UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Press briefing note on #Ethiopia: Concerned by the continued communications shutdown in Oromia in this time of #coronavirus pandemic. And addressed it is also essential that information on the disease is readily available in understandable formats and languages, and information is adapted for people with specific needs March 27, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: coronavirus, COVID-19, Internet use in Ethiopia, no internet
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Press briefing note on Ethiopia
Spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: Rupert Colville
Location: Geneva
Date: 27 March 2020
Subject:Ethiopia
We are very concerned by the continued communications shutdown in parts of Ethiopia, and more broadly call on all countries to ensure that everyone has ready and unhindered access to the internet and phone services, all the more in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Ethiopia imposed an Internet and communications blackout on 7 January, citing security concerns, blocking internet access and phone services in areas under federal military control – namely western Oromia’s Kellem Wellega, West Wellega, and the Horo Gudru Wellega zones. The shutdown coincided with government military operations against the armed wing of the once-banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).
Over the course of the past year, the Ethiopian Government has shut down the internet on a number of occasions, affecting the lives and human rights of the Ethiopians resident in concerned areas: hampering their ability to share and access information or simply to maintain contact with loved ones.
Ethiopia is not the only country to shut down communications links. We urge all governments to immediately end any and all blanket internet and telecommunication shutdowns. Everyone has the right to receive and impart information. Blunt measures such as blanket Internet and telecommunications shutdowns, sometimes for prolonged periods, violate the principles of necessity and proportionality and contravene international law.
Now, amidst the COVID-19 crisis, fact-based and relevant information on the disease and its spread and response must reach all people, without exception.
Authorities, medical professionals and relevant experts must be able to share accurate and vital information with each other and the public about the pandemic.
It is also essential that information on the disease is readily available in understandable formats and languages, and information is adapted for people with specific needs, including the visually and hearing-impaired, and reaches those with limited or no ability to read or no access to technology.
ENDS
For more information and media requests, please contact: Rupert Colville – + 41 22 917 9767 / rcolville@ohchr.org or Jeremy Laurence – + 41 22 917 9383 / jlaurence@ohchr.org orLiz Throssell – + 41 22 917 9296 / ethrossell@ohchr.org or Marta Hurtado – + 41 22 917 9466 / mhurtado@ohchr.org
Tag and share – Twitter: @UNHumanRights and Facebook: unitednationshumanrights
#KeepItOn: internet shutdowns during COVID-19 will help spread the virus! #ReconnectTheWestETH March 26, 2020
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#KeepItOn: internet shutdowns during COVID-19 will help spread the virus!
17 MARCH 2020 | 9:27 AMTweetShare
As the world deals with the spread of COVID-19 (“coronavirus”), reliable, correct information is one of the most important tools people have to protect themselves. Access to accurate information will save lives, help us protect ourselves and our loved ones, and allow us to carry on and care for one another in our communities. During this crisis and beyond, an accessible, secure, and open internet will play a significant role in keeping us safe.
Attempts by governments to cut or restrict access to the internet, block social media platforms or other communications services, or slow down internet speed deny people access to information, just when it is of paramount importance that we stop the spread of the virus. As part of the global #KeepItOn coalition, we reiterate: any and all deliberate interference with the right to access and share information — a human right and vital to any public health and humanitarian response to COVID-19 — must end immediately.

#Ethiopia – join the call on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to restore access to the internet in the Oromia region
Since January 2019, Ethiopia has imposed an internet shutdown in the Oromia region, amid conflict between government forces and armed groups. The spread of COVID-19 has been declared a pandemic, and Ethiopia has since confirmed several cases. There are already many people in quarantine and self-isolation. Amid fears of the spread of the virus, the government has been publishing content online, and traditional news media outlets are instructing citizens on handwashing and hygiene and other precautionary measures.
Publishing information online and via the media makes sense, but the government is also denying access to this valuable information to the population affected by internet shutdowns, and as a result, that population may further escalate the spread of the virus. As we have seen in recent days in China, governments can block access to information regarding COVID-19. In blocking such information, there are severe consequences for public health. Unless people take action, these consequences will only get more severe with the passage of time. We therefore call on the government of Ethiopia and particularly Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, to restore free and full access to the internet in the Oromia region immediately and keep it on.

https://www.accessnow.org/keepiton-internet-shutdowns-during-covid-19-will-help-spread-the-virus/
Ogeeyyiin fayyaa waa’ee Coronavirus maal jedhu? Caqasaa, wal dhageessisaa, waan dhageettanis hojii irra oolchaa. Advice about #corinavirus from Oromo medical experts in Afaan Oromoo March 25, 2020
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Ogeeyyiin fayyaa waa’ee Coronavirus maal jedhu? Caqasaa, wal dhageessisaa, waan dhageettanis hojii irra oolchaa
Rights Group Condemns Internet Shutdown in Ethiopia, Points to Threats of Coronavirus Spread | Voice of America – English March 24, 2020
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Rights Group Condemns Internet Shutdown in Ethiopia, Points to Threats of Coronavirus Spread
Addis Standard Special Edition: Failed politics and deception: Behind the crisis in western and southern Oromia March 23, 2020
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Ethiopia’s failed politics and deception: Behind the crisis in western and southern Oromia, click the following to read:-
How do you get coronavirus? – Los Angeles Times March 23, 2020
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How do you become infected with the coronavirus?
https://www.latimes.com/science/story/2020-03-22/how-do-you-get-infected-with-the-coronavirus
Millions of Ethiopians Can’t Get COVID-19 News Refusal to Restore Communications Threatens Public Health March 21, 2020
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Millions of Ethiopians Can’t Get COVID-19 News
Refusal to Restore Communications Threatens Public Health
Oromia Media Network Statements: Political Intimidations and Harassments Will Not Deter Us! March 19, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Enemies of Press Freedom, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, indigenous media, OMN, Oromia Media Network, Press freedom
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Political Intimidations and Harassments Will Not Deter Us!
OMN statements (For immediate release)
Esteemed audience of OMN
The management of OMN has hereby found it important to publicize the multifaceted intimidations and pressures being exerted on this an historic media which did brand itself as the authentic voice of peoples. Established in March 2014 through grassroots-driven mobilizations and commitments of the Oromo diaspora all over the world, the OMN been championing peoples’ struggle for justice, democracy and freedom in Oromia and the wider Ethiopia. Following the call of the reformist government, at least by the notion of the day, for diaspora-based media houses run by exiled dissidents, OMN-Finfinne was established in August 2018 in Finfinne/Addis Ababa, the capital city of the state of Oromia and also of the federal government in Ethiopia. OMN has since been operating in Ethiopia according to the laws of the land with its headquarters based in Finfinne and branch offices in some major cities/towns in Oromia like Nekemte, Shashemene, Dire Dhawa, Harar, and Bale Robe. The media house has been working hard to contribute its fair share in supporting the positive developments and their subsequent consolidation in the socio-cultural, political and economic arenas during these testing times of so called “transition”.
That said, it’s important to bring to the attentions of our audience and also to the international community that state-led interventions and encroachments into the hitherto widened free media space have become more evident and quite recently, that has even been scaled up making it difficult for independent media houses like the OMN to freely operate in the country. Further more, in what appears to be a systematically maneuvered move taken to build a case against the OMN with an ultimate goal of annihilating it, the Ethiopian government, via its watchdog organization called Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA), has been sending out intimidatory letters, almost all of which being composed based on unfounded allegations.
Complaints and accusations that came to OMN from/via EBA
1-The case of an investigative documentary produced as solicited by the OMN itself on a government official’s involvement in gross human rights violations in Oromia, Ethiopia. The government official’s complaint came via EBA. The OMN then wrote to EBA an extensive response, sufficiently establishing factual accuracies, evidences and content sources questioned by the complaint presenter. The government official who presented his complaints was, and still remains, in a top leadership echelons of the ruling party and EBA dropped the case without any reaction on OMN’s response in a move which looks like was made to protect the government official.
2- The case in which the communications affairs office of the Amhara National Regional State (ANRS) accused the OMN for reporting on events that happened in the regional state. The OMN reported on some lingering conflicts rooted in the judicial demands of some distinct identity groups like the Agaw, the Qumant and Oromo who have been territorially incorporated in the ANRS, according to the existing federalist state structures. The ANRS government’s commitment to address the demands of these identity groups can be rated minimal to none, empirical evidences suggest, and that is precisely what drives these conflicts. The OMN did respond to ANRS’ accusations, using all the evidences available at its disposal, thereby sufficiently establishing the sources of the contents used in our reports. In addition, as part of its regular routines in balancing stories involving counter-claims and/or divergent views, the OMN did write a letter calling the government of the ANRS to send its representatives to our studio and use our media platform to express their version of the account or perspectives on the story. But they ignored the call to come out and express their views about it on the OMN. What can OMN do beyond this?
3-The case in which the Ministry of Science and Higher Education (MSHE) filed complaints on OMN reports concerning the problems that Oromo students enrolled in Universities found in ANRS were facing. As in both of the cases above, OMN did defend, providing sufficient evidences, the sources it used in its reports on the matter and the accuracy of the information therein. What’s more, interesting about this case was that an official assigned and sent by the Ministry appeared, twice, on the OMN, as per our invitation, to explain the Ministry’s point of view on the students’ stories we did report on.
4-The other one is the case in which a self-proclaimed religious vanguard organization claiming to be the defender of the “rights and respects” of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church (EOTC) accused the OMN of transmitting the opinion of one EOTC follower, in fact himself a preacher for the congregants of the church in some western and southwestern parts of Oromia, who happen to have a differing opinion on the existing administrative structures of the EOTC. This case made it more clearer for the OMN management that accusations sent to us by EBA are politically motivated and hence have realistically little-to-nothing to do with the authority’s legally stated regulatory roles. Look, what OMN did was LIVE transmit Mr Hailemichael’s public speech in Salale, in which he made points counter to the contending others concerning the disputed internal administrative structures of the EOTC, as so known by the public by now and also by then. It’s all known that making opinion is essentially an individual’s entitlement and Mr Hailemichael’s opinion cannot be any different. It therefore has nothing to do with the OMN what so ever. Grossly ignoring this fundamental truth and also turning down OMN management’s well substantiated response letter on the accusations, EBA wrote an unfounded “warning letter” to the OMN. They wrote this letter in a way that exposed their true intentions: politically motivated intimidation and harassment. By copying their unfounded “warning letter” to higher executive offices of the government including to the Offices of the Prime Minister and the National Intelligence and Security Services — offices whose roles are neither directly nor indirectly related to regulating the country’s media landscape — they exposed their politically motivated intentions of intimidating and harassing the OMN and other independent media outlets operating in the country. OMN legal team have already filed an appeal on their politically motivated decision. It should be pointed out here that up until they took a U-turn by writing the said “warning letter”, EBA had been showing good gestures to foster smooth working relations with the OMN — which we now realized was just a pretension. It should also be pointed out that it was only a month or so after EBA’s delegation led by its higher leadership, including the Director General, had a meeting with the OMN management team which was concluded with a pretty much positive spirit of mutual understanding and cooperation.
The Latest Hassles and Harassments
We believe that our audiences are closely following the latest rounds of politically motivated intimidations and harassments that OMN had to endure because of a personal opinion of a woman who expressed her idea about cross-cultural marriage, while OMN was doing LIVE transmission, on a public event organized to celebrate the International Women’s Day on March 8. The government, the detractors and the adversaries of this historic Oromo media seem to have joined hands in catching this opportunity to try to destroy the OMN. Here too, there are indicators showing that these multilateral campaigns waged on the OMN are rooted in political motivations. One of such indicators is the uncalled but prompt intervention of the country’s highest executive office, Office of the Prime Minister, in which the press secretary head at the Office, Mr Nigusu Tilahun, sent out an intimidatory message to the OMN last Monday, 9th of March 2020 via one of the ruling-party-affiliated-media outlet called Fana Broadcasting Corporate (FBC). The Prime Minister Office did this before EBA, the primarily concerned office, made any statement on the matter. It’s pity that media outlets like FBC still work with the government to undertake targeted attacks against independent media like the OMN. We at the OMN pursue the policy of not in any way dwelling on the weaknesses of other outlets in the country’s media landscape. But we realize that there are some media houses legally operating in the country which work to destabilize the country, target specific national groups for their propaganda and hate campaigns, stock conflicts among Ethiopia’s various nations and nationalities and often disseminate false information. Important to be understood at this point in time is the fact that OMN was established as an activist media in the diaspora but now working hard to rebrand itself as an independent media through capacity building and enhanced pursuits of its existing core values: professionalism, performance and passion. OMN did demonstrate, beyond any reasonable doubt, its firm stance and determinations in defending freedom of expression, democracy and justice and will never succumb to harassments and intimidations, never ever flinch back even an inch, because of these latest intimidations and harassments. It will continue undeterred in doing its job by respecting the laws of the land.
Future prospectives
We are often asked why OMN does focus on Oromian affairs. This is also one of the criticisms we receive in EBA’s monitoring and evaluation reports. But we have always unapologetically clear that OMN got a cause, a just cause of defending the truth of the Oromo people which had historically been renilgated to the edges by the ages old sedimented biases that shaped Ethiopia’s media landscape, which in turn was defined by the state-sponsored media outlets that long created an unfairly asymmetrical south-north divide of peoples’ narratives, histories, memories and over all developments in peoples’ cultures and languages. OMN strives to counter these unfair asymmetries rooted in history thereby putting Oromia and the Oromo people on the global epistemological, economic, social and political maps. In short, OMN strives to bring Oromia and the Oromo people to the world and also the world to Oromia and the Oromo people. We at the OMN believe that there is nothing wrong in pursuing this great cause of our people and there even exist a sufficiently virtuous reason to do so. What is more, we focus on Oromian an affair doesn’t mean we never care for other linguistic, cultural and political communities in the Ethiopian federation. We really do and our works on the ground are testaments for our words here. OMN is the only truly multilingual media outlet in the entire history Ethiopia’s private media industry and given the intent, one can argue that it remains so even when compared to the government owned ones. We almost regularly reach out to our audiences in Afaan Oromoo, Amharic, Somali, Wolayita, Sidama, Hadiya and Halaba. We are working to further diversify our services in many more Ethiopian languages. Our Arabic and English services were active in the past. We will reactivate and resume them in the soonest. Our determinations for services in diverse languages emanate from our moral dedications for the fairer share of Ethiopia’s media space by the country’s diverse cultural and linguistic groups. We therefore reject, flat out, the allegations by some pathologically biased mono-lingual media out lets in Ethiopia who paradoxically got the audacity to label the OMN as an “ethnic media” — a term they often employ to confirm their sedimented socio-cultural and political biases and prejudices. For us at the OMN, our works out there really tell who we are and what we are doing. And more importantly in the future too, we are open to all.
Finally,
We all at the OMN would like to reiterate to our esteemed audiences that we remain firm, as always, in championing freedom, justice and democracy, as appropriate, for diversified society as in Ethiopia — all deliverable within the country’s existing legal and constitutional frameworks. We remain resolute in countering all sorts of historically rooted asymmetries, which still affecting peoples’ lives, putting the larger interests of Oromia and the Oromo people and also the diverse peoples in what’s today the southern Ethiopia. We will not shy away from advocating the political ideals of a democratic multinational federalist dispensation in Ethiopia, for we know that it would be the only viable means to keep together the contemporary Ethiopian state as a single polity. As the track records of our rather bumpy road drives over the last six years also attest, we would like to assure everyone that we continue to navigate the storms our own way, while upholding all the laws of the land in which we operate. We call upon all our audiences everywhere in the world to stand by our side and support us towards this end. We also call upon the Ethiopian government not to work to shrink the space of the free media — for doing that won’t benefit anyone at this point in time. We call upon the government to scale up the positive gains that the country made with this regard. We remain resolute in reminding the government that trying to crackdown on the OMN and other independent media outlets which managed to establish themselves in the hearts and minds of the people on the ground will only badly backfire, because that’s essentially a self-defeating move as has repeatedly been proven in history. We at the OMN would also like to remind some media outlets in Ethiopia that calling a government to crackdown on other media outlets in the country is a suicidal act, at the very least. We call upon such media houses to come to their tranquilized senses and avoid such subservient act of commuting a subtle suicide.
The management of OMN would like to end these statements by extending our heartfelt appreciations for all the media managers, owners and journalists who came out standing in solidarity with the OMN during these testing times, and also in standing firm, against all odds, for the development of the free and independent media environment in this country.
OMN Management
March 2020
Finfinne, Oromia, Ethiopia
HRW: Ethiopia: Communications Shutdown Takes Heavy Toll Restore Internet, Phone Services in Oromia March 13, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: HRW, Human rights violations, Independent investigation to Oromo genocide, Internet Censorship, Internet Freedom, Tyrannic Abiy Ahmed, Tyrannic Ethiopia
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Ethiopia: Communications Shutdown Takes Heavy Toll
Restore Internet, Phone Services in Oromia

(Nairobi, March) – The Ethiopian government should immediately lift the shutdown of internet and phone communications in the Oromia region. The two-month-long shutdown has prevented families from communicating, disrupted life-saving services, and contributed to an information blackout during government counterinsurgency operations in the area.
Since January 3, 2020, the authorities have disconnected mobile phone networks, landlines, and internet services in western Oromia’s Kellem Wellega, West Wellega, and Horo Gudru Wellega zones. In East Wellega, residents reported that the internet and social media services were blocked, with text and cell service available only in major towns. The shutdown has been imposed in areas under federal military control and comes amid reports of government military operations against the armed wing of the once-banned Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The media have credibly reported human rights abuses, including accounts of killings and mass detentions by government forces.
“The Ethiopian government’s blanket shutdown of communications in Oromia is taking a disproportionate toll on the population and should be lifted immediately,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The restrictions affect essential services, reporting on critical events, and human rights investigations, and could risk making an already bad humanitarian situation even worse.”
Under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration, communication blackouts without government justifications has become routine during social and political unrest, Human Rights Watch said.
A ruling party regional spokesman told the media in January that the communications shutdown had “no relationship” to the military operations but then said that it had contributed to the operation’s success. The federal government offered no explanation for the shutdown until February 3, when Abiy told parliament that restrictions were in place in western Oromia for “security reasons.”
International human rights law protects the right of people to freely seek, receive, and provide information and ideas through all media, including the internet. Security-related restrictions must be law-based and a necessary and proportionate response to a specific security concern. A lack of government transparency regarding communication shutdowns and their length invites abuse, Human Rights Watch said.
Four humanitarian agencies operating in the affected zones told Human Rights Watch that their activities were considerably hampered because they could not get critical information on the humanitarian and security situation. One aid worker said that health care services were also affected, with doctors and ambulances unable to communicate with patients.
The communications blackout was also affecting people outside these areas who are desperate for news of their loved ones. One Addis Ababa resident told Human Rights Watch: “Prior to the blackout, I was able to communicate with my mom almost every day. She lives alone. Now that internet and phone services are blocked, I worry very much.”
One university lecturer described the effects of the shutdown on his students: “PhD students are worried about the how this will impact their final dissertations and tests. They don’t have access to the online materials and the library doesn’t have hard copies of the research or the books they need.”
Students whose families have been affected by the communications shutdown and the military operations have held sporadic protests on some university campuses. On January 10, at Bule Hora University, security forces fired live ammunition at protesting students. Three witnesses to the crackdown, including one who went to the hospital after the incident, said that one student had been shot dead and at least a dozen injured. “Many students at Bule Hora are from [the Wellega zones] and were not able to contact their families,” one witness said. “Some students were hit or beaten after confrontations with security forces.”
In 2019, Ethiopia shut down the internet eight times during public protests and unnecessarily around national exams. Following the June 22 assassinations of five high-level government officials, which the government linked to an alleged failed coup attempt in the Amhara region, the government imposed an internet blackout across the country. The internet was only completely restored on July 2. At the time of the shutdown, the government gave no explanation or indication of when the service would be restored.
In August, Abiy told the media that he would switch off the internet “forever” if deadly unrest prompted by online incitement continued, asserting that the internet was “neither water nor air,” and thus not an essential right.
In January, the Ethiopian government introduced a hate speech and disinformation law that could have a chilling effect on free expression and access to information online. Overbroad and vague language in the law may facilitate misuse by authorities who may use the law to justify blanket internet and network shutdowns.
Communications shutdowns violate multiple rights, Human Rights Watch said. In their 2015 Joint Declaration on Freedom of Expression and Responses to Conflict Situations,United Nations experts and rapporteurs stated that even in times of conflict, the use of communication “kill switches” (i.e., shutting down entire parts of communications systems) can never be justified under human rights law.
During a visit to Ethiopia in December, the United Nations special rapporteur on freedom of opinion and expression, David Kaye, expressed his concerns that the Ethiopian government’s use of internet shutdowns occurred “without constraint under law or policy.” In a 2017 report, Kaye wrote that network shutdowns fail to meet the standard of necessity and that governments need to demonstrate that any shutdown would not only be necessary, but would achieve its stated purpose since shutdowns often have the opposite effect. “It has been found that maintaining network connectivity may mitigate public safety concerns and help restore public order,” he stated.
Instead of indefinite, blanket shutdowns and repressing peaceful dissent, Ethiopian authorities should use the media to provide transparent information that can discourage violence and direct security forces to act according to international human rights standards, Human Rights Watch said.
“The lack of transparency and failure to explain these shutdowns only furthers the perception that they are meant to suppress public criticism of the government,” Bader said. “Amid ongoing unrest and ahead of critical national elections, the government should be seeking to maintain internet and phone communications to ease public safety concerns, not increase them.”
Read Related article: Oromia’s Ambo city: ‘From freedom to repression under Abiy Ahmed’
Oromia’s Ambo city: ‘From freedom to repression under Abiy Ahmed’ March 13, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Abiy Ahmed, Ambo, Amboo, Ethiopia's colonizing structure and development problems in Oromia and Omo Valley, Genocide, Human rights violations, Oromia, repression
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Ethiopia’s Ambo city: ‘From freedom to repression under Abiy Ahmed’
By Bekele Atoma, BBC Afaan Oromoo, 12 March 2020

Under Ethiopian Prime Minister and Nobel Peace Prize winner Abiy Ahmed, the city of Ambo has turned from being a symbol of freedom into a symbol of repression, as the security forces try to curb the growth of ethnically inspired rebel and opposition groups that threaten his “coming together” vision.
Ambo, which has a large student population because of its university, was at the centre of mass protests that saw Mr Abiy rise to power in April 2018 with a promise to end decades of authoritarian rule in a nation with more than 100 million people belonging to at least 80 ethnic groups.Getty ImagesAmbo is where we are going to build the statue of our liberty, our New York”Abiy Ahmed
Ethiopia’s prime minister
Most of Ambo’s residents are Oromos – and the protests were largely driven by anger that despite being Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, they were marginalised from political and economic power, with no Oromo ever serving as prime minister.
Acknowledging Ambo’s role in bringing about change during a visit to the city within days of becoming the first Oromo to hold the prime minister’s post, Mr Abiy said: “Ambo is where we are going to build the statue of our liberty, our New York.”
At a fund-raising event in February 2019, the prime minister sold his watch for 5m birr (about $155,000, £120,000) to kick-start development in the city.
It was a further indication of the huge political significance he attached to Ambo, traditionally regarded as a stronghold of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a former rebel group which laid down arms following peace talks with Mr Abiy.

But a year later, there are few signs of development in Ambo, which is about 100km (60 miles) west of the capital Addis Ababa. Instead, residents are once again complaining of a return of police brutality, with young men being randomly beaten up or detained as they go about their daily lives.
‘I was lucky’
I witnessed some of this during a visit to Ambo.
In one instance about six policemen forced two young men to kneel in front of pedestrians, before kicking them and hitting them with sticks.
In another instance, two young men were forcibly taken to a police station. Their elbows were tied behind their backs. One of them pleaded, in vain, with the officers to untie him.
No-one dared to intervene for fear that the police would assault them too.BBCI saw policemen walk around with scissors, giving haircuts to young men perceived to have long hair or afros”Bekele Atoma
BBC journalist
The policemen were from the regional force – and their numbers were swelled last Sunday when hundreds more graduated, raising fears that the crackdown will intensify ahead of the general election slated for August. That is the first time that Mr Abiy will face the voters since the ruling coalition chose him as prime minister to order to quell the nationwide protests.
I also saw policemen walking around Ambo with scissors, giving haircuts on the spot to young men whom they perceive to have long hair or afros.
They considered my hair to be an afro but I was lucky – they let me off with a warning to chop it off myself, which I did not do as I was going to leave Ambo in two days’ time.
‘I was unable to access the internet’
Police just assume that men with such looks are troublemakers and supporters of rebel leader Kumsa Diriba, who they see as a major threat to western Oromia’s stability and Mr Abiy’s vision of forcing a new sense of national unity, known as “coming together” .

Having spurned Mr Abiy’s peace overtures in 2018, Mr Kumsa, who is also known as Jaal Maro, is continuing to push for the “liberation” of Oromia from his forest hideout in the remote west.
He split from the OLF, the biggest Oromo rebel group, after it decided to turn into a political party, taking with him an unspecified number of fighters under his command.
The government suspects that Mr Kumsa’s rebels have infiltrated Ambo, and were responsible for the bomb blast at a pro-Abiy rally held last month to show that the prime minister still commands significant support in the city.
The rebels, via their supporters and anonymous accounts, have also been slowly gaining a profile on social media in an attempt to raise discontent against the government, especially through the circulation of the names of victims of alleged brutality by the security forces.
The government’s attempt to keep a lid on dissent has led to frequent internet shutdowns in much of western Oromia since January, and in some areas people cannot even make or receive phone calls. This is despite the fact that Mr Abiy has promised to liberalise the telecom sector and end the monopoly of state-owned Ethio Telecom.

Read more about Ethiopia:

In an interview with BBC Afaan Oromoo, the deputy chief of staff of Ethiopia’s Defence Force, Gen Berhanu Jula, hinted that the shutdowns were linked to military operations to dismantle camps under Mr Kumsa’s control, while a senior official of Mr Abiy’s newly formed Prosperity Party (PP), Taye Dendea, denied that innocent people were victims of the security force operation.
“The government has no reason to target civilians, we care about our people more than anyone else,” Mr Taye told BBC Afaan Oromoo.
In Ambo, I was unable to access the internet over my mobile phone throughout my three-week stay. On the two occasions I went to an internet cafe, it had poor broadband connection and I had to wait for a long time before I could check my emails and social media accounts.
Residents suspect that apart from government concerns about the rebels, the shutdowns are intended to limit political campaigning and starve young people of news ahead of the general election.
Residents point out that Jawar Mohammed – who is probably the most prominent and controversial Ethiopian social media activist – is now also making life difficult for the prime minister.

When exiled in the US, Mr Jawar used Facebook effectively to get Oromos on to the streets to rise against the former government.
Having returned to Ethiopia after Mr Abiy took power, he briefly became a supporter of the prime minister but is now a fierce opponent.
Nobel laureate booed
Mr Jawar put out a video on Facebook soon after Mr Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in October, accusing the government of trying to remove his guards from his home in Addis Ababa as part of a ploy to orchestrate an attack on him.
Despite government denials of any such plan, Mr Jawar’s supporters staged protests against Mr Abiy in parts of Oromia – in one instance, burning copies of the prime minister’s newly published book, which outlines his “coming together” vision.
When Mr Abiy subsequently visited Ambo for a meeting with selected guests in a hotel, pro-Jawar youths staged a protest and booed the prime minister, who had been awarded the Nobel prize for his “decisive initiative” to end the border conflict with Eritrea, and for the “important reforms” he had initiated in Ethiopia with a pledge to “strengthen democracy”.Getty ImagesKey facts: Abiy Ahmed
- Bornto a Muslim father and a Christian mother on 15 August 1976
- Joinedthe armed struggle against the Marxist Derg regime in 1990
- Servedas a UN peacekeeper in Rwanda in 1995
- Enteredpolitics in 2010
- Becameprime minister in 2018
- Wonthe Nobel Peace Prize in 2019
Source: BBC
Mr Jawar has joined the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), which has formed an alliance with the OLF and the Oromo National Party (ONP) to contest the election on what is expected to be a strong ethno-nationalist ticket.
In Oromia, it is likely to pose the biggest electoral challenge to Mr Abiy’s PP, which was launched in December after a merger of eight of the nine regional parties which make up Ethiopia’s ruling coalition.
Mr Abiy hopes that the PP will foster national unity and keep ethnic nationalism in check.

But he has taken a huge risk as the mass protests that propelled him to power were not just about political freedom – but also about the right of each group to express their ethnic identities more freely and to have greater autonomy for their regions.
So, as far as ethno-nationalists in Ambo and elsewhere in Oromia are concerned, Mr Abiy has sold out.
Worrying for the Nobel laureate, Defence Minister Lemma Megersa, a fellow Oromo with political clout, also expressed doubts about the PP’s formation in November, though party officials say he and Mr Abiy have been ironing out their differences since then.
“The merger is not right and timely, as we are in transition, we are on borrowed time. Dissolving the regional party to which the public entrusted their demands is betraying them,” Mr Lemma said at the time.
For Mr Abiy’s supporters, he offers the best hope of getting Ethiopia’s myriad ethnic groups to work together, and avoid the country’s disintegration.
They are confident that he will demonstrate his popularity by leading the PP to victory in the election, though its legitimacy is bound to be questioned if the crackdown in Ambo continues.
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New York Times: With Many Dents to Its Image, Nobel Peace Prize Is Hit With a Few More
Myanmar’s onetime champion of democracy and Ethiopia’s prime minister join a roster of figures who, one way or another, have given the Nobel Peace Prize a contentious image.
The Reform, the Philosopher King, and the Oromo Struggle
‘Myanmar’s onetime champion of democracy and Ethiopia’s prime minister join a roster of figures who, one way or another, have given the Nobel Peace Prize a contentious image.’ The New York Times March 13, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Abiy A hmed, Aung San Suu Kyi, Human rights violations, Nobel Peace Prize
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With Many Dents to Its Image, Nobel Peace Prize Is Hit With a Few More
By Rick Gladstone, The New York Times, Dec. 11, 2019
Myanmar’s onetime champion of democracy and Ethiopia’s prime minister join a roster of figures who, one way or another, have given the Nobel Peace Prize a contentious image.


The Nobel Peace Prize has long been contentious, beginning with its origins in the will of Alfred Nobel, the 19th-century inventor of dynamite. But it is extraordinary that two winners are almost simultaneously battling accusations of behavior that is widely regarded as antithetical to the spirit and purpose of the award, first given in 1901.
On Wednesday, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the Myanmar leader who won the prize in 1991, appeared before the International Court of Justice and denied accusations that her government had committed genocide against the Rohingya minority. Her defense of Myanmar at the court was a jarring contrast to her onetime identity as an intrepid champion of human rights and democracy.
And on Tuesday, the 2019 winner, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, facing accusations of a heavy-handed crackdown on political protests, skipped a news conference after his acceptance speech.


In some years, critics have questioned the worthiness of winners without marquee accomplishments — like the 2012 award to the European Union, for example, or the 2009 award to President Barack Obama, just months into his first term.
In other instances — perhaps most famously the 1973 award to Henry A. Kissinger and his North Vietnamese counterpart, Le Duc Tho, as the Vietnam War was still raging — the track records of winners have been ridiculed. (The singer Tom Lehrer famously said that the choice of Mr. Kissinger had rendered political satire obsolete.)
In the case of Ms. Aung San Suu Kyi, some critics have suggested that the criteria for selecting winners should be reassessed — including the possibility that the honor could be rescinded. Such questions are inherent to the prize regardless who is chosen, said Dr. Richard B. Gunderman, a professor at Indiana University who has written about the prize’s history.
“The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize has always been fraught with peril, subject to the current drift of public opinion and political and nationalistic motives and prejudices,” Dr. Gunderman said.
“Like all human judgments, the Nobel committee’s decisions are prone to error,” he said. “It should do the best it can and then live with the consequences.”
Here are some other notably contentious Nobel Peace Prize nominees and winners:
Hitler and Stalin


Adolf Hitler was nominated in 1939 by a member of Sweden’s Parliament, E.G.C. Brandt, who apparently meant it as a satire against the leader of Nazi Germany, and never intended the choice to be seriously considered. But the nomination created such outrage that it was quickly withdrawn.
Joseph Stalin, Hitler’s nemesis and the leader of the Soviet Communist Party, was nominated twice — in 1945 and 1948 — for his efforts to end World War II. Despite Stalin’s murderous purges and pogroms, those nominations were taken in earnest.
Cordell Hull


The American statesmen Cordell Hull won in 1945 for his role in establishing the United Nations. Six years earlier, as President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s secretary of state, he took steps that led Roosevelt to deny permission for 950 Jewish refugees aboard the liner St. Louis, fleeing Nazi persecution, to seek asylum in the United States.
Many of the passengers on the trip, known as the Voyage of the Damned, later died in the Holocaust.
Yasir Arafat


The chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization shared the 1994 prize with the Israeli leaders Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres for the Oslo Accords, still widely regarded as the basis for a peace process. But many critics assailed the choice of Mr. Arafat because of his role in acts of terrorism against Israelis.
Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho


The 1973 prize was awarded to Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and the North Vietnam statesman Le Duc Tho for having negotiated a cease-fire in the Vietnam War.
Many critics of the war — which would not be over for two more years — ridiculed the choice of Mr. Kissinger, and his Vietnamese counterpart refused to accept the award on grounds that the United States had violated the cease-fire.
An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s Nobel Peace Prize. She received it in 1991, not 1994.In Collecting Nobel Prize, Ethiopia’s Leader Plans to Sidestep MediaAung San Suu Kyi Defends Myanmar Against Rohingya Genocide AccusationsSurprise Nobel for Obama Stirs Praise and Doubts
Star Tribune: Minnesota teen beats the odds, dreams of building a school in her native Ethiopia March 8, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Little Oromia, Minnesota, Star Tribune, Zubeda Chaffe
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Minnesota teen beats the odds, dreams of building a school in her native Ethiopia
On March 19, this 18-year-old will be one of five honorees at the 28th Children’s Defense Fund-MN Beat the Odds celebration.
Star Tribune, *Gail Rosenblum, 6 March 2020
KEN FRIBERG PHOTOGRAPHYZubeda Chaffe.TEXT SIZEEMAILPRINTMORE Gail Rosenblum@GROSENBLUM
Zubeda Chaffe, 18, is a typical high school senior in many ways. She played soccer, basketball and ran track, participates in City Wide Student Council and works at the Hennepin County Library with the Teen Tech Squad. But those examples belie the extraordinary effort required of Chaffe to get to this point. At 7, she and her Oromo family fled Ethiopia fearing for their lives. She started school knowing only her name in English. On March 19, Chaffe will be one of five honorees at the 28th Children’s Defense Fund-MN Beat the Odds celebration. A full-time PSEO student at Minneapolis Community and Technical College, she shares childhood memories, her take on American kids and her goals after college.
Q: Before your harrowing journey from Ethiopia to the United States, do you have happy memories?
A: I remember that me and my sister used to play with shiny rocks. They were so beautiful. We collected rocks and we played house. I’d go to the lake with my friends to get water and we’d spend the whole day there. I remember watching the cattle with my brothers.
Q: But no school?
A: I was a girl and girls didn’t attend school. Besides, in my village of Welega, there wasn’t a school for kids my age. None of my 11 siblings attended school either, because that was not a goal of life where I lived.
Q: At 7, your world shifted dramatically. What do you remember?
A: My Oromo people are a minority so it wasn’t safe for us in Ethiopia. We first traveled to the capital city of Addis Ababa where we stayed for about six months. Then my father told us we had to flee secretly to Kenya. Two of my siblings and I, all of us under age 8, were put in a truck. There was no other way. Some of the truck drivers were really mean and just gave people water. We had a pretty nice driver. He fed us twice. But we didn’t know if we’d ever see our parents again.
Q: Happily, you were reunited.
A: We were reunited in Kenya where we lived for two and half years, moving constantly, separated, reunited, moving again. We learned basic English in a school there. Finally, we got our visas.
Q: How did you end up in Minnesota and what were your first memories?
A: I have an older brother living here. He wanted us to leave Ethiopia. We arrived in Minnesota on March 18, 2008. It was freezing. I expected more because of the stories I heard about America. I thought there would be kings and queens (laughs). But I was happy to come to America at last.
Q: You began elementary school knowing only the alphabet and how to say your name in English. Did you consider begging your parents to let you stay at home?
A: I had to repeat first grade but I did it and I kept going to school. One of the main reasons my brother brought me to America was to get an education and give back. My family and friends back home don’t have that opportunity. I want to show them it’s possible and I hope that they do not have to move across the world to have such opportunities.
Q: Your Beat the Odds award comes with $5,000 for college. How do you plan to use it?
A: I’m looking at the University of Minnesota and Macalester College. I want to major in global studies, join the United Nations and go back home to Oromia and teach children, maybe open a school. I want to help in any way possible.
Q: The immigration question is front and center in our country’s conversation today. What do you want people to understand about the immigrant experience?
A: Being a refugee, I can understand and empathize with the immigration problems going on today in this country. I’ve faced all of that. Being away from my parents to have a better life than what they had. They had hopes for me in the same way many parents feel when they are apart from their children today. I know the fear. I want people to know who we are, understand our struggles and the fact that we leave our homes and everything behind to find safety.
Q: Do you still have family in Ethiopia? What do they tell you about the political climate there?
A: There’s been an internet shutdown for the past five months due to the election process. I haven’t heard from my extended family. I don’t know if they’re alive.
Q: When you think about the adversity you’ve faced in your life so far, do you ever get frustrated with your peers who complain when they can’t get the newest iPhone?
A: I don’t mean to be rude, but it’s different the way I grew up. I see the American kids and compare myself; their moms are calling to them, “Dinner is ready!” I have to go work for my family’s next meal. I have to compete against people who already know about life here. I’m just trying to catch up. They have to sometimes put their feet in somebody else’s shoes. Sometimes I wish I was an American child whose parents had everything. But I also know that I am blessed to have had the opportunity to experience American culture and mix it with my own.
Q: CDF received more than 300 applications for Beat the Odds candidates, from which only five were selected. That must make you feel pretty good.
A: I was happy and surprised. I didn’t know my story was good enough. But I have actually beat the odds. Now I have to put that in my heart and believe it.
*Gail Rosenblum is editor of the Inspired section. She’s also an author, journalism instructor and public speaker who has worked for newspapers and magazines for nearly 40 years.
“A short reflection from my observations in Western Oromia” March 4, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Human rights violations, Human Rights violations against Oromo People
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“A short reflection from my observations in Western Oromia”
__________________________________
“Over the last 10 days, during a travel for academic purposes, I got a chance to visit some districts in Western Oromia, mainly West Shawa and East Wallaga zones but talked to people from West and Qellam Wallaga zones as well.
1) In contrast to what a high-level government official tried to defend on Aljazeera (Upfront program) last month, internet access is blocked beginning from 5 km to the West of Addis Ababa all up to Qellam Wallaga, bordering Gambella region. Universities, government offices, private institutions and individuals are victims of this internet blackout/cut off.
2) Telephone: There is no any telephone access in all the four zones of Wallaga except Nekemte town. People cannot communicate news of critical/urgent matters including death of family members.
3) Security: The society lives under a state of anarchism in what is traditionally called “where elephants fight, only the grass suffers”. Insurgency and counter-insurgency have destabilised the region putting the civilians amidst despair, frustration, uncertainty and insecurity. Killings, disappearance, detention and destruction of properties have been used as mechanisms of intimidation, punishment and psychological torture.
4) Food insecurity, economic crisis foreseen: Under contexts of crisis like this, it is not difficult to imagine how business and agriculture are affected. Productive sector of the population (youth) either flee to other places in fear of detention and military crackdown or already joined insurgents. OR those capable of cultivating their farms are not able to do so because of insecurity. Therefore, poverty, economic crisis and famine are not far from happening.
What should be done?
First and foremost, conflicting parties should value the life of the citizens and come to negotiating table. There has never been, and can never be possible to win a war by destroying the mass.”
Asebe Regassa
OROMIA (ETHIOPIA): URGENT ACTION: OROMO OPPOSITION LEADER AT RISK OF TORTURE March 3, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: AbiyAhmed, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Genocide against the Oromo, Human rights violations, Tyranny
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URGENT ACTION: OROMO OPPOSITION LEADER AT RISK OF TORTURE
Ethiopian authorities detained the leader of the Oromo Liberation Front, Abdi Regassa, on 29 February 2020. He was held incommunicado for 72 hours and remains imprisoned without charges. Mr Abdi Regassa has been held in detention for reasons that remain unknown. He has not been informed of the charges against him.
Under international human rights standards, anyone who is arrested or detained must be informed of the reasons why they are being deprived of their liberty at the time of their arrest. International standards also require that individuals are brought before a judge promptly after arrest or detention. However, based on the information available to Advocacy for Oromia, as of 29 February the authorities had not formally informed Mr Abdi Regassa of the grounds for his detention nor had they brought him before a court.
Furthermore, authorities did not provide Mr Abdi with access to his family or a phone call until 72 hours after his detention. People held in custody are entitled to notify a third person that they have been detained. Ethiopian authorities have imprisoned, harassed and intimidated Oromo politicians and activists for more than fifteen decades due to their political activism. We believe that such detention without access to the outside world facilitates torture.
The Ethiopian security forces picked Mr Abdi from his home after he returned home with the OLF leadership on Sept 15, 2018. Mr Abdi is a selfless man who chose to give all he has for Oromo cause for more than thirty years. Advocacy for Oromia affirms Mr Abdi Regassa is a prisoner of conscience who was imprisoned solely for remains committed to the Oromo cause.
Reports suggest he may have been tortured while in detention, something Advocacy for Oromia has not been able to verify in a context where the judiciary are fully controlled by the Executive. Advocacy for Oromia requests the government to unconditional release and access to legal counsel and family while in custody. Mr Abdi doesn’t belong in jail. Mr Abdi is an Oromo hero; he is the future of Oromo leadership.
PLEASE TAKE ACTION
Mass mobilisation is needed to ensure that the Ethiopian authorities release him, and refrain from potentially taking actions that may amount to ill-treatment against him. Please show your SOLIDARITY AND SUPPORT for him in every way you can: changing your social media profile, and campaigning for justice. If you are in Oromia, show up at the police station. Be peaceful. Have his picture. Demand his release. If you are elsewhere, use your social media platforms and demand that justice be done.
Free Abdi Ragassa, now!
Ethiopia: Police must account for missing Oromo opposition leader
Amnesty International, 3 March 2020
The police must account for the whereabouts of Abdi Regassa – a senior member of the opposition political party Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) – who remains missing after security officers in Addis Ababa broke into his home and arrested him alongside eight other party members on 29 February.
The other eight party members were released later the same day, but Abdi Regassa was not. He may have been subjected to enforced disappearance and is at risk of torture or other ill-treatment. The police have denied they are still holding him according to his lawyer and family members.The police deny that they have him yet he was last seen in their custody and there is no evidence that he has been released. Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes
“Abdi Regassa’s family and lawyers have spent the last couple of days frantically searching police stations and detention centres across Addis Ababa in an attempt to locate him,” said Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.
“The police deny that they have him yet he was last seen in their custody and there is no evidence that he has been released. This is understandably causing his family considerable anxiety and distress.”The authorities must come clean and immediately disclose his whereabouts and allow him access to his family and lawyer. Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes
In the early hours of 29 February, security officers stormed a guest house in the southern part of Addis Ababa where five senior members of the OLF and four supporters were staying. All nine were arrested and taken to the local police station.
The OLF members were then split into two groups; the first group of six were moved to the Addis Ababa Police Commission and eventually released within 24 hours of arrest.
The second group of three, comprising Abdi Regassa and Mikael Gobena, both members of OLF’s Executive Committee, and Kenessa Ayana, a member of OLF’s Central Committee, were taken to an unmarked unofficial detention compound around the 6 Kilo area in Addis Ababa. While Mikael Gobena and Kenessa Ayana were released within 24 hours of arrest, the police continued to detain Abdi Regassa, the two told Amnesty International.The Ethiopian authorities must stop arbitrarily arresting and detaining opposition figures. They must immediately disclose Abdi Regassa’s whereabouts, charge him with a recognisable crime under the law or release him without further delay. Seif Magango, Amnesty International’s Deputy Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes
The police confiscated the mobile phones, driving licenses, passports and bank ATM cards of all the OLF members before releasing them, leaving them stranded.
“The Ethiopian authorities must stop arbitrarily arresting and detaining opposition figures. They must immediately disclose Abdi Regassa’s whereabouts, charge him with a recognisable crime under the law or release him without further delay,” said Seif Magango.
Dhimma Jaal Abdii Ragaasaa sobaan yakkuun kallatiin kan qabate Dambalaash G/Mikaaelfi Shimalis Abdiisaa ta’uu dubatamaa jira. Qaamni qoratus Komishini Poolisii Oromiyaarraa kan nama Araarsaa Mardaasaan ramadame akka ta”e dha.
Ajajaan Poolisii Burraayuu aanaa 3 kan ta’e I/A/Inspeekteraa Koodee jedhamu, kallatiin hidhamtoota fannisee dararuutti himatu namooti kananaan dura hidhamanii turan.
Namni kuniifi Saajiin Hayilee namni jedhamu qabannaa hidhamtootaa irratti Komishiner Solomoon Taadasaa yeroo darbe ajjeefame waliin akka wal dhabaa turaniifi ajaja isaa malee nama hidhanii dararaa akka turan Uummata Burraayyuutu ragaa baha.
Yeroo ammaa kana Magaalaan Buraayyuu Gantaanamoo mootummaa Bilxiginnaa jedhamuun yaamamaa jirti.
ዛሬ ሰንበት March 1 2020 የOLF አመራር አባላትን የመታሰር ዜና ሰምቼ አዝኜ ዋልኩ። ይህ ድርጊት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት በOLF ጉዳይ ስጋት እና ፍርሃት ውስጥ እንደገባ ጠቁሞኛል። ሌላ ምንም ትርጉም ሊሰጠኝ አልቻለም።
አብዲ ረጋሳ፣ ሚካኤል ቦረን፣ የዲ፣ ዶክተር ሽጉጥ ገለታ እና ከኒሳ አያናን በአካል አውቃቸዋለሁ። ምርጥ ጉዋደኞቼም ናቸው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የወለዳቸው ጀግና ታጋዮች መሆናቸውንም አውቃለሁ። ማለትም ሙሉ ህይወታቸውን ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሰዉ ናቸው። ገመቹ አለምክንያት ሰባት ወራት መታሰሩን ስናስብ ነገሩ ያሳስባል።
ለአብነት ሚካኤል ቦረን ወያኔ ስልጣን ላይ እያለ ከኤርትራ እየተወረወረ – ኦሮሚያ ገብቶ ተልእኮ የሚፈጽም “ጀግና” እንደነበር አውቃለሁ።
“ሚካኤልን እጁን ይዘው ወደ እስር ቤት ወሰዱት” የሚል ዜና ስሰማ ተደብቄ ማቀርቀሬን አልደብቅም። ሚካኤል ማንም እጁን ይዞ እስር ቤት የሚልከው ታጋይ አልነበረም።
የከኒሳ አያና ታሪክ የተለየ ነው። ሙሉ መጽሃፍ ይወጣዋል። የዲ እና ዶክተር ሽጉጥ ህይወታቸው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ክብር ሆኖ ኖሮአል። የሚያውቅ ያውቀዋል።
እንዲህ ያሉ ታጋዮች እንደ በግ እየተጎተቱ ሲታሰሩ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እንደ ሽኮኮ ጸሎት ዝምታውን እና ትካዜውን ከቀጠለ የመደፈር ዳርቻውን ያጣል። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቢተባበር ምንም ነገር ማድረግ እየቻለ ልቡ ተከፋፍሎ ማየትን የመሰለ አሰቃቂ ነገር የለም።
አዲሱ አረጋ (ነፍጠኛን ለማስደሰት) አምቦ ላይ እኔን ሲሰድብ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ኦሮሚያን ያንቀጠቀጠ አስደንጋጭ ምላሽ እንደሰጠው ይታወሳል። በአንጻሩ ኮሎኔል ገመቹ አያና ሲታሰር ግን የኦሮሞ ዝምታ አስደንግጦኛል። አሳፍሮኛል። ከገመቹ እና ከሚካኤል ቦረን ጋር ስወዳደር እኔ ባዶ ነኝ። ከአብዲ ረጋሳ እና ከከኒሳ ጋር ስወዳደር እኔ ማንም አይደለሁም። እነዚህ (ታሰሩ – ተፈቱ) የሚባሉ ታጋዮች በአስተዋጾአቸው ከጃዋር መሃመድ ወይም ከበቀለ ገርባ በላይ እንጂ በታች አይደሉም። በአጋጣሚ ግን ስማቸው ብዙም ሳይታወቅ ቆይቶ ሊሆን ይችላል።
ኦሮሞ የራሱን ጀግኖች ካላከበረ በተመሳሳይ የአገዛዝ አዙሪት ውስጥ መሽከርከሩ ሊቀጥል እንደሚችል ይሰማኛል!
ብታምኑም ባታምኑም በዚህ ዘመን የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በፕላኔታችን ላይ “ወዳጅ አገር” የለውም። የኦሮሞ ወዳጅ ራሱ ኦሮሞ ብቻ ነው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቀንደኛ ጠላት ደግሞ “የከርሰ ምድር’ እና “የከርሰ ሰማይ” ሃብቱ ነው።
Oromia (Adama): Down Down Abiyyi* Down Down Prosperity* March 2, 2020
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Abiy Ahmed, Adama, Ethiopia election, ofc, Oromia, Oromian Current Affairs, Tyranny
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