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OSA: Statement on the Draft Law on Oromia’s Special Interest in Addis Ababa July 1, 2017

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Statement on the Draft Law on Oromia’s Special Interest in Addis Ababa

 

For Immediate Release  June 30, 2017


The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) believes the draft law’s utter neglect of the Oromo people’s demands risks reigniting conflict on the unresolved issue of Oromia’s right over Addis Ababa.

On June 27, 2017, the Council of Ministers of the Government of Ethiopia announced that it has adopted a draft legislation to determine by law the “special interest” provision of the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution and sent it to the House of People’s Representatives. The legislation was an abridged version of the draft law the government had leaked a few weeks earlier and quickly disavowed after a backlash from a deeply skeptical public about the intent and contents of the legislation. On June 29, the draft legislation was taken up by House of People’s Representative with a view to promulgating it as law.

The Ethiopian Constitution posits, in Article 49 (5), that the special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa concerns three important areas: the provision of social services, the utilization of natural resources and joint administration of the city in lieu of the fact that Addis Ababa location within the State of Oromia. The law that was designed to determine these issues would be expected to explain in detail the meaning and process of implementation of the constitutional provisions.

Assessed by any measure, the draft legislation is not worthy of its name. Nowhere does it attempt to define the “special interest” provision of the constitution or recognize the struggle of the Oromo people and their demands regarding Finfinnee/Addis Ababa. The draft legislation doesn’t designate the Oromia regional government as the beneficiary of the constitutional “special interest.” The boundary of Finfinnee is not delimited, even though that is a sin qua non for implementation of the proclamation. Instead there are indications of intent to expand the city limits into the Oromia state territory. With regard to social services, the proclamation only reiterates conventions and practices already in use and in place.

Rather than defining the constitutional provision, the “proclamation” rehashes policy issues that any city government must undertake to serve its citizens. Providing inter-state transport services shouldn’t be a matter defined by law as a “special interest;” market forces are already at work in this respect. Providing youth employment is a responsibility of an incumbent in any city government. It cannot be designated as a special interest of a state. Overall, if there is anything resembling a definition of the constitutional provision, it is allusions to the rights of Finfinne residents who happen to be Oromo rather than those of the Oromia regional state as stipulated in the constitution. The proclamation also re-grants constitutional rights to Oromo residents as if their rights within Finfinnee aren’t already protected by the Ethiopian Constitution.

In this sense, OSA considers the draft proclamation a mockery of the process of legislation that should be solemn and dignified. Even worse, the proclamation is an insult to the legitimate demand of the Oromo people for which, in the last two years, thousands have given their lives, limbs and livelihoods. To reduce the Oromo people’s demands to issues of youth unemployment, compensation for confiscated properties and provision of services is a dangerous political ploy that entails severe consequences.

As a scholarly organization that has documented the struggle of the Oromo people for freedom, justice, dignity and human rights, OSA condemns the Ethiopian regime’s blatant disregard for the Oromo people’s demands over Finfinnee. OSA scholars have documented the history of violent conquests and the consequent dispossession of Oromo lands, dislocation of homesteads and displacement Oromo people from the area today known as Addis Ababa.

It is unconscionable that the Ethiopian regime, when it is given the chance to correct historical injustices, has chosen to pursue the short term goal of perpetuating in power a group that has been there for more than a quarter century by force. OSA feels that the complete failure of the Ethiopian government to heed the cry of the Oromo people can only pave the way for more violence and bloodshed.

Cognizant of the long history and the intensity of the current demands of the Oromo people, OSA calls upon the following to take immediate action to obviate conflict and its horrendous consequences.

To the Ethiopian Government

The Oromo interest on Finfinnee is not “special.” It is historical and inherent. If this draft legislation were to have a chance of being accepted as adequate, it should respond to the Oromo people’s articulation of their interest during their protests last year. At a minimum, the draft legislation must include the following provisions.

  • Delimit the boundary of Finfinnee the city boundary as it existed in 1991. Continued expansion is a recipe for renewed conflict.
  • Recognize the Oromia regional government’s right to joint governance of the city. –      Establish the Oromo language as a working language.
  • Respect the political, economic and civil rights of all the residents.
  • Recognize the city resident full democratic right of municipal self-governance instead of treating them as subjects of federal authority.
  • – Restore and legally establish the city’s indigenous name, Finfinnee, as the official name of the city.
  • Established by legislation the Oromo people’s right to socio-cultural, economic, environmental, and political benefits in the city and take measures to facilitate the enjoyment of these rights.

To Oromo people all over Oromia and Ethiopia:

  • OSA is believes that your protest last year has brought you to the verge of victory. Your gallantry and fearless engagement of security forces has caused the Ethiopian government at all levels to heed your demands. OSA salutes you on your achievements and your discerning wisdom concerning timing and appropriateness of direct action.
  • OSA believes the government is aware of the power of your commitment to peaceful protest. We reckon that it will quickly abandon its misguided draft legislation. At the same time, we fully support your commitment to peaceful protest.
  • OSA affirms its commitment to continue to provide the institutional support and intellectual materials needed to press on the Oromo people’s struggle for ensuring Oromia’s interest on Finfinnee.

To Foreign Governments and Donors supporting the Ethiopian government:

  • The issue of land and the Oromo interest over Finfinnee were the main causes of the protests that lasted for nearly a year in Oromia in 2016. This draft legislation on Oromia’s “special interest” is now being described as a backdoor attempt to implement the dreaded Addis Ababa Master Plan that triggered the protests. Governments and representatives of the international community have an obligation to use their good offices and leverage to persuade the Ethiopian government to refrain from forging ahead with this draft proclamation.
  • OSA urges all parties to understand that Oromos are a force for peace and stability in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Respect for human rights and commitment to peace and justice have been the traditional governing principles of Oromos. It is in the interest of those states that have security and other interests in Ethiopia to support these enduring Oromo values and denounce the rule of violence and rule by administrative fiat. OSA is aware that all foreign parties in Ethiopia pursue their own interests. However, an interest that is singularly self-serving cannot guarantee long term stability.

To Non-governmental organizations and rights groups

  • In line with OSA statement on the Master Plan and the Oromo protests, issued on December 9, 2016, we reiterate our commendation of the courageous work of Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and International Crisis Group in
  • investigating crises affecting the Oromo over the years. The irresponsible act of the Ethiopian regime in drafting the Oromia “special” interest legislation undermines the demands of the Oromo people over Finfinnee. As such, it is bound to provoke public anger. We urge you to continue to document the injustices that are being perpetrated under the state of emergency that has been in effect since October 9, 2016.

To International and Foreign Media Outlets:

  • OSA calls upon all forms of print, broadcast and online media to document and publicize the events underway in Ethiopia. The issue of Finfinnee is a potent political issue. We urge you to watch the events surrounding this draft proclamation as it is pregnant with all the elements that ignited a historic protests movement that resulted in the death of thousands of people in 2016.

The scheme to dispossess the Oromo of their land and homeland, to dislocate them from their livelihood, and destroy their language and cultural identity, whether expressed blatantly as a Master Plan or shrouded with a cloak of a “special interest” draft law, is a threat to the economic wellbeing and survival as a nation. OSA affirms its commitment to offer all possible intellectual and scholarly assistance to strengthen the efforts to prevent its implementation.

Signed

Ezekiel Gebissa, PhD
President, Oromo Studies Association

Mekuria Bulcha, PhD
Chair, OSA Board of Directors


Related Article:

Manii Marii Ministeroota Itoophiyaa faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa argattu jedhee irratti wixinee baasee labse. Master Plan (Master Killer) 2.0

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UNPO: Oromia: OLF representative made comprehensive notes on State-sponsored oppression: The case of Oromo people’s struggle in Ethiopia. July 1, 2017

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OLF representative made comprehensive notes on State-sponsored oppression: The case of Oromo people’s struggle in Ethiopia.

Scottish Parliament Conference: Sharing Perspectives on the Rights of the Unrepresented On the Eve of UNPO’s XIII General Assembly


The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), in collaboration with the Third Generation Project (TGP) and MSP Willie Rennie (Scottish Liberal Democrats), held a conference entitled ‘Sharing Perspectives on the Rights of the Unrepresented on the Eve of UNPO’s XIII General Assembly’ on 26 June 2017. The Conference provided an opportunity for sharing perspectives on the situation of unrepresented Nations and Peoples, with a special focus on third generation human rights. Representatives of indigenous groups and minorities, as well as academics, activists and politicians addressed some of the major issues faced by these communities, stressing particularly those pertaining to identity. Over three panels, interveners provided a breadth of insights into state-sponsored oppression against unrepresented groups, the double marginalisation and discrimination of women from unrepresented communities, and the power of advocacy to foster political change.

During the opening remarks, Co-host MSP Willie Rennie reminded the audience that human rights are embedded in the DNA of the Scottish Parliament, which reaffirms human rights in its daily work. Third Generation Project Executive Director Prof Alison Watson, stressed the importance of working directly with the people who represent communities that are facing stigmatisation and discrimination and the need to create policies that reflect their concerns. UNPO General Secretary Marino Busdachin, then professed that even though the international community is often calling for the respect of the rights of unrepresented minorities, their rights and freedoms are still to be consolidated. In that sense, UNPO fulfils the important role of advocating for the respect of these rights and fostering a political answer to minorities’ concerns. Lastly, Mr Hanno Schedler, Deputy Head of the Asia/Africa Department of the Society for Threatened Peoples, declared that human rights violations and minority oppression are prevented from accessing the public debate in democratic States as well. 


Opening the first panel on “State-sponsored oppression against unrepresented communities” moderated by Third Generation Project Policy Director Bennett Collins, Prof Dr Hermann Kreutzmann, Professor of Human Geography at Freie Universität Berlin, enlightened the audience about the dangers of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Mr Enghebatu Togochog, Director of the Southern Mongolian Human Rights and Information Centre, denounced the Chinese plan to resettle nomadic people to assimilate them in the Han Chinese population and eradicate their nomadic lifestyle. He claimed that this plan makes nomadic people homeless and jobless and, above all, constitutes a massive cultural genocide. Then, Dr Shigut Geleta, Deputy Head of Foreign Relations for the Oromo Liberation Front, made note of the Ethiopian government’s oppression of the plethora of peoples in Ethiopia today and the threat to democracy in this increasingly instable country. Lastly, Dr Fiona McConnell, Associate Professor at the University of Oxford, then took the floor to speak about the State repression suffered by minority communities at international decision-making fora and explained that the intimidation of minorities by States prevents them from making their voice be heard at the United Nations.

The second panel, moderated by Prof Alison Watson, began with Ms Roseanna McPhee, Human Rights Activist from the Gypsy Travallers Community, who gave a moving account of her experience as a discriminated and stereotyped Gypsy woman. She also described various and intersecting forms of discrimination towards women pertaining to minorities. Ms Mona Silavi, Representative of the Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation in Brussels and Co-founder of Ahwazi women organisation Niprasu, then stressed the importance to legally recognise women’s right to be able to tackle the strong and varied discriminations they are suffering from. Lastly, Ms Khalisa Mahad Mohamed, Human Rights and Women’s Rights Activist from the Ogaden National Liberation Front, explained that, as conflict in Ethiopia intensified, women became the first victims of State-sponsored persecution, finding themselves subject to rape and other forms of sexual violence. Thousands were and are still detained and humiliated in order to terrorise their families and destabilise their communities.

On the third and last panel, moderated by Mr Tommaso Nodari, UNPO Programme Director, Mr Matteo Angioli, Secretary of the Global Committee for the Rule of Law Marco Pannella, claimed that “the rule of law is not in good shape around the world” and expressed the concern of NGOs representatives regarding the rise of authoritarian regimes. To conclude the last panel, Sen. Paul Strauss stressed UNPO’s role in promoting the right for the unrepresented to vote within their constituency, giving the example of the U.S. District of Columbia.

Opening of the UNPO’s XIII General Assembly


To open the UNPO’s XIII General Assembly, Mr Nasser Boladai, President of UNPO, emphasised that unifying minorities from all over the world makes them stronger, and stressed the necessity of uniting unrepresented peoples. Mr Marino Busdachin then pointed out all the nations that wish to see their right to self-determination fulfilled, and highlighted the need to restore democracy and the rule of law as a universal right. MEP Dr Josep-Maria Terricabras, who is Catalonian, claimed that nations, much like individuals, are constantly changing and therefore must accept the differences that come with change. Then, Ms Laura Harth, United Nations Representation of Nonviolent Radical Party, explained the Radical Party’s guiding principle of nonviolence that dominates the political struggle and detailed the party’s work toward giving a voice to the unrepresented groups who are denied access to the political arena. Lastly, drawing on examples of Catalonia and Scotland, Mr Willie Rennie closed the session by reminding the audience of the importance of distinguishing self-determination and independence.

 

To watch the conference back watch our live stream:

Part 1: bit.ly/2sk188S

Part 2: bit.ly/2spEsPw

Opening Ceremony of UNPO XIII General Assembly: bit.ly/2tnW6rl 

XIII Session of the UNPO General Assembly Draft Genera l Resolution

A Fire under Ashes: The Ongoing Struggle for Human Rights in Ethiopia July 1, 2017

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A Fire under Ashes: The Ongoing Struggle for Human Rights in Ethiopia


As massive protests swept across Ethiopia last year, the dire human rights situation in the country made headlines around the world. The Financial Times described it as Ethiopia’s “Tiananmen Square moment,” and then-US Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Tom Malinowski called the government’s crackdowns on dissent “self-defeating tactics.”

A poster of Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa at a protest in Oakland, California. Making the crossed arm gesture is now a criminal offense under Ethiopia’s state of emergency. Credit: Elizabeth Fraser
A poster of Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa at a protest in Oakland, California. Making the crossed arm gesture is now a criminal offense under Ethiopia’s state of emergency. Credit: Elizabeth Fraser.

The protests that brought this unprecedented attention to the country were rooted in land grabs. Starting in November 2015, Ethiopians took to the streets to oppose a “Master Plan” to expand the borders of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, which would have displaced Oromian farmers from their homes and land. The plan was eventually canceled, but the protests struck a nerve and became more widespread, calling for human rights and democracy in the country.

After failed attempts to quell the increasing dissent with force, the Ethiopian government imposed a country-wide state of emergency in October 2016. Since then, the news out of Ethiopia has waned, but problems remain.

The State of Emergency: A Veil to Hide Political Turmoil

In late July 2016, as protests spread from Oromia to the Amhara region, the country’s two largest ethnic groups – who together make up over 60 percent of the population – joined together. Despite being faced with violence from the security forces, citizens refused to back down and took to innovative means, like shaving their heads in solidarity with political prisoner Bekele Gerba and launching city-wide stay-at-home protests. In August, when Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa crossed his hands above his head in solidarity with the protests as he crossed the finish line at the Rio Olympics, the plight of his people was brought to the TV screens of millions around the world. And in October, the political situation in Ethiopia further unravelled as dozens if not hundreds were killed at an annual Irreechaa celebration in Oromia, when the police response to protests triggered a stampede.

To curb this mounting dissent, a state of emergency was imposed in October 2016, including a long list of draconian measures curtailing freedoms across the country. Security forces were given greater powers, social media and diaspora news outlets were banned, curfews and travel restrictions were imposed, and more. Over 26,000 people were arrested, most of whom were sent to “rehabilitation camps,” where detainees reportedly endured physical violence, degrading conditions, and were forced to take part in a training program to ensure allegiance to the ruling party.

In March 2017, while some of the restrictions were lifted, the state of emergency was extended for another four months.

The Need for an Independent Investigation

Hundreds, if not more, lost their lives to Ethiopia’s security forces during last year’s protests, causing international human rights experts and civil society organizations to call for an international investigation. The government has rejected these calls, claiming that the investigation should be led by national institutions.

An oral report from one internal investigation, provided by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) in April 2017, concluded that nearly 670 people lost their lives in last year’s violence, over 600 of whom were civilians. The commission, however, went on to blame much of the violence on opposition groups, as well as diaspora-based media outlets such as the Oromo Media Network and the television station ESAT. Worse still, the commission deemed that the use of force by security officials in many instances was “proportionate.”

Several observers have challenged these findings and question the EHRC’s independence. The Commission is both funded and overseen by the parliament and is led by Dr. Addisu Gebregziabher, who took the appointment after finishing his term as deputy chairman of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia – the agency under which the current government won 100 percent of the seats in parliament in the last election.

A few weeks after the EHRC’s oral report was heard, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein traveled to Ethiopia where he met with numerous government officials, as well as political prisoners at the notorious Kilinto jail.

In a press conference, High Commissioner Zeid brought attention to several issues plaguing Ethiopia, including the need for more “substantive, stable and open democratic space.” Zeid also noted that laws such as the Anti-Terrorism and Charities of Societies Proclamations are not aligned with international legal norms. High Commissioner Zeid did not, however, corroborate the EHRC’s findings, as his delegation was not granted permission to travel to areas affected by recent protests. Calls for an international investigation thus remain.

“I am also concerned that an excessively broad definition of terrorism may be misused against journalists, bloggers, and members of opposition parties … if the fight against terrorism is misused as a pretext to attack perceived dissent, this only feeds grievance and will weaken the State.”

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, May 2017

Simmering Discontent

While the state of emergency may have taken Ethiopia out of the international spotlight, it has failed to address the issues that fueled protests.

Political dissent continues to be a criminal offense. For instance, in a “further blow to press freedom in the country,” the editor of the newspaper Negere Ethiopia, Getachew Shifteraw, was sentenced to 18 months in prison for “inciting subversion.” Yonatan Tesfaye – the former spokesperson for the opposition “Blue Party” – was found guilty of encouraging “terrorism” because of his Facebook posts and sentenced to six-and-a-half years in prison. And indigenous land rights defender, Mr. Okello Akway Ochalla, is serving a nine-year sentence for speaking out about human rights abuses in his home region of Gambella.

Opposition party members likewise continue to be detained. Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has been in jail since December 2015. The evidence used against Gerba includes a video in which he advocates for non-violent struggle. Merera Gudina, the chairman of the OFC, was arrested after returning from a trip to Brussels in November 2016, where he spoke to the European parliament about the current state of emergency.

The government’s second Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP II) continues to advocate for foreign investment in large-scale commercial farming operations, which raises concerns about further land grabbing, forced displacement, and loss of livelihoods.

Unsurprisingly, given these circumstances, many expect that protests will resume once the emergency measures are lifted, with one Oromo-based judge calling the situation a “fire under ashes.”

International Complacency

At the same time, the international community has been complacent about ongoing crisis in Ethiopia. Sure, after the state of emergency was enacted, visits by some foreign dignitaries took place, including calls for democracy and fundamental freedoms. And yes, the EU recently passed a resolution on the situation in the country. But Ethiopia continues to be celebrated for its economic growth and enjoys extensive financial backing from Western and non-Western donors alike. This includes billions of dollars in multilateral and bilateral funding, as well as significant foreign investments from countries like India and China.

While millions of Ethiopians continue to be denied basic human rights, this international support sends the message that the Ethiopian government can continue its crack down on democracy and people without consequences. International complacency towards the regime may well stem from concerns around maintaining stability in an unstable region. But this short-sighted approach ignores the fact that continued repression could lead to more loss of lives and a region spiralling out of control.

Manii Marii Ministeroota Itoophiyaa faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa argattu jedhee irratti wixinee baasee labse. Master Plan (Master Killer) 2.0 July 1, 2017

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(VOA Afaan Oromoo,Waxabajjii 28, 2017):  Akkuma kanattiFinfinneen Oromiyaatti akkuma durii Finfinnee jedhaniin. Sadarakaa addunyaatti,ardiittii,akka biyyoolessaatti,akka mootummaa federaalaatii fi bulchiinsa magaalaatti ammoo Addis Ababa jedhanii yaaman.

Fifinneetti Afaan Oromoo afaan hujii tahanii hojjatan.Labsii manii marii laaluuf deemu tana nama hedduutti irratti mari’achuuf taa’a.

Yaadii ammaa bahe kun waan seera bulmaata mootummaa Federaala Itoophiyaa bara 1987 bahe keessa jiru.

Seerii gaafasii lakkoofsa 49 keeyyata 5 keessatti faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Fifninnee keessaa qabdu eeganifii keessaa keessoo isii ammoo seeraan mirkansaniif jedha.

Seera wixinee kana baasuuf marroo hedduu carraaqanii hojjachaa bahan jedha gabaasii misnisteooraa mootummaa kun.

Faaydaan Oromiyaan Finfinnee keessaa qabdu kun faaydaa ummataa dhibii,Oromoo hin tahin Fifninnee keessa jiraatu gama tokkolleenuu jalaa hin tuquu.

Isumaa karaa qajeelaan akka waliin jiraatanii faaydaa waliin qabanillee jabeeffatan tolchaaf jedha gabaasii kun.

Faaydaa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee keessaa argatti jedhan keessaa tokko bulchiinsii Fifninnee maatii ijoolleen isaanii afaan Oromootiin afaan baqaffataniif, Finfinnee keessatti mana barumsaa Afaan Oromoo barsiifachuu fedhan mana barumsa sadarkaa tokkeessoo qopheessaaf.

Akka Oromoon afaan ufiitiin tajaajila aadaa,aartii fi tajaajila gara garaa argatu tolchuuf afaan Oromoo Finfinneetti afaan hujii tahan.

Wantii eennummaa Oromoo mullisaa Finfinnee keessa dhadhaabuulleen waan wixinee labsan keessatti bahe keessaa tokko.

Akkuma kanaan waan seenaa fi eennummaa Oromoo keessatti beekan Finfinnee keesssatti dhaabuuf deeman.

Karaa,waljajjii,ollootaa fi maqaa fulaa hedduu akkuma durii Oromoon yaammatuunitti jijjiiramuu qaban jedha Wixinee kun.

Maqaan Finfinnee jedhuu fi Addisa Ababa jedhu seera duratti walqixxee ulfinna qaba.

Bulchiinsii Finfinnee bajetuma ufiitiina qonnaan bulaa Oromootii fi hawaasa qabayaa seera qabdu dhaabeefii akka faaydaa irraa argatan tolchaa jedha.

Qonnaa bulaa Oromoo qahee isaa irraa buqqahellee akka innii mirga handhuraa ufii ka dhabe argatu tolchuuf waajjira dhimmi sun laaluufitti jaarama.

Warra duraan buqqa’ee waan isaaf male hin argatanillee qoratee waan qajeelachanifitti jiraa jedha wixinineen kun.

Marii seera wixinee hedduu baafte tana keesatti paartii OPDO,bulchiinsa mootummaa naannoo Oromiyaa,bulchiinsa naannoo Finfinneetii fi bulchoota mootummaa federaalaa hedduutti qooda keessaa qaba.

Wixinee tana irratti mari’atanii seeratti jijjiiruuf ammoo nama heddutti irratti mari’achuuf deema.

Mootummaan Federalaa rakkoolee naannoo Oromiyaatii fi Amaaraa hiriira nama baafate faluuf jedhee rakkoo isa keessa jirtu falee,gaafii ummataa deebisaa jedhee hojjachaa bahee jedha.

Taatullee labsiin wixinee amma baate tun waan hiriira kanaatiif bahuu fi dhibaachuu isii wantii gabaasii koree ministerooraa kun jedhe hin jirtu.


 

OPRIDEHere is a direct (word-to-word) translation of those “particulars” that the  Council of Ministers referred to the House of People’s Representatives for ratification. As written, the Amharic language draft, which is being denounced as master plan 2.0, is devoid of substance, vague and otherwise misleading. Click here to read more..

ODF: For over two years, across the width and length of Oromia massive protests were staged against the Addis Ababa Master Plan. Thousands were killed and tens of thousands herded into various detention centers for peacefully petitioning the government to respect and abide by the very laws it promulgated. Having brought the country under a state of emergency decree, the regime is relaunching the same Master Plan rejected by the Oromo populace under the guise of expansion of transportation and health services, rapid economic development, and proper compensation. Click here to read more..


Hayyuu Seeraa: Waa’ee Faayidaa Addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee Irraa Qabuu Seerri Bahe Jedhamu Gaaffiilee Ijoo Uummata Oromoo Gaafate Hin Deebisne


Dr Tsegaye regassa Ararsa

Dr Tsegaye regassa Ararsa

 


https://www.facebook.com/OromiaMedia/videos/1950676215145236/

https://www.facebook.com/OromiaMedia/videos/1951204065092451/

 

 

OPDOn ammas Finfinne gurgurattee jirti. Wixinee manni marii ministirootaa qopheesse keessa mirgi gurguddaan Oromiyaan qabaachuu maltu hin jiru
– Dhimmi bulchiinsa waloo ( shared administration) hin jiru
– Galii magaalattii qooddachuun ( revenue sharing) hin jiru
– Bishaan magaalattiin Oromiyaa irraa argattuuf kaffaltiin hin jirtu. ( Finfinneen gandoota bishaan keessaa bahuuf boolla bishaanii jaarti jedha)
– Waa’ee Finfinneetti daangaa tolchuu hin jiru
– Kan biraa dhiisaati maqaan Addis Ababa jedhuuyyuu sadarkaa aaddunyaafi federaalaatti akkuma jiruun itti fufa. Finfinneen ‘beekkamti seeraa’ kennamaaf golgaa jedhuun jala darbame.

Kuni gonkumaa fudhatama hin qabu. Wixineen kun Oromiyaaf waan tokko osoo hin kennin magaalattiin kan amma duraa daran akka babal’attee Oromoo lafaa buqqiftu kan godhuudha. Kuni salphina. Hasharbashar wixineen kun qabate facebook Addis Araggaa dubbihimaa OPDO jalaa argattu. Jawar Mohammed

‘Mirga addaa Oromiyaa jedhamee kan dhihaate keessaa tokko “gabaa qonnaan bultoonni Oromoo midhaanfi kudraa itti gurguratan magaalattiin qopheessuu qabdi” jedha. Qonnaan bulaan Oromoo callaa isaa Finfinnee geessuun, isa caalaa magaalattii fayyada. Kan duraa ummanni magaalattii waan nyaatu kallattiin ( fresh) harka qonnaan bulaatii akka shamatatu haala mijeessa. Lammaffaa qaraxa silaa Oromiyaan Sulultaafi Sabbatatti guurrachuu malu bulchiinsi Finfinnee argate. Kanaafii bar labsiin kun dantaa Finfinneefi warri isii dhuunfate Oromiyaa irratti diriirsa kan jennuuf.’ Shamshadin Taha

The Proclamation of special interest should address: 
___________________________________________________

In a country where federalism is opted, a given legal policy matter may be percieved by all states, or by group of states or by one state. Accordingly, one can divide states’ interest into three; universal, categorical, and special [particularistic] interest. Space will not allow a full flegde analysis of the first two types. I focus only on special [particularistic] interest.

In special state interest, legislation affects a single state only or same legislation may have differential effects on states. It is percieved either by a single state or by different states in different ways. A single state percieves an interest vis-a-vis the federal government that it shares with no other state[s].

The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal regime in 1992, in Transitional peroid. A Proclamation enacted to establish fourtheen National Regional Self-governments, proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(4) reads:

The special interests and political rights of the Oromo over Region Thirteen [Harari] and Region Fourtheen [Addis Ababa] are reserved. These Regions shall be accountable to the Central Transitional Government and the relations of these Self-governments with the Central Transitional Government shall be prescribed in detail by special law.

Article 49(5) of the FDRE Constitution articulates:

The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding provision of social services or utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.

Pursuant to the second proviso of the same Article, the coming [law] proclamation should address the followings:

⃣. Provision of social services፡

Access to housing, education, health, water, transport, other matters needed for achieving adequate living standards constitute social services.

⃣. Utilization of natural resources፡

Water, forest, mineras, stones, and everything else natural are natural resources. However, one may note that there is hardly any natural resources that the City offers to Oromia. The City itself is dependent on the natural resources of Oromia, out of the City.

⃣. Joint administrative matters፡

Administration is a practical management and direction of the executive department and its agencies. In effect, it involves and starts from representation in the Council and Administration of the City. The word ‘joint’ is important as it impresses fifty fifty per adminstration.

⃣. Other similar matters፡

The phrase, ‘other similar matters’ have no objectivity. Two lines of interpretations can be accorded.
The narrow line of interpretation argues other similar matters is meant to show matters that are immediate to those expressly mentioned. Accordingly, it includes land administration, free access to infrastructures, buildings, halls, industry, naming of the City and sub cities, security matters, participation on policy matters concerning matters affecting interests, and the like.
The second line of argument is broad. It includes automatic representation without election or permanent allocation of a percentage of seats of Addis Ababa City Council, addition of Afaan Oromo as working language of the City, levy and collect revenues and taxes, and the like.

⃣. Addis Ababa as part of Oromia vs independent City:

During the Transitional Period, as established by ‘proclamation’ {not proclamation in strict sense} number 1/1991, Addis Ababa was a City State, proclamation number 7/1992, Article 3(1). This proclamation is repealed by the Federal Constitution, proclamation number 1/1995, by which Addis Ababa is omitted to be City State, by default of Article 47(1).

The Constitution spells out that Residents of Addis Ababa have full measure of self government, and shall be represented in the House of Peoples’ Representative, Article 49(2 and 4). These two Sub-articles give an impression that Addis Ababa is an independent City. It is by the same impression the Charters of the City are proclaimed, establishing the City as independent Chartered City Administration, proclamations number 87/1997 and 361/2003.

Further, Article 49(3) of the Constitution renders the Administration of the City responsible to the Federal Government. The Federal Government, hence, has interest over the City in this regard.

The same Constitution emphasizes the location of Addis Ababa is [with] in Oromia. In line with this scenario, Article 2(1) of the Revised Constitution of Oromia, proclamation number 46/2001, defines Oromia as an ‘… uninterrupted territory…’ The quoted phrase is intended to convey Oromia as landmass, the territory of which is connected from one point to the next without being interrupted. It, in effect, claims Addis Ababa as part and parcel of the State or City within the State.

The proclamation is expected to entertain and harmonize the status of the City as self government City while determining the special interest of Oromia as the location of the City is within the State.

⃣. Intergovernmental relations:

Federalism inevitably implies intergovernmental relations. Leave alone the existence of the interests of Federal Government and Oromia, which are two different governments in the Ethiopian Federation, over Addis Ababa, the recognition of special interest of Oromia in the City Administration, joint administration in particular, necessitates the existence of intergovernmental relations.

The recognition of special interest of Oromia despite the City has full measure of self government and the responsibility of the City to the Federal Government entails the tripartite interrelations, Article 49(2,3 and 5).

The proclamation should ascertain this trinity and establish a channeling institution among them.

⃣. Spillover effects:

Spill over effects are externalities those are not directly evolved in something. In one way or another, the recognition of special interest is a due acknowledgement of the existence of [negative] spill over effect.

Among different studies, a study conducted by Action Professionals Association for the People, aka APAP, indicated downstream users of rivers flowing out of Addis Ababa face health problems, environmental pollution and other human suffering due to the pollution by liquid and solid products of industries and garbages of dwellers of the City, APAP, press release, 20/12/2005. Hence, it seems, the Constitution is trying to disseminate the message that the spillover effect can only be redressed if and only if the special interest is recognized.

The proclamation, while determining the special interest, should address the scheme of redressing the spillover effects in particular.

The Constitution is general in general and Article 49(5) is general in particular. As the Constitution has these things to accomplish, the determining proclamation should address the same in detail. Failing in short of these, the proclamation does not fully and duly serve the purpose of the Constitution.


‘Bu’aa addaa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa qabdu: Qurrammi Oromoo Dargi finqilche waan biraa waliin hobbaatii heera saa aango 45/5 keessatt dabales argamsiisee jira. Suniyyuu naannaa waggaa 25f Mormii Oromoo lafa sossoosaa fi wareegama yeros baafameef malee awwaalamee ture. Amma TPLF wuxinee seeraa qabattee sana laalu irratt ifsa baasee jira. Sunis wuxinee seeraa kan dursee ambaaf dhimise ture. Yaa’a tumaa keessa maal fakkaatee akka bahu ta’innaan malee hin beekamu. Mootummaan TPLF ang’aa isa duraa ari’ee Finfinnee kan qabate akka boojuutt malee Oromoon yk ummati biraa fedheef miti. Kanaaf Finfinnee irratt angoo fi mirga, akkasumas abbaawummaa biyya Finfinnee marsee jiru irratt ejjennoo seeraa haa tahu safuu hin qabu. Akka ifsichi jedhutt Finfinneen laaqii Oromiyaa gidduutt argamtu utuu hin tahin qaama saatii. Haalli danuu seenaa, mooraa lolataa koloneeffataa taasiseen jijjiiramuu kan dandahu yoo Oromiyaan kolonummaa baate qofa. Koloneeffataa fi kanneen biroo waliin hariiroo ummachuun kan dandahamu yoo Oromiyaan kolonummaa baate qofa. Yoo haalli sun jijjiiramee Oromiyaan jara kaan waliin federeeshina uumuu barbaadde, finnooti federaawan hundi haala maaliin Finfinnee akka magaalaa muummitii federeeshinaatt dhimma bahan yk magaalaa biraa bu’uursuuf dhoofsisuu qabu. Itt gaafatammi bulcha magaalaa Finfinnee fi magaalota Oromiyaa hundaa federaalaaf utuu hin tahin finnaa Oromiyaaf taha. Seerri ittiin bulan dhimma federaalaa utuu hin tahin kan Oromiyaatii. Haasaan waa’ee bu’aa Oromiyaan Finfinnee irraa qabduu si’ana walmaraa jiru waa’ee mirgaaf utuu hin tahin gara dabarsuu fi malaammaltummaaf kan karoorfame.’ Ibsaa Guutamaa

KFO: Finfinneen Akkuma Magaalaalee Oromiyaa Biroo Mootummaa Oromiyaa Jalatti Buluu Qabdi

(VOA Afaan Oromoo,  Wxabajjii 29 bara 2017): Faayidaa addaa Oromiyaan magaalaa Finfinnee irraa Argattu ilaalchisee, Manni Marii Ministeerotaa Itiyoophiyaa walgahii gaafa Kibxata dabre geggeesseen dhimmoota seera ta’anii tumamuu qaban – jedhe irratti mari’achuun Mana Maree Bakka Bu’uota Uummataaf ibsa baaseen beeksisee jira. Dhimmi kun Mana Maree Bakka Bu’uota Uummataan seera ta’ee bahuu isaa dura, qaamota dhimmi ilaaluun akka mariin irratti geggeessamu dubbata.

Gama biraatiin, Miidiyaa hawaasummaa dabalee, sabaa-himaalee adda addaa irratti qeeqawwanii fi mormiileen wixinee seeraa yaadame kana irratti dhihaataa jira. Paartiin mormituu – Koongiresni Federaalawa Oromoo, waa’ee qabiyyee ibsa bahe sanaa maal jedha? Namoon itti-aanaa prezidaantii paartichaa – Obbo Mulaatuu Gammachuu haasofsiisee jira.

Gabaasaa guuutuu dhaggeeffadhaa

 


COMMENTARY: THE INTEREST THAT IS NOT SO SPECIAL: ADDIS ABEBA, OROMIA, AND ETHIOPIA


TPLF’s baby candy for Oromia: Is it the question of Freedom or Question of Addis Ababa

 


Lakkii yaa Shaggar
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Haqa sirraa dhabnee
Kanaaf si jibbinee
Jibbaa keessi sobaa
Lakkii nuy dhiiftee
Hin jiraatiin qofaa
Cabni kee kan keenyaa
Ookkolli keenyaas keetii
Osoo Warqee sirraa qabnuu
Maaf nuuf laattaa Meetii
Lakkii yaa Shaggar
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Diddu si abaarraa
Haandhuura kee dhiifnee
Moggaarra marmaarraa
Jilbaan jilbeeffannee
Waan abaarsaa hundaa
Seeraan qixeeffannee
Kan si saamuuf deemuun
Haa hankaaku jennee
Sagaleetu huursee
Iyyee-mankararaa
Kan Qomoof lammiitii
Kanaaf wal-mararaa
Burqaan imimmaanii
Gullalleerraa madda
Daalattitti wal-kuuseet
Aqaaqitti darba.
Finfinnee si gaaf’uu
Deebii naa deebistaa
Imimmaan Oromoo
Dhugde akka Illeensaa
Lakkii yaa Finfinnee
Hin bahiin nu keessaa

Meeqa manaa baaftee
Achumaan hambiftee?
Reeffa kichuuf hayyuu
Qurxummistee nyaattee
Awwaalcha dhorkitee
Kaanis dhidhimsitee
Kaanis Allaattiif laattee.
Qondaalticha nanaa
Qondaala Finfinnee
Ati diina Oromoot
Obboleessa Lilmee.
Amma osoo ka’ani
Abboonnikoo durii
Tufaa inni Gullallee
Abbaankoo Galaanii
Osoo sitti dhufanii
Abbichuus waamanii
Silaa maal deebiftaa
Ni himtare xuurii?
Dhugaa waaqaa-lafaa
Kumni eessa seenee?
Harka kee keessatti
Meeqatu maseenee?

Hin dhageessuu laata sagalee Oromoo
Boo’icha mararroon haadhashee waammattu
Iyya haadha hiyyeessaa imimmaan haayyoolee
Mudhiishee hidhattee ilmoosheef watwaattu
Boo’ichi lammiikoo wal-kuusee-wal-kuusee
Waraabessi Finfinneerraan caccaraanee yuusee
Iyyee mamardhatee gungumee gadoodee
Imimmaan coccosee ija harmee guusee
Lakkii gantuun ta’iin
Hin yaadiin yoomillee
Si jaalannaa malee si jibbina hin jennee
Si sossobuu malee sitti iyyina hin jeennee
Lakkii garaa laafii si feenaa yoomillee

Copha Sammuurraa!
Of-beekuun injifannoo injifannoo caaluudha!
Margaa Angaasuu Amanaa
June 28, 2017


Ten Preliminary Measures Oromia MayTake on Addis Ababa Until the Prodigal City will Submit to the Jurisdiction of Oromia
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Until the full ownership and territorial integrity of Oromia is fully and completely restored on Addis Ababa as an Oromia city, the Oromia Regional State and the Oromo people should start taking the following preliminary measures to force the submission of the prodigal city of Addis Ababa to the full legislative, executive and judicial power of Oromia National Regional Government, with immediate effect.

1. Oromia National Regional State should immediately and unilaterally delimit and demarcate the boundary between this prodigal city and Oromia National Regional State based on the 1991 border of this city, and ban this city from collecting any form of tax outside its borders and jurisdiction.

2. Oromia National Regional State should immediately adopt Afaan Oromo as the working language for all official and business communications with this prodigal city.

3. Oromia National Regional State should stop using Addis Ababa as the market hub for all Oromia business, and relocate to Oromia cities. All Oromia markets including but not limited to grain markets, vegetable and fruit markets, meat and live animal markets, coffee markets, hid and skin markets and all other resources of Oromia should be relocated to Oromia cities. Oromia should license Oromia based exporters for all Oromia resources and products; and ban Addis Ababa-based exporters from exporting Oromia commodities, goods, and products.

4. Oromia National Regional State should immediately stop using Addis Ababa general distributors and wholesalers, and start licensing Oromia general distributors and wholesalers to distribute imported goods and services throughout Oromia. Oromia National Regional State should immediately license Oromia importers of all goods and services sold in Oromia markets.

5. Oromia National Regional State should immediately issue laws that will impose tariff, taxes and sale price on water and electricity supplies Oromia provides to Addis Ababa, and start rebuilding Oromia from these proceeds.

6. Oromia National Regional State should immediately impose a toll on all Addis Ababa licensed cars including private and commercial cars, taxis, trains and buses that use Oromia roads. The proceeds collected from these road tolls will be used to rebuild Oromia infrastructures and maintain Oromia roads.

7. Oromia National Regional State should immediately issue laws that will impose dry port service fees for all imports and exports passing through the inland dry port at Mojo to Addis Ababa.

8. Oromia National Regional State should start charging lease and real estate taxes on all Addis Ababa owned properties located in Oromia including factories, businesses, and other facilities.

9. All Addis Ababa waste disposal facilities in Oromia should be closed until the health effect and environmental sustainability of those facilities are studied and Oromia determines the appropriate cost and fees Addis Ababa should pay to continue using these facilities, if at all.

10. Oromia National Regional State should issue laws that will totally ban Addis Ababa from getting any land either in the form of a lease or sale from private or government entities in Oromia except through limited term rent!


Mass Human Labor is No Longer Needed. Where Do We Go From Here? July 1, 2017

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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In an admittedly non-conventional manner, we view the global economy via two interconnected lenses. The first lens is a combination of two practical foundations of economics: (a) based on observations made by economists Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié in the 1940s that technology has persistently replaced the need for human labor throughout increasingly widening sectors of the economy (see chart below). We can now observe that the services sector, now comprising over 72% of the economy has reached a tipping point where technology is increasingly replacing the need for human labor to the extent that increasingly wider sections of the population no longer seem to possess assets to contribute to the production of economic activity.

Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié
Colin Clark and Jean Fourastié

And (b) In 1979, the world’s economic systems discontinued using gold as a method of creating and valuing currency, and thus, ended the process of what is called ‘fractional reserve banking’ (where banks are able to lend more than they have on deposit). Fractional reserve banking was replaced by fiat currency, where local commercial banks create new currency when real estate loans are created.

From the convergence of these two practical foundations of economics—technology replacing mass labor and fiat currency created from real estate lending—we can now observe that the conventional metrics used by political institutions and banking systems the world over in determining the relationship between commercial real estate and residential real estate are no longer viable. Banking systems have self-evolved to move away from market lending to creating financial instruments that are traded exclusively between the banks themselves (this is referred to as the ‘shadow banking system’).

Government institutions, however, have not evolved… and thus have essentially become irrelevant in terms of managing affairs of economics.

The second lens with which Wealth Beyond Nations views the global economy is a moral and philosophical view of how and why individuals and groups interact with each other. Prior to Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations in 1776, the benefits of economic activity were in the main enjoyed by elites (the aristocracies, monarchs, and churches, which were all prone to violent upheavals). Smith’s blueprint provided a process by which the masses could both contribute and benefit from participating in what he referred to as ‘a commercial society’, and it was this commercial society which self-maintained social order.

But in modern circumstances where economic production no longer needs the masses to contribute to production, how can the masses expect to participate in such a commercial society?

But even deeper, we observe that societies across the world are constructed upon a foundation of consuming material things that merely contribute to their sense of self-aggrandizement (and most often, not to their overall well-being). John Kenneth Galbraith’s seminal work in 1958, The Affluent Society, already observed that this foundation was simply unsustainable.

Consequently, if it is true and accurate to restate the central problem underpinning the global economies as being: contributions to economic production by the human masses is no longer the glue that holds societies together, as well as the observation that almost everyone on the planet is operating from outdated knowledge of how economic markets operate… then, and only then, can we begin to grasp the severity of the real problem. Then, and only then, can we begin to grapple with exploring real solutions to the real problem. Click here to read more..