa ce’anii ilmaan keessan duguugaa jiran.ammaan booda dhaabaa.

Galatoomaa!
Dogoggora yoon qabaadhe nasirreessaa.

 

Godina Harargee lixaa Aanaa Dadar Magaalota Aanaa Jiranii Keessatti Diddaan Gabaa Lagannaa Itti Fufe.

20156176_457699434599651_1355209687973388656_njalatti Argaman keessatti lagannaan gabayaa itti fufeeti jira Qobbootti Lagannaan gabaa roga hundaan godhamaa kan jiru yoo ta’uu wayyaanen daldaltoota walitti qabdee dirqamaan gara hojii keessanii akka deebitan jettee doorsisaa jirti.daldaltoonnis gibirri humnaa ol nutti fe’ame kan doorsisa kamuu kan nu sodaachisuu miti.nuti waan waggaa kudhanitti dalagannee hin arganne waggaa tokkotti mootummaadhaaf kaffaluu maaltu fide osoo hin hojjanne jiraachuu ni dandeenya jechuun ergamtoota wayyaanee ufirraa oofaniiti jiru.

 

Adoolessaa 19/2017 Oromiyaa Lixaa  Godina Wallagga Bahaa Magaalaa Naqemtee Keessatti Guyyaa har’aa Sochiin Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Duullii gabaa lagachuu, mormiin gibiraa fi qaraxa adda addaa dhorkachuu itti fufe. Qeerroon dargaggootni Magaalaa Neqemtee fi uummatni Daldaltootni Sabboontootni Oromoo guutummaatti mana daldalaa isaanii

✔manneen nyaataa fi hoteelotni cufamanii tajaajila dhaabaniiru

✔dunkanoonni (Suuqiiwwaan) daldaltootas hojii dhaa uun cufamaniru 

✔Uummatni waliigalee qabeenyaa keenya gabaa hin baasnuu jechuun duula gabaa lagachuu itti fufuun mormii sirna abbaa irree wayyaaneef qabu ifatti argisiisuun diddaan daran jabaatee itti fufee jira.

Qeerroon dargaggootni Oromoo fi sabboontootni daldaltootni Oromoo hanga gaaffiin kabajamuu mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummata keenyaa kabajamuutti hacuuccaan kamuu nurraa dhaabachuu waan hin dandeenyeef qabeenyas keenyaafi gibira mootummaa garboomsaa wayyaaneef kanfallee diina of irratti hin goobsinuu jechuun guyyaa har’aa mormii Duula gabaalagachuufi diddaa gibiraafi qaraxa humnaa olii balaaleffachuun oromiyaa keessatti sochii FXG finiinaa jiruuf dirmannaa gochuun motummaa wayyaaneefi ergamtuu wayyaanee boqonnaa dhorkaa jiru.

 

Adoolessa 18/2017 Godina Lixa Shaggar Aanaa Aadaa’aa Bargaa Mogor irraa Warshaan Simintoo DANGOTE Hojjattoota ilmaan Oromoo 417 Hojii irraa Dhorkee Jira. Hojjettootni Warshaa Daangootee Guyyaa 4ffaaf guutummatti hojii dhaabanii jiru. Sochiin Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessa Oromiyas FXG daran jabaachuun Itti fufee oole.

Dhaabbatni Ejensii TZE kan warshaa DAANGOTE waliin hojjatu yeroo darbe yeroo dheeraaf mindaa hojjattootaa seeraan ala irraa murachaa kan tureefi tarkaanfii irratti fudhatameen eeyyamni dhaabbatichi qabu haqamee ture. Dhaabbatni kuni ilmaan Oromoo achi keessa hojjachaa turan 417 hojii irraa dhorkuun ibsame. Sababa kanaan waldiddaa guddaan warshichaafi hojjattota gidduutti muudachaa jira. Haaluma kanaan guyyaa har’aa :

✔Ambaassaddar Abduu Alii (Itti gaafatamaa dhimma warshaa DANGOTE ) Finfinnee irraa

✔Aangawootni Olaanoon OPDOfi

✔Kaabinootni Ergamtootni Wayyaanee  Godina Shawaa Lixaa Shaggar Amboo irraa garas dhaquun hojjattoota kanneen mariisisaa turaniyyuu waliigaltee malee gargar bahani. “IMX’dhaan galmooftan malee hojiitti deebi’uu hindandessan. Kanaan alatti mindaas akka hingaafanne” Jechuudhaan beeksisa maxxansanii carraa hojjattota kanneenii cufaniiru.

Haa tahu malee,  hojjattotni kaanis sababa diddaa kanaafi haalota ummatni Oromoo keessa jiruun walqabatee guyyaa 4ffaaf hojii dhaabaniiru. Rakkoo hojjattoota kanaa qaamni ilaallatus furuu waan hinbarbaadnef kisaaraafi badii warshicha eeggatuuf ittigaafatama kan fudhatu qaamuma ilmaan Oromoo irratti yakka raawwachaa jiru akka tahellee Qeerroo, Hojjattootni fi ummatni naannichaa dhaammataniiru!

 

 

#OromoRevolution Adooleessa 15/2017 Gidduugaleessaa Oromiyaa Magaalaa Burraayyuutti Sochiin Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Daran Jabaachuun Mormiin dachaa sadii(3) oliin dabaluu Gibiraa fi Qaraxa adda addaa uummata akkam kan dheekkansiise yoo ta’uu  Qeerroon Dargaggootni Oromoo Magaalaa Burraayyuu roorroon uummata keenyarraa dhaabbachuu qaba jechuun Magaalaa Burraayyuu naannoo Kattaa fi Ashawaa Meedaa jedhamutti Sochii Warraaqsaa finiinsuun konkolaataafi Taaskiiwwaan (minibus) ajajaafi tajaajila mootummaa wayyaaneetiin socho’anii fi konkolaataa manaa kan abbaan qabeenyummaa isaanii kan aangawootaafi ergamtoota wayyaanee kanneen ta’an irratti Tarkaanfiin irree Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromoon irratti fudhatamee deerooftee jiraachuu maddeen keenya Burraayyuu irraa gabaasan. Gaaffiin mirga abbaa biyyummaa itti fufinsaan gaafachaa jirruuf deebiin qubsaa hanga nuukennamuttiifi Master Plan Finfinnee hanga haqamutti  falmaa irraa hin dhaabbatnu jechuun Qeerroowwaan Naannoo Burraayyuu dhaamsa dabarfatan.

Haaluma kanaan guyyaa har’aa sa’aa boodarraa eegaluun sochiin kun magaalaa Burraayyuu keessatti kan jabaate yoo ta’uu mootummaan wayyaanee humna poolisaa federaalaa fi komaandii poostii heddumminaan gara Burraayyuutti bobbaased uummata goolaa jiraachuun ifa ta’eera.

Magaalaa Amboofi Gudar Keessattis mormiin kan itti fufee jiruu yoo ta’uu Magaalaa Gudaritti Daldaltootni Guutummaatti dunkaanaa(Suuqii) isaanii cufuun mormii sirna wayyaaneef qabaniifi balaaleffaannaa daballii gibiraa mormaa jiraachuu ibsatan. Magaalaan Amboo dirree waraanaa fakkaatee muddama ulfaataa keessa jiraachuu maddeen Qeerroo ifa godhaniru. Gabaasaa dabalataan walitti deebina.


 

Seenaa Finfinnee Keessaa Waan Muraasa Oromoon Wal Barsiisu Qabu July 18, 2017

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Seenaa Finfinnee Keessaa Waan Muraasa Oromoon Wal Barsiisu Qabu

Abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo hubachuuf Finfineen kan Oromoo ta´uun isaa shakkiin hin jiru, kana seeraa fi seenaan hardhallee borullee itti gaafannu ta´a. Kanaaf kana duuba Oromoon bakkoota kana qayyabatee itti dhimma bahu koreen ni labsiti.

i. Cabiinsa Halagaa Dura Ilmaan Oromootu Finfinnee Bulchaa Turan Madda Seenaa Irraa

1. Caffeen Tuulamaa kan bulaa turte gooticha Oromoo Tufaa Munaan ta`uu
2. Birbirsa fi Manni Gullallee kan bulchaa ture Qajeelaa Dooyyo
3. Teechoo kan bulchaa ture Guddataa Araddoo
4. Boolee Kan bulchaa ture Shubu Ejersaa
5. Boolee Bulbulaa kan bulchaa ture Soraa Lomee
6. Kolfee kan bulchaa ture Axale Jatanii
7. Qaraniyoo/Dalattii kan bulchaa ture Jamo Dabalee
8. Jarsaye kan bulchaa ture Galatee Ashate
9. Yakkaa kan bulchaa ture Abeebee Tufa

ii. Karra Shanan Finfinnee

1. Karra Qirxi – karra gara kaaba geessu
2. Karra Qoree – karaa Jimmatti geessu
3. Karra Allo- Karaa Walloo/Daseetti nama geessu
4. Karra Qaallu/Qaallitti- karaa Bsiooftuutti nama geessu
5. Karra Gafarsaa- Gara dhiyaatti nu geessu

iii. Bulchiinsta duraanii keessatti akkaataa onoonni wal qoodan akka armaan gadiiti:

a. Ona Caffee Tumaa

1. Finfinnee – Hora saawwan gullallee fi galaan araabaa turan amma bakka Filwuha jedhamu ssana.
2. Hurufa Boombii- Bakka maqaan ammaa jaanmedsaa, Embasii Egypt, Hospitaala minilik, bakka qubtuma waraanaa isaanii godhatan dha.
3. Dirree Caffee Araaraa- Bakka amma Yuniversity kilo jaha/sidist kilo/, Hospitaala Yakkaatiti 12 jedhamu dabalatee fi naannoo isaa jiru dha.
4. Dhummuggaa – bakka amma Ginfillee jedhamu irra ture.
5. Keelloo Masqalaa- Bakka amma kilo yuniversity kiiloo Afur jiruu, parlaamaa, Bataskaana qiddist Maramii, fi qiddist Sillasee, bakka amma baasha waldeechilot jedhamu, fi bakka amma xiyyit beet jedhamu.
6. Tulluu Heexoo Diimtuu – bakka amma masaraan mootummoota habashaa jiru, taboti gabrelii jiruu, buufata polisaa 6eessa fi bakka baahitaa jidhamu.
7. Dhaka Araara – Bakka amma fit berr, bakka police garaj jedhamu, bakka amma hooteelli sharaatan jiru, bakka etege mask jedhamu, fi bakka amma hoteelli hilton jiru.
8. Qarsaa- kun ammoo bakka amma kasanchis jedhamu irraa kaasee haga xizzit bet jedhamutti ammata
9. Awwaaroo- bakkuma amma awwaaroo jedhamu dha
10. Hulluuqo kormaa- bakka amma bataskaanni esxifanos jedhamu jiru, bakka amma masqal addababay jedhamu, fi bakka amma raas birru safar jedhamu ammata.
11. Hora finfinnee- bakka amma filwuha jedhamee beekamu, bakka mana masaraa mootummaa isa lammaffaa fi awwaaree dabalata.
12. Dolloo Biddeena – bakka amma baqlo beet,gotaraa fi walloo safar jedhamu
13. Dabaso – bakka amma lagahar mashulakiyaa jedhamu.
14. Haada Amma – bakka amma teelee Garaje, bataskaana carqos jedhamu jiru kana turan.

b. Ona birbirsa yaa´i goroo

1. Waddeessa – bakka amma pizassaa, charchar godanaa, fi araadaa giyorgis jedhamu kana
2. Maarama Birbirsa – bakka amma bataskaanni gorgis jiru

c. Ona qarsaa

1. Hurufa Raaree – bakka amma buufati konkolaataa dhaabbatu, bakka amma raas ganamee safar jedhamu fi addisuu mikaêl dabalatu dha.
2. Sokorru – Bakka amma hospitaala Amanu´el jiru, bakka amma dhaabbii midhanii(ehil baranda), masalamizaa, fi kuas meedaa jedhamu ammata.
3. Sulula garbii – Bakka amma taklahymanot fi cid tara jedhamee beekamu ture,
4. Garbi – bakka amma sangaa tara fi ambaxxa makkalakayaa jiru sana dha,
5. Qarsaa – bakka amma markaatoo jedhamu, amerikaan gibbii, fi masgiida Anuwaar isa gudda fi naannoo isaa dabalata.
6. Baro Kormaa – bakka amma gollaa mika´el, ras tasamma safar, hospitaala xiqur ambassaa, fi bakka waajirrii dhimma daangaa cehuu (imegrashin) jedhamu ammata.
7. Dache Golbaa – bakka amma addis katamaa jedhamu kana

d. Ona gullallee ykn mana Gullallee

1. Adaamii- bakka amma bataskaanni rufaa´el jedhamu jiru, sameen mazagajaa, fi sameen total jedhamn fi naannoo ishee ammata
2. Didiimtu – bakka amma shogolee jedhamee beekamu ammata.
3. Qaallee – Bakka amma askoo jedhamu
4. Fiichee – Bakka amma dahannoo xaliyaani ykn xaliyaan mishig jedhamu.
5. Kattaa – ammas kattaa jedhaama
6. Burayyuu – Bakka amma burrayyuu, fi gafarsaa jiru dha,
7. Harbuu Irreechaa – bakka amma raas hayiluu safar jedhamu

e. Ona Abbichu

1. Burqaa Ejeree – Bakka amma enxooxxoo kidana mirat jedhamu, fi bakka amma Imbasiin faransaay irra qubatee fi naannoo isaa.
2. Baddaa Ejersaa – Bakka amma Iyyasuus ras kaasaa safar jedhamu
3. Huruma – Bakka amma Imbaasiin Faransaz, Xalizaani fi bataskaanni Aabboo jedhamu jiru ammata

f. Ona xiixaa (enxooxxoo)

1. Haxxee laalii – bakka amma shiroo meedaa fi enxooxxoo maramiin jiran fi naannoo isaa ammata
2. Muujjaa – bakka amma shiroo meedaa jiru keessatu itti waamama.
3. Waayyuu – bakka amma qacanee madanalam jedhamu ture
4. Karaa Qorxii – bakka amma balay yallaqaa mangad jedhamuu fi samen bar jedhamu ammata.

g. Ona ekkaa

1. Burqaa Qorichaa – Bakka amma yakkaa mika´el xabal, laga qabbana, fi lga daadhii jiran dabalata
2. Karaa alloo riqicha – Bakka amma Imbasiin engiliz, Imbasiin Jarmany, fi Imbasiin Raashaa jiran dabalata.
3. Harbuu – bakka amma gurd shoolaa jedhamu dha
4. Kotabee – Ammas kotabee jedhama
5. Doqaa Booraa – Bakka amma haya hulat mazoriyaa jedhamu dabalata

h. Ona Boolee

1. Garjii – Ammas garjii dhumaan beekama
2. Bulbulaa – Ammas Bulbulaa dhan beekama
3. Warra ganuu – Ammas warra ganuun beekama

i. Ona Teechoo

1. Golboo – bakka amma Marqos, warshaa qadaaddi (qorkii), qaallitti, qeeraa, gofaa jedhaman ammata.
2. Lumee – bakka amma bataskaana yooseef jiru kana dabalata
3. Laaftoo Tumtuu – bakka amma bunnaa bord jedhamu ammata
4. Jaajaa – bakka amma biheere tsigee jedhamu ammata
5. Tulluu ejersaa – bakka amma hannaa marizaam jedhamu ammata
6. Tulluu dheertuu – bakka amma gofaa beetamangist jedhamu ammata
7. Baaboo – bakka amma addisuu qeeraa jedhamu dabalata
8. Sammuu Gullallee – bakka amma meettaa darichaa jedhamu ammata

j. Ona Caffee Annanii

1. Caffee muudaa – Bakka amma manni murtii ol aanaa jiru (lidataa) ammata
2. Harbuu – Bakka amma meksikoo, mana barnoota tagbaara id jiru, mana adabaa finfinnee, bakka saar bet jedhamu, bakka geejjaa safar jedhamu, mana barnootaa dajjaa baalchaa, bakka oomisha dhugaatii wazin xajji, bakka oomisha kokaa kollaa dabalata,
3. Harawaa – bakka amma oomishini haadaa jiru ( qaacaa fabrika) jedhamu dabalata.

k. Ona Jaarsayu

1. calcali – bakka amma sar bet jedhamu dabalata
2. Mardee – bakka amma arogee awropilan marefiza, midir xor, ganda tolasaa, fi raphii jedhaman ammata
3. Bakkanniisa – bakka amma makkaanisaa jedhamee waamamu dha.

l. Ona Kolfee

1. Daalattii – bakka amma qaraniyoo jedhamee waamamu,
2. Labu – bakka amma siga meeda, taxaq xor safar jedhamu ammata
3. Xaro – bakka amma axanaa taraa fi faxino darash jedhamu

Collective Voice: Is happiness priceless July 17, 2017

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Grade 9 students in the Collective Voice program at Aden Bowman Collegiate share their lives and opinions through columns. Selected columns run each Monday in The Saskatoon StarPhoenix. The phrase ‘money can’t buy happiness’ is all too familiar. Money and happiness are both vital and relevant to my life and the lives of all  people in our society.

Money is motivation to go to work and attend school in order to get a higher paying job. A full bank account may buy you a lavish vacation, a sports car or a nice house, but will it buy you happiness?

Being happy has a unique meaning to every individual. I consider myself to be a happy person. I give to others, I am content with my life and I surround myself with positive experiences and people. According to an article in New Statesman, a British magazine, the five ingredients for a happy life are basic biological needs, security, relationships, respect and life purpose — in that order.

Money is not on that list. Yet money can support things that make us happy, like social outings and vacations.

Read more

via Collective Voice: Is happiness priceless? — Saskatoon StarPhoenix

Dr. Merara Lawsuit against Ethiopian regime at the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights July 15, 2017

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Dr. Merara Lawsuit against Ethiopia

Dr. Merara Gudina is taking legal action against the Ethiopian regime at the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights!

Represented by the Centre for the Advancement of Human Rights and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAHDE), he is challenging the unlawful killings of more than 1000 people during the 2015-16 protests in the Oromia, Amhara, and SNNP regions, and the state of emergency.

The initial complaint filed by CAHDE challenges, among other things,

The unlawful killings of more than 1000 people during the 2015-16 protests in the Oromia, Amhara, and SNNP regions;

The refusal of the government to establish an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the killings during the protests;

The legality of the state of emergency and the proportionality of measures taken during the emergency;

As this is a massive and resource-intensive undertaking, CAHDE is trying to raise the sum of £15,000 to fund the case.

The funds raised will go towards:

·   Research and written submissions to the Commission

·    Documentation

·    Strategic third party interventions on behalf of the        complainant

Why is a legal challenge important?

In democratic countries, strategic litigation is to promote and reinforce change in policy, legislation, and institutional practice. In authoritarian states, strategic litigation is used to create awareness and publicize the broader cause.

A ‘report’ by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission found that 669 people have been killed between August and October of 2016. The ‘report’ lacks credibility and legitimacy, but most fundamentally, it commits an affront to the dignity of the deceased by failing to properly identify and publicize the victims. The public deserves nothing less than a full and complete official account of what happened and this case gives us an opportunity to force the government to publish the names of the victims.

We hope you will join us in our bid to seek justice and put on record the abuses of the government.

Please note that this fundraiser is carried out by CAHDE and the complainant had no part in the planning and execution of the fundraising.

CAHDE is a charity registered in England and Wales (Reg. No. 1164292)


Ethiopia: The bankrupted fascist Ethiopia’s regime has imposed huge sums of arbitrary payments and demands on small businesses July 15, 2017

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“When plunder becomes a way of life for a group of men in a society, over the course of time they create for themselves a legal system that authorizes it and a moral code that glorifies it.” 
― Frédéric Bastiat


TPLF, the unelected and unrepresentative fascist/ terrorist group from Tigray which occupied state power  in Ethiopia has  imposed heavy arbitrary payments called ‘gibri‘ on small business in the country. The group conducts such fraud activities in the name of taxation and federal state.  The bankrupted TPLF is to compensate its income losses from international aid and economic boycotts people imposed on the regime through series of protests (#OromoProtests, #AmharaResistance, #KonsoProtests, #SidamaProtests and resistance in Ogadenia and other parts of the country). Critics claims that  in the last 26 years and so  the TPLF has engaged in war booty, systematically looting resources and transfers to its group members and its rocky homeland, Tigray, Ethiopia’s north.  Click here to read ETHIOPIA: IS TPLF GOVERNING OR EXPANDING IT’S CORRUPTIONS EMPIRE?

And also,  protests against this  new systematic escalation of TPLF’s thievery in the name of taxation is viral on Ethiopia’s related social and independent media.

BreakingNews: Several districts in Oromia & SNNPR fall from dusk to dawn curfew; night public transport stopped

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eWYwnfozCMk

Slammed by unexpected tax hikes small business owners in Addis Ababa threatening to close their business. 

 

 

UNPO: 38 MEPs Sign Letter Raising Concerns on Ethiopia to EU High Representative. #OromoProtests July 10, 2017

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38 MEPs Sign Letter Raising Concerns on Ethiopia to EU High Representative

UNPO, 10 July 2017


 

On 7 July 2017, a letter expressing concerns for the human rights situation in Ethiopia, signed by 38 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), was addressed to European Union High Representative Federica Mogherini. Highlighting the violent suppression of Oromo protests by the Ethiopian State, the letter, in line with the European Parliament resolution passed in May, calls for an independent investigation into the killings of protesters.

During the protests that occurred in the Ethiopian regions of Oromia, Amhara and the SNNPR in 2016, government security forces used aggressive repression against the peaceful protesters, causing the protests to descend into chaos. Besides this violence against demonstrators, the security forces also used systematic sexual violence against ethnic minority and indigenous women across the country and continued to jail political activists without any legitimate ground. One of them, British citizen Andy Tsege, is currently held on death row.

In an effort led by the office of MEP Julie Ward, a letter was drafted and sent around the European Parliament expressing serious concerns over the treatment of Ethiopian protesters by armed security forces during the mobilisations and asking High Representative Federica Mogherini – head of the European External Action Service (EEAS) – to react accordingly.

In the letter, the MEPs call for the EEAS to issue a statement expressing their concern and condemning the violence with which protests have been met in Ethiopia and for an independent investigation into the conduct of the police forces during the protests to be conducted. The letter – signed by thirty-eight MEPs, spanning six different political groups – can be read in its entirety here.

UNPO expresses its gratitude to the MEPs who threw their support behind this letter, taking it as a sign of a growing European concern regarding the difficulties faced by, among others, the Oromo, the Ogadeni and the Amhara protesters and the violations of human rights against minorities and indigenous peoples in Ethiopia in general. Our organisation is committed to pursue its close collaboration with decision-makers to move toward a greater respect and a guarantee of the safeguard of human rights for all of Ethiopia’s peoples and especially the most vulnerable. UNPO hopes that the MEPs’ call will lead to a strong EU response and, in the long run, to significant improvements on this matter.


EU response to the human rights situation in Ethiopia click here to read in PDF

Oromo: From Cab Driver to CEO: An Immigrant’s Drive for School Bus Success July 10, 2017

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From Cab Driver to CEO: An Ethiopian Immigrant’s Drive for School Bus Success

By Nancy Kirk,  School Bus Fleet, 26 June 2017

The transition from Ethiopian culture to that of the U.S. may have been drastic, but for Metropolitan Transportation Network (MTN) Inc. President and CEO Tashitaa Tufaa, an Ethiopian of the Oromo ethnic group who immigrated here in 1992, adjusting to baseball-consumed television and the occasional unrelenting Minnesota snowstorm was a small price to pay for a life of security.

“Let me put it this way: Whatever I did not have back in Ethiopia, I have it now through my freedom,” Tufaa says. “If you are free, then your mind is free, and you can use your talent wherever you want to go.”

While Tufaa’s talent eventually brought him to own and operate MTN —  a school bus company based in Fridley, Minnesota, that provides student transportation for dozens of local public, private, and charter schools and owns more than 300 vehicles — the road to success was windy and unpaved. Although he majored in political science and diplomacy, he couldn’t legally work for the U.S. State Department because he wasn’t yet a U.S. citizen, so he started working a civil service job with the Minnesota government.

Tufaa’s drive to drive
Tufaa wasn’t earning enough to pay his mortgage, so he started working nights and weekends as a driver for Metro Mobility, a Minneapolis-area transportation provider for people with physical and mental disabilities. There, he discovered an unexpected passion.

“I fell in love with driving, really,” he says. “It’s very flexible and there’s fresh air, and instead of being in the office, you go to the parks and drive around with open windows. There are so many different things to love about it.”

Desiring more flexibility and hoping for higher pay, Tufaa left Metro Mobility and started driving a cab, where, he says, “I would drive drunk people from the bar, people coming from work, and everyone else.”

Despite his formal education and his urge to succeed, Tufaa struggled to hold these jobs. Unsatisfied with unsteady employment and energized with his newfound craving to get behind the wheel, Tufaa was determined to dive into the city of Osseo’s school transportation scene.

“In the summer of 2003, I started actually writing letters and delivering them to the school districts, offering them services that weren’t around,” Tufaa says. “Many of them made fun of me, but there was one transportation director who was willing to give me a chance because I had been bothering him so much.”

“We put ourselves in our customers’ shoes, and we listen to the feedback we receive. As a result, people want to do business with us, and we don’t turn our backs.”
Tashitaa Tufaa, president and CEO, Metropolitan Transportation Network

Expanding the business
Because of his persistent effort, Tufaa was awarded a single opportunity to transport three homeless children to school with the van he owned, a task that he says he succeeded at, receiving no complaints. From there, the director started offering him more consistent work, and this one-time errand steadily matured into a full-blown company that he now conservatively estimates to be worth $35 million. Today, Tufaa employs over 400 people who transport more than 15,000 K-12 students to school every day across the Twin Cities metropolitan area.

Fleet Facts
Headquarters: Fridley, Minnesota
Vehicles in fleet: Over 300
Fleet mix: IC Bus, Thomas Built Buses
Fueling mix: Diesel, CNG
Service area:Metropolitan Twin Cities area
Routes serviced daily:Over 400
Drivers: 275 and 125 contracted
Staff members: 30
Students transported daily: Over 15,000

“I did see a need here in the school bus industry for a contractor that was dedicated, that was doing business wholeheartedly,” he says.

Tufaa capitalized on this recognized need and founded MTN in 2004. More recently, MTN’s expanding customer base inevitably resulted in the need for a space about 30% larger than the existing one. The new facility is expected to be ready in July. The redevelopment will cost about $2.7 million and is being handled by Thor Companies, a real estate development and construction company that is also based in Fridley.

“It will have corporate offices, a break room where drivers can enjoy themselves, a fleet maintenance shop, and parking storage inside for the buses,” Tufaa says. “It’s a much better and newer space — a good image for both our customers and those who work here.”

The majority of updates will focus on the exterior site improvements, such as landscaping, a complete resurfacing of the asphalt parking lot, and enhancements to the security systems.

Top-notch equipment
Because the agency is responsible for the well-being of thousands of students, Tufaa says he ensures that each bus is equipped with top-notch technology, from two-way radios to GPS to surveillance camera systems.

“We want the maximum safety possible in all of our buses in order to protect the families and children that we service,” he says. “Safety is number one.”

He recounts an instance where a driver’s bus had broken down and hisradio had stopped working. Fortunately, the team realized it had broken down because of its lack of movement on the GPS system. Sure enough, upon physically locating the bus through the ground tracking system, Tufaa and his team found it immobile and were able to service it.

Because Metropolitan Transportation Network transports more than 15,000 students daily, Tufaa says he ensures each bus has quality safety equipment, such as two-way radios, GPS, and surveillance cameras.
Because Metropolitan Transportation Network transports more than 15,000 students daily, Tufaa says he ensures each bus has quality safety equipment, such as two-way radios, GPS, and surveillance cameras.

Leadership style
Tufaa calls himself a “field guy,” meaning he does not like to remain in the office. In fact, despite MTN’s recent expansion, Tufaa decided not to build himself a personal office. Instead, he works in available desk spaces when necessary and still drives buses every day.

“I don’t want to be a guy who just stays inside. I want to be out there in the field,” he says. “I sit with the drivers and I listen to them. I listen to their stories in the morning and the afternoon, and then I drive the bus to see what the issue is. This way, instead of someone reporting to me, I see it firsthand.”

Tufaa attributes his leadership style to his perilous upbringing in Ethiopia. Because he spent many years of his life in danger, he’s able to more easily adapt to everyday business challenges.

“We put ourselves in our customers’ shoes, and we listen to the feedback we receive. As a result, people want to do business with us, and we don’t turn our backs,” he says. “In Ethiopia, I was raised in harm, and so it’s easier for me to understand where people come from, whether it’s with our customers or our employees.”

MTN is undergoing a $2.7 million expansion, which includes renovated corporate offices, a fleet maintenance shop, a break room, and parking inside for the buses.
MTN is undergoing a $2.7 million expansion, which includes renovated corporate offices, a fleet maintenance shop, a break room, and parking inside for the buses.

Employee appreciation
Appreciation for MTN employees stands tall on Tufaa’s priorities as a business owner. Every year, the company holds an employee appreciation banquet where everyone, from the human resources team to the workshop mechanics, is invited to mingle with their peers, along with their plus-one.

“We want to show our employees that we value them,” Tufaa says. “We are a family, and the MTN family gets together once a year, every year, to enjoy this classy corporate-style dinner.”

Other MTN-planned gatherings that aim to boost company morale include a monthly bulletin that informs the team about company happenings and employee birthdays, as well as weekly prepared breakfast for drivers, blood drives, summer barbecues, and day trips to support the local pro baseball team at the Minnesota Twins stadium.

Sometimes the recognition goes beyond simple social events, like when Tufaa expressed his gratitude by naming a newly built site the Iverson Terminal, after the last name of a driver who had suddenly passed away.

“We named it after her because our drivers have an ownership in our company,” he says. “We don’t want to be just another corporation.”

Challenges, rewards
Tufaa’s triumph does not come without its challenges. As with school bus contractors and districts across the U.S., he has been affected by the widespread driver shortage, and he worries about Minnesota’s slippery roads in the winter. He’s also had to forgo significant family events in order to keep his business afloat, especially while it was just getting started.

“There are some things I’ve had to compromise to get where we are as a business, but as long as my wife and family understood me, that was all that mattered,” Tufaa recalls. “I had to work extremely long hours in the beginning, and sometimes it came down to paying the people who were working for me before being able to pay myself.”

Eventually, the achievements overcame the hardships, and now Tufaa and the whole MTN team work fervently to transport the community’s youth to their daily education.

“As a contractor, it’s important to love what you do,” he says. “I still drive, and I love taking those children to school.”

Mirga Uummataa fi Babal’achuu Dimokraasiif Qabsaa’uu Koofin Himatame: Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa. Professor Merera Gudina’s speech after the court of Ethiopia denied him hearing. July 8, 2017

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Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa

Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa


Manni murtii Federaalaa himannaa Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa, Dr. Biraahnuu Naggaa fi obbo Jawaar Mohamed ISAT FI OMN irratti himannaa abbaan alangaa dhiyeesse dhaggeeffatee jira. Dr. Mraraanis himannaan isaan irratti dhiyaate kanneen bakka hin jiraannetti himatamaniittii adda ba’ee akka, ilaalamuuf gaafataniiru. Dr. Mararaan yakkamaa utuu hin taane hidhamaa siyaasaa ti jechuun ille mana murtichatti dubbataniiru.

Ragaalee isaan irratti dhiyaates akka ibsamu gaafatanii manni murtichaas yaada isaanii dhaggeeffatee ragaaleen dhiyaatan gama seeraan hiika akka argataniif mana maree Federeeshiniitti dabarsuu isaa beeksisuu dhaan Adoolessa 25tti beellama kennaa jira.


https://twitter.com/addisstandard/status/883251452394844160

QZ: Finfinnee: Ethiopians are having a tense debate over who really owns Addis Ababa July 7, 2017

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For many activists the revised bill is wholly insufficient. There are no plans to “pay a penny” to Oromia for use of its natural resources, such as water, or for dumping the city’s waste on its farmlands.


Finfinne: Ethiopians are having a tense debate over who really owns Addis Ababa

Nine months into a state-of-emergency imposed to quell popular unrest, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has unveiled its first significant political concession. But the furor surrounding the draft bill presented to parliament last week reveals just how deep tensions in Africa’s second most populous country still run. At stake is the answer to a highly charged question: who owns Addis Ababa?

For Oromos, who make up at least a third of the population and formed the backbone of last year’s mobilization against the central government, the answer is simple: the federal capital, which they call Finfinne, belongs to Oromia. They recount a long history of grievance which casts Oromos as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.

This anger became especially acute in the past decade as Addis Ababa expanded rapidly and when, in April 2014, the authorities published a new master plan which proposed further eviction of Oromo residents and farmers in the name of development. “The issue of Finfinne is the heart of our politics,” says Gemechis, an Oromo resident of the city. “It is where we lost everything.” The master plan was dropped in January 2016 but demonstrations continued unabated until October.

Addis Ababa, with a population approaching four million people, is also home to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa and is widely regarded as Africa’s diplomatic capital—and indeed the world’s third largest diplomatic hub.

Protesters chant slogans during a demonstration over what they say is unfair distribution of wealth in the country at Meskel Square in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa, August 6, 2016. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri - RTSLDSO
Pro-Oromo protesters in Addis Ababa. (Reuters/Tiksa Negeri)

The new bill is a symbolically important effort to address some of the protesters’ demands, and to give concrete meaning to Oromia’s constitutionally-enshrined “special interest” in the capital. Proposed changes include making Afan Oromo an official language of the federal government alongside Amharic, as well as setting up Afan Oromo schools in the city; renaming the city “Finfinne/Addis Ababa”; restoring original Oromo names of public squares, roads and neighborhoods; and the establishment of a joint council with the federal government to administer the city.

It is a watered down version of an earlier draft that reportedly met with much objection inside the ruling party. This is not surprising since the meaning of “special interest” has never been fully spelt out and there is much debate as to how much privilege Oromos should have in a multiethnic city that, despite being located entirely within Oromia, has a population that is only around 20% Oromo.

For many activists the revised bill is wholly insufficient. There are no plans to “pay a penny” to Oromia for use of its natural resources, such as water, or for dumping the city’s waste on its farmlands, says Seyoum Teshome, an academic and blogger. “The bill is trash.” He and others argue that promises to pay farmers proper compensation for further evictions merely proves that the government still intends to expand the boundaries of the city.

Global Voices: The Fraught Relationship Between Ethiopia’s Capital City and Largest State. #Finfinnee July 7, 2017

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The Fraught Relationship Between Ethiopia’s Capital City and Largest State

Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa was built after 1941 to commemorate the liberation of Ethiopia from Fascist Italy. Photo by David Stanley via Flickr. CC BY 2.0

At the end of June, the Ethiopian Council of Ministers revealed a bill that seeks to address questions of social services, language, education and culture involving the country’s capital, Addis Ababa, and Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region within which Addis Ababa is located.

The government and its supporters say the law is needed to redress the historical injustices that the people of Oromia suffered since the establishment of Addis Ababa. Critics see the law as a tactic to disenfranchise the residents of Addis Ababa. Some go further in their allegation that the law is intended to worsen the already sensitive ethnic relations in Ethiopia.

Most of the debate about the bill has fallen along the lines of regional elites against more cosmopolitan elites, tradition against modernity, and ethno-nationalists against civic nationalists — divisions that are often a source of strife in Ethiopia.

On the map of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa is a stretch of high plains inside the state Oromia. With just 0.047 percent of the country’s territory, Addis Ababa is the largest metropolitan area in Ethiopia. Numerous ethnic and religious groups from every corner of Ethiopia live in Addis Ababa; a significant number of Addis Ababa’s 4 million residents generally present themselves as cosmopolitan, liberal and post-ethnic.

Oromia, meanwhile, is home to the Oromo people, the single largest ethnic group comprising at least 34 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million population, but which has also historically been politically marginalized. Addis Ababa is the seat of the current government —  EPRDF, which is dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front — and although it is inside the state, Oromia does not control the city; the federal government does and has since 1991 when Ethiopia was transformed into a federation of nine ethnic-based regional states.

The Ethiopian constitution, however, accorded Oromia what the government called “Special Interest” over Addis Ababa when it was adopted in 1995 due to the city’s unique location.

The purpose of the new draft law is to legislate the “Special Interest” provisions of the constitution and solve other problems that have arisen between Addis Ababa and Oromia, such as the possible expansion of the city’s boundaries, which would have meant the eviction of Oromo farmers whose subsistence depends on farmlands that are located around the city.

The expansion, among other things, was at the heart of protests mounted by Oromo students from 2014 to 2016. The Ethiopian government cracked down on the movement hard; according to rights organizations, hundreds were killed and thousands were arrested before Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency in October 2016.

The proposed law is contentious, but many expect that it will be passed over the next few days.

Addis Ababa’s skyline provides a backdrop for Meskal Square, site of military parades and rallies during the Communist era which ended in 1991. Photo by David Stanley via Flickr. CC BY 2.0

Incorporating Oromo identity into Addis Ababa

There are about 13 “titles” in the bill, each dedicated to the “Special Interest” of the state of Oromia over Addis Ababa.

In its major provisions, the bill would incorporate Oromo (known as “Afaan Oromo”) as a working language of the municipality, mandate that the city government provide education for residents of Addis Ababa whose mother tongue is Afaan Oromo, and preserve Oromo cultural enclaves and buildings within the city. The bill also sanctions the use of Finfine (in Oromo language) as an alternative name of Addis Ababa and allows the renaming of streets, public squares, and neighborhoods in Addis Ababa with names memorializing Oromo culture and identity.

This part of the bill has been discussed widely on social media as it deals with the history, identity and language use of Addis Ababa.

Opponents fear it causes division and strife by appealing Oromo nationalists, and some have further claimed the problems these provisions claim to solve don’t actually exist.

However, many Oromo nationalists support this part of the bill, albeit with qualms.

Who owns Addis Ababa land?

Oromo nationalists, however, categorically oppose a different part of the bill that deals with the ownership of land in Addis Ababa.

In the current practice, the federal government owns the land and the bill explicitly asserts that Addis Ababa is a federal land. But the bill would warrant the state of Oromia to acquire and develop land for government activities and public services free of occupancy payment.

For critics, that doesn’t do enough to grant Oromia its rightful and historical ownership of the city of Addis Ababa. As a guest author of the pro-government news analysis site the HornAffairs wrote:

The constitution clearly provides that territorially the Ethiopian State is structured into only nine regional states. The territory of Ethiopia comprises the territory of these member states.

Apart from the member states territory there is no piece of land belonging to the federal government or any other kind of administration. Any conception of Addis Ababa as an administration with its own separate territorial jurisdiction outside of Oromia or as a federal territory is ruled out from the beginning.

Anyone living in Addis is living in Oromia Regional State.

Non-Oromo opponents of the bill claim that this section will allow discrimination against Addis Ababa residents, who usually present themselves as post-ethnic and cosmopolitan.On Facebook, the former chairman of Addis Ababa Chamber of Commerce, Kebour Ghenna, wrote: 

Very soon, I will be celebrating my sixtieth birthday in Addis Ababa. My son was born in Addis Ababa. I was born in Addis Ababa. My father was born Addis Ababa. My grandfather also!

Last week’s EPRDF arbitrary edict, offering Addis Ababa an absurd affirmative action model has come as a surprise and shock to me… I am sure to many others too. This decree reinforces further the attempt of the government to divide of Addis Ababians according to ethnic lines, and disenfranchises a huge number of residents.

But Oromo nationalists argue back that they were forcefully removed from the land over the course of numerous bloody disputes, so it makes sense for Oromia to be guaranteed some level of influence over the city. In his response to Kebour Ghenna, Birhanemeskel Abebe wrote:

No Armageddon! No Apocalypse at the return of Addis Ababa’s as an Oromia City and Capital!

Healthcare and jobs

Another important component of the bill deals with jobs, social and health care services.

Under current practice, all Ethiopians including Oromos in Addis Ababa are entitled to jobs, social and health care services. But the bill would institute opportunity structures for Oromo youth who live in and around the city of Addis Ababa, seeming to imply that there is discrimination against Oromos in Addis Ababa. Opride, a news analysis site wrote:

…the draft further alienates and excludes the Oromo people from the city by misconstruing basic constitutional and human rights as Oromia’s special interest. For example, a key provision on health care states that Oromos living in towns and rural areas around Addis Ababa can “access health care services at government hospitals and medical facilities like any resident of the city.” This is laughable. It implies that there is a law in place that currently prevents Oromos from seeking medical treatment at public hospitals and clinics in Addis Ababa. Or that Addis Ababa residents currently enjoy preferential access and treatment at public health institutions in the city.


Related Articles:

Ethiopians are Having a Tense Debate Over Who Really Owns Addis Ababa (Finfinne)

Relationship between Addis Ababa and Oromia – Peril Of Africa

The Interest of Oromia – Article 49 Does Tell

UNPO: PAFD Press Release: TPLF/EPRDF’s Regime Must Unconditionally Stop Its Plot to Indirectly Implement Addis-Masterplan in Oromo land

 

Oromo music under tyranny: Free Artist (Journalist) Seenaa Solomon and all Oromo political prisoners in Fascist Ethiopia’s (Africa’s North Korea) torture chambers July 6, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Seena

 

Seenaa Solomon is a talented musician, actor and journalist. She is  one of the most adored  in Oromo (indigenous) cultural music with her inspirational and beautiful songs and lyrics. Because she is  an Oromo woman, promotes Oromo  culture and music, and advocates for the rights of people under tyrannical regime, she has been kidnapped by TPLF Ethiopia’s fascist forces and thrown into Ma’ekelawi  torture camp.

New: Olyaad Bekele Debre et.al

IRIN: Securitising Africa’s borders is bad for migrants, democracy, and development July 6, 2017

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Legitimised by a language of sovereignty, greater border controls are part of an emerging containment era in which Africans’ movements – not only towards Europe but even across the continent – are becoming pathologised and criminalised. There are continental variations. Some countries and sub-regions are less committed to control than others, but so-called containment development is undeniably on the rise. In this new developmental mode, success is measured primarily by the ability to keep people at home. 

Critics of this approach focus heavily and justifiably on the migrants condemned to camps and detention centres, and the growing numbers who die before reaching their destination. Others note the extraordinary growth in a range of unsavoury professions: smuggling, kidnapping, and trafficking. Although often tinged with an alarmism driven by moral outrage or professional interest, these stories of exploited people and extinguished lives need to be told.

Yet focusing exclusively on the migrant victims of new containment technologies and practices, risks overlooking their implications for the continent’s governance and all Africans’ human rights. At the very least, the kind of bilateral arrangements various African countries are signing with the EU will scupper African Union plans to promote easier and safer movement within the continent. They will similarly curtail free movement policy proposals circulating within sub-regional economic communities.

In place of multilateralism, we are likely to get stronger militaries and more authoritarian leaders. Indeed, directing aid and weapons to existing leadership in the region will almost certainly erode democracy and heighten insecurity and instability.

The EU’s new migration-linked development aid emphasises the need to create local opportunities so people need never move. The results are likely to be increased investment in rural areas. While not in itself a bad thing, such spending will be distorted by the desire to fix people in place. African leaders may care little about migration towards Europe, but under these new agreements they risk losing aid money if they fail to control populations within their borders. And ongoing urbanisation can also present a political challenge to their power. Maintaining people in situ – not only within their countries but within “primordial” rural communities – helps maintain systems of ethnic patronage and prevents unruly urbanites from protesting at the presidential gates.

Securitised border management of the kind South Africa is mooting is a gateway to the kind of containment strategies the EU is promoting.  Within this new paradigm, millions will be detained in facilities across Africa or condemned to die along land and water borders. Smuggling, trafficking, and corruption will blossom in place of trade that could increase prosperity. Overseeing this will be politicians empowered by military aid windfalls and a global community without the moral authority to condemn their human rights abuses.

The vast majority of Africans who have no European fantasies will live in decreasingly democratic countries. The African Union and regional campaigns promoting development through accountable institutions and freer movement will also likely lead nowhere. The results – heightened inequality within and between countries, along with increased poverty and likelihood of conflict – will create precisely the pressures to migrate that Europe hopes to contain. – IRIN News

Loren B. Landau

Professor at the African Centre for Migration & Society, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg

Caroline Kihato

Associate professor at the Graduate School of Architecture at the University of Johannesburg


South Africa’s National Assembly recently passed a bill to set up a new border management agency. The Border Management Authority will fall under Home Affairs, a government department long distinguished by its lack of respect for immigrant and refugee rights. But there are other, deeper causes for concern.

Whereas previously, police and customs officers were under strict (if not always effective) civilian oversight, this new agency will be able to circumvent constitutional constraints. Broader changes to immigration and asylum policies are also in the works, such as a “risk-based” vetting system that could be used to justify barring most people from entering the country overland. Bolstering these efforts are plans to detain asylum seekers at processing centres dotted along the border.

South Africa’s new border management strategy has equivalents across the continent that likely do little to prevent smuggling and human trafficking or to stop terrorism – the justifications often used for such securitisation. Instead, they help reinforce authoritarian leadership and undermine regional governance initiatives. In the longer term, they are likely to impact development.

Free movement – within countries or to neighbouring areas – is central to people finding work and surviving in these precarious times. Constraints on such movement, whatever the source, are fundamentally anti-poor and anti-freedom. They treat migrants as suspected criminals, rather than as people legitimately seeking protection or employment. Many of these policies are being implemented with aid from the European Union and strong domestic support. Countries like Eritrea already maintain a repressive “exit visa” system while Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Niger, and Sudan are all planning enhanced border management strategies, including bio-metric tracking and militarisation.

Containment era

Militarising the margins has become an integral plank in the continent’s new approach to “migration management”. Following the Valletta Summit in late 2015, the EU created a trust fund that is funnelling billions of euros of development aid through bilateral arrangements with African states, including those with appalling human rights records, such as Sudan and Eritrea. Legitimised by a language of sovereignty, greater border controls are part of an emerging containment era in which Africans’ movements – not only towards Europe but even across the continent – are becoming pathologised and criminalised. There are continental variations. Some countries and sub-regions are less committed to control than others, but so-called containment development is undeniably on the rise. In this new developmental mode, success is measured primarily by the ability to keep people at home.

Critics of this approach focus heavily and justifiably on the migrants condemned to camps and detention centres, and the growing numbers who die before reaching their destination. Others note the extraordinary growth in a range of unsavoury professions: smuggling, kidnapping, and trafficking. Although often tinged with an alarmism driven by moral outrage or professional interest, these stories of exploited people and extinguished lives need to be told.

Yet focusing exclusively on the migrant victims of new containment technologies and practices, risks overlooking their implications for the continent’s governance and all Africans’ human rights. At the very least, the kind of bilateral arrangements various African countries are signing with the EU will scupper African Union plans to promote easier and safer movement within the continent. They will similarly curtail free movement policy proposals circulating within sub-regional economic communities.

While the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), already has a working protocol, it has been compromised by fears of terrorism and EU-funded programmes to deter migration through the region. In the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC), proposals modelled on the ECOWAS framework are now less likely to move forward. This domesticates politics in ways that weaken the regional governance mechanisms needed to address collective development concerns and negotiate more favourable global trade positions. In place of multilateralism, we are likely to get stronger militaries and more authoritarian leaders. Indeed, directing aid and weapons to existing leadership in the region will almost certainly erode democracy and heighten insecurity and instability.

Growth industry

What is perhaps most worrying is how emergent border management approaches are likely to extend and proliferate beyond borders. Efforts promoted by the EU, with complicity from many African leaders, effectively seek to limit movement and freedom across and within countries. Europe fears that any movement – typically towards cities – will beget further moves, some of which will be towards the European motherland.

The EU’s new migration-linked development aid emphasises the need to create local opportunities so people need never move. The results are likely to be increased investment in rural areas. While not in itself a bad thing, such spending will be distorted by the desire to fix people in place. African leaders may care little about migration towards Europe, but under these new agreements they risk losing aid money if they fail to control populations within their borders. And ongoing urbanisation can also present a political challenge to their power. Maintaining people in situ – not only within their countries but within “primordial” rural communities – helps maintain systems of ethnic patronage and prevents unruly urbanites from protesting at the presidential gates.

Securitised border management of the kind South Africa is mooting is a gateway to the kind of containment strategies the EU is promoting.  Within this new paradigm, millions will be detained in facilities across Africa or condemned to die along land and water borders. Smuggling, trafficking, and corruption will blossom in place of trade that could increase prosperity. Overseeing this will be politicians empowered by military aid windfalls and a global community without the moral authority to condemn their human rights abuses.

The vast majority of Africans who have no European fantasies will live in decreasingly democratic countries. The African Union and regional campaigns promoting development through accountable institutions and freer movement will also likely lead nowhere. The results – heightened inequality within and between countries, along with increased poverty and likelihood of conflict – will create precisely the pressures to migrate that Europe hopes to contain.

(TOP PHOTO: South African soldiers apprehend irregular migrants from Zimbabwe. Guy Oliver/IRIN)

ll-ck/ks/ag


 

UNPO: PAFD Press Release: TPLF/EPRDF’s Regime Must Unconditionally Stop Its Plot to Indirectly Implement Addis-Masterplan in Oromo land July 4, 2017

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PAFD Press Release: TPLF/EPRDF’s Regime Must Unconditionally Stop Its Plot to Indirectly Implement Addis-Masterplan in Oromo land

 

On 30 June 2017, the People’s Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) issued a press statement denouncing the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)’s violation of the rights of the Oromo in the framework of the expansion of Addis Ababa. The “masterplan” aiming at expanding the capital into surrounding Oromia, thus threatening of eviction a number of Oromo farmers, had sparked the protests that led the ruling party to impose a state of emergency in the country back in October 2016. While the power in place has officially made a U-turn, cancelling the plan after months of peaceful demonstrations in Oromia and beyond, the PAFD today fears that the masterplan will be indirectly implemented, thus overlooking the rights of the region’s inhabitants.

Below is a press statement published by the PAFD:

Article 49 (5) of the current Ethiopian constitution recognizes the Oromia’s special interest in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). According to these rights, Oromia should have had the said interests honored, decades ago. However, in the past 26 years, TPLF’s regime has repeatedly denied these and the other fundamental rights; instead displacing tens of thousands of Oromo peasants from the environs of Finfinnee and the other neighboring villages and districts, as the capital rapaciously expands. Tens of thousands of Oromo civilians have been murdered by the security and armed forces of the incumbent for demanding these rights to be honored. Tens of thousands become destitute beggars in their own ancestral lands; whereas TPLF and its affiliates exponentially increase their wealth in Oromo land, including in Finfinnee.

Furthermore, between 70 and 80, 000 unlawfully incarcerated Oromo’s noncombatant civilians including prominent politicians, academics, peasants, students of all categories, are to date languishing in various substandard prison cells and discreet torturing chambers. To this date, TPLF works hard to continue with its confiscation of the Oromo land, the current fake, the ‘Oromo interest in Finfinnee’ mantra is, a continuation of its plots to further displace millions.

As we speak, TPLF pretends to be caring for the Oromo nation’s interests in their own soil, despite it has continually brutalized the nation for the last 26 years for demanding these. TPLF’s pretense on legalizing the special interest for Oromo nation in Finfinnee is nothing other than; firstly, a plot to deceive the Oromo nation, and secondly separate them from their fellow non-Oromo country men and women with whom they have peacefully coexisted for centuries, with the said systematically masterminded plots. Thirdly and ultimately, the regime aims at indirectly implementing its Addis-Master plan under whose name, the regime has mass murdered Oromo civilians; for abhorring crimes, no one held into account to date.

Therefore, TPLF demonstrates its inaptness when, it erroneously asserts that, the Oromo nation doesn’t know its malicious plots against the Oromo’s national interest. The fact is that, the level of Oromo national consciousness is beyond TPLF’s comprehension; the reason why it recklessly plans for further bloodshed. From this time onwards, the Oromo nation never allow TPLF’s barbaric regime to continually milk its wealth peacefully. The Oromo is not stagnating with the level of the 18th century mentality of subservience. If TPLF begs the subservience of the Oromo nation and the rest peoples of Ethiopia after this period, it plays fatal game. The time of innocence and subservience is over. We would like to reiterate that, TPLF’s brutal regime must know that, the sons and daughter of the Oromo nation have already shaken its foundation since October 2015 Oromo revolution. This is clear to both friends and foes, including the incumbent. It was the Oromo revolution coupled with lately joined Amhara, that has obliged TPLF’s regime to impose ‘State of Emergency’ since October 2016. It must be crystal clear to TPLF and its Oromo quislings that, the Oromo nation never surrenders its rights. The nation with likeminded nations and peoples of the country fights, to the last drop of blood. This must be unambiguously clear.

We strongly believe that, the owner of the land in Finfinnee and its environs is the Oromo nation, but no one else. TPLF can’t give Oromo’s land to Oromo people. Instead, TPLF must lease the Oromo land from the Oromo people. It can’t be other way around. Therefore, the current maliciously masterminded, fake Oromo ‘special interests’ lies and deceits brings no benefit to the Oromo people. The Oromo nation unequivocally knows this unshakable fact, as do its allies and the entire peoples of Ethiopia. TPLF’s reckless plots, rather will be extremely dangerous, as it is unfolding whilst the regime is ruling the country under State of Emergency.

Finally, disregarding the outcries and bloods of thousands of Oromo people, who have been gunned down in broad day lights by the army and security forces of this very regime, whilst demanding their fundamental rights, the ongoing TPLF’s attempts only exacerbates, already volatile situation. It further angers the Oromo nation and their allies, thus prepare them for further bitter struggle. It must be clear to TPLF’s from Oromia, and the other regions’ looted wealth intoxicated generals and politicians that, the Oromo nation never allow its land to be further graveyards for its sons and daughters whilst enriching TPLF and its affiliates. We strongly believe and reiterate that, the said special interest are better rationed to those who have settled in Oromo land including in Finfinnee, for all including TPLF and its bandit-generals, by the legitimate owners of the land, the Oromo nation. TPLF’s minority regime has no legitimate rights to overtake the land of the Oromo whose population constitute over 40% out of 104 million. The actions and policies of TPLF’s minority regime is indefensible, thus, we wholly condemn it with all possible words, and urge it to uncondti0nally stop it.

PAFD, Executives, June 30, 2017


Click here to read the  PAFD Statement in PDF 

The Interest of Oromia – Article 49 Does Tell July 4, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in #ABCDeebisaa.
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The Interest of Oromia – Article 49 Does Tell

(Paulos Kebede), Horn Affairs,  July 3, 2017


Following the circulation on social media of a document said to be draft law for determining Oromia Regional State’s interest in Addis Ababa, there was a flurry of comments on what the meaning of Article 49(5) of FDRE constitution could be.

Some wanted to see Addis Ababa as a federal territory in which Oromia Regional State only has a special interest. Others chose to consider Addis Ababa as a City State accountable only to the federal government. Still others called for constitutional amendment in order to make Addis Ababa Administration accountable to Oromia Regional State.

In all sides, though, the discussion was narrowly focused on Article 49.

 It was as if everybody is trying to limit his/her engagement with the constitution to the barest minimum level possible. That may tell a story about the passion with which Ethiopians hold their constitution. And when one considers the political reality, not the constitutional rules per se, no wonder passion for the constitution lacks.

With regard to the tripartite relationship the constitution calls for in Addis Ababa, in the political practice over the last decades, the federal government prevailed. Addis Ababa barely survived. The interest of Oromia was completely relegated.

The thesis of this article is that FDRE constitution provides fair and balanced approach in addressing the diverse concerns represented by the Federal Government, Oromia Regional State and Addis Ababa Administration.

Because, the three constitutional propositions under Article 49: (1) Addis Ababa shall serve as the capital city of the federal government; (2) the residents of Addis Ababa shall have full right of self-government; and (3) Addis Ababa Administration shall be accountable to the federal government – can fully be given meaning without remotely suggesting that Addis Ababa is outside the territorial/functional jurisdiction of Oromia Regional State.

 Any interpretation otherwise would in fact make the constitution document for lessons in self contradictions. For somebody concerned in the determination of where the law stands, therefore, calling the Federal Government’s adventure into the territorial and functional jurisdictions of Oromia Regional state over the last decades unconstitutional is as easy as saying the emperor has no clothes. It only requires honesty.

One must wonder, how come so obvious a constitutional provision be misconstrued for so long? Especially when it relates to the largest and most populous member of the federation at the center of it all?

The answer would take us to the story of what became the fate some of the architects of the constitutional principles and how fast some of the other architects grew into power elites playing a wealth game even at the risk of the same constitutional order they fought to establish.

Now that the Council of Ministers has approved a draft proclamationwhich impinges even more into the jurisdictions of Oromia Regional State, the most interesting question is ‘could this trigger a shift?’

A shift from subserviently abiding the central government to assertion of their authority by regional states? And could this start in Oromia? Does Oromia Regional Administration have the gut to reclaim the authority it has long abdicated and end up becoming the major guarantor of the federal constitutional order?

If so and the issues involved are clear and simple. They only require FDRE Constitution 101 discussion on the following questions:

1/ Finfinne/Addis Ababa: does it fall out of the territorial jurisdictions of Oromia regional state?

The constitution clearly provides that territorially the Ethiopian State is structured into only nine regional states. The territory of Ethiopia comprises the territory of these member states.

Apart from the member states territory there is no piece of land belonging to the federal government or any other kind of administration. Any conception of Addis Ababa as an administration with its own separate territorial jurisdiction outside of Oromia or as a federal territory is ruled out from the beginning.

Anyone living in Addis is living in Oromia Regional State.

What this means is the territorial limit in which the residences of Addis Ababa are given full right of self-government lays within the territorial jurisdiction of Oromia‐ a regional government established to give effect to the self-determination right of the Oromo nation.

Addis Ababa/Finfinee is a place where the self-determination right of the Oromo nation and the self-governance right of Addis Ababa residents interplay.

In other words, Addis Ababa is a local government structure within the state of Oromia. But unlike the other local government structures in the regional state Addis Ababa is constitutionally named self-government structure.

The reason for that is quite understandable.

Oromia Regional State is a state administration which is established to give effect to the constitutional rights to self-determination of the Oromo nation. And as such among its primary responsibilities are the promotion of the linguistic and cultural rights of the Oromo nation and the preservation of their history. This is in addition to its role as a regional self-administrator.

One can, therefore, assume that in formulating administrative, economic and social policies of the regional states and in determining the regional state structure historical, cultural and linguistic considerations may be applied.

This may not always suit to the priori ties of the residents of Addis Ababa who as a matter of fact are culturally and linguistically distinct from the bigger Oromia.

Apart from this consideration, however, Addis Ababa residents’ rights to local self-government has the same meaning as the right to self-government of the residents of any of the other Oromia regional government’s local structures.

2/ Does the full right of self-government of Addis Ababa residents exclude accountability to Oromia regional state?

Local self-governance presupposes administering one’s own matter in one’s own locality and proportional participation in the regional and federal matter.

What are the self-matters for Addis Ababa Administration? What are the powers and responsibilities that will be required to undertake effectively such matters? What resources does Addis Ababa need to use or administer? Where does Addis Ababa Administration’s finance come from?

Pondering over these questions in light of the federal constitution makes the answer obvious and unequivocal.

Be it for Addis Ababa or any other local administration in any of the regional states, the federal constitution doesn’t provide list of powers and responsibilities. Nor does it gives them their own revenue sources.

Whatever authority local governments have comes from regional government laws. That makes accountability to the regional administration evident. Plus full measure of self-government does not suggest the absence of accountability.

If that was what it means, the constitution wouldn’t have made the Addis Ababa administration accountable to the federal government.

3/ What does accountability/responsibility of Addis Ababa Administration to the Federal government mean?

The Ethiopian constitution establishes governments at two tiers: federal and regional. Both tiers of governments do have legislative, executive and judiciary powers and separate revenue sources. The constitution clearly prohibits each level of governments from acting on the powers and responsibilities of the other.

Therefore, there is no way the federal government, without viola ting the constitution, could legislate or assume judicial or executive authority on matters reserved for regional governments.

The powers and functions reserved for the federal government relate to issues that affect the interest of the whole nation. The constitution has not given power to the federal government to engage in the day to day governmental activity of any locality in the country.

Whenever the federal government engages itself in any locality in any region it must demonstrate that it is ac ting on federal matter that concerns the country in its entirety.

If the task undertaken is a federal one, then the cost will be borne by the federal government and it will be covered out of the revenue sources reserved for the federal government. And all the revenues assigned to the federal government must be marked for expenditures that benefit the whole country.

But if the task falls under the responsibilities and functions given to regional states, the cost could be covered from regional government revenue sources. The federal government may delegate its powers and responsibilities to regional states. And whenever it does so, it could hold the regional state responsible/accountable.

But on matters of regional matter (maters falling under the powers and competencies of the regional state), there is no constitutional way of making a regional state or any local self-government structure within the state accountable to the federal government.

Therefore, the issue of a regional government structure’s accountability to the federal government could be raised only in relation to federal matters. The federal government could never hold a local government in a given state responsible/accountable to itself on issues of regional matters.

In the first place it could never delegate to any local self-governing structure powers and functions given to a regional state. That would be usurpation of power.

Article 49 (3) of the constitution says that the Administration of Addis Ababa shall be responsible to the Federal Government. That is precisely because as per sub article 1 of the same article the City has been selected to serve as the Capital City for the Federal government.

There will be a number of issues in Addis Ababa which could affect the effectiveness of the federal government in discharging its constitutional responsibilities. To such extent only, therefore, the federal government has a concern in Addis Ababa Administration and could hold the administration accountable.

A good test to identify on what issues Addis Ababa Administration shall be accountable to the federal government is to check as to how the project/activity is financed.

If Addis Ababa exercise powers and responsibilities delegated to it by the federal government, the expenditure would be covered by the federal government. Then the accountability to the federal government would be a proper and constitutional one.

But that is pretty rare. The functions and activities of Addis Ababa Administration are bread and butter issues. Tasks and activities which fall under jurisdictions left to regional states.

In terms of accountability, therefore, much of the talk should be between Addis and Oromia. Accountability to the Federal government is need based and is exceptional. That is why it is clearly stated in the constitution.

Accountability to the regional government is the principle. It is so because of the Administration being the integral structure of the regional state.

To just read the statement of the constitution that Addis Ababa Administration shall be accountable to the federal government and regard it as to mean that the federal government should take charge of all the legislative, executive and judiciary matters of Addis Ababa is misinterpretation of the federal constitution at its grandest level.

Therefore, as the issues discussed above indicate all roads seem to lead to the Oromia Regional State legislators. Caffee Oromia could start the deliberation on Addis/Finfinne Charter. The issue of course merits discussions by all the stake holders.

The Federal Legislators in the meantime should deliberate to repeal the Addis Ababa City Charter and replace it with a new proclamation which limits itself to the constitutional interests of the Federal Government.

Better also for them to look into the other laws, which as per the above discussed and other principles of the constitution, are glaringly in contradictions to the federal constitution.


አዲስ አበባ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛት ለመሆን የኦሮሚያ ግዛት መሆን እንዳለባት፥
________________________________________________

ይህ ጽሁፍ አዲስ አበባ ከህገ መንግስቱ አንጻር ያለችበትን ሁኔታ [status quo] ለማስረዳት ተጻፈ።

የኢፌዲሪ ህገ መንግስት አንቀጽ 2፣ ስለ የኢትዮጽያ የግዛት ወሰን እንዲህ ይደነግጋል፤

የኢትዮጵያ የግዛት ወሰን የፌደራሉን አባሎች ወሰን የሚያጠቃልል ሆኖ በዓለም አቀፍ ስምምነቶች መሰረት የተወሰነዉ ነዉ።

አያይዘን መረዳት ያለብን የፌደራሉን አባላት ዝርዝር ነዉ። አንቀጽ 47 (1)፣ የፌደራል መንግስት አባላትን እንዲህ ይዘረዝራል፤

የኢትዮጵያ ፌደራላዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሪፐብሊክ አባላት የሚከተሉት ናቸዉ፤

፩. የትግራይ ክልል፣
፪. የአፋር ክልል፣
፫. የአማራ ክልል፣
፬. የኦሮሚያ ክልል፣
፭. የሱማሌ ክልል፣
፮. የቤንሻንጉል/ጉሙዝ ክልል፣
፯. የዳቡብ ብሔሮች፣ ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች ክልል፣
፰. የጋምቤላ ሕዝቦች ክልል፣
፱. የሐረሪ ሕዝብ ክልል።

ስለዚህ፣ የኢትዮጵያ የግዛት ወሰን የዘጠኙ ክልሎች የግዛት ድምር ብቻ ነዉ። ማለትም፣ ከዘጠኙ ክልሎች ግዛት በላይ ወይም ከዘጠኙ ክልሎች ግዛት ያነሰ ኢትዮጵያ ግዛት የላትም።

ሽሬ፣ መቐለ፣ አዱዋ በክልልነት እስካልተጠቀሱ በትግራይ ክልል ስር ካልታቀፉ፣ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛት አይሆኑም። ደብረብርሃን፣ ባህርዳር፣ ደብረማርቆስ በክልልነት እስካልተጠቀሱ የአማራ ክልል አካል ካልሆኑ፣ የኢትዮጵያ አካል አይሆኑም። ድሬዳዋ፣ ነቀምቴ፣ ሱሉልታ በኦሮሚያ ካልታቀፉ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ግዛት ወሰን ሊታቀፉ አይችሉም።

አዲስ አበባ የራሷ መስተዳድር ያላት ከተማ መሆኗ በህገ መንግስቱ አንቀጽ 49(2) ሰፍሯል። ከዚህም በላይ፣ አዲስ አበባ የፌደራል መንግስት ርዕሰ ከተማ፣ አንቀጽ 49(1) እና የብዙ ዓላም አቀፍ ድርጅቶች መቀመጫና መዳረሻ ናት። ይሁን እንጂ አዲስ አበባ በክልልነት ወይም በፌደራሉ አባልነት አልተጠቀሰችም።

የኢትዮጵያ የግዛት ወሰን ከክልሎች ወይም ከፌደራል አባላት ወሰን ግዛት አንጻር ብቻ የተወሰነ መሆኑን ተመልክተናል። እንዲሁም፣ አዲስ አበባ ከተማ እንጂ ክልል እንዳልሆነች ከህገ መንግስቱ አይተናል። በዓለም ላይ፣ ‘ሀ’ የ’ለ’ ክልል አካል ነዉ፣ የሚል ህገ መንግስት የለም፤ አስፈላጊም አይደለም።

ከዚህ አንጻር፣ የፌደራል ህገ መንግስታችን፣ ዓለም ላይ ካሉት ህገ መንግስታት ያለፈ ተግቷዋል። አዲስ አበባ በክልል መታቀፏን ግልጽ አድርጓል። አንቀጽ 49(5) ‘… አዲስ አበባ በኦሮሚያ ክልል መሀል የሚገኝ በመሆኑ …’ የሚል ሀረግ የጠቋሚነት ሚና አለዉ። በመሆኑም፣ አንቀጽ 2 እና 47(1)ን ብቻ አንብበዉ፣ አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆኗን ለማይረዱ፣ ሀረጉ አጋዥ ነዉ።

የማጠቃለያ ነጥቦች፦

1. የኢትዮጵያ የግዛት ወሰን የክልሎች የግዛት ወሰን ድምር ነዉ፤ አንቀጽ 2።
2. ክልሎች ዘጠኝ ብቻ ናቸዉ፤ አንቀጽ 47(1)።
3. አዲስ አባባ ከተማ እንጂ ክልል አይደለችም፤ አንቀጽ 49(2)።
4. አዲስ አበባ በኦሮሚያ መሀል ስለሚትገኝ፣ የኦሮሚያ ግዛት ናት፤ አንቀጽ 47(1,4)) 49(5)።
5. አዲስ አበባ የኦሮሚያ ግዛት በመሆኗ፣ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛት ሙሉ ይሆናል፤ አንቀጽ 2፣ 47(1)፣ 49(2, 5)።

OSA: Statement on the Draft Law on Oromia’s Special Interest in Addis Ababa July 1, 2017

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Statement on the Draft Law on Oromia’s Special Interest in Addis Ababa

 

For Immediate Release  June 30, 2017


The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) believes the draft law’s utter neglect of the Oromo people’s demands risks reigniting conflict on the unresolved issue of Oromia’s right over Addis Ababa.

On June 27, 2017, the Council of Ministers of the Government of Ethiopia announced that it has adopted a draft legislation to determine by law the “special interest” provision of the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution and sent it to the House of People’s Representatives. The legislation was an abridged version of the draft law the government had leaked a few weeks earlier and quickly disavowed after a backlash from a deeply skeptical public about the intent and contents of the legislation. On June 29, the draft legislation was taken up by House of People’s Representative with a view to promulgating it as law.

The Ethiopian Constitution posits, in Article 49 (5), that the special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa concerns three important areas: the provision of social services, the utilization of natural resources and joint administration of the city in lieu of the fact that Addis Ababa location within the State of Oromia. The law that was designed to determine these issues would be expected to explain in detail the meaning and process of implementation of the constitutional provisions.

Assessed by any measure, the draft legislation is not worthy of its name. Nowhere does it attempt to define the “special interest” provision of the constitution or recognize the struggle of the Oromo people and their demands regarding Finfinnee/Addis Ababa. The draft legislation doesn’t designate the Oromia regional government as the beneficiary of the constitutional “special interest.” The boundary of Finfinnee is not delimited, even though that is a sin qua non for implementation of the proclamation. Instead there are indications of intent to expand the city limits into the Oromia state territory. With regard to social services, the proclamation only reiterates conventions and practices already in use and in place.

Rather than defining the constitutional provision, the “proclamation” rehashes policy issues that any city government must undertake to serve its citizens. Providing inter-state transport services shouldn’t be a matter defined by law as a “special interest;” market forces are already at work in this respect. Providing youth employment is a responsibility of an incumbent in any city government. It cannot be designated as a special interest of a state. Overall, if there is anything resembling a definition of the constitutional provision, it is allusions to the rights of Finfinne residents who happen to be Oromo rather than those of the Oromia regional state as stipulated in the constitution. The proclamation also re-grants constitutional rights to Oromo residents as if their rights within Finfinnee aren’t already protected by the Ethiopian Constitution.

In this sense, OSA considers the draft proclamation a mockery of the process of legislation that should be solemn and dignified. Even worse, the proclamation is an insult to the legitimate demand of the Oromo people for which, in the last two years, thousands have given their lives, limbs and livelihoods. To reduce the Oromo people’s demands to issues of youth unemployment, compensation for confiscated properties and provision of services is a dangerous political ploy that entails severe consequences.

As a scholarly organization that has documented the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom, justice, dignity and human rights, OSA condemns the Ethiopian regime’s blatant disregard for the Oromo people’s demands over Finfinnee. OSA scholars have documented the history of violent conquests and the consequent dispossession of Oromo lands, dislocation of homesteads and displacement Oromo people from the area today known as Addis Ababa.

It is unconscionable that the Ethiopian regime, when it is given the chance to correct historical injustices, has chosen to pursue the short term goal of perpetuating in power a group that has been there for more than a quarter century by force. OSA feels that the complete failure of the Ethiopian government to heed the cry of the Oromo people can only pave the way for more violence and bloodshed.

Cognizant of the long history and the intensity of the current demands of the Oromo people, OSA calls upon the following to take immediate action to obviate conflict and its horrendous consequences.

To the Ethiopian Government

The Oromo interest on Finfinnee is not “special.” It is historical and inherent. If this draft legislation were to have a chance of being accepted as adequate, it should respond to the Oromo people’s articulation of their interest during their protests last year. At a minimum, the draft legislation must include the following provisions.

  • Delimit the boundary of Finfinnee the city boundary as it existed in 1991. Continued expansion is a recipe for renewed conflict.
  • Recognize the Oromia regional government’s right to joint governance of the city. –      Establish the Oromo language as a working language.
  • Respect the political, economic and civil rights of all the residents.
  • Recognize the city resident full democratic right of municipal self-governance instead of treating them as subjects of federal authority.
  • – Restore and legally establish the city’s indigenous name, Finfinnee, as the official name of the city.
  • Established by legislation the Oromo people’s right to socio-cultural, economic, environmental, and political benefits in the city and take measures to facilitate the enjoyment of these rights.

To Oromo people all over Oromia and Ethiopia:

  • OSA is believes that your protest last year has brought you to the verge of victory. Your gallantry and fearless engagement of security forces has caused the Ethiopian government at all levels to heed your demands. OSA salutes you on your achievements and your discerning wisdom concerning timing and appropriateness of direct action.
  • OSA believes the government is aware of the power of your commitment to peaceful protest. We reckon that it will quickly abandon its misguided draft legislation. At the same time, we fully support your commitment to peaceful protest.
  • OSA affirms its commitment to continue to provide the institutional support and intellectual materials needed to press on the Oromo people’s struggle for ensuring Oromia’s interest on Finfinnee.

To Foreign Governments and Donors supporting the Ethiopian government:

  • The issue of land and the Oromo interest over Finfinnee were the main causes of the protests that lasted for nearly a year in Oromia in 2016. This draft legislation on Oromia’s “special interest” is now being described as a backdoor attempt to implement the dreaded Addis Ababa Master Plan that triggered the protests. Governments and representatives of the international community have an obligation to use their good offices and leverage to persuade the Ethiopian government to refrain from forging ahead with this draft proclamation.
  • OSA urges all parties to understand that Oromos are a force for peace and stability in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Respect for human rights and commitment to peace and justice have been the traditional governing principles of Oromos. It is in the interest of those states that have security and other interests in Ethiopia to support these enduring Oromo values and denounce the rule of violence and rule by administrative fiat. OSA is aware that all foreign parties in Ethiopia pursue their own interests. However, an interest that is singularly self-serving cannot guarantee long term stability.

To Non-governmental organizations and rights groups

  • In line with OSA statement on the Master Plan and the Oromo protests, issued on December 9, 2016, we reiterate our commendation of the courageous work of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and International Crisis Group in
  • investigating crises affecting the Oromo over the years. The irresponsible act of the Ethiopian regime in drafting the Oromia “special” interest legislation undermines the demands of the Oromo people over Finfinnee. As such, it is bound to provoke public anger. We urge you to continue to document the injustices that are being perpetrated under the state of emergency that has been in effect since October 9, 2016.

To International and Foreign Media Outlets:

  • OSA calls upon all forms of print, broadcast and online media to document and publicize the events underway in Ethiopia. The issue of Finfinnee is a potent political issue. We urge you to watch the events surrounding this draft proclamation as it is pregnant with all the elements that ignited a historic protests movement that resulted in the death of thousands of people in 2016.

The scheme to dispossess the Oromo of their land and homeland, to dislocate them from their livelihood, and destroy their language and cultural identity, whether expressed blatantly as a Master Plan or shrouded with a cloak of a “special interest” draft law, is a threat to the economic wellbeing and survival as a nation. OSA affirms its commitment to offer all possible intellectual and scholarly assistance to strengthen the efforts to prevent its implementation.

Signed

Ezekiel Gebissa, PhD
President, Oromo Studies Association

Mekuria Bulcha, PhD
Chair, OSA Board of Directors


Related Article:

Manii Marii Ministeroota Itoophiyaa faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa argattu jedhee irratti wixinee baasee labse. Master Plan (Master Killer) 2.0

UNPO: Oromia: OLF representative made comprehensive notes on State-sponsored oppression: The case of Oromo people’s struggle in Ethiopia. July 1, 2017

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OLF representative made comprehensive notes on State-sponsored oppression: The case of Oromo people’s struggle in Ethiopia.

Scottish Parliament Conference: Sharing Perspectives on the Rights of the Unrepresented On the Eve of UNPO’s XIII General Assembly


The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), in collaboration with the Third Generation Project (TGP) and MSP Willie Rennie (Scottish Liberal Democrats), held a conference entitled ‘Sharing Perspectives on the Rights of the Unrepresented on the Eve of UNPO’s XIII General Assembly’ on 26 June 2017. The Conference provided an opportunity for sharing perspectives on the situation of unrepresented Nations and Peoples, with a special focus on third generation human rights. Representatives of indigenous groups and minorities, as well as academics, activists and politicians addressed some of the major issues faced by these communities, stressing particularly those pertaining to identity. Over three panels, interveners provided a breadth of insights into state-sponsored oppression against unrepresented groups, the double marginalisation and discrimination of women from unrepresented communities, and the power of advocacy to foster political change.

During the opening remarks, Co-host MSP Willie Rennie reminded the audience that human rights are embedded in the DNA of the Scottish Parliament, which reaffirms human rights in its daily work. Third Generation Project Executive Director Prof Alison Watson, stressed the importance of working directly with the people who represent communities that are facing stigmatisation and discrimination and the need to create policies that reflect their concerns. UNPO General Secretary Marino Busdachin, then professed that even though the international community is often calling for the respect of the rights of unrepresented minorities, their rights and freedoms are still to be consolidated. In that sense, UNPO fulfils the important role of advocating for the respect of these rights and fostering a political answer to minorities’ concerns. Lastly, Mr Hanno Schedler, Deputy Head of the Asia/Africa Department of the Society for Threatened Peoples, declared that human rights violations and minority oppression are prevented from accessing the public debate in democratic States as well. 


Opening the first panel on “State-sponsored oppression against unrepresented communities” moderated by Third Generation Project Policy Director Bennett Collins, Prof Dr Hermann Kreutzmann, Professor of Human Geography at Freie Universität Berlin, enlightened the audience about the dangers of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Mr Enghebatu Togochog, Director of the Southern Mongolian Human Rights and Information Centre, denounced the Chinese plan to resettle nomadic people to assimilate them in the Han Chinese population and eradicate their nomadic lifestyle. He claimed that this plan makes nomadic people homeless and jobless and, above all, constitutes a massive cultural genocide. Then, Dr Shigut Geleta, Deputy Head of Foreign Relations for the Oromo Liberation Front, made note of the Ethiopian government’s oppression of the plethora of peoples in Ethiopia today and the threat to democracy in this increasingly instable country. Lastly, Dr Fiona McConnell, Associate Professor at the University of Oxford, then took the floor to speak about the State repression suffered by minority communities at international decision-making fora and explained that the intimidation of minorities by States prevents them from making their voice be heard at the United Nations.

The second panel, moderated by Prof Alison Watson, began with Ms Roseanna McPhee, Human Rights Activist from the Gypsy Travallers Community, who gave a moving account of her experience as a discriminated and stereotyped Gypsy woman. She also described various and intersecting forms of discrimination towards women pertaining to minorities. Ms Mona Silavi, Representative of the Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation in Brussels and Co-founder of Ahwazi women organisation Niprasu, then stressed the importance to legally recognise women’s right to be able to tackle the strong and varied discriminations they are suffering from. Lastly, Ms Khalisa Mahad Mohamed, Human Rights and Women’s Rights Activist from the Ogaden National Liberation Front, explained that, as conflict in Ethiopia intensified, women became the first victims of State-sponsored persecution, finding themselves subject to rape and other forms of sexual violence. Thousands were and are still detained and humiliated in order to terrorise their families and destabilise their communities.

On the third and last panel, moderated by Mr Tommaso Nodari, UNPO Programme Director, Mr Matteo Angioli, Secretary of the Global Committee for the Rule of Law Marco Pannella, claimed that “the rule of law is not in good shape around the world” and expressed the concern of NGOs representatives regarding the rise of authoritarian regimes. To conclude the last panel, Sen. Paul Strauss stressed UNPO’s role in promoting the right for the unrepresented to vote within their constituency, giving the example of the U.S. District of Columbia.

Opening of the UNPO’s XIII General Assembly


To open the UNPO’s XIII General Assembly, Mr Nasser Boladai, President of UNPO, emphasised that unifying minorities from all over the world makes them stronger, and stressed the necessity of uniting unrepresented peoples. Mr Marino Busdachin then pointed out all the nations that wish to see their right to self-determination fulfilled, and highlighted the need to restore democracy and the rule of law as a universal right. MEP Dr Josep-Maria Terricabras, who is Catalonian, claimed that nations, much like individuals, are constantly changing and therefore must accept the differences that come with change. Then, Ms Laura Harth, United Nations Representation of Nonviolent Radical Party, explained the Radical Party’s guiding principle of nonviolence that dominates the political struggle and detailed the party’s work toward giving a voice to the unrepresented groups who are denied access to the political arena. Lastly, drawing on examples of Catalonia and Scotland, Mr Willie Rennie closed the session by reminding the audience of the importance of distinguishing self-determination and independence.

 

To watch the conference back watch our live stream:

Part 1: bit.ly/2sk188S

Part 2: bit.ly/2spEsPw

Opening Ceremony of UNPO XIII General Assembly: bit.ly/2tnW6rl 

XIII Session of the UNPO General Assembly Draft Genera l Resolution

A Fire under Ashes: The Ongoing Struggle for Human Rights in Ethiopia July 1, 2017

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A Fire under Ashes: The Ongoing Struggle for Human Rights in Ethiopia


As massive protests swept across Ethiopia last year, the dire human rights situation in the country made headlines around the world. The Financial Times described it as Ethiopia’s “Tiananmen Square moment,” and then-US Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Tom Malinowski called the government’s crackdowns on dissent “self-defeating tactics.”

A poster of Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa at a protest in Oakland, California. Making the crossed arm gesture is now a criminal offense under Ethiopia’s state of emergency. Credit: Elizabeth Fraser
A poster of Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa at a protest in Oakland, California. Making the crossed arm gesture is now a criminal offense under Ethiopia’s state of emergency. Credit: Elizabeth Fraser.

The protests that brought this unprecedented attention to the country were rooted in land grabs. Starting in November 2015, Ethiopians took to the streets to oppose a “Master Plan” to expand the borders of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, which would have displaced Oromian farmers from their homes and land. The plan was eventually canceled, but the protests struck a nerve and became more widespread, calling for human rights and democracy in the country.

After failed attempts to quell the increasing dissent with force, the Ethiopian government imposed a country-wide state of emergency in October 2016. Since then, the news out of Ethiopia has waned, but problems remain.

The State of Emergency: A Veil to Hide Political Turmoil

In late July 2016, as protests spread from Oromia to the Amhara region, the country’s two largest ethnic groups – who together make up over 60 percent of the population – joined together. Despite being faced with violence from the security forces, citizens refused to back down and took to innovative means, like shaving their heads in solidarity with political prisoner Bekele Gerba and launching city-wide stay-at-home protests. In August, when Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa crossed his hands above his head in solidarity with the protests as he crossed the finish line at the Rio Olympics, the plight of his people was brought to the TV screens of millions around the world. And in October, the political situation in Ethiopia further unravelled as dozens if not hundreds were killed at an annual Irreechaa celebration in Oromia, when the police response to protests triggered a stampede.

To curb this mounting dissent, a state of emergency was imposed in October 2016, including a long list of draconian measures curtailing freedoms across the country. Security forces were given greater powers, social media and diaspora news outlets were banned, curfews and travel restrictions were imposed, and more. Over 26,000 people were arrested, most of whom were sent to “rehabilitation camps,” where detainees reportedly endured physical violence, degrading conditions, and were forced to take part in a training program to ensure allegiance to the ruling party.

In March 2017, while some of the restrictions were lifted, the state of emergency was extended for another four months.

The Need for an Independent Investigation

Hundreds, if not more, lost their lives to Ethiopia’s security forces during last year’s protests, causing international human rights experts and civil society organizations to call for an international investigation. The government has rejected these calls, claiming that the investigation should be led by national institutions.

An oral report from one internal investigation, provided by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) in April 2017, concluded that nearly 670 people lost their lives in last year’s violence, over 600 of whom were civilians. The commission, however, went on to blame much of the violence on opposition groups, as well as diaspora-based media outlets such as the Oromo Media Network and the television station ESAT. Worse still, the commission deemed that the use of force by security officials in many instances was “proportionate.”

Several observers have challenged these findings and question the EHRC’s independence. The Commission is both funded and overseen by the parliament and is led by Dr. Addisu Gebregziabher, who took the appointment after finishing his term as deputy chairman of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia – the agency under which the current government won 100 percent of the seats in parliament in the last election.

A few weeks after the EHRC’s oral report was heard, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein traveled to Ethiopia where he met with numerous government officials, as well as political prisoners at the notorious Kilinto jail.

In a press conference, High Commissioner Zeid brought attention to several issues plaguing Ethiopia, including the need for more “substantive, stable and open democratic space.” Zeid also noted that laws such as the Anti-Terrorism and Charities of Societies Proclamations are not aligned with international legal norms. High Commissioner Zeid did not, however, corroborate the EHRC’s findings, as his delegation was not granted permission to travel to areas affected by recent protests. Calls for an international investigation thus remain.

“I am also concerned that an excessively broad definition of terrorism may be misused against journalists, bloggers, and members of opposition parties … if the fight against terrorism is misused as a pretext to attack perceived dissent, this only feeds grievance and will weaken the State.”

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, May 2017

Simmering Discontent

While the state of emergency may have taken Ethiopia out of the international spotlight, it has failed to address the issues that fueled protests.

Political dissent continues to be a criminal offense. For instance, in a “further blow to press freedom in the country,” the editor of the newspaper Negere Ethiopia, Getachew Shifteraw, was sentenced to 18 months in prison for “inciting subversion.” Yonatan Tesfaye – the former spokesperson for the opposition “Blue Party” – was found guilty of encouraging “terrorism” because of his Facebook posts and sentenced to six-and-a-half years in prison. And indigenous land rights defender, Mr. Okello Akway Ochalla, is serving a nine-year sentence for speaking out about human rights abuses in his home region of Gambella.

Opposition party members likewise continue to be detained. Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has been in jail since December 2015. The evidence used against Gerba includes a video in which he advocates for non-violent struggle. Merera Gudina, the chairman of the OFC, was arrested after returning from a trip to Brussels in November 2016, where he spoke to the European parliament about the current state of emergency.

The government’s second Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) continues to advocate for foreign investment in large-scale commercial farming operations, which raises concerns about further land grabbing, forced displacement, and loss of livelihoods.

Unsurprisingly, given these circumstances, many expect that protests will resume once the emergency measures are lifted, with one Oromo-based judge calling the situation a “fire under ashes.”

International Complacency

At the same time, the international community has been complacent about ongoing crisis in Ethiopia. Sure, after the state of emergency was enacted, visits by some foreign dignitaries took place, including calls for democracy and fundamental freedoms. And yes, the EU recently passed a resolution on the situation in the country. But Ethiopia continues to be celebrated for its economic growth and enjoys extensive financial backing from Western and non-Western donors alike. This includes billions of dollars in multilateral and bilateral funding, as well as significant foreign investments from countries like India and China.

While millions of Ethiopians continue to be denied basic human rights, this international support sends the message that the Ethiopian government can continue its crack down on democracy and people without consequences. International complacency towards the regime may well stem from concerns around maintaining stability in an unstable region. But this short-sighted approach ignores the fact that continued repression could lead to more loss of lives and a region spiralling out of control.

Manii Marii Ministeroota Itoophiyaa faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa argattu jedhee irratti wixinee baasee labse. Master Plan (Master Killer) 2.0 July 1, 2017

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(VOA Afaan Oromoo,Waxabajjii 28, 2017):  Akkuma kanattiFinfinneen Oromiyaatti akkuma durii Finfinnee jedhaniin. Sadarakaa addunyaatti,ardiittii,akka biyyoolessaatti,akka mootummaa federaalaatii fi bulchiinsa magaalaatti ammoo Addis Ababa jedhanii yaaman.

Fifinneetti Afaan Oromoo afaan hujii tahanii hojjatan.Labsii manii marii laaluuf deemu tana nama hedduutti irratti mari’achuuf taa’a.

Yaadii ammaa bahe kun waan seera bulmaata mootummaa Federaala Itoophiyaa bara 1987 bahe keessa jiru.

Seerii gaafasii lakkoofsa 49 keeyyata 5 keessatti faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Fifninnee keessaa qabdu eeganifii keessaa keessoo isii ammoo seeraan mirkansaniif jedha.

Seera wixinee kana baasuuf marroo hedduu carraaqanii hojjachaa bahan jedha gabaasii misnisteooraa mootummaa kun.

Faaydaan Oromiyaan Finfinnee keessaa qabdu kun faaydaa ummataa dhibii,Oromoo hin tahin Fifninnee keessa jiraatu gama tokkolleenuu jalaa hin tuquu.

Isumaa karaa qajeelaan akka waliin jiraatanii faaydaa waliin qabanillee jabeeffatan tolchaaf jedha gabaasii kun.

Faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee keessaa argatti jedhan keessaa tokko bulchiinsii Fifninnee maatii ijoolleen isaanii afaan Oromootiin afaan baqaffataniif, Finfinnee keessatti mana barumsaa Afaan Oromoo barsiifachuu fedhan mana barumsa sadarkaa tokkeessoo qopheessaaf.

Akka Oromoon afaan ufiitiin tajaajila aadaa,aartii fi tajaajila gara garaa argatu tolchuuf afaan Oromoo Finfinneetti afaan hujii tahan.

Wantii eennummaa Oromoo mullisaa Finfinnee keessa dhadhaabuulleen waan wixinee labsan keessatti bahe keessaa tokko.

Akkuma kanaan waan seenaa fi eennummaa Oromoo keessatti beekan Finfinnee keesssatti dhaabuuf deeman.

Karaa,waljajjii,ollootaa fi maqaa fulaa hedduu akkuma durii Oromoon yaammatuunitti jijjiiramuu qaban jedha Wixinee kun.

Maqaan Finfinnee jedhuu fi Addisa Ababa jedhu seera duratti walqixxee ulfinna qaba.

Bulchiinsii Finfinnee bajetuma ufiitiina qonnaan bulaa Oromootii fi hawaasa qabayaa seera qabdu dhaabeefii akka faaydaa irraa argatan tolchaa jedha.

Qonnaa bulaa Oromoo qahee isaa irraa buqqahellee akka innii mirga handhuraa ufii ka dhabe argatu tolchuuf waajjira dhimmi sun laaluufitti jaarama.

Warra duraan buqqa’ee waan isaaf male hin argatanillee qoratee waan qajeelachanifitti jiraa jedha wixinineen kun.

Marii seera wixinee hedduu baafte tana keesatti paartii OPDO,bulchiinsa mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa,bulchiinsa naannoo Finfinneetii fi bulchoota mootummaa federaalaa hedduutti qooda keessaa qaba.

Wixinee tana irratti mari’atanii seeratti jijjiiruuf ammoo nama heddutti irratti mari’achuuf deema.

Mootummaan Federalaa rakkoolee naannoo Oromiyaatii fi Amaaraa hiriira nama baafate faluuf jedhee rakkoo isa keessa jirtu falee,gaafii ummataa deebisaa jedhee hojjachaa bahee jedha.

Taatullee labsiin wixinee amma baate tun waan hiriira kanaatiif bahuu fi dhibaachuu isii wantii gabaasii koree ministerooraa kun jedhe hin jirtu.


 

OPRIDEHere is a direct (word-to-word) translation of those “particulars” that the  Council of Ministers referred to the House of People’s Representatives for ratification. As written, the Amharic language draft, which is being denounced as master plan 2.0, is devoid of substance, vague and otherwise misleading. Click here to read more..

ODF: For over two years, across the width and length of Oromia massive protests were staged against the Addis Ababa Master Plan. Thousands were killed and tens of thousands herded into various detention centers for peacefully petitioning the government to respect and abide by the very laws it promulgated. Having brought the country under a state of emergency decree, the regime is relaunching the same Master Plan rejected by the Oromo populace under the guise of expansion of transportation and health services, rapid economic development, and proper compensation. Click here to read more..


Hayyuu Seeraa: Waa’ee Faayidaa Addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee Irraa Qabuu Seerri Bahe Jedhamu Gaaffiilee Ijoo Uummata Oromoo Gaafate Hin Deebisne


Dr Tsegaye regassa Ararsa

Dr Tsegaye regassa Ararsa

 


https://www.facebook.com/OromiaMedia/videos/1950676215145236/

https://www.facebook.com/OromiaMedia/videos/1951204065092451/

 

 

OPDOn ammas Finfinne gurgurattee jirti. Wixinee manni marii ministirootaa qopheesse keessa mirgi gurguddaan Oromiyaan qabaachuu maltu hin jiru
– Dhimmi bulchiinsa waloo ( shared administration) hin jiru
– Galii magaalattii qooddachuun ( revenue sharing) hin jiru
– Bishaan magaalattiin Oromiyaa irraa argattuuf kaffaltiin hin jirtu. ( Finfinneen gandoota bishaan keessaa bahuuf boolla bishaanii jaarti jedha)
– Waa’ee Finfinneetti daangaa tolchuu hin jiru
– Kan biraa dhiisaati maqaan Addis Ababa jedhuuyyuu sadarkaa aaddunyaafi federaalaatti akkuma jiruun itti fufa. Finfinneen ‘beekkamti seeraa’ kennamaaf golgaa jedhuun jala darbame.

Kuni gonkumaa fudhatama hin qabu. Wixineen kun Oromiyaaf waan tokko osoo hin kennin magaalattiin kan amma duraa daran akka babal’attee Oromoo lafaa buqqiftu kan godhuudha. Kuni salphina. Hasharbashar wixineen kun qabate facebook Addis Araggaa dubbihimaa OPDO jalaa argattu. Jawar Mohammed

‘Mirga addaa Oromiyaa jedhamee kan dhihaate keessaa tokko “gabaa qonnaan bultoonni Oromoo midhaanfi kudraa itti gurguratan magaalattiin qopheessuu qabdi” jedha. Qonnaan bulaan Oromoo callaa isaa Finfinnee geessuun, isa caalaa magaalattii fayyada. Kan duraa ummanni magaalattii waan nyaatu kallattiin ( fresh) harka qonnaan bulaatii akka shamatatu haala mijeessa. Lammaffaa qaraxa silaa Oromiyaan Sulultaafi Sabbatatti guurrachuu malu bulchiinsi Finfinnee argate. Kanaafii bar labsiin kun dantaa Finfinneefi warri isii dhuunfate Oromiyaa irratti diriirsa kan jennuuf.’ Shamshadin Taha

The Proclamation of special interest should address: 
___________________________________________________

In a country where federalism is opted, a given legal policy matter may be percieved by all states, or by group of states or by one state. Accordingly, one can divide states’ interest into three; universal, categorical, and special [particularistic] interest. Space will not allow a full flegde analysis of the first two types. I focus only on special [particularistic] interest.

In special state interest, legislation affects a single state only or same legislation may have differential effects on states. It is percieved either by a single state or by different states in different ways. A single state percieves an interest vis-a-vis the federal government that it shares with no other state[s].

The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal regime in 1992, in Transitional peroid. A Proclamation enacted to establish fourtheen National Regional Self-governments, proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(4) reads:

The special interests and political rights of the Oromo over Region Thirteen [Harari] and Region Fourtheen [Addis Ababa] are reserved. These Regions shall be accountable to the Central Transitional Government and the relations of these Self-governments with the Central Transitional Government shall be prescribed in detail by special law.

Article 49(5) of the FDRE Constitution articulates:

The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding provision of social services or utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.

Pursuant to the second proviso of the same Article, the coming [law] proclamation should address the followings:

⃣. Provision of social services፡

Access to housing, education, health, water, transport, other matters needed for achieving adequate living standards constitute social services.

⃣. Utilization of natural resources፡

Water, forest, mineras, stones, and everything else natural are natural resources. However, one may note that there is hardly any natural resources that the City offers to Oromia. The City itself is dependent on the natural resources of Oromia, out of the City.

⃣. Joint administrative matters፡

Administration is a practical management and direction of the executive department and its agencies. In effect, it involves and starts from representation in the Council and Administration of the City. The word ‘joint’ is important as it impresses fifty fifty per adminstration.

⃣. Other similar matters፡

The phrase, ‘other similar matters’ have no objectivity. Two lines of interpretations can be accorded.
The narrow line of interpretation argues other similar matters is meant to show matters that are immediate to those expressly mentioned. Accordingly, it includes land administration, free access to infrastructures, buildings, halls, industry, naming of the City and sub cities, security matters, participation on policy matters concerning matters affecting interests, and the like.
The second line of argument is broad. It includes automatic representation without election or permanent allocation of a percentage of seats of Addis Ababa City Council, addition of Afaan Oromo as working language of the City, levy and collect revenues and taxes, and the like.

⃣. Addis Ababa as part of Oromia vs independent City:

During the Transitional Period, as established by ‘proclamation’ {not proclamation in strict sense} number 1/1991, Addis Ababa was a City State, proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(1). This proclamation is repealed by the Federal Constitution, proclamation number 1/1995, by which Addis Ababa is omitted to be City State, by default of Article 47(1).

The Constitution spells out that Residents of Addis Ababa have full measure of self government, and shall be represented in the House of Peoples’ Representative, Article 49(2 and 4). These two Sub-articles give an impression that Addis Ababa is an independent City. It is by the same impression the Charters of the City are proclaimed, establishing the City as independent Chartered City Administration, proclamations number 87/1997 and 361/2003.

Further, Article 49(3) of the Constitution renders the Administration of the City responsible to the Federal Government. The Federal Government, hence, has interest over the City in this regard.

The same Constitution emphasizes the location of Addis Ababa is [with] in Oromia. In line with this scenario, Article 2(1) of the Revised Constitution of Oromia, proclamation number 46/2001, defines Oromia as an ‘… uninterrupted territory…’ The quoted phrase is intended to convey Oromia as landmass, the territory of which is connected from one point to the next without being interrupted. It, in effect, claims Addis Ababa as part and parcel of the State or City within the State.

The proclamation is expected to entertain and harmonize the status of the City as self government City while determining the special interest of Oromia as the location of the City is within the State.

⃣. Intergovernmental relations:

Federalism inevitably implies intergovernmental relations. Leave alone the existence of the interests of Federal Government and Oromia, which are two different governments in the Ethiopian Federation, over Addis Ababa, the recognition of special interest of Oromia in the City Administration, joint administration in particular, necessitates the existence of intergovernmental relations.

The recognition of special interest of Oromia despite the City has full measure of self government and the responsibility of the City to the Federal Government entails the tripartite interrelations, Article 49(2,3 and 5).

The proclamation should ascertain this trinity and establish a channeling institution among them.

⃣. Spillover effects:

Spill over effects are externalities those are not directly evolved in something. In one way or another, the recognition of special interest is a due acknowledgement of the existence of [negative] spill over effect.

Among different studies, a study conducted by Action Professionals Association for the People, aka APAP, indicated downstream users of rivers flowing out of Addis Ababa face health problems, environmental pollution and other human suffering due to the pollution by liquid and solid products of industries and garbages of dwellers of the City, APAP, press release, 20/12/2005. Hence, it seems, the Constitution is trying to disseminate the message that the spillover effect can only be redressed if and only if the special interest is recognized.

The proclamation, while determining the special interest, should address the scheme of redressing the spillover effects in particular.

The Constitution is general in general and Article 49(5) is general in particular. As the Constitution has these things to accomplish, the determining proclamation should address the same in detail. Failing in short of these, the proclamation does not fully and duly serve the purpose of the Constitution.


‘Bu’aa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa qabdu: Qurrammi Oromoo Dargi finqilche waan biraa waliin hobbaatii heera saa aango 45/5 keessatt dabales argamsiisee jira. Suniyyuu naannaa waggaa 25f Mormii Oromoo lafa sossoosaa fi wareegama yeros baafameef malee awwaalamee ture. Amma TPLF wuxinee seeraa qabattee sana laalu irratt ifsa baasee jira. Sunis wuxinee seeraa kan dursee ambaaf dhimise ture. Yaa’a tumaa keessa maal fakkaatee akka bahu ta’innaan malee hin beekamu. Mootummaan TPLF ang’aa isa duraa ari’ee Finfinnee kan qabate akka boojuutt malee Oromoon yk ummati biraa fedheef miti. Kanaaf Finfinnee irratt angoo fi mirga, akkasumas abbaawummaa biyya Finfinnee marsee jiru irratt ejjennoo seeraa haa tahu safuu hin qabu. Akka ifsichi jedhutt Finfinneen laaqii Oromiyaa gidduutt argamtu utuu hin tahin qaama saatii. Haalli danuu seenaa, mooraa lolataa koloneeffataa taasiseen jijjiiramuu kan dandahu yoo Oromiyaan kolonummaa baate qofa. Koloneeffataa fi kanneen biroo waliin hariiroo ummachuun kan dandahamu yoo Oromiyaan kolonummaa baate qofa. Yoo haalli sun jijjiiramee Oromiyaan jara kaan waliin federeeshina uumuu barbaadde, finnooti federaawan hundi haala maaliin Finfinnee akka magaalaa muummitii federeeshinaatt dhimma bahan yk magaalaa biraa bu’uursuuf dhoofsisuu qabu. Itt gaafatammi bulcha magaalaa Finfinnee fi magaalota Oromiyaa hundaa federaalaaf utuu hin tahin finnaa Oromiyaaf taha. Seerri ittiin bulan dhimma federaalaa utuu hin tahin kan Oromiyaatii. Haasaan waa’ee bu’aa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa qabduu si’ana walmaraa jiru waa’ee mirgaaf utuu hin tahin gara dabarsuu fi malaammaltummaaf kan karoorfame.’ Ibsaa Guutamaa

KFO: Finfinneen Akkuma Magaalaalee Oromiyaa Biroo Mootummaa Oromiyaa Jalatti Buluu Qabdi

(VOA Afaan Oromoo,  Wxabajjii 29 bara 2017): Faayidaa addaa Oromiyaan magaalaa Finfinnee irraa Argattu ilaalchisee, Manni Marii Ministeerotaa Itiyoophiyaa walgahii gaafa Kibxata dabre geggeesseen dhimmoota seera ta’anii tumamuu qaban – jedhe irratti mari’achuun Mana Maree Bakka Bu’uota Uummataaf ibsa baaseen beeksisee jira. Dhimmi kun Mana Maree Bakka Bu’uota Uummataan seera ta’ee bahuu isaa dura, qaamota dhimmi ilaaluun akka mariin irratti geggeessamu dubbata.

Gama biraatiin, Miidiyaa hawaasummaa dabalee, sabaa-himaalee adda addaa irratti qeeqawwanii fi mormiileen wixinee seeraa yaadame kana irratti dhihaataa jira. Paartiin mormituu – Koongiresni Federaalawa Oromoo, waa’ee qabiyyee ibsa bahe sanaa maal jedha? Namoon itti-aanaa prezidaantii paartichaa – Obbo Mulaatuu Gammachuu haasofsiisee jira.

Gabaasaa guuutuu dhaggeeffadhaa

 


COMMENTARY: THE INTEREST THAT IS NOT SO SPECIAL: ADDIS ABEBA, OROMIA, AND ETHIOPIA


TPLF’s baby candy for Oromia: Is it the question of Freedom or Question of Addis Ababa

 


Lakkii yaa Shaggar
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Haqa sirraa dhabnee
Kanaaf si jibbinee
Jibbaa keessi sobaa
Lakkii nuy dhiiftee
Hin jiraatiin qofaa
Cabni kee kan keenyaa
Ookkolli keenyaas keetii
Osoo Warqee sirraa qabnuu
Maaf nuuf laattaa Meetii
Lakkii yaa Shaggar
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Diddu si abaarraa
Haandhuura kee dhiifnee
Moggaarra marmaarraa
Jilbaan jilbeeffannee
Waan abaarsaa hundaa
Seeraan qixeeffannee
Kan si saamuuf deemuun
Haa hankaaku jennee
Sagaleetu huursee
Iyyee-mankararaa
Kan Qomoof lammiitii
Kanaaf wal-mararaa
Burqaan imimmaanii
Gullalleerraa madda
Daalattitti wal-kuuseet
Aqaaqitti darba.
Finfinnee si gaaf’uu
Deebii naa deebistaa
Imimmaan Oromoo
Dhugde akka Illeensaa
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Hin bahiin nu keessaa

Meeqa manaa baaftee
Achumaan hambiftee?
Reeffa kichuuf hayyuu
Qurxummistee nyaattee
Awwaalcha dhorkitee
Kaanis dhidhimsitee
Kaanis Allaattiif laattee.
Qondaalticha nanaa
Qondaala Finfinnee
Ati diina Oromoot
Obboleessa Lilmee.
Amma osoo ka’ani
Abboonnikoo durii
Tufaa inni Gullallee
Abbaankoo Galaanii
Osoo sitti dhufanii
Abbichuus waamanii
Silaa maal deebiftaa
Ni himtare xuurii?
Dhugaa waaqaa-lafaa
Kumni eessa seenee?
Harka kee keessatti
Meeqatu maseenee?

Hin dhageessuu laata sagalee Oromoo
Boo’icha mararroon haadhashee waammattu
Iyya haadha hiyyeessaa imimmaan haayyoolee
Mudhiishee hidhattee ilmoosheef watwaattu
Boo’ichi lammiikoo wal-kuusee-wal-kuusee
Waraabessi Finfinneerraan caccaraanee yuusee
Iyyee mamardhatee gungumee gadoodee
Imimmaan coccosee ija harmee guusee
Lakkii gantuun ta’iin
Hin yaadiin yoomillee
Si jaalannaa malee si jibbina hin jennee
Si sossobuu malee sitti iyyina hin jeennee
Lakkii garaa laafii si feenaa yoomillee

Copha Sammuurraa!
Of-beekuun injifannoo injifannoo caaluudha!
Margaa Angaasuu Amanaa
June 28, 2017


Ten Preliminary Measures Oromia MayTake on Addis Ababa Until the Prodigal City will Submit to the Jurisdiction of Oromia
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Until the full ownership and territorial integrity of Oromia is fully and completely restored on Addis Ababa as an Oromia city, the Oromia Regional State and the Oromo people should start taking the following preliminary measures to force the submission of the prodigal city of Addis Ababa to the full legislative, executive and judicial power of Oromia National Regional Government, with immediate effect.

1. Oromia National Regional State should immediately and unilaterally delimit and demarcate the boundary between this prodigal city and Oromia National Regional State based on the 1991 border of this city, and ban this city from collecting any form of tax outside its borders and jurisdiction.

2. Oromia National Regional State should immediately adopt Afaan Oromo as the working language for all official and business communications with this prodigal city.

3. Oromia National Regional State should stop using Addis Ababa as the market hub for all Oromia business, and relocate to Oromia cities. All Oromia markets including but not limited to grain markets, vegetable and fruit markets, meat and live animal markets, coffee markets, hid and skin markets and all other resources of Oromia should be relocated to Oromia cities. Oromia should license Oromia based exporters for all Oromia resources and products; and ban Addis Ababa-based exporters from exporting Oromia commodities, goods, and products.

4. Oromia National Regional State should immediately stop using Addis Ababa general distributors and wholesalers, and start licensing Oromia general distributors and wholesalers to distribute imported goods and services throughout Oromia. Oromia National Regional State should immediately license Oromia importers of all goods and services sold in Oromia markets.

5. Oromia National Regional State should immediately issue laws that will impose tariff, taxes and sale price on water and electricity supplies Oromia provides to Addis Ababa, and start rebuilding Oromia from these proceeds.

6. Oromia National Regional State should immediately impose a toll on all Addis Ababa licensed cars including private and commercial cars, taxis, trains and buses that use Oromia roads. The proceeds collected from these road tolls will be used to rebuild Oromia infrastructures and maintain Oromia roads.

7. Oromia National Regional State should immediately issue laws that will impose dry port service fees for all imports and exports passing through the inland dry port at Mojo to Addis Ababa.

8. Oromia National Regional State should start charging lease and real estate taxes on all Addis Ababa owned properties located in Oromia including factories, businesses, and other facilities.

9. All Addis Ababa waste disposal facilities in Oromia should be closed until the health effect and environmental sustainability of those facilities are studied and Oromia determines the appropriate cost and fees Addis Ababa should pay to continue using these facilities, if at all.

10. Oromia National Regional State should issue laws that will totally ban Addis Ababa from getting any land either in the form of a lease or sale from private or government entities in Oromia except through limited term rent!


Mass Human Labor is No Longer Needed. Where Do We Go From Here? July 1, 2017

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In an admittedly non-conventional manner, we view the global economy via two interconnected lenses. The first lens is a combination of two practical foundations of economics: (a) based on observations made by economists Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié in the 1940s that technology has persistently replaced the need for human labor throughout increasingly widening sectors of the economy (see chart below). We can now observe that the services sector, now comprising over 72% of the economy has reached a tipping point where technology is increasingly replacing the need for human labor to the extent that increasingly wider sections of the population no longer seem to possess assets to contribute to the production of economic activity.

Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié
Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié

And (b) In 1979, the world’s economic systems discontinued using gold as a method of creating and valuing currency, and thus, ended the process of what is called ‘fractional reserve banking’ (where banks are able to lend more than they have on deposit). Fractional reserve banking was replaced by fiat currency, where local commercial banks create new currency when real estate loans are created.

From the convergence of these two practical foundations of economics—technology replacing mass labor and fiat currency created from real estate lending—we can now observe that the conventional metrics used by political institutions and banking systems the world over in determining the relationship between commercial real estate and residential real estate are no longer viable. Banking systems have self-evolved to move away from market lending to creating financial instruments that are traded exclusively between the banks themselves (this is referred to as the ‘shadow banking system’).

Government institutions, however, have not evolved… and thus have essentially become irrelevant in terms of managing affairs of economics.

The second lens with which Wealth Beyond Nations views the global economy is a moral and philosophical view of how and why individuals and groups interact with each other. Prior to Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations in 1776, the benefits of economic activity were in the main enjoyed by elites (the aristocracies, monarchs, and churches, which were all prone to violent upheavals). Smith’s blueprint provided a process by which the masses could both contribute and benefit from participating in what he referred to as ‘a commercial society’, and it was this commercial society which self-maintained social order.

But in modern circumstances where economic production no longer needs the masses to contribute to production, how can the masses expect to participate in such a commercial society?

But even deeper, we observe that societies across the world are constructed upon a foundation of consuming material things that merely contribute to their sense of self-aggrandizement (and most often, not to their overall well-being). John Kenneth Galbraith’s seminal work in 1958, The Affluent Society, already observed that this foundation was simply unsustainable.

Consequently, if it is true and accurate to restate the central problem underpinning the global economies as being: contributions to economic production by the human masses is no longer the glue that holds societies together, as well as the observation that almost everyone on the planet is operating from outdated knowledge of how economic markets operate… then, and only then, can we begin to grasp the severity of the real problem. Then, and only then, can we begin to grapple with exploring real solutions to the real problem. Click here to read more..