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Making Ethiopia’s Electoral Board Independent November 23, 2018

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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New Appointment Furthers Gender, Political Reform

Felix Horne, HRW, Senior Researcher, Horn of Africa

Birtukan Mideksa Appointment
Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and leading opposition figure, named head of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE).  @PMEthiopia/Twitter

There was good news from Ethiopia as former opposition leader, lawyer and judge Birtukan Midekssa was named head of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). Following years of almost completely closed political space, Ethiopia’s government continues to institute an important series of reforms. The appointment of a highly respected – and crucially, independent – new elections chair is another step in the right direction.

The NEBE, like many of Ethiopia’s supposedly independent institutions has been regularly criticized for being controlled by the ruling coalition and political interference in party and candidate registration has been a long-standing problem.

Birtukan understands all too well the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF)  stifling political control. Following the 2005 elections, she was sentenced to life imprisonmenton politically motivated charges. After receiving a pardon in 2007, she founded and became the chair of the opposition Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party. But in 2008, she was again detained and only released after the 2010 elections, when the EPRDF won 99.6% of parliamentary seats. Birtukan had been living in exile ever since.

Birtukan’s nomination is also another win for women’s rights in Ethiopia, following a number of appointments of women to senior government positions, including Sahle-Work Zewde to the post of President and Meaza Ashenafi to head the Supreme Court. Dr Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister who came to power in April, has now achieved gender parity in his cabinet, which used to be made up almost exclusively of male party loyalists.

But Birtukan has her work cut out for her. While there have been many positive reforms since Dr Abiy took power, Ethiopia still faces enormous challenges. The last seven months have seen a rise in violence and ethnic tensions in many parts of the country, contributing to the displacement of some 1.4 million people  from their homes between January and June. This is compounded by a growing breakdown in law and order and increasing flows of firearms. Birtukan will oversee crucial and potentially volatile local elections scheduled for 2019 and national elections scheduled for 2020.

Creating an environment where Ethiopians have faith in the electoral process and in institutions like the electoral board is critical, and Birtukan’s appointment is a step towards creating that reality. But whether much needed reforms to electoral laws will be made and she will be given the tools to create a more inclusive elections system will be another test of the government’s true commitment to reform.

More from Oromian Economist sources:-

Ethiopia parliament approves Birtukan Mideksa as elections boss | Africanews

Aadde Birtukaan walittiqabduu Boordii Filannoo ta’uun filatamuurratti maaltu jedhamaa jira? BBC Afaan Oromoo

British Ambassor: Ethiopian election results bad for democracy July 3, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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British Ambassor: Ethiopian election results bad for democracy


Ambassador Greg Dorey is the British Ambassador to Ethiopia, Djibouti (non-resident) and British Permanent Representative to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa

July 3, 2015 Ethiopia (Horn Affairs) — Britain’s Ambassador said: “It is starting to sound as if the ruling party and its allies will have a 100 percent of the seats in parliament. And I think that is not good for democracy; that is what you get in places like North Korea. But actually in Ethiopia you need some diversity of opinion in parliament.”

The Ambassador made the remark during an interview with the English-weekly The Reporter. The interview, published in the weekend, was conducted days before the officially announcement of final election results last Friday. Nonetheless, a total win by the ruling party EPRDF and its allies was widely expected since the last week of May.

The Ambassador’s remark came at about the same time British Foreign Minister issued a strong statement regarding Andargachew Tsige‘s case.

Western diplomats in Addis Ababa, unlike elsewhere,  seldom remark on domestic politics, especially since the 2005 post-election crisis that impacted relations with a couple of diplomatic missions.

Here is the Ambassador’s comment:

Question: What is your take on the recent election in which the ruling party won all the 547 seats in parliament? Would you characterize it as free, fair and credible?

Ambassador Greg Dorey:

For More Visit:  http://www.Ayyaantuu.net

HRLHA Press Release: Ethiopian Election 2015: Is Democracy Prosperous or Destitute? June 29, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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???????????Human rights League of the Horn of Africa

Ethiopian Election 2015: Is Democracy Prosperous or Destitute?


HRLHA Press Release

June 28, 2015

 Public, For Immediate Release

Ethiopia holds general elections every five years; the most recent one was held on May 24, 2015. The ruling TPLF/EPRDF party, which has been in power for the past twenty-four years, officially announced on this past Monday, June 22, 2015 that the government and its allies ((political organizations created by EPRDF) won a landslide victory in the country’s parliamentary elections. In the announcement, the ruling party proudly declared itself, not just the winner, but that it was also more victorious than ever before by taking all seats in both the federal and regional parliaments with its allies. In the months and weeks leading to the elections, under very restrictive conditions and in some places even where detentions were common, campaigns by the opposition parties were very intense, and the public response in support of the parties was far beyond expectations.

Unfortunately, all of that was to no avail. Looking at the end results of the elections, all that could be said is that the huge public rally behind the opposition parties instead alerted the ruling party- it prepared itself and came up with more and newer tactics to rig the elections. Heavily equipped armed forces were deployed in different areas including the surroundings of the capital, Addis Ababa/Finfinne.

As has been the case during the previous elections, hundreds of opposition party candidates, and observers were hunted down and detained at different places prior to the polling day under the pretext that they created obstacles to the process of election or were suspected of being members of political organizations labeled terrorist by the EPRDF government, groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogadenean Nation Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ginbot 7.

filanooThousands of Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) candidates and observers in Oromia Regional State, including Bule Hora (Guji Zone) South Oromia,  Makko and Darimu (Illu Abba Bora), Gimbi and Gulisso (Wallagga) West Oromia, Ginir and Goro (Bale), South Oromia were arrested and intimidated by the government security forces. OFC members Mr. Dula Matias and Mr. Zelalem Shuma in Dambi Dola (Wallagga), the Western Oromia Regional State were among those detained.

There have been cases of misinforming and misguiding voters, especially regarding voting times and places. Although it was announced ahead of the election day that there were plenty of voting cards, Oromo electors in some particular parts of the region were told that there were no voting cards left. In other areas of Oromia it has been confirmed that the voting cards were distributed to the people hours after the election has already started.

For example, in the following photo the EPRDF representative on the Toke Kutaye District (Ambo) was distributing voter cards on May 24, 2014.

Worst of all was the stealing of the ballot boxes after they were filled with voting cards in order to give all the votes to the candidates of the ruling party, regardless of whom the voter cards belonged to. The above mentioned incidents happened mainly in Eastern and Western Hararge, Dire Dawa, in various parts of central Shawa, in the Oromia Zone of Wallo, particularly at Wallo University, in Illu Abbabor, at Mettu University, in different parts of Wallaga, in Guji and Borana zones of the regional state of Oromia.

Accordingly, as proven in the announcement made by the National Election Board, the ruling TPLF/EPRDF Party stole most of the votes and, by so doing, systematically eliminated all opposition parties from the political game, leaving both the regional and federal parliaments without any alternative voices and differing political opinions. It is so worrisome that the country is once again back under a one-party monopoly of everything – political, economic, and social. All the rhetoric during the past two decades regarding the flourishing of democracy in Ethiopia has now proven to have been lies and deceptions- the reality is that democracy has been diminished.

Regardless of the unpopular results of the elections, both the Ethiopian peoples and all the opposition political parties should never feel that they lost. They should be rewarded for doing the best job that they have done – very peaceful election campaigns were conducted by the opposition parties and, in response, similar rallies and supports were shown by the general public. Both the Ethiopian peoples and the opposition parties have demonstrated and exercised genuine democracy in an oppressive political environment where democracy did not exist. Above all, the reaction of the population during the campaigns clearly demonstrated to the world that fundamental changes are needed in that country.

While the local observers were silenced by various types of harassment and intimidation, foreign and international independent observers such as the European Union and various human rights agencies chose to stay away knowing that, based on experiences from the past elections, their presence would make no difference except giving legitimacy to such a fake election. The decision taken by international observers not to participate in such a fake election could be described as a step in the right direction, a sign of rejection and refusal which showed that preconditions the government of Ethiopia followed for the election was wrong.  However, a lot more needs to be done to bring about positive political changes in Ethiopia.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa is deeply concerned about the human rights situation in Ethiopia which keeps deteriorating over time. Ethiopia is a party to numerous instruments of international and regional human rights, humanitarian and other laws[1]. The Ethiopian government has accepted, signed and ratified most of the international human rights standards. It has an obligation to adhere to those agreements and their implementations.  However, the government of Ethiopia has repeatedly failed to implement those standards, including the Ethiopian constitution of 1995. On the contrary, the government adopted anti- terrorism legislation and NGO law which it has used to criminalize the democratic rights of the people.

The Ethiopian government has been given a number of recommendations from UN Human Rights Council sessions to adhere to the international instruments it has signed and ratified, including at the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) assessment outcome of 2014, where the country was given 252 recommendations to improve its human rights infringements it has committed against its people. The Ethiopian government also was advised to implement in full its constitutional protection for freedom of expression, assembly and association, and to encourage political tolerance

The parliamentary election of May 2015 in Ethiopia confirms that the country is heading towards a mono- political system of government. To change this, the Ethiopian government needs to:

  • Adhere to International, Regional and Domestic human rights and their implementation, humanitarian rights and its own constitution
  • Abolish the Anti-terrorism Proclamation of 2009
  • Remove NGO law 2009
  • Reforming the Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation of 2009
  • Repealing the provisions shielding public officials from criticism

Therefore, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) calls upon the international diplomatic and human rights agencies to join hands with the democratic-thirsty Ethiopian peoples and opposition political parties in their efforts to put pressure on the ruling TPLF/EPRDF party so that it abides by democratic principles as well as international laws and respects fundamental human rights so that genuine democracy can flourish.

[1] http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AfricaRegion/Pages/ETIndex.aspx

Human rights League of the Horn of Africa

Oromia & Ethiopia: Flannoo kijibaa Wayyaanee Caamsaa Darbee Ilaalishisee Ibsa OFC/Medrek: OFC/Medrek’s Statement Regarding Ethiopia’s May 2015 Sham Election June 27, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in OFC, Sham elections.
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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral

Deja vu in 2015 Ethiopian Elections

በ2007 በኢትዮጵያ የተካሄደውን ምርጫ በሚመለከት ከመድረክ የተሰጠ መግለጫ:- ሕገ-መንግሥታዊና ሕጋዊ የምርጫ ሥርዓት በተጣሰበት ሂደት የተከናወነው ሕገ ወጥ የምርጫ ድራማ ተቀባይነት ሊኖረው አይችልም!

ከመድረክ የተሰጠ መግለጫ …

ሕገ-መንግሥታዊና ሕጋዊ የምርጫ ሥርዓት በተጣሰበት ሂደት የተከናወነው ሕገ ወጥ የምርጫ ድራማ ተቀባይነት ሊኖረው አይችልም!

በሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ የመድበለ ፓርቲ ሥርዓት እውን ሆኖ በነፃና ፍትሐዊ ምርጫ አማካይነት የሕዝባችን የሥልጣን ባለቤትነት የሚረጋገጥበት ሁኔታ በሕገ-መንግስቱ እውቅና ተሰጥቶት በይፋ ተደንግጎአል፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ ኢህአዴግ ሕገመንግሥቱንና የምርጫ ሕጎችን የጣሰ የምርጫ ድራማ በየ5 ዓመቱ በመቶ ሚሊዮኖች የሀገር ገንዘብ እያባከነ ያካሂዳል፡፡ ኢህአዴግ ይህንን የምርጫ ድራማ የሚያከሂደው፣ ወቅቱን የጠበቀ ምርጫ ማካሄድ በዓለም አቀፍ ለጋሽ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሀገሮች ዘንድ እውቅና የስገኝልኛል በሚል ተስፋ ነው፡፡ ተጨባጩ እውነታ የሚያሳየው ግን ኢህአዴግ በሥልጣን ላይ በቆየባቸው 24 ዓመታት ራሱ ያጸደቃቸውን ሕጋዊና ሕገመንግሥታዊ ድንጋጌዎችን በመርገጥ የራሱን አምባገነናዊ ገዥነት ለማስቀጠል እንዲያስችለው የሕዝብ ድምፅ መንጠቂያና ማፈኛ ሕገወጥ የምርጫ ስትራቴጂዎችን እያወጣና ሥራ ላይ እያዋለ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ የሕዝባችንን ድምፅ መቀማቱንና ማፈኑን በየምርጫ ዙሮቹ እያባባሰ መሄዱን ቀጥሎበት አሁን ለደረስንበት የ100 ፐርሰንት ቅሚያም ደርሶአል፡፡ በተለይም በ2007 ዓም በተካሄደው የ5ኛ ዙር ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫ ሕጋዊና ሕገመንግሥታዊ ድንጋጌዎችን በማንአለብኝነት በመጣስ በአጋርነት የፈረጃቸውን ፓርቲዎች አስከትሎና ሕዝቡንና ሐቀኛ ሰላማዊ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎችን በኃይል አፍኖ ምርጫውን በሕገወጥ መንገድ መቶ በመቶ ለመቆጣጠርና ጠቅልሎ ለመውሰድ የፈጸማቸው አስነዋሪ ተግባራት ከአንድ በመንግሥት ኃላፊነት ላይ ከሚገኝ ፓርቲ የማይጠበቁ ናቸው፡፡ አገዛዙ በዚሁ ምርጫ ከመራጮች ምዝገባ ጀምሮ ከፈጸማቸው ሕገወጥ ተግባራት ዋና ዋናዎቹ የሚከተሉት ናቸው፡፡

1ኛ፡- የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች ከምርጫ ቦርድ በሚደረግላቸው ትብብር ብዛት ያላቸው የመራጮች ምዝገባ ካርደ እየተሰጣቸው አህአዴግን ይመርጣሉ ለሚሏቸው ቤት ለቤት በመዞር ለአንድ ሰው ከአስር ካርዶች በላይ ከተለያዩ ማስፈራሪያዎችና መደለያዎች ጋር ጭምር የምርጫው ዕለት ድረስ በማደል አንድ ሰው አንድ ድምጽ የሚለውን ሕግ በመጣስ ወንጀል ሲፈጽሙ ቆይተዋል፡፡ ተቃዋሚዎችን ይመርጣሉ ብለው የጠረጠሩዋቸውን በርካታ ዜጎችንም የምርጫ ምዝገባው ጊዜ ከማለቁ በፊት በምርጫ አስፈጻሚዎች #መዝገቡ ሞልቷል$ ወይም #ካርዱ አልቋል$ እየተባለ ሳይመዘገቡ እንዲቀሩ ተደርጓል፡፡ እንደዚሁም መድረክ በመረጃ የደረሰባቸውን ለሰው የታደሉ ትርፍ የመራጭ ካርዶችን ከመራጮች ምዝገባ ላይ ለማመሳከር ባደረገው ጥረት ካርዶቹ ተመዝግበው ያለመገኘታቸውን ማረጋገጡ፣ በመራጮች ምዝገባ ሂደት ከፍተኛ ወንጀል እንደተፈጸመ የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡ ይህ ሁኔታ አዋጅ 532/1999፣አንቀጽ 65 3ለ ላይ የሰፈረውን #እያንዳንዱ መራጭ በመራጮች መዝገብ ላይ ስሙ ሰፍሮ መገኘት አለበት$ የሚለውን ድንጋጌ መጣሱም ምርጫውን ሕገወጥ የሚያደርግ ነው፡፡

2ኛ፡- በየምርጫ ጣቢያዎቹ የሕዝብ ታዛቢዎች ተብለው የተሰየሙት ሰዎችም የምርጫ ደንብ በሚያዘው መሠረት፣ በምርጫ የሚወዳደሩ ፓርቲዎች በደብዳቤ ተገልጾላቸው ተወካዮቻቸው በተገኙበት መመረጥ ሲገባቸው ያለተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ተሳትፎ በአህአዴግ ደጋፊነታቸው የተመለመሉ መሆኑ ምርጫው ነፃና ታአማኒ እንዳይሆን ከመነሻው የተወጠነ ሕገወጥ አካሄድ ነበር፡፡

3ኛ፡- ገዥው ፓርቲ መንግሥታዊ ሥልጣኑን ያለአግባብ በመጠቀም በየክልሉ የመንግሥት ሠራተኞች አስተዳደር ሕግ የተፈቀደውን የቅስቀሳ ጊዜ ፈቃድ ለመድረክ ዕጩ ተወዳዳሪዎች ከልክሎ የኢህአዴግ አባላት የሆኑ ከፌዴራል እሰከ ወረዳ ደረጃ ያሉት እጅግ በርካታ የመንግሥት ሠራተኞች ዕጩ ተወዳዳሪ ያልሆኑት ጭምር ከሙሉ ክፍያ ጋር ከመደበኛ ሥራቸው ነፃ ሆነው በምርጫ ቅስቀሳው ወቅት በየተወለዱበት ወረዳዎችና ቀበሌዎች ተሠማርተዋል፡፡ ለምርጫ የተመዘገበውን ሕዝብም ቤት ለቤት እየዞሩ በማስፈራራትና በመደልል የንብ ምልክት ብቻ እንዲመርጡና መምረጣቸውንም ለኢህአዴግ ተወካዮች በግልጽ እያሳዩ ኮሮጆ ውስጥ እንዲጥሉ፣ ይህንን ካላደረጉ ግን ተቃዋሚዎችን እንደመረጡ እንደሚቆጠርና ተለይተውም እንደሚታወቁ በማስጠንቀቅና በማስፈራራት ላይ ተሰማርተው ቆይተዋል፡፡ ለዚሁ ሕገወጥ ሥራ የተሰማሩት የኢህአዴግ አባላት የሆኑት የመንግሥት ሠራተኞች በብዙ አከባቢዎች የመንግሥት ተሸከርካሪዎችን ለምርጫ ቅስቀሳ በማንአለብኝነት ሲገለገሉበት ቆይተዋል፡፡

4ኛ፡- በምርጫው ሂደት በብዙ ምርጫ ክልሎች በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ የመድረክ ዕጩዎችና ቀስቃሾች ሲደበደቡና ከባድ ጉዳት ሲደርስባቸው፣ ሲታሰሩና ለቅስቀሳ የሚጠቀሙባቸውን መሳረያዎች በገዥው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎች ሲነጠቁና ሲቀሙ ቆይተዋል፡፡ ከእነዚህም ውስጥ በደቡብ ክልል በጋሞጎፋ ዞን በዳራሞሎ ወረዳ 26፣ በዛለ ወረዳ 19፣ በካምባ ወረዳ 4፣በካፋ ዞን ቦንጋ ከተማ 2፣ በኦሮሚያ ክልል በባሌ ዞን ዶሎ መና ወረዳ 40፣ በቦረና ዞን ቡሌ ሆራ ወረዳ 40፣ በምዕራብ ሸዋ ዞን አምቦና ጀልዱ ወረዳዎች 27፣ በትግራይ ክክል በመቀሌ ከተማ 17 ፣ እስከአሁን በእስር ላይ የሚገኙ ሲሆን በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩት በዋስ ተፈትው ጉዳያቸውን እየተከታተሉ ይገኛሉ፡፡

5ኛ፡- የዜጎችን ነፃና ምስጢራዊ የድምፅ አሰጣጥ መርሕ በመጣስ አንድ አባል 11 መራጮችን መልምሎ እንዲከታተልና ሕዝቡ በ1ለ5 ተጠርንፎ እስከ ምርጫ ጣቢያዎች ድረስ ተያይዞ በመሄድ ድምፅ እንዲሰጥ በገዥው ፓርቲ በተቀየሰው ስተራቴጂ ምርጫው እንዲካሄድ ተደርጓል፡፡ በአከባቢው በሌሉና በማይታወቁ ሰዎች ስምም የተመዘገቡ ካርዶችን በመጠቀም ምርጫው እንዲካሄድ አድርገዋል፡፡ ለምሳሌም በደቡብ ክልል በቀድዳ ጋሜላ ወረዳ ይህ ተፈጽሟል፡፡

6ኛ፡- በምርጫው ዕለት በአብዘኛው ምርጫ ጣቢያዎች የመድረክ ተወካዮች እንዳይገኙ በማባረር፣ በመደብደብና በማሰር ምርጫውን ታዛቢዎቻችን በሌሉበትና የገዥው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎች የሆኑት የዞን፣ የወረዳና የቀበሌ አመራር አባላት የምርጫ ጣቢያዎችን ሙሉ በሙሉ በተቆጣጠሩበትና አዋጅ ቁጥር 532/1999 አንቀጽ 47 ንዑስ አንቀጽ 3 በመተላለፍ ልዩ ኃይል ፣የፌዴራል ፖሊስና ታጣቂዎችን በሕዝቡ መካከል በብዛት በማሰማራት በህዝቡ ላይ የሥነ ልቦና ሽብር በፈጠሩበት ሁኔታ ምርጫው ሊካሄድ ችሎአል፡፡ ብዙ የምርጫ ጣቢያዎችንም በርካታ ታጣቂዎች ልዩ ትጥቅ አንግበው እንዲቆጣጠሩት ተደርጓል፡፡ ከበርካታ ምርጫ ጣቢያዎችም በየጣቢያዎቹ ተገኝተው የነበሩት ወኪሎቻችን እየተፈጸሙ ያዩትን የምርጫ ሕግ ጥሰቶች ለማሳረም ሲሞክሩ ተደብድበው ተባረዋል፡፡

7ኛ፡- በበርካታ የምርጫ ጣቢያዎች የምርጫ ሰነዶች፣ የድምፅ መስጫ ወረቀቶች የምርጫ ጣቢያ የኮድ ማሕተሞችና የኮሮጆ ቁልፎች በሥርዓት ባልተያዙበትና ኮሮጆዎቹ ቀድመው ሞልተው ባደሩበት እንደዚሁም አዲስ የመራጭ ካርድም በአዲስ መልክ ሲታደል በነበረበትና የንብ ምልክት የተደረገባቸው የድምፅ መስጫ ወረቀቶች ከውጭ ወደ ምርጫ ጣቢያዎች እየገቡ ጥቅም ላይ ሲውሉ በነበረበት ሁኔታ የድምፅ አሰጣጡ ተከናውኖአል፡፡

8ኛ፡- ለመድረክ ድምፅ የተሰጠባቸው የድምፅ መስጫ ወረቀቶች በብዛት ሽንት ቤት የተጣሉበትና የተቃጠሉበት ሁኔታ በብዙ አከባቢዎች ተከስቶአል፡፡ ለዚሁም ማስረጃ የሚሆኑ በርካታ ከሽንት ቤት የተሰበሰቡ ድምጾች ለአብነት በእጃችን ይገኛሉ፡፡

9ኛ፡- የመራጭ ምዝገባ አፈጻጸም መመሪያ 2/2000፣ አንቀጽ 13/7 # በአንድ ድምፅ መስጫ ጣቢያ ከ1000 በላይ ድምፅ አይሰጥም$ የሚለውን ድንጋጌ በመተላለፍ የኢህአዴግ ተወዳዳሪዎች ከ1000 በላይ ድምጽ እንዳገኙ ተደርጎ ይፋ መደረጉና ይህ እየታወቀ በምርጫ ቦርድም የእርምት እርምጃ አልተወሰደም፡፡

10ኛ፡- በቅድመ ምርጫም ሆነ በምርጫው ዕለት የተከሰቱ የሕግ ጥሰቶችና የኃይል እርምጃዎችን በሚመለከት መድረክ ከምርጫ ጣቢያዎች አንስቶ እስከ ብሔራዊ ምርጫ ቦርድ ድረስ ላሉት አካላት ያቀረባቸው ቅሬታዎችና አቤቱታዎች ተገቢው መፍትሔ ሳይሰጣቸው ቀርቶ ችግሩ እየተባባሰ ገዥው ፓርቲ በወታደራዊ ኮማንድ ፖስት በመመራት የታጠቀ ኃይል በሰላማዊ ሕዝብ ላይ በማዝመት ጭምር ያከናወነው ምርጫ ሊሆን ችሎአል፡፡

11ኛ፡- በምርጫው ዕለት በኦሮሚያ ክልል በምራብ ሸዋ ዞን ሚዳ ቀኝ ወረዳ በአቶ ጊዲሳ ጨመዳ እና በምዕራብ አርሲ ዞን በቆራ ወረዳ በአቶ ገቢ ጥሴቦ ላይ ግድያዎች የተፈጸሙ ሲሆን፣ ከምርጫው በኋላም በምራብ ትግራይ ዞን በማይካድራ ከተማ በአቶ ታደሰ አብርሃና በደ/ብ/ብ/ሕ ክልል በሀዲያ ዞን በሶሮ ወረዳ በአቶ ብርሃኑ ኤረቦ በሚባሉ በምርጫው ሂደት ንቁ ተሳትፎ ባደረጉት የመድረክ ሰላማዊ ታጋዮች ላይ አሰቃቂ ግዲያዎች ተፈጽመዋል፡፡ በጋሞጎፋ ዞን በአርባ ምንጭ ምርጫ ክልልም በምርጫው እንቅስቃሴ ጠንካራ ተሳትፎ ባደረገውና በላካ ቀበሌ ምርጫ ጣቢያ የመድረክ ወኪል/ታዛቢ በነበሩት በአቶ ዳንኤል ጉዴ ላይ በተደረገው የመግደል ሙከራ ከቤተሰባቸው ጋር እቤት ውስጥ ተኝተው እያሉ ቤታቸውን ከውጭ በገመድ አስረው በእሳት በማቃጠል ከነቤተሰባቸው ለመጨረስ ሙከራ የተደረገ ሲሆን የመድረክ አባሉና ቤተሰቡ በጎረቤት እርዳታ ሕይወታቸው ሲተርፍ ቤት ንብረታቸው በሙሉ ተቃጥሎ በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ ሜዳ ላይ ቀርተው ይገኛሉ፡፡ የሰላም ታጋዩ በአሁኑ ወቅት ከቀበሌአቸው በኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች የተባረሩ ሲሆን ከአቅመደካማና ቤቱ ከመቃጠሉ በፊት በካድሬዎቹ ክፉኛ ከተደበደቡት አሮጊት እናታቸው ጋር ወደ ቀበሌአቸውም እንዳይመጡ በካድሬዎች ተከልክለው እየተንከራተቱ ይገኛሉ፡፡

12ኛ፡- ከዚህ በላይ በአጭሩ ለመግለጽ በተሞከረበት ሁኔታ በምርጫው የሕዝቡን ድምፅ ጠቅልለው የወሰዱት የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች ይህ አስነዋሪ ተግባራቸው አልበቃ ብሎ ከምርጫው ማግስት ጀምረው በብዙ አከባቢዎች #ለመድረክ በታዛቢነት አገልግላችኋል፣ሕዝቡ መድረክን እንዲመርጥ ቅስቀሳ አድርጋችኋል፣ መድረክን መርጣችኋል$ ወዘተ ባሉዋቸው በርካታ ዜጎች ላይ የበቀል እርምጃዎችን በመውሰድ ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ በዚሁም መሠረት በተለያዩ አከባቢዎች በርካታ አባሎቻችንን በማሰር፣ በመደብደብ፣ ቤታቸውን በማፍረስና በሐሰት ወንጅሎ በማስቀጣት፣ ከሥራቸውና ከትምህርት ገበታቸው በማባረር፣ የሥልጠና ዕድል በመንፈግና በመንግሥት ሥራ እንዳይቀጠሩም በመከልከል እንደዚሁም በገጠር በግብርና ሥራ ላይ የተሰማሩ አባሎቻችን የሰፍትኔት ዕርዳታና ሌሎች መንግሥታዊ እርዳታዎችንና አገልግሎቶችን እንዳያገኙ በማድረግ ወዘተ የዜግነት መብታቸውን ነፍገው እያሰቃዩ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ቅርንጫፍ ጽ/ቤቶቻችንንም በግድ ዝጉ በማለት እያስፈራሩ በማዘጋት ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ለምሳሌም በምዕራብ ሸዋ ዞን ሜታ ሮቢ ወረዳ በ16/10/07 በወረዳው አስተዳዳሪና በወረዳው ፖሊስ አዛዥ በተሰጠ ትዕዛዝ የኦፌኮ/መድረክ ቅ/ጽ/ቤት ተዘግቷል፡፡

ከዚህ በላይ የተዘረዘሩትና በገዥው ፓርቲ የተፈጸሙት ተግባራት በኢፌዴሪ ሕገመንግሥት አንቀጽ 54 ንዑስ አንቀጽ 1 #የሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት አባላት ሁሉ አቀፍ፣ ነፃ፣ ቀጥተኛ፣ ትክክለኛ በሆነና ድምፅ በምስጢር በሚሰጥበት ሥርዓት በየአምስት አመቱ በሕዝብ ይመረጣሉ&$ ተብሎ የተደነገገውን የጣሰ ነው፡፡ እንደዚሁም የየክልል ምክር ቤቶች አባላት ምርጫን በሚመለከትም በየክልላዊ መንግሥታቱ ሕገመንግሥታት በተመሳሳይ የተደነገጉትን፣ በተሻሻለው የምርጫ ሕግ አዋጅ ቁጥር 532/1999 አንቀፅ 26 በሰፈሩት የምርጫ መርሖዎችም #ማንኛውም ምርጫ ሁሉአቀፍ፣ ቀጥተኛ፣በምስጢር ድምፅ አሰጣጥ መራጩ ፈቃዱን በነፃነት የሚገለጽበት እና ያለምንም ልዩነት በእኩል ሕዝባዊ ተሳትፎ ላይ የተመሠረተ ይሆናል& የመምረጥ መመረጥ መብቱ በሕግ ያልተገደበ ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ የመምረጥ ወይም የመመረጥ መብት አለው& እያንዳንዱ መራጭ የሚሰጠው ድምፅ እኩል ነው& ማንኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ ለመምረጥም ሆነ ለመመረጥ አይገደድም&$ ተብሎ የተደነገገውንም የጣሰ ነው፡፡ በተጨማሪም በሀገራችን የምርጫ ሥነምግባር ሕግ አንቀጽ 14 ንዑስ አንቀጽ 1 ስልጣንን ያለአግባብ መጠቀምን አስመልክቶ #ማንኛውም የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ፡- ያለውን የሥልጣን ኃላፊነትና የተለየ ዕድል ወይም ተፅዕኖ የማሳደር ችሎታ ለፖለቲካ ፍላጎቱ ለመጠቀም መደለያ ማቅረብን፣ ቅጣትንና ማንኛውንም የማስፈራሪያ መንገድ መጠቀምና የፈዴራል መንግሥትን፣ የክልል መንግሥታትን፣ የከተማ ማዘጋጃ ቤትን ወይም ሌላ የሕዝብ ሀብትን በምርጫ ሕጉ ከተፈቀደው አኳኋን ውጭ ለምርጫ ቅስቀሳ ዓላማ መጠቀም የለበትም&$የሚለውንም ድንጋጌ ያላከበረ ነው፡፡ የመንግሥት ሠራተኞችና ንብረት በሚመለከትም የመንግሥት ሠራተኛና ኃላፊ ሆኖ በራሱ የግል ጊዜ ካልሆነ በስተቀር በመንግሥት የሥራ ሰዓትና ኃላፊነት ተቋሙን በመጠቀም እጩዎችን ያስተዋወቀ ወይም ሌሎች እጩዎች ራሳቸውን በሕጋዊ መንገድ ለማስተዋወቅ ያላቸውን እድል ያደናቀፈ፣ በመንግሥት ንብረት ለምርጫ ቅስቀሳ የተጠቀመ፣ እንደሆነ የሥነምግባር ጥሰት እንደፈጸመ ይቆጠራል& ተብሎ በአንቀጽ 27 ንዑስ አንቀጽ 7 እና 8 የተደነገገውን በመጣስ የተፈጸሙ ሕገወጥ ተግባራት ናቸው፡፡

በአጠቃላይም በ2007 ዓ ም በሀገራችን ተካሄደ የተባለው ምርጫ በሕግና ሥርዓት ያልተመራና በሕገ-መንግሥቱና በምርጫ ሕጎች የተደነገጉትን የነፃ፣ፍትሐዊና ታአማኒነት ያለው ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫ መርሖዎች በኃይል በተጣሱበት ሁኔታ የተፈጸመ በመሆኑ መድረክ የምርጫውን ሂደትም ሆነ ውጤት የማይቀበለው መሆኑን እየገለጸ፣ ለዚህ አሁን ሀገራችን ለገባችበት አስቸጋሪ ሁኔታ መፍትሔ ለማስገኘት የሚከተሉት እርምጃዎች እንዲወሰዱ በጥብቅ ይጠይቃል፡፡

1ኛ፡– በ2007 ዓ ም የተካሄደው 5ኛ ዙር ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫ ሂደትና ክንዋኔ በአጠቃላይ የሀገሪቱን ሕገመንግሥትና የምርጫ ሕጎች በጣሰ ሁኔታ የተከናወነ ስለሆነ፣ ይህንን ግዙፍ የሕግ ጥሰት አንድ ወገንተኛ ያልሆነ አካል ተቋቁሞ እንዲያጣራው፣

2ኛ፡- ከዚህ በላይ በተጠቀሱት አራት አባሎቻችን ላይ ግዲያ የፈጸሙ ወንጀለኞች ተገቢው ክትትል ተደርጎ ለሕግ እንዲቀርቡና ፍትሐዊ ውሳኔ እንዲሰጥባቸው፣

3ኛ፡- ከምርጫው ቅስቀሳ ወቅት ጀምሮ በየምርጫ ክልሎቹ የታሰሩት አባሎቻችን ካለአንዳች ቅድመ ሁኔታ በአስቸኳይ እንዲፈቱና የድብደባና የማሰቃየት ተግባራትን የፈጸሙባቸው የገዥው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎች ለሕግ እንዲቀርቡ፣

4ኛ፡- ከምርጫው እንቅስቃሴ ወዲህ ቤታቸው የተቃጠለባቸው፣ የፈረሰባቸውና ንብረታቸው የተዘረፈባቸው አባሎቻችን ሀብትና ንብረት በአስቸኳይ እንዲመለስላቸውና እንዲከፈላቸው፣ በንብረታቸው ላይ ጉዳት ያደረሱ ካድሬዎችና የጸጥታ ኃይሎች አባላትም በሕግ እንዲጠየቁ፣

5ኛ፡- በአሁኑ ወቅት በኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች በማንአለብኝነት በሰላማዊ ዜጎች ላይ እየፈጸሙ የሚገኙት የማሸበር ተግባራት ማለትም በሰላማዊ ታጋዮቻችን ላይ በቀጣይነት እየተፈጸሙ ያሉት ግዲያዎች፣ ማስፈራራት፣ ወከባዎች፣ ዛቻዎችና የመሥራትና የመማር እንዲሁም እርዳታና አገልግሎት የማግኘት መብት በመንፈግ የሚፈጸሙ ሕገወጥ ተግባራት በአስቸኳይ እንዲቆሙ እንዲደረግና በዚህ አፍራሽና ፀረ ሰላም ተግባራቸው ምክንያት የሀገራችንና የሕዝባችን ሰላምና ደህንነት እንዳይናጋ ወቅታዊ የእርምት እርምጃ እንዲወሰድ፣

6ኛ፡- በ2007 ዓ ም በሀገራችን የተካሄደው ምርጫ ከሀገራችን ሕገ-መንግሥትና የምርጫ ሕጎች ውጭ መንግሥታዊ ሥልጣንን ያለአግባብ በመጠቀም ሕዝብን በማስፈራራት፣ በኃይልና በአፈና ገለልተኛ ታዛቢዎች በሌሉበት ገዥው ፓርቲ ራሱ ተወዳዳሪ፣ ዳኛና ታዛቢ ሆኖ ያካሄደውና በምንም መልኩ ፍትሐዊና ዴሞክራሲያዊ ያልሆነና ታአማኒነት የሌለው ሕገወጥ ምርጫ ስለሆነ፣ገዥው ፓርቲ በገለልተኛ የምርጫ አስተዳዳር አማካይነት ገለልተኛ ታዛቢዎች በተገኙበት ነፃ፣ ፍትሐዊና ዴሞክራሲያዊ የሆነና ታአማኒነት ያለው ምርጫ ሊካሄድ በሚችልበት ሁኔታ ላይ ከመድረክና ሌሎች ሐቀኛ ሰላማዊ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ጋር በአስቸኳይ በመደራደር ለነፃ፣ ፍትሐዊ፣ ዴሞክርሲያዊና ታዓማኒነት ላለው ምርጫ አመቺ ሁኔታ እንዲፈጠር እንዲደረግ አጥብቀን እንጠይቃለን፡፡

7ኛ፡- በሀገራችን የመድበለ ፓርቲ ሥርዓት እንዲረጋገጥ ሕጋዊ ሁኔታዎችን ለመፍጠር ፣ እንደዚሁም ነፃ ፍትሐዊ ተዓማኒ ምርጫዎች ውስጥ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች እንዳይሳተፉ እንቅፋት የሆኑ ሕጋዊና ተቋማዊ ሁኔታዎችን ለማስወገድ ከኢህአዴግ ጋር የሚካሄድ ድርድርና የሌሎች ድርጅታዊ እንቅስቃሴዎች ውጤት በቀጣዩ ለመድረክ በምርጫዎች መሳተፍ ወሳኝ ይሆናል፡፡ ይህ የሰላማዊ መፍትሔ እርምጃ ከዚህ በፊት በኢህአዴግ አሻፈረኝ ባይነት ተቀባይነት አጥቶ ችግራችን እየተባባሰ እንዲሄድ ሲደረግ እንደቆየው ሁሉ አሁንም በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ቀጥሎ የሀገራችን ችግሮች እየተወሳሰቡና ከቁጥጥር ውጭ እየሆኑ ከሄዱ ኃላፊነቱ የኢህአዴግ ብቻ እንደሚሆን በቅድሚያ መግለጽ እንወዳለን፡፡

በመጨረሻም ነፃ፣ ፍትሐዊና ታአማኒ የሆነ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫ ለዘመናት ሲትናፍቅና ስትታገልለት የኖርከው ሰላም ወዳዱ መላው የሀገራችን ሕዝብ መድረክም ሆነ አባል ድርጅቶቹ በኢህአዴግ የ24 ዓመታት አገዛዝ በሀገራችን በተካሄዱት ምርጫዎች በመሳተፍና የሀገራችንን ችግሮች በሰላማዊ ውይይት ለመፍታትና የሕዝባችንን የሥልጣን ባለቤትነት በሰላማዊና ሕጋዊ መንገድ ለማረጋገጥ ባካሄድናቸው ጥረቶች የኢህአዴግን በርካታ የግፍ ተግባራት በከፍተኛ ትዕግሥትና አርቆ አስተዋይነት ተቋቁመህ ከጎናችን በመሰለፍ ላበረከትከው አስተዋዖና ለከፈልከው መስዋዕትነት መድረክ ያለውን ታላቅ አክብሮትና ልባዊ ምስጋናውን ይገልጻል፡፡ የኢህአዴግ አገዛዝ ኃላፊነት በጎደለውና ሕግንና ሕገ-መንግሥትን በጣሰው እርምጃው የነፃ፣ ፍትሐዊና ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫን መንገድ ሙሉ በሙሉ በኃይል የዘጋብን ቢሆንም፣ በሀገራችን ሕገመንግሥት የተረጋገጡትና ገና ያልተጠቀምንባቸው የሰላማዊ የትግል ፈርጆች በርካታ ስለሆኑ በሰላማዊ የትግል አማራጫችን ጸንታችሁ አምባገነኑ የኢህአዴግ አገዘዝ ለሕግ የበላይነት እስኪገዛና ሰላማዊ የመፍትሔ ሐሳቦችን ተቀብሎ ሕገመንግሥታዊ መብቶች በተግባር እስኪረጋገጡ ድረስ ሰላማዊ ትግላችሁን ይበልጥ በተደራጃና በተጠናከረ መልኩ እንዲትቀጥሉ መድረክ ጥሪውን ያስተላልፋል፡፡

ድል ለሕዝባዊ ትግላችን!!

ሰኔ 19 ቀን 2007 ዓ.ም.
አዲስ አበባ

Finfinnee, 26 May 2015


PRESS RELEASE: Amnesty International Asks Ethiopia to Investigate Suspicious Murders and Human Rights Violations


Mr. Obama’s visit to Ethiopia sends the wrong message on democracy, Washington Post. June 25, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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???????????TPLF in electoral fraud, 24 May 2015


“AFRICA DOESN’T need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.” Those were President Obama’s words when he addressed Ghana’s parliament in July 2009, during his first trip to sub-Saharan Africa as president. The historic speech, watched around the globe, was an optimistic clarion call to the leaders on the continent from the son of a Kenyan. “First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments,” Mr. Obama said.

The president seems to have forgotten that speech. Last week, the White House announced that, while traveling to Kenya next month, Mr. Obama also will stop in Ethiopia, the first such visit by a sitting U.S. president to the country of 94 million. It’s almost unfathomable that he would make time for an entrenched human rights abuser such as Ethi­o­pia while cold-shouldering the nation that just witnessed a historic, peaceful, democratic change of power: Nigeria.

Administration officials justify the trip by citing the United States’ long-standing cooperation with Ethi­o­pia on issues of regional security and the country’s accelerating economic growth. Ethi­o­pia is a major recipient of U.S. development assistance, and the African Union has its headquarters there. But it also stands out in Africa for its increasingly harsh repression and its escalating chokehold on independent media and political dissent. Since June 2014, 34 journalists have been forced to flee the country, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. Ethi­o­pia is also one of the world’s leading jailers of journalists.

The administration already undermined Ethiopia’s struggling journalists and democracy advocates in April, when Undersecretary of State Wendy Sherman said Ethi­o­pia has “moved forward in strengthening its democracy. Every time there is an election, it gets better and better.” Shortly after her statement, the ruling party held an election in which it secured 100 percent of the parliamentary seats. That was indeed an improvement upon its 2010 performance, when it won 99.6 percent of seats. In the months ahead of the May 24 polls, opposition party members and leaders were harassed and arrested. The Ethiopian government refused to allow independent election observers, except from the African Union. Since the election, two opposition members and one candidate have been murdered. The government hasdenied any responsibility for the killings.

Meanwhile, Nigeria, the continent’s most populous nation and the one with the largest economy, overcame risks of electoral violence and Boko Haram’s terrorism to manage a peaceful transfer of power for the first time since the country’s return to democracy in 1999. With numerous African countries facing elections in the next two years, a visit to Nigeria would have signaled U.S. commitment to partnering with governments that respect freedom, the rule of law and the will of their people. Snubbing Nigeria for a trip to Ethi­o­pia sends the opposite message, in essence validat ing Ethiopia’s sham elections and rewarding a regime that has shown no intent to reform. Six years after his idealistic speech in Ghana, Mr. Obama is sending a message to Africa that democracy isn’t all that important after all.



Human Rights Watch: Dispatches: Alarm Bells for Ethiopia’s 100% Election Victory June 24, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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Elections where a ruling party wins 100 percent of the seats in parliament should always ring alarm bells. Results in Ethiopia from the May 24 general election, released yesterday, are no exception. According to Ethiopia’s National Electoral Board, the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition won 546 parliamentary seats (with the 547th seat still to be announced).

The results shouldn’t be seen as a stamp of approval for Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s government – rather they are the inevitable outcome of a political system in which opposition parties face extraordinary challenges and nearly all avenues for citizens to engage in political debate are closed.

The seeds for this situation were sown years ago. Since the last election in 2010, in which the EPRDF won a mere 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats, political space has been further restricted: the independent media has been decimated, civil society groups virtually eliminated, and peaceful public demonstrations quelled, sometimes by force.

The crackdown on opposition parties and their supporters was the final piece of the puzzle. In the lead-up to the elections, the authorities arrested leading members of the opposition and put them on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges. Political parties reported difficulties in registering candidates and acquiring funds to which they are legally entitled. Security force personnel arrested and harassed people organizing rallies, confiscating their equipment and unfairly denying them permits. Over the last two weeks, several opposition members and candidates have been beaten to death in suspicious circumstances.

International observers were largely absent, choosing not to monitor a vote that provided little opportunity to be independent and effective observers. The African Union was the exception, concluding that the elections were “calm, peaceful, and credible” – a standard very different from being free and fair.

The European Union and the United States, two of Ethiopia’s key allies, were largely silent on the political crackdown. Instead, they congratulated Ethiopia for a “peaceful” election, more concerned with the increasing potential for violence than with a fair electoral landscape. This is short-sighted and dangerous. Authoritarian control rarely provides long-term stability and nearly always compounds significant human rights violations.

For many Ethiopians, the elections confirmed what they already knew: the ruling coalition completely controls all aspects of their daily life and permits no alternative political views. The question is, when will Ethiopia’s allies open their eyes?


PRESS RELEASE: Amnesty International Asks Ethiopia to Investigate Suspicious Murders and Human Rights Violations June 24, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Because I am Oromo, Sham elections.
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???????????Amnesty InternationalStop Torture
JUNE 23, 2015

Amnesty International Asks Ethiopia to Investigate Suspicious Murders and Human Rights Violations

The suspicious murder of opposition leaders and wide-spread human rights violations against opposition party members over the past few weeks raises questions about Ethiopia’s elections, said Amnesty International as the parliamentary poll results were announced yesterday.

The organization has also expressed concerns about the failure of the Africa Union Elections Observer Mission (AUEOM) and the National Elections Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) to properly monitor and report on allegations of widespread abuses before, during and after the election.

“Amnesty International has received a number of reports concerning the deaths of political opposition figures in suspicious circumstances, as well as of a pattern of human rights violations against political opposition parties throughout the election period. These reports must be investigated and perpetrators brought to justice,” said Michelle Kagari, Amnesty International’s deputy regional director for Eastern, Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes.

“It is unacceptable that these violations barely warranted a mention in reports released by official observers, including the Africa Union Elections Observer Mission and the National Elections Board of Ethiopia.”

In the run-up to the elections, more than 500 members of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUF)/ Medrek – a coalition of opposition parties, including the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) were arrested at polling stations in Oromia region. Forty-six people were beaten and injured by security officers while six people sustained gunshot injuries and two were shot and killed. Gidila Chemeda of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) was shot and killed by police in Western Shewa zone, Dima Kege Woreda, Gelam Gunge Kebele of the Oromia region.

On June 15, 2015, the body of 27-year-old Samuel Aweke, a candidate with the Samayawi (Blue) party was found in one of the main streets of Dembre-Markos at around 7 p.m. Blue party officials believe his murder was politically motivated. A few days before his murder, Aweke published an article in his political party’s newspaper Negere Ethiopia criticizing the behavior of local authorities, the police and other security officials. His political party claims he received threats from security officers after the article was published. Witnesses at the scene where his body was found said his body had visible stab wounds and appeared to have been beaten with a blunt object.

A member of the Arena/Medrek political opposition party reported that its leader for Western Tigrai zone, Tadesse Abraha, 48, was accosted while on his way home on June 16, 2015 by three unknown people who attempted to strangle him. Abraha managed to escape, but collapsed and died shortly after reaching his home. According to his political party, Abraha had reported being threatened by local security officials shortly before his death.

On June 19, 2015, another member of Medrek was found dead 24 hours after he was arrested at his home by two police officers. Berhanu Erabu’s battered body was found near a river in Hadiya Zone, Soro Woreda (district) of Southern Ethiopia.

Amnesty International has documented these killings and is now calling on the Ethiopian Ministry of Justice, Federal Police Commission and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission to investigate these apparent targeted killings of opposition political party leaders and ensure those responsible are brought to justice


Amnesty International sent a letter with preliminary recommendations to the AUEOM on May 21, 2015.

Amnesty International expressed its concerns about the state of human rights in Ethiopia and the impact the human rights context was having on the ability of Ethiopians to participate in the electoral process. The organization urged the AUEOM to monitor and report on human rights violations throughout the election period in its assessment of the conduct of the elections.

The ruling political party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has been declared the winner of the elections.


Related: AmnestyInternationalReport_BecauseIAmOromo014

Post sham elections and the scene of Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s murder crimes: Berhanu Rebo, Hadiya National and member of Medrek foundation committee murdered June 22, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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Mr. Berhanu Rebo, Hadiya National and member of Medrek foundation committee was murdered by Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s killing squads on 18th June 2015. His body was damped near river bank. Mr. Berhanu Rebo was a resident of Diinaa Tooroo in Sooroo district, Hadiya Zone (Southern State). Mr. Rebo was a husband and father of five.

Jiraataan Biyya Hadiyyaa, konyaa Sooroo, ganda Diinaa Tooroo fi miseena kommiitee bu’uraa partii Madrak kan ta’an lammiin saba Hadiyyaa Obbo Biraanuu Reeboo ergamtoota wayyaaneen Kamisa, Waxabajji 18 Bara 2015  qeyee isaaniitti admfamanii ajjeefamanii laga qaraqara irratti gatamuuni isaan beekame.

Obbo biraanuu Reeboo umurii waggaa 40 yoo ta’ni, abbaa manaa fi abbaa ijoollee shaniiti.

Oromia and Hadiyya

ዜና መድረክ:- በሀዲያ ዞን ሶሮ ወረዳ ዳና ቶራ ቀበሌ የኢማዴ-ደህአፓ/መድረክ መሠረታዊ ኮሚቴ አባል አቶ ብርሃኑ ረቦ ተገደሉ

(ዜና መድረክ) – በሀዲያ ዞን ሶሮ ወረዳ ዳና ቶራ ቀበሌ የኢማዴ-ደህአፓ/መድረክ መሠረታዊ ኮሚቴ አባል አቶ ብርሃኑ ረቦ ተገደሉ፡፡

በደቡብ ብ/ብ/ሕ ክልላዊ መንግሥት በሀዲያ ዞን ሶሮ ወረዳ በዳና ቶራ ቀበሌ ነዋሪና የኢማዴ-ደህአፓ/መድረክ መሠረታዊ ኮሚቴ አባል የነበሩትና በ2007 ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫ በቅስቀሳ ሥራ ላይ ተሰማርተው ከፍተኛ አስተዋጾ ሲያበረክቱ የቆዩት አቶ ብርሃኑ ረቦ ሰኔ 11 ቀን 2007 ዓ ም ከምሽቱ 2፡00 ሰዓት ላይ በመኖሪያ መንደራቸው በተፈጸመባቸው ድብደባ ከተገደሉ በኋላ ወንዝ ውስጥ ተጥለው ተገኝተዋል፡፡ በዕለቱ ይኼው የመድረክ አባሉ ከመገደላቸው በፊት ብርሃኑ ደቦጭና ታዲዮስ ጡምሶ የሚባሉ ፖሊሶች ሟቹንና ሌሎች በቀበሌው የሚኖሩ የመድረክ አባላትን ለመደብደብ ሲያሳድዱ ሟቹ ከአከባቢው ሸሽተው የሄዱ ሲሆን ሌሎቹን አባላት አግኝተው መደብደባቸውና እርሳቸውን ሲፈልጉ ካመሹ በኋላ ማታ ወደቤታቸው ሲመለሱ ጠብቀው ግዲያውን ፈጽመው ወደ ወንዝ ወስደው እንደጣሉ ከአከባቢው ከደረሰን መረጃ ለማወቅ ተችሎአል፡፡ ከግዲያው ቀደም ባሉት ቀናትም እነዚሁ ፖሊሶች በሟች አቶ ብርሃኑና ሌሎች የመድረክ አባላት ላይ ግዲያ እንደሚፈጽሙና ከአከባቢው እንደሚያጠፉዋቸው ሲዝቱ መቆየታቸውም ታውቋል፡፡

አቶ ብርሃኑ ረቦ የ40 ዓመት ጎልማሳ ሲሆኑ ባለትዳርና የአምስት ልጆች አባት ነበሩ፡፡ የቀብር ሥነ ሥርዓታቸው ይህ ዜና እስከተጠናቀረበት ጊዜ ድረስ እንዳልተፈጸመም ለማወቅ ተችሎአል፡፡

በ2007 በተካሄደው ሀገር አቀፍ ምርጫ ሙሉ በሙሉ ማሸነፉ የሚወራለት የኢህአዴግ ካድሬዎች በአሁኑ ወቅት በምርጫው ቅስቀሳ ንቁ ተሳትፎ ያደረጉ የመድረክ አባላትን በየአከባቢው የማዋከብ፣ የማሰር፣ በገንዘብ የመቅጣት፣ የመደብደብና የመግደል ተግባራትን በማከናወን ላይ የሚገኙ ሲሆን ከምርጫው ዕለት ጀምሮ ከተገደሉት የመድረክ አባላት አቶ ብርሃኑ ረቦ 4ኛው ሟች ናቸው፡፡ ቀደም ስል በኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ምዕራብ ሸዋ ዞን ሚዳ ቀኝ ወረዳ አቶ ጊዲሳ ጨመዳ፣ በምዕራበ አርሲ ዞን ቆራ ወረዳ አቶ ገቢ ጥቤ እና በትግራይ ክልላዊ መንግሥት ምዕራብ ትግራ ዞን በማይካድራ ከተማ አቶ ታደሰ አብርሃ የሚባሉ የመድረክ አባላት ከምርጫው ዕለት ጀምሮ መገደላቸው ይታወሳል፡፡ በምርጫው ወቅት መድረክ ጠንካራ እንቅስቃሴ ባደረገባቸው በደቡብ ብ/ብ/ሕ፣ በኦሮሚያና በትግራይ ክልሎች ከምርጫው ወዲህ ብቻ ቤታቸው የተቃጠለባቸው፣ የፈረሰባቸው፣ በጥይት የቆሰሉ፣ በድብደባ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት የደረሰባቸውና በእስር በመሰቃየት ላይ የሚገኙት የመድረክ አባላት ቁጥር በብዙ መቶዎች የሚቆጠር ነው፡፡

An Insult to the People and Democracy: On the Ethiopian General Election June 19, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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???????????Deja vu in 2015 Ethiopian ElectionsEthiopia 2015 election in Finfinne volters were not allowed  their phones
An Insult to the People and Democracy

On the Ethiopian General Election

by GRAHAM PEEBLES,  Counterpunch

Every five years the Ethiopian people are invited by the ruling party to take part in a democratic pantomime called ‘General Elections’. Sunday 24th May saw the latest production take to the national stage.

With most opposition party leaders either in prison or abroad, the populace living under a suffocating blanket of fear, and the ruling party having total control over the media, the election result was a foregone conclusion. The European Union, which had observed the 2005 and 2010 elections, refused to send a delegation this time, maintaining their presence would legitimise the farce, and give credibility to the government.

With most ballots counted, the National Election Board of Ethiopia announced the incumbent party to have ‘won’ all “442 seats declared [from a total of 547], leaving the opposition empty-handed…the remaining 105 seats are yet to be announced.” ‘Won’ is not really an accurate description of the election result; as the chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, Merera Gudina, put it, this “was not an election, it was an organised armed robbery”.

The days leading up to the election saw a regimented display of state arrogance and paranoia, as the government deployed huge numbers of camouflaged security personnel and tanks onto the streets of Addis Ababa and Bahir Dar. For months beforehand anyone suspected of political dissent had been arrested and imprisoned; fabricated charges drawn up with extreme sentencing for the courts, which operate as an extension of the government, to dutifully enforce.

Despite the ruling party’s claims to the contrary, this was not a democratic election and Ethiopia is not, nor has it ever been a democracy.

The country is governed by a brutal dictatorship in the form of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that has been in power since 1991, when they violently overthrew the repressive Derg regime. The EPRDF speaks generously of democracy and freedom, but they act in violation of democratic principles, trample on universal human rights, ignore international law, and violently control the people.

Independent international bodies and financial donors, from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International to the European Union and the US State Department, are well aware of the nature and methods of the EPRDF, which is one of the most repressive regimes in Africa. The Committee to Protect Journalists reports that Ethiopia is “the fourth most heavily censored country in the World”, with more journalists forced to leave the country last year than anywhere except Iran.

In the lead up to the recent election, CPJ found that, “the state systematically cracked down on the country’s remaining independent publications through the arrests of journalists and intimidation of printing and distribution companies. Filing lawsuits against editors and forcing publishers to cease production.” Various draconian laws are used to gag the media and stifle dissent, the Anti Terrorist Proclamation being the most common weapon deployed against anyone who dares speak out against the government, which rules through fear, and yet, riddled with guilt as they must surely be, seem themselves fearful.

Democracy and Development

The government proudly talks a great deal about economic development, which it believes to be more important than democracy, human rights and the rule of law, all of which are absent in the country. And yes, during the past decade the country has seen economic development, with between 4% and 9% (depending on who you believe) GDP growth per annum achieved, the CIA states “through government-led infrastructure expansion and commercial agriculture development.” It is growth, however, that depends, the Oakland Institute make clear, on “state force and the denial of human and civil rights.”

GDP figures are only one indicator of a country’s progress, and a very narrow one at that. The broader Ethiopian picture, beyond the debatable statistics, paints a less rosy image:
Around 50% of Ethiopia’s federal budget is met by various aid packages, totaling $3.5 billion annually. Making it “the world’s second-largest recipient of total external assistance, after Indonesia” (excluding war torn nations, Afghanistan and Iraq), Human Rights Watch states. The country remains 173rd (of 187 countries) in the UN Human Development Index and is one of the poorest nations in the world, with, the CIA says, over 39% of the population living below the low poverty line of $1.25 a day (the World Bank worldwide poverty line is $2 a day) – many Ethiopians question this figure and would put the number in dire need much higher.

Per capita income is among the lowest in the world and less than half the rest of sub-Sahara Africa, averaging, according to the World Bank, “$470 (£287)”. This statistic is also questionable, as Dr. Daniel Teferra (Professor of Economics, Emeritus at Ferris State University,) explains, “In 2008-2011 income per capita (after inflation), was only $131,” contrary to the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) 2013 report, which put the figure at $320.

The cost of living has risen sharply (current inflation is around 8%) and, as The Guardian reports, “growing economic inequality threatens to undermine the political stability and popular legitimacy that a developmental state acutely needs. Who benefits from economic growth is a much-contested issue in contemporary Ethiopia.” Not amongst the majority of Ethiopians it isn’t: they know very well who the winners are. As ever it is the 1%, who sit in the seats of power, and have the education and the funds to capitalize on foreign investment and development opportunities.

Some of those suffering as a result of the government’s development policies are the 1.5 million threatened with ‘relocation’ as their land is taken – or ‘grabbed’ from them. Leveled and turned into industrial-sized farms by foreign multinationals which grow crops, not for local people, but for consumers in their home countries – India or China for example.
Indigenous people cleared from their land are violently herded into camps under the government’s universally criticised “Villagization” program, which is causing the erosion of ancient lifestyles, “increased food insecurity, destruction of livelihoods, and the loss of cultural heritage”, relates the Oakland Institute. Any resistance is met with a wooden baton or the butt or bullet of a rifle; reports of beatings, torture and rape by security forces are widespread. No compensation is paid to the affected people, who are abandoned in camps with no essential services, such as water, health care and education facilities – all of which are promised by the EPRDF in their hollow development rhetoric.

An Insult to the People

Economic development is not democracy, and whilst development is clearly essential to address the dire levels of poverty in Ethiopia, it needs to be democratic, sustainable development. First and foremost Human Rights must be observed, and there must be participation, and consultation, which – despite the Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s duplicitous comments to Al Jazeera that, “we make our people to be part and parcel of all the [developmental] engagements,” – never happens.

The Prime Minister describes Ethiopia as a “fledgling democracy”, and says the government is “on the right track in democratizing the country”. Nonsense. Democracy is rooted in the observation of Human Rights, freedom of expression, the rule of law and social participation. None of these values are currently to be found in Ethiopia.

Not only is the EPRDF universally denying the people their fundamental human rights, in many areas they are committing acts of state terrorism (one thinks of the abuses taking place in the Ogaden region and the atrocities being committed against the Oromo people for example) that amount to crimes against humanity.

The recent election was an insult to the people of Ethiopia, who are being intimidated, abused and suppressed by a brutal, arrogant regime that talks the democratic talk, but acts in violation of all democratic ideals.

Graham Peebles is director of the Create Trust. He can be reached at: graham@thecreatetrust.org


Ethiopia’s Sham Elections: Making sense of 100 percent election victory June 4, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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Ethiopia: Making sense of 100 percent election victory

Messay Kebede, Pambazuka News, Issue 729

3rd June 2015

Zenawi the tyrant still rules after death
The 24 May election was worse than a sham. In turning the poll into a process of complete elimination of the opposition, the government and the ruling party have loudly told the Ethiopian people that any hope of change through peaceful means is just an illusion.

According to the National Election Board of Ethiopia, the result of last week’s national election is that the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) has achieved a complete victory by grabbing all the parliamentary seats. The same board and the Ethiopian government qualified the result as a triumph of democracy, which leads one to assume that in today’s Ethiopia the progress of democracy is measured by the size of exclusion of opposition parties from parliamentary participation. In 1995, the process resulted in 75 seats to various opposition parties; then it evolved to one representative in 2010; until it has reached the present stage of advanced democracy with zero representative from the opposition. Bravo to the EPRDF! Be it noted that this novel interpretation of democracy seems to be endorsed by the American government through the authoritative voice of Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary for Political Affairs (go to http://www.diretube.com/ethiopia/under-secretary-of-state-wendy-sherman-talking-about-ethiopia-video_851c48f3b.html) The only step remaining to achieve the apex of democracy is the banning of opposition parties, obvious as it is that they have become obsolete.

On a serious note, last week’s election appears very enigmatic to many observers. For one thing, in view of the creeping discontent in the country, which is even expressed outwardly here and there, in view also of the paranoia of the regime showing an unprecedented level of mobilization of its repressive forces to intimidate voters and stifle dissenting voices, a complete parliamentary victory strikes by its utter impossibility. There is only one possible conclusion: not only the election was not free and fair, but it was also subjected to fraudulent practices, such as stealing or eliminating votes supporting the opposition.

The question that comes to mind is the following: if neither the people and opposition parties give an iota of credibility to the official result, nor for that matter the officials and the cadres of the ruling party themselves––since they used all repressive and fraudulent means to eliminate the opposition––in a word, if nobody lends any credibility to the official outcome, why is the ruling party going through such a costly, time-consuming, and utterly useless exercise? What is the expected gain?

Can we say that the election serves the purpose of renewing legitimacy? But how can a government renew legitimacy by claiming an unbelievable victory? Who falls for a score of 100 percent? What about the international community? Perhaps, but again provided that you come up with something believable, and 100 percent is not believable. Accordingly, such a score defeats its purpose, if it is legitimacy.

This is what is most perplexing: a lesser score (say, for example, of 80 percent) would have gained some credibility without, however, endangering the hegemony of the ruling party. Indeed, why not leave some seats to the opposition? So long as the ruling party retains an overwhelming majority, the opposition does not present any risk. What is more, the presence of the opposition, however negligible, would give some sense to the voting process in the parliament.

There is more: in turning the election into a process of elimination of the opposition by all means necessary, the government and the ruling party are loudly telling the Ethiopian people that any hope of change through peaceful means is just an illusion. This is none other than forcing the people to seek other means, namely, violent forms of struggle, such as uprisings and armed struggle. It is hard to understand why a government would push its own people to violent methods.

If, instead of renewing legitimacy, a score of 100 percent only succeeds in cornering people to violent means, why on earth would a government adopt such a detrimental policy? We only saw negative sides. Where is the gain? The huge enigma here is that, unlike most dictatorial states, the regime in Ethiopia has recognized multiple opposition parties, even if it has restricted their activities to what it deems tolerable. While the general rule for dictatorial regimes is to ban opposition parties altogether, the Ethiopian regime recognizes them except that it does not want them in parliament. Since in both cases the result is the same, the behavior of the Ethiopian regime may become intelligible if we get hold of the reason why even dictatorial regimes that ban opposition parties organize elections.

Where no opposition parties exist, the purpose of election cannot be the achievement of victory. As there is no contest, the claim of victory would be simply surreal. By contrast, single-party regimes are concerned with the number of people who come out to vote, the issue being to get out the maximum number of voters by all means necessary. Clearly, the objective is not to gain the majority of votes; rather, it is to demonstrate force. Elections are meant to show the extent of the control of the government and the ruling party over the people. The less the people like the regime, the higher is its need to show the maximum electoral score, thereby displaying its invincibility. The message is then clear enough: even if you do not like the regime, there is nothing you can do about it. As such, it is a celebration of defiance, a parade, a showoff of political force.

It seems to me that the dominant party in the governmental coalition, the TPLF (Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front), has perfected the meaning of election under dictatorial rule: unlike one-party dictatorships, it recognizes opposition parties, allows them some freedom of maneuver, only to deprive them of even one seat in the parliament as a manifestation of its absolute hegemony. This is none other than an extreme form of political bullying, as in the case when a child donates his toy to another child and takes it back after some time as a way of showing his dominance by aggravating the frustration of the other child.

The ultimate goal of this political bullying is, of course, the inculcation of submission through the sense of hopelessness. While in democratic countries, elections establish the legitimacy of states through the exercise of popular sovereignty, in dictatorial regimes, like that of the TPLF, they are periodical rituals displaying the submission of the people. To the extent that these elections raise and then dash hopes for change, they renew the sense of hopelessness of the people, and so deepen their resignation.

* Messay Kebede is professor of philosophy at the University of Dayton, Ohio (USA). He previously taught philosophy at Addis Ababa University (Ethiopia). He is the author of five books: Meaning and Development (1994), Survival and Modernization—Ethiopia’s Enigmatic Present (1999), Africa’s Quest for a Philosophy of Decolonization (2004), Radicalism and Cultural Dislocation in Ethiopia, 1960-1974 (2008), and Ideology and Elite Conflicts: Autopsy of the Ethiopian Revolution (2011). He has also published numerous articles in professional and nonprofessional journals.



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Power: A curse to a nation but A drug to a Leader May 31, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Colonizing Structure, Corruption in Africa, Sham elections.
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???????????TPLF in electoral fraud, 24 May 2015Is the age of Africa's political big man nearing an end

A letter from former U.S. Senate candidate Prof. Mohammed Tahiro to U.S. President Barack Obama regarding Ethiopia’s General Election, which was held on 24 May 2015. May 29, 2015

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???????????Deja vu in 2015 Ethiopian ElectionsTPLF in electoral fraud, 24 May 2015

The following is a letter from former U.S. Senate candidate Prof. Mohammed Tahiro to U.S. President Barack Obama regarding Ethiopia’s General Election, which was held on 24 May 2015:-

Professor Tahiro's letter to President ObamaProfessor Tahiro's letter1 to President Obama


Mohammed Tahiro

May 27, 2015

President Barack Obama

The White House

1600 Pennsylvania Avenue

NW Washington, DC 20500

Dear Mr. President, Thank you for the opportunity to write to you on an issue that is important to me as well as the United States. Ethiopia held regional and parliamentary elections for the fifth time under the current Constitution on Sunday, May 24, 2015. Unlike previous elections, the current election was conducted in the absence of international observers. The African Union sent fifty six observers to monitor elections with over forty five thousand polling stations. The 2005 and 2010 elections were marred with serious allegations of vote rigging by the ruling EPRDF. The European Union and international human rights organizations had condemned the practices of the Ethiopian government as fraudulent and undemocratic. In 2010, the ruling party declared itself winner of 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats; out of a total of 547 seats, only 1 seat went to an opposition politician. Many people believe this alone is evidence enough to indict the government as illegitimate. In the years and months leading up to the current election, the government had allegedly been engaged in open prosecutions of opposition party leaders and supporters. There are credible reports of political killings throughout the country. In Oromia State, opposition leaders were detained, tortured, and some allegedly killed by an unpopular government determined to staying power. Allegations of widespread vote rigging have also been reported in Gondar and throughout the northern counties as well as the South. Opposition parties allege the Ethiopian Electoral Board is staffed by government operatives with the sole purpose of putting its seal of approval on a preordained outcome. Mr. President, diaspora-based independent media outlets, such as the Oromia Media Network (OMN) and others, have been reporting claims of harassment and abuses against opposition leaders and supporters perpetrated by the government. Entrenched political and economic interests are testing the legendary decency of the Ethiopian people. Contempt for the people and the rule of law has been the hallmark of this government. Their refusal to yield to the will of the people has nudged the country one step closer to a civil conflict. As an American, I believe supporting true democracy in Ethiopia is in the long term strategic interest of the United States. In the election held last Sunday, the ruling party printed the ballots, took possession of the ballots, manned the polling stations, and counted cast ballots. This is not a democratic process by any measure. MEDREK, a coalition of main opposition parties, has declared the election fraudulent and that it will not accept the outcome. The people of Ethiopia are demanding fair elections. Fair elections mean guaranteeing the integrity of the process. To that end, I’m asking you, Mr. president, to support the initiative to hold new elections in twenty four months, with at least one international observer from the United States, the United Nations, or the European union manning every polling station. Until such time as Ethiopia is ready to have an independent election commission, it’s only fair that the elections be conducted under the auspices of the United Nations. only then, can we even come close to guaranteeing the integrity of the process.

Thank you for your consideration and I eagerly await your response.

Most Respectfully,

Mohammed Abbajebel Tahiro

Former U.S. Senate Candidate for the State of Texas

UNPO: Election Delays Stable, Secure and Democratic Future for Ethiopia May 28, 2015

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Election Delays Stable, Secure and Democratic Future for Ethiopia


UNPO, 24 May

Deja vu in 2015 Ethiopian Elections

Almost 37 million Ethiopians had registered to cast their ballots in Ethiopia’s parliamentary and regional elections which took place on Sunday 24 May 2015. Although the results will only be announced in June, history shows that the only winner will be the long-ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by incumbent Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn: the party is expected to “win” nearly all – if not all – of the 547 seats in parliament and thus form the Government. Since 2005 the EPRDF has engaged in repressing any dissent and political opposition in Ethiopia, cracking down on independent media and civil society organizations, while charging government critics under harsh anti-terrorism laws. This has left the country without any viable counter voice to the ruling party and resulted in highly controlled political participation – something which according to the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Sidama Liberation Front (SLF) is reflected in Sunday’s “fake” election.

In 2010, the EPRDF won 99.6% of the parliamentary seats, with various election observation missions (EOMs), including that of the European Union, saying the election was marred by intimidations and harassment of opposition activists. Human Rights Watch stated that the victory was the “culmination of the government’s five-year strategy of systematically closing down space for political dissent and independent criticism”. Such allegations were repeated on the occasion of this year’s election, which was the first since the death of former PM Meles Zenawi, the man who transformed the EPRDF into a powerful political organisation, while completely disregarding international standards for democratic governance and respect for human rights. The Government has denied any allegations of misconduct and accused the opposition, as well as its archenemy Eritrea, of plotting a disruption of the vote. Just before the elections, PM Desalegn claimed: “We remain vigilant and confident that the general election will be peaceful, free and fair, notwithstanding destabilisation attempts that may be tried by Eritrea or its local emissaries, which we will respond to with stern measures”.

The National Election Board of Ethiopia claims that the environment created for political parties this year was exceptional. However, the only international body present to monitor the electoral process was the African Union, the headquarters of which is based in Addis Abeba. The European Union and the United States, which monitored the 2005 and 2010 elections, did not participated this time, and their recommendations from the previous years remain largely ignored. It should also be noted that already before the Election Day, human rights groups claimed on Saturday 23 May that the polls could not be free or fair due to a lack of freedom of speech and participation byindependent media.

According to Al Jazeera, the voting process itself was smooth but the fractured opposition has complained of irregularities in the run-up to the election and of harassment and intimidation of their supporters. Furthermore, opposition groups also complained that several of their members were detained. Despite all these allegations, on the day of the election, the African Union’s EOM stated that the electoral process was held in an “orderly manner”. The polls closed at 6 pm on Sunday, but the final results will only be released by the National Electoral Board after 22 June 2015.

In a joint statement released the day after the elections, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Sidama Liberation Front put forth that the elections were not an expression of the democratic will of all the people, and that the preparation, the process and the final results of this election were and will be intentionally flawed. Therefore, according to international standards,  the election process cannot be considered free, fair and impartial. The three liberation fronts also argue that is not an accident that the international community opted out of observing this election, and instead purposely kept away to avoid legitimising this fake excercise of democracy. The complete statement is available here.

As highlighted during the latest in a series of conferences organised by UNPO, entitled “Cartoon Democracy: Authoritarian Rule and Elections in Ethiopia”, UNPO deeply regrets that ethnic and political opposition groups in Ethiopia were once again deprived of their basic right to freely participate in determining the future course of their country. This should serve as a wake-up call for the EU, US and UK – the three largest development donors to Ethiopia – to better monitor and condition how their funds are being spent and to increase their support to democracy and human rights. Otherwise, the much praised stability of Ethiopia is very much at risk.


Oromia: Gabaasa Addaa Filannoo Itiyoophiyaa Caamsaa 24 Bara 2015: The Opposition Has Dismissed Ethiopia’s Sham Elections Results Citing They Are Rigged. May 28, 2015

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???????????nu haateeraa


SBO: Caamsaa 27, 2015 – Oduu, Filannoo kijibaa Wayyaaneen walqabatee FDG Oromiyaa keessatti deemaa jiru irratti gabaasa bal’aa, akkasumas dhimmuma kanaan walqabatee gaaffii fi deebii dargaggoo Dachaasaa Lammii waliin


Video: Medrek Opposition Leaders Present Evidence of Electoral Fraud in Favor of EPRDF


VOA Afaan Oromoo: Medrek Leaders Give Press Conference on the Election Outcome.

Filannoo Ethiopia caamsaa 24,2015 gaggeeffame irratti paartiin MADREK bu’aa sagalichaa akka hin fudhanne Caamsaa 27 bara 2015 gaasexessitootaaf ifa gochaa ture.Innis, filannichi wayita gaggaffamaa ture rakkoo deggertootaa fi taajjabdoota keenya irra ga’e akka nuuf ilaalamuu fi filannoon naannoo hatameefi burjaajeffame kanatti akka irra deebi’amu jedhan.




Tensions rise up after Ethiopian election


In Bule Hora university, ethnic Oromo students broke through security and closed the polling station citing ”no need to vote if it will not be counted properly”.

Two Observers killed in Kofele Arsi and Ambo , also over 500 Obsrvers are jailed.

About 85% of nearly 36 million Ethiopians casted their votes, says the National Election board of the country. The board has said the election was peaceful, free and fair. The only international observer, the African Union mission, on its part has said the election has met their standards.

Addis Ababa remains largely calm following Election Day, yesterday. Security has clashed with protesters in Oromia, the largest and most populous state that has seen large pro-opposition rallies over the last weeks. At least one killed in Midakengi district of west Shewa in election related violence.

Compared to the rest of the country, turnout was low in Addis Ababa and there are many reports of voter intimidation, observers harassment, and other irregularities. In places where results are announced, the incumbent regime has won most of the votes. The opposition has dismissed these results citing they are rigged.

In Oromia region, the situation is very tense. In West Shewa zone that had seen large crowds of demonstrations in support of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and a stronghold, there has been number of incidents of disputes and conflicts. In some places such as Gudar, dispute between observers, between voters and observers, voters and reps of election board escalated to confrontation. In other places such as Gindeberet, local militia opened fire on the local voters harming some of them.

Eye witness are reporting reinforcement and deployment of large regime security forces to districts such as Cheliya, Ambo, Toke-Kutaye, Bako, Jeldu, Dandi, Gindeberet and Midakengi. These areas had also seen widespread protests last year against the Addis Ababa master plan.

The opposition bloc Medrek has claimed that over 90% of its observers were chased away from polling stations by security of the ruling party. According to reports over the last hours, situation remains very tense after one individual was killed in Arsi zone, another one also was killed in Hadiya in SNNPR.

In Bule Hora university, ethnic Oromo students broke through security and closed the polling station citing ”no need to vote if it will not be counted properly”.

The Ethiopian regime has already declared it is a winner through its affiliated websites and openly on its state radio. The regime will likely continue its 99.6% share of the parliament, even more if not.  — Korma

Motummaan Wayyaannee Sagalee Uummataa Saamee Aangoorra Turuudhaaf Tattaaffii Gochaa Jiruun Walqabatee Mormii fi Hokkara Uumamu Hundaaf Itti Gaafatamaadha May 27, 2015

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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes ViralOFC at East Harargee, Oromianu haateeraa

Motummaan Wayyaannee Sagalee Uummataa Saamee Aangoorra Turuudhaaf Tattaaffii Gochaa Jiruun Walqabatee Mormii fi Hokkara Uumamu Hundaaf Itti Gaafatamaadha

Ibsa Garee Deeggartoota Koongiresii Federaalistii Oromoo Idil-Addunyaa

Motummaan Wayyaannee Sagalee Uummataa Saamee Aangoorra Turuudhaaf Tattaaffii Gochaa Jiruun Walqabatee Mormii fi Hokkara Uumamu Hundaaf Itti Gaafatamaadha

Filannoo biyyoolessaa bara 2007 ilaalchisee dhaabbileen mirga namoomaa hedduun erga duula nafiladhaatii kaasee haalli jiru haqa qabeessaa fi bilisa akka hin taane mirkaneessaniiru. Wayyaaneen duula nufiladhaarratti tumaatii, dhaanicha, ajjeechaa fi hidhaa raawwachuun ni beekama. Dhaabbileen mormitootaa wal-falmii filannoorratti injifannoo guddaa galmeessisuudhaan deeggarsa ummata bal’aa argachuunis ni beekama. Rifaatuu kanarraa kan ka’een, mootummaan gabroomsaa kun filannoodhaaf guyyaan lama yoo hafu muummichi ministeeraa yeroo isaa malee paarlaamaa biyyattii walga’ii waamuuudhaan mormitootarratti doorsisaa fi dhaadannoo dhageessisanii turan. Kunis mootummaan bu’aa filannoo humnaan saamuuf qophii jabaa godhaa turuu isaa ni mirkaneessa.

Dabballoonni ADWUI (EPRDF) ajaja hooggantoota isaaniirraa kennameef raawwachiisuuf sa’aatii filannoon itti jalqabamu dursanii halkan achi buluun korojoo guutan, humnoota poolisa federaalaa, humna waraanaa dafee dhaqqabaa fi milishaa bobbaasuun bakka bu’oota boordii filannoo fi taajjabdoota filannoo MEDREK/OFC irraa waraqaa eenyummaa saamuun guutumaan guututti (90%) buufata filannoo irraa ari’aniiru. Dabaltaanis, barattoota manneen baronootaa ol’aanaa kaardii filannoos dhoowwatanii mirga filannoo isaaniis irraa mulqaniiru. (Godina Arsii aanaa Kofalee fi godina Shawaa Dhihaa aanaa Midaa Qanyiitti kaadhimamtootaa fi deeggartoota OFC ajjeesaniiru.) Jimma, Naqamtee fi Baddalleettis hoogganaa ol’aanaa OFC kan ta’an obbo Baqqalaa Garbaa fa reebaniiru.

Kanaafuu, mootummaan nama nyaataa wayyaanee sagalee ummataa saamuun tarkaanfii ajjeechaa, hidhaa fi reebichaa hamaa hedduu raawwate. Nuti Gareen Deeggartoota Koongiresii Federaalistii Oromoo Idil Addunyaa gocha waayyaanee kana balaaleffachaa ibsa armaan gadii kana baafneerra.

1. OFC/MEDREK filannoo guutuu Oromiyaa keessatti geggeeffame moo’eera.

2. Gochaan raawwatame ulaagaa filannoo addunyaa fi seera biyyattii kan hin guunne waan ta’eef cimsinee ni balaaleffanna

3. Saamiinsa sagalee uummataa irraa kan ka’een mormii ka’u hundaaf itti gaafatamaan wayyaaneedha.

4. Mirgoonni heeraan ummataaf kennames humna waraanaatiin irraa mulqamee, bakka buutotnii fi taajjabdootni boordii filannoos ta’ee taajjabdootni mormitootaa buufata filannoorraa ari’amanii filannoon geggeeffame haqa qabeessa akka hin taane ni ibsina.

5. Ummanni keenya Koongiresii Federaalistii Oromoo filachuu fi falmii barbaachisu hundaa godhuu keessaniif isin galateeffachaa kana boodas tarkaanfiin itti aanu maal akka ta’uu qabu KFO irraa hanga kennamutti mirga keessan kabachiisuuf qophiidhaan akka eegdan waamicha isiniif dabarsina.

6. murnootni mootummaa farra ummataa kana aangoorraa kuffisuuf karaa adda addaatiin socha’aa jirtan marti kan beekuu qabdan mootummaan wayyaanee aangoorra kan ture jabina qabaatee osoo hin taane faffaca’iisa humnoota qabsoo Oromoo irraa kan ka’e ta’uu ni hubanna jennee amanna. Kanaafuu, mirgoota ummata keenyaa kabachiisuuf yeroo garaagarummaa xixiqqaa dhiisnee gamtaa fi tokkummaadhaan kaanu amma.

Qabsoon itti fufa!

Garee Deeggartoota Koongiresii Federaalistii Oromoo Idil-Addunyaa


Mootummaan Korojoo Filannoo Saametti Akka Taajjabdoonni Mallatteessan Humnaan Dirqsiisa, Jedhu Mormitoonni

Namoo Daandii, VOA Afaan Oromoo, 

Aanaalee Filannoo Oromiyaa hedduu keessatti humnoonni hidhattootaa Mootummaa akka taajjabdoonni korojoo humnaan harkaa fudhatamee fi irraa hariyatamnitti mallatteessanii fi seera-qabeessa fakkeessan doorsia, hidhaa, miidhaa haga rasaasaan rukkutuu ga’u irratti geggeessaa jiru, ka jedhan – barreessaa Kongiresa Federaalawa Oromoo, Obbo Beqqelee  Nagaa ti.

Qellem Wallaggaa keessatti sababaa kanaan namoonni sadii sababaa kanaan walitti-bu’insa uumameen namoonni sadii rasaasaan haleelamuu isaanii, Arsii Lixaa fi bakkawwan hedduu ka biroo keessatti immoo taajjabdoonni hidhamuu dubbatu.

Aanaa Gadab Asaasaatti namni Mederekiif dorgomanii fi Shawaa Lixaa keessatti taajjabduun filannoo amma hidhaa baqadheen dhokadhee jira, jedhanis himannaadhuma wal-fakkaataa qaban.

Gabaasa guutuuf asi tuqaa



Exit Polls In Ethiopia Show Opposition Victory In May 24, 2015 Elections May 26, 2015

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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes ViralOFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia.

Blue Party Wins in Addis Ababa with 61.9%, Medrek Wins in Oromia with 52.1%


Allen Connelly, a western representative for the exit poll organizing group said, “The exit poll was carried out by a coalition of university student volunteers from Addis Ababa, Jimma and Adama.”

Independent team of college students randomly surveyed thousands of voters statewide on Sunday. The exit poll reportedly cross-examined thousands voters from Oromia and all 10 districts of Addis Ababa. All voters surveyed were asked for their party selection, their age and their ethnicity.

Mr Connelly said his group organized exit polls in Addis Ababa and Oromia state because of shortage of volunteers in other states. Two volunteers were arrested (then later released) by police in Dire Dawa and Ambo while operating the exit polls, added Mr Connelly.

According to the exit poll final results, the ruling party EPRDF received 26.4 percent of the votes in Oromia while the opposition party Medrek got nearly 52.1% (most of them in central and western Oromia zones.)

The OFC branch of Medrek and OPDO branch of EPRDF were the most popular parties mentioned by Oromia voters during the exit polls.

The EDP, UDJ, AEUO and other small opposition parties collectively received only 21.5% in Oromia, according to the survey.

In Addis Ababa city, the unofficial results show the opposition Blue Party won the election with 61.9% while the EDP, UDJ, Medrek and AEUO got a combined 30.6% and the ruling party EPRDF received only 7.5%. The AEUO and EDP parties were more popular among the older age city voters while the city youth overwhelmingly selected the Blue Party. Many Blue Party voters cited previous UDJ (Andinet Party) affiliation.

Among those Addis Ababa voters who voted for all the opposition (92.5%); nearly 38% identified themselves as Amhara ethnic groups, 21.5% mixed ethnic group, 17% as Oromo, 14.5% as Gurage and the rest were smaller ethnicities.

Some voters complained about the ballot box malfunction and many eyewitnessed opposition party election observers being harassed by the police. The majority voters during the exit poll said they have no confidence that their vote will be counted.


In Pictures/Videos: Review of the Historic Oromo Nationals’ Rallies for OFC/Medrek in Oromia (April/May 2015)


‘Déjà vu in Ethiopia’s May 24, 2015 Sham Elections: Marred by rampant electoral fraud, malpractice and violence by the ruling TPLF to stay on and maintain the 24 years tyrannic rules’


Déjà vu in Ethiopia’s May 24, 2015 Sham Elections: Marred by rampant electoral fraud, malpractice and violence by the ruling TPLF to stay on and maintain the 24 years tyrannic rules May 24, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Sham elections.
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???????????TPLF in electoral fraud, 24 May 2015

BREAKING NEWS: Video: Oromo University Students Rally Against Vote Rigging in Oromia (Ethiopia)

“90% of MEDREK election observers in Oromia are harassed & aren’t on election observarion.”

-Obbo Bekele Naga

“BREAKING NEWS | OFC/Medrek Leaders Report Election Irregularities (OMN).”

“Merera Gudina (PhD), a candidate of MEDREK, told Fortune that observers of his party are being massively harassed. .”
-Addis Fortune

In Hadia Zone, Mehar Kerga-“Ha” Polling Station,the ballot box got moved to a nearby health centre due to power outage.

Deja vu in 2015 Ethiopian Elections

VOA: Mr. Elias Hadero, Hadiya National & Medrek Candidate in Southern Region, Claims Vote Rigging.

 VOA: Mr. Elias Hadero, a Hadiya National and a Regional Parliament candidate of the Ethiopian Social Democracy-Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Union (a Medrek party), explains the vote rigging in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ Region.    http://gadaa.net/FinfinneTribune/2015/05/voa-mr-elias-hadero-hadiya-national-medrek-candidate-in-southern-region-claims-vote-rigging/

-Souce: Caamsaa/May 25, 2015 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com

VOA Afaan Oromoo: Guyyaa Filannoo (Qophii Addaa)


Oduu Owwituu!!! Oduu Owwituu!!!!!! ================================ ////////Filannoon osoo hin jalqabamiin xumurameeee!!!!!!//////// Godina Harargee Bahaa Aanaa Giraawaa Araddaa Raasaa Nagayaa je’amanitti filannoon…xumuramee tahu maddeen oduu gabaasan.

Naannoo oromiyaatti Godina Harargee Bahaa aanaa Giraawaa araddaa Raasaa nagayaa Akka maddeen keenya nuf gabaasanit Hawaasa naannichaa humna waraansatin eega waliti qaban booda Kaardi filannoo eega irra sasaaban booda Wanta irraa hafe nutu guuta jechuun ummanni gara mana isaati akka gale beekun dandayameera . Mootummaan wayyaane yeroon filannoo osoo hin gahiin humna woraana issat fayadamuudhan Gandoota baadiyyaa adda addaati gochoota akkas ni geggeeysa jedhame kan sodaatama ture yommuu tahu , akkuma jedhameeti Haraarge bahaa Aanaa Giraawwa ganda raasaa keeysati filannoon yeroo isaa male akka geggeeyfame xumurame madden keenya nuf gabaasaniiru . Akkasumaas bifuma walfakkaatuun Naanoo oromiyaa Godina Arsii Aanaa Balee Ganda Xaqqetti Waraqaan Kaardi filannoo Qaamota mootumaatin haawaasa doorsisuudhan kaardi filannoo hunda isaan irra guurani akkaxumuran madden gaabasiniiru .

Roorroo Falmataa Roobsan


– Social Network ( Facebook)

No Democracy in Ethiopia. No fair and free election in Ethiopia.   Caamsaa 24/2015 Mooraan Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa, Mattuu, Wallaggaa, Amboo, fi Dirree Dawaa addatti humni waraanaa guddaan itti seenee jira.

Caamsaa 24/2015 Gabaasa Qeerroo Jimmaa,img101861

Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo barruulee warraaqsaa belbetuu qabxiiwwaan armaan gadii of irraa qabduu Mooraalee Yuunibarsiitii biyyaatti hundarra facaasuun mootummaa Wayyaanee raafama guddaa keessa galche jira. waraanni wayyaanees bifa lamaan mooraa Yuunibarsiitii seenaa jira, inni tokko uffata sivilii uffachuun, inni lammaffaa immoo hidhannoodhan, barruulee qeerroon facaasaa jiruu adamsuufis lafa waranni kun hin seeniin hin jiru, qabxiiwwaan barruu qeerroo irra jiru muraasni isaa: 1. Dimookiraasiin hin jiru, filannoon hin jiru (No Democracy in Ethiopia and no fair and free election in Ethiopia) 2. Gaaffii mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummata Oromoof deebiin kennamuu qaba. 3. Ilmaan Oromoo jumlaan hidhaman gaaffii tokko malee hiikamuu qabu. 4. Mootummaan Ce’umsaa hundeeffamee, filmaanni demookiraatawaa ta’ee fi haqaa fi bilisa irratti hundaa’ee akka gaggeeffamu jabeessinee gaafatna. 5. Nuti Qeerroon dargaggootni barattootni Oromoo bilisummaa fi dimookiraasii barbaadna, hanga Oromoon bilisoomuu fi Oromiyaan Walaboomtutti FDG jabaatee itti fufa. 6. Waranni nagaa biyyaa,fi daangaa biyyaa eeguuf ijaarame malee dhaaba siyaasaa tokkitti EPRDF/TPLF eeguuf hundeeffame diigamuu qaba. 7. Humni waraanaa Mooraa Yuunibarsiitii seenee barattoota gooluun yakka. waraannii uummata keenya irra qubsiifame kaafamuu qaba, barruun jedhuu mooraalee dhaabbilee barnootatti raamsuun wal qabatee wayyaaneen lafa seentuu dhabuun humna waraanaa guddaa mooraalee Yuunibarsiitiitti ol seensisuuf dirqamtee jiraachuun gabaafame.. gabaasaan itti fufa!!

Ethiopia’s May 24, 2015 election in Oromia Special Zones near Finfinnee voters were not allowed their phones


OLF Statement: The Ethiopian sham election serves only the dictatorial government. #Oromia. #Africa May 24, 2015

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OLF Statement: The Ethiopian sham election serves only the dictatorial government

  The Ethiopian sham election serves only the dictatorial government OLF logo
The Tigray dictatorial ruling class was built on excessive military power. The regime indulged the country into extreme poverty. The corruption of the ruling class was one of the main machinery that put the country into the highest level of economic inequalities where the few members of the ruling class became the richest and the majority of the citizens are unable to even earn their daily bread. This high level of inequality resulted into absolute poverty, migration and loss of lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Today hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian people are living in hunger and insecurity in their own country. Some are cherished in Sahara desert and Mediterranean Sea while they were trying to escape from unfair and abusive government. For the last 24 years, since the Tigray ruling class came to power, the corruption, displacement of people and human rights abuses have increased with the tremendous speed. This misery darken the political space and eradicated people’s hope for democracy. The Ethiopian people have been denied political freedom and rights of expression of their opinions. In this current regime, it is a crime to have different political opinion rather than supporting the Tigray ruling class’s party. The Ethiopian regime recorded highest level of Human rights abuses, killings, and intimidations not only in African continent but also in the world. The Tigray ruling class came to power with military force; it has built its dictatorial regime on military power and will continue to do so. One party dictatorship rule was the vision they had from the very beginning. They proved their vision within the last 24 years. In the future, they want to rule Ethiopia under one party dictatorship rule. The Tigray ruling class never listened to the Ethiopian people, nor willing to listen in the future. The responses to peoples’ questions were imprisonments, tortures and killings. The main priority for the Tigray ruling class is to stay on power. One of the strategy they designed to stay on power is to carry out fake election every five years. The last four elections proved that the ruling class is the most dictatorial regime on the planet. This 5th election that will take place on May 24, 2015 is not different from the previous elections. This election will not make any change to the political system and democracy in the country but it is only to renew the power of the ruling class for the next 5 years. This election is not democratic and not expected to fulfil the interest of the Ethiopian people. The election board is established by the current ruling class; the so called participating political parties are not treated fairly; the members of the opposition parties are arrested, harassed and beaten; the election process do not follow the democratic principle. Therefore, one can easily to judge the outcome of such unfair and sham election. The Ethiopian people was struggling for peace and democracy for several years. Among the people struggling for their rights the Oromo people was on the forefront. The Oromo people was struggling for many years and made huge sacrifices to regain their freedom and democracy. The Oromo people is not struggling to gain nominal seats in dictatorial government system but to become free from a century long political, economic and social domination. This objective cannot be achieved through participating in the election organised by the dictatorial ruling class. Particularly to the Oromo youngsters and students, you have made significant sacrifices to move the Oromo struggle forward. In order to make your sacrifices yield a fruit, you must continue your struggle for freedom and democracy. Participating in this fake election means that you forget the sacrifices your brothers and sisters made. Participating in this election means that you’re building the power of your perpetrators. From many years’ experience, the OLF knows the plan and behaviour the Tigray ruling class. The OLF knows that this regime is not prepared to leave its position even if they lose the election, which is unlikely within the current election process. Therefore, the OLF wants to inform the Ethiopian people in general and the Oromo people in particular, that this election stands only to serve the Tigray ruling class and to keep them in power for the next 5 years. This election does not fulfils the interest the Ethiopian people and do not lead to peace, stability and economic development of the country. The OLF wants to remind the Oromo and other people in Ethiopia that it should not mislead by this sham election. Particularly to the Oromo people, you are the first target of the Tigray ruling class. The power and strength of this regime works against you. So the OLF remind you to stay away from any activity, including the current election that build the Tigray regime and keep them in power. Victory to the Oromo people! Oromo Liberation Front May 23, 2015

Filannoon Fakkeessaa fi Kijibaa Abbootii Irree malee Ummatoota hin Fayyadu.

Filannoon Fakkeessaa fi Kijibaa Abbootii Irree malee Ummatoota hin Fayyadu. Bittaan gita bittoota Tigraay ummatootaa Itophiyaa irratti humna qawween of irroomse Itophiyaa tarree biyyoota hiyyeeyyii keessaa baasuu hin dandeenye. Kadhaa gargaarsa alagaa irraa argamuun jireessuu keessaa baasuu dadhabee har’as taanaan Impaayerittiin hiriira biyyoota gargaarsaan jiraatan keessatti akka hiriirtetti jirti. Saaminsi daangaa dhabe murna aangoo irra jiruun adeemsifamu abbootii aangoo duroomsee lammiilee sadarkaa of jiraachisuu dadhabuu fi abdii dhabuu irraa, kanneen osoo jireenya barbaadanii galaana keessatti dhuman, biyyoota gara garaa keessatti haala suukanneessaa fi gaddisiisaan ajjeefaman lakkoobsi guddaa dha. Bilisa tahanii gurmaa’uun, yaada qaban ibsatuun guutummaatti yakkatti fudhatamee hidhaa, ajjeechaa fi roorroo gosa gara garaa lammiilee irraan gahuun Itophiyaan biyyoota Afriikaa irra dabree sadarkaa addunyaatti iyyuu tarree duraa keessatti argamuun haala qabatamaa biyyattii keessaa ibsa. Saaminsi, cunqursaan, buqqa’insi fi dhiittaan mirga dhala namaa waggoota 24 dabraniif adeemsifamee fi sadarkaan har’a irra gahe egeree biyyattii kan dukkaneesse, ummatoota kan abdii dhabsiise dha. Wayyaaneen qawween dhufe. Qawweenis jiraate. Fuula duras Itophiyaa abbaa irrummaa paartii tokkoo jala tursuun murtii isaa bosonaa qabatee dhufe tahuun kan shakkamu miti. Ammas kana ifaan labsatee jira. Mootummaan Wayyaanee, ummatootni maal barbaadan? maal gaafataa jiran? Maalis hawwan? jedhee yaada ummatootaa hubatee gaaffii isaaniif deebii kennuuf kan fedhii hin qabne tahuu irraa gaaffiin ummatootaa deebii hin argatiin jiran. Kan Wayyaaneetti fardii, akkaataa itti aangoo humnaan argate tiksatuu danda’u irratti bobba’uu qofa. Waan taheef aangoo isaatti iggitii godhatuuf mala adda addaatti fayyadama. Tooftaalee aangoo irra ittiin of tursuuf itti gargaaramaa turee fi jiru keessaa filannoon kijibaa waggaa shan shanitti adeemsifamu isa tokko. Filannoon Caamsaa 24, 2015 itti baallamamee jirus Wayyaanee aangomsuun alatti faydaa biraa argamsiisu hin qabu. Sababootni isaas haalli filannoon kun ittiin adeemsifamu kan ulaagaa filannoo dimokraatwaa hin guutne tahuu qofa osoo hin taane murni Wayyaanee sagalee ummataan aangoo kan gadi hin dhiisne tahuu murteeffatuu irraa ti. Filannoon 5ffaa kun filannoota kanaan duraa irraas addummaa hin qabu. Kan filannoo kana mataa itti tahuun geggeessaa jiru boordiin filannoo kan sirnichaan sirnichaaf utubame dha. Kana waliin dorsisii fi dinniinni, hidhaa fi dhaaninsi mootummaa Wayyaaneen ummatoota irratti raawwatamaa jiru nageenya isaa kan gaaffii jala galche, bilisummaa isaa haqee sodaa itti bulche dha. ABOn akeekaa fi amala Wayyaanee bareechee waan beekuuf, akkasumas, itti bahi filannoo iftoomina hin qabnee, haqa irratti hin hundoofnee fi dimokraatawaa hin taanee maal akka tahu waan hubatuuf filannoo Caamsaa 24, 2015 hawwii fi fedhiin ummatootaa ittiin guutamaa irraa hin eegu. Kana irraa ka’uudhaanis yeroo gara garaatti ummatootni Itophiyaa addatti ammo ummatni Oromoo filannoo fakkeessii Wayyaanee akka lagatu waamichaa kan dabarsaa ture. Har’a Itophiyaa keessatti jibbinsa Wayyaanee fi sirna cunqursaa Wayyaaneen durfamu irraa ummatootni qabsoo hadhaawaa geggeessaa fi gaaffiilee adda addaa kaasaa jiran. Kanneen sirnicha irratti mormii finiinsaa jiran keessaa ummatni Oromoo durummaan hiriiree argama. Ummatni Oromoo kan ilmaan isaa wareegaa jiru, qabeenya isaa itti dhabaa fi baqaaf saaxilamee mankaraaruu irratti argamu, filannoo kijibaa keessatti hirmaatee barcuma lamaas tahe kudha lama argatuuf miti. Rakkoo siyaasaa, dinagdee fi hawaasummaa jaarraa tokkoo oliif irratti saare dhabamee walabummaan isaa dhugoomee bilisa tahee jiraachuufi. Akeeknii fi hawwiin ummata Oromoo kun ammoo filannoo sirna abbaa irrummaa jalatti geggeeffamuun tasa hin argamu. Waan taheef ummatni Oromoo haqa kana hubatuun furaan dhibdee isaa qabsoon malee kan hin argamne tahuu beekee, filannoo kijibaan akka hin dagamne ABO irra deebi’ee gadi jabeessee hubachiisuu fedha. Filannoo kana keessatti hirmaatuun mootummaa irratti qabsaawaa jiru seeressuu qofa taha. Filannoo mootummaa farra ummata Oromoo irroomsu keessatti qooda fudhatuun haada sirnichi mormatti nu kaa’ee jiru ofitti jabeessuu qofa taha. Addatti ammo dargaggoon Oromoo qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo fuula dura tarkaanfachiisuu keessatti wareegamni baasaa turtanii fi jirtan akka firii godhatu dandeessisuuf Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa jabeessuun filmaata isa duraa akka tahetti itti fufsiisuun murteessaa dha. Morkaa fi xiqiin ykn jibbiinsa Wayyaanee qofa irraa ka’uun filannoo kijibaa jala gugatuun wareegama kanaan dura baafame irratti bishaan naquu taha. Waan taheef ummatni keenya sochii aangoo mootummaa Wayyaanee seeressuu kamuu lagatuun mirga isaa qabsoo isaan harka galfatuuf akka qabsoo isaa finiinsu ABO gadi jabeessee waamicha isaa haaromsa. Injifatnoo Ummata Oromoof! Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo Caamsaa 18, 2015




Ethiopia’s election is a wake-up call on human rights and sound governance. The international community must challenge Ethiopia’s oppressive regime by funding local human rights and democracy groups May 23, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections, The Tyranny of Ethiopia.
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???????????TPLF's sham elections

Ethiopia’s election is a wake-up call on human rights and sound governance

‘Ethiopia’s elections are just an exercise in controlled political participation.’
Jason Mosley

On Sunday, millions of Ethiopians will line up at polling stations to participate in Africa’s largest exercise of political theatre. A decade-long campaign by Ethiopia’s government to silence dissent forcibly has left the country without a viable political opposition, without independent media, and without public challenges to the ruling party’s ideology.

For most Ethiopians, these elections are a non-event.

The one potential dividend of these sham polls, however, is the international attention they will garner for the government’s growing political repression. The blatant disregard for internationally recognised standards for free and fair elections just might convince Ethiopia’s largest donors that it is time to rethink their relationship with an increasingly authoritarian government.

As long as democratic governance and respect for human rights are pushed aside by donors in favour of economic development and security cooperation, Ethiopia’s long-term stability is at serious risk.

Since 2005, the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) has cracked down on independent media and human rights groups.

In 2009, parliament passed the charities and societies proclamation, which placed restrictive regulations on non-government organisations, including limitations on foreign funding. Today,only a handful of these groups exist, and most are struggling to survive.

The preferred government strategy for eliminating independent media is to file criminal charges against publishers, and to impose hefty fines and prison terms. When lawsuits do not succeed, the government simply arrests journalists, as occurred last year when bloggers and journalists affiliated with the Zone 9 blogging collective were apprehended. The group remains imprisoned and charged as terrorists.

Post-election, the EPRDF, secure in its hold on power, might be willing to allow a small degree of dissent: Ethiopian officials are increasingly wary of reactions by the international community to the crackdown on critics and in 2013 published a national human rights action plan.

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The US, UK and European Union – Ethiopia’s largest donors – need to increase their support for democracy and human rights because much can be done right now.

Despite years of political repression, a new generation of human rights defenders is slowly emerging. The Zone 9 bloggers represented this new generation, using new technologies to educate fellow Ethiopians on exercising and defending their rights.

The human rights and democracy groups that remain are finding creative ways to conduct their work. This includes working with traditional development organisations, which the government generally tolerates, or focusing on seemingly apolitical issues, such as government accountability and corruption, that are important in strengthening Ethiopia’s democracy.

Donor countries fall short in their support for these groups. In the US, President Barack Obama’s latest budget request includes some $400m (£257m) in assistance to Ethiopia – but only $2m of it is for democracy and human rights programming.

The UK is equally parsimonious in democracy support. One reason is that the EPRDF makes it difficult for domestic groups to accept outside aid.

Donors could take concrete action right now. First, supporting off-shore programming allows activists to travel outside Ethiopia to get technical and strategic advice. Second, donors’ strategies for Ethiopia should include funds specifically dedicated to strengthening independent media outlets and journalists; the EU intends to take this step after the election.

Placards belonging to protestors outside the Foreign Commonwealth Office to demand the immediate release of UK citizen, Andargachew Tsege, who is being held in incommunicado detention in Ethiopia, having been kidnapped in Yemen in June 2014. Facebook Twitter Pinterest
A poster demanding the release of UK citizen Andargachew Tsege, who was kidnapped in Yemen last June and is being held in Ethiopia. Photograph: Stephen Chung/Alamy
Also, donors can find ways around foreign funding restrictions by pushing for the creation of funding pools considered local under Ethiopian law. The EU did this in 2011, when it created the Civil Society Fund, providing assistance to local human rights and democracy groups. The US should use its economic and diplomatic leverage to do likewise, a move that would provide a much-needed lifeline for these groups.

Greater funding for human rights will be vital for Ethiopian activists, whose reach has been limited by the charities and societies proclamation.

Before that came into being six years ago, the country’s leading human rights organisation, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO), operated with a budget of $400,000 and 60 employees.

Today, its budget is less than half that figure, and staffing is down 80%. The only thing keeping EHRCO alive is financial aid from the EU Civil Society Fund.

Ethiopia receives nearly $4bn in official development assistance. This is more than any other country in Africa and makes up a significant portion of the government’s annual budget. If the US, UK, EU and Canada coordinated policies, Ethiopia would have to respond to their human rights and democracy concerns.

Ethiopia’s election should be a wake-up call for the international community. With each successive election that does not allow genuine choice, both apathy and resentment grow, and Ethiopia risks falling prey to the same instability that has plagued its neighbours.

Daniel Calingaert is executive vice-president of Freedom House. Kellen McClure is an advocacy officer in its Africa programmes.



What’s at stake when Ethiopians vote in May 2015

Even by Ethiopia’s own standard, the 2015 elections appear to be far less competitive than the last two polls. The country’s one-time vocal opposition is all but decimated, in part because of their own undoing but largely due to the ever-tightening political space and the lack of freedom to organize.


Amnesty International: Ethiopia: Onslaught on human rights ahead of elections. #Africa. #Oromia May 23, 2015

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???????????Because I am Oromo

Ethiopia: Onslaught on human rights ahead of elections

Amnesty International, 22 May 2015

The run-up to Ethiopia’s elections on Sunday has been marred by gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of ordinary Ethiopians’ human rights, says Amnesty International.

“The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent,” said Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

The Ethiopian authorities have jailed large numbers of members of legally registered opposition political parties, journalists, bloggers and protesters. They have also used a combination of harassment and repressive legislation to repress independent media and civil society.

The lead-up up to the elections has seen an onslaught on the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly. This onslaught undermines the right to participation in public affairs freely and without fear as the government has clamped down on all forms of legitimate dissent.
Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

In the run-up to Sunday’s elections, opposition political party members report increased restrictions on their activities. The Semayawi (Blue) Party informed Amnesty International that more than half of their candidates had their registration cancelled by the National Electoral Board. Out of 400 candidates registered for the House of Peoples Representatives, only 139 will be able to stand in the elections.

On 19 May, Bekele Gerba and other members of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC)-Medrek were campaigning in Oromia Region when police and local security officers beat, arrested and detained them for a couple of hours.

On 12 May, security officers arrested two campaigners and three supporters of the Blue Party who were putting up campaign posters in the capital Addis Ababa. They were released on bail after four days in detention.

In March, three armed security officers in Tigray Region severely beat Koshi Hiluf Kahisay, a member of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (EFDUD) Arena-Medrek. Koshi Hiluf Kahisay had previously received several verbal warnings from security officials to leave the party or face the consequences.

In January, the police violently dispersed peaceful protesters in Addis Ababa during an event organized by the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party (UDJ). Police beat demonstrators with batons, sticks and iron rods on the head, face, hands and legs, seriously injuring more than 20 of them.

At least 17 journalists, including Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Wubishet Taye, have been arrested and charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation (ATP), and sentenced to between three and 18 years in prison. Many journalists have fled to neighboring countries because they are afraid of intimidation, harassment and attracting politically motivated criminal charges.

Civil society’s ability to participate in election observation has been restricted under the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) to only Ethiopian mass based organizations aligned with the ruling political party.

Amnesty International calls on the Africa Union Election Observation Mission (AU EOM) currently in Ethiopia to assess and speak to the broader human rights context around the elections in both their public and private reporting. It also calls on the AU EOM to provide concrete recommendations to address the gross, systematic and widespread nature of violations of the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly which have undermined the right to participate in public affairs freely and without fear.

“The African Union’s election observers have a responsibility to pay attention to human rights violations specific to the elections as well as more broadly,” said Wanyeki. “The African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights protects the right of Ethiopians to freely participate in their government. This right has been seriously undermined by violations of other civil and political rights in the lead-up to the elections.”


Amnesty International has been monitoring, documenting and reporting on the human rights situation in Ethiopia for more than four decades.

Since the country’s last elections in 2010, the organization has documented arbitrary and politically motivated arrests and detentions, torture and other ill-treatment, as well as gross, systematic and wide-spread violations of the rights to freedom of expression and association.


Related: AmnestyInternationalReport_BecauseIAmOromo014

UNPO: European Parliament Discusses Situation in Ethiopia ahead of 24 May Election: Is the EU Evaluating an Ambiguous Tradeoff? #Ogaden #Oromia May 23, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Sham elections, UNPO.
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European Parliament Discusses Situation in Ethiopia ahead of 24 May Election: Is the EU Evaluating an Ambiguous Tradeoff?

UNPO, 22 May 2015


On 20 May 2015, the situation in Ethiopia ahead of the 24 May parliamentary election was discussed during the European Parliament’s monthly plenary session in Strasbourg. After an introductory statement on the EU’s policy towards Ethiopia by Commissioner Christos Stylianides, speaking on behalf of EU foreign affairs chief Federica Mogherini, MEPs from across Europe and the political spectrum were given the opportunity to express their point of view on the issue. While several MEPs expressed deep concern for the human rights situation in Ethiopia, especially in the Ogaden region, and argued that the EU should make better use of its power and funds, others underlined the importance of maintaining a good relationship with the country, considered to be a cornerstone for stability in the Horn of Africa. Overall, the debate largely reflected the EU’s dilemma of a constant tradeoff between economic/security related interests and its core values of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. 

That Ethiopia is an important partner to the European Union, especially thanks to the stabilising role it plays in the Horn of Africa and in countering religious extremists such as Al Shaabab, is hardly any breaking news. Neither is the important progress the country has made in terms of economic development in recent years. And yet, this is what the statement of the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/ Commission Vice-President Federica Mogherini emphasised, while also, albeit rather softly, approaching the problems surrounding the upcoming Ethiopian election. While recognising that 24 May will not signify a victory for pluralist democracy with a free and fair plebiscite, the statement continued by stressing that the EU has raised its concerns with the Ethiopian government and that democratic transition always takes time.

Among the MEPs participating in the debate, Davor Ivo Stier (EPP), Miroslav Piotrovski (ECR), Cécile Kyenge (S&D), Lidia Senra Rodriguez (GUE), Jordi Sebastiá (EFA/Greens), Bogdan Wenta (EPP), Fabio Massimo Castaldo (EFDD), Josef Weidenholzer (S&D),  Alessia Mosca (S&D), Julie Ward (S&D) and Ana Gomes (S&D) expressed great concern with regards to the human rights situation in the country, referring to, amongst others, the appalling statistics on imprisoned and exiled journalists and the difficulties faced by opposition groups who had tried to register for the elections. Many of the aforementioned also highlighted the fact that the previous elections, in 2005 and 2010 respectively, to which the EU had sent election observation missions, had been declared ‘not fair’ – a criticism bluntly rejected by Ethiopia.

The alarming situation in the Ogaden region, where trade and humanitarian embargos, accompanied by severe repression and human rights violations, including systematic rape, are severely affecting the population, was raised by Julie Ward, Ana Gomes, Josef Weidenholzer and Jordi Sebastiá. Well informed about the dynamics in the Horn of Africa, they warned that the situation in Ethiopia is all but stable; on the contrary the Ethiopian Government’s repressive policies are providing fertile ground for extremists to operate on.

Moreover, many of the interventions echoed that the EU and its Member States should be bolder in conditioning development funds to Ethiopia on the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Also highlighted was the importance of carefully monitoring these funds and making sure that they are actually used for development projects, rather than to finance crackdown on dissidents and political opposition movements. In this context, it was recommended that the EU issue a statement ahead of the elections, or immediately after, stating clearly that it does not consider these elections a manifestation of democracy.

Another line of argument was maintained by MEPs Louis Michel (ALDE), James Carver (EFDD), Marie-Christine Arnautu (non-attached) and Steeve Briois (non-attached), who argued that although the EU should encourage Ethiopia to adhere to international human rights standards, the first priorities should be to keep a good relationship with the government and put even more emphasis of the question of regional stability.

Following the heated debate the ball was passed back to the Commission for the HR/VP’s response:  whereas the EU will continue to engage in development efforts, it will also work towards strengthening human rights, and deepen its engagement to promote long-term democratisation in Ethiopia. This seemingly vague approach shows that the EU is currently facing a moral dilemma with regards to Ethiopia, whereby the economic and security interests at stake allow for a rather relaxed attitude towards Ethiopia even, if it is clear that the latter does not adhere to the Union’s core values of democracy, rule of law and respect for human rights, including minority rights.

Nevertheless, the announcement made during the Plenary session of HR/VP Mogherini’s intention to travel to Ethiopia in the near future could be seen as an opportunity for the EU to take a firmer stance on the human rights dimension of its relations with Ethiopia under the Cotonou Agreement, and to pressure for the embargo to be lifted and for international NGOs and journalists to be allowed access to the Ogaden region. Although it might be economically beneficial for the EU to maintain its soft approach to Ethiopia in the short term, UNPO firmly holds that the only way to achieve long-term stability and prosperity is through the unconditional fulfilment of the human rights of all Ethiopians, including the Ogaden and Oromo people.

You can access the list of speakers and the video of their statement on the European Parliament’s website(the discussion on the situation in Ethiopia started at 17:10).

Photo courtesy of Gerry Balding@flickr


Ethiopia: Elections Signal Need for U.S. Policy Change. #Africa. #Oromia May 23, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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???????????Freedom HouseEthiopia's scores on freedom

Ethiopia: Elections Signal Need for U.S. Policy Change

Freedom House, Washington, May 21, 2015

In advance of Ethiopia’s elections scheduled for May 24, Freedom House issued the following statement and policy recommendations:

“The Ethiopian government’s disregard for international standards for free and fair elections as it prepared for voting should convince the United States that it must rethink and shift its relationship with that government,” said Mark P. Lagon, president of Freedom House. “For Ethiopia to represent a stable, reliable ally in the region, U.S. security and economic assistance must be accompanied by Obama administration strongly urging it take tangible steps to strengthen civil society’s voice, good governance, and democracy.”

Policy Recommendations 

  • Reallocate a portion of the economic and security assistance to programs dedicated to supporting democracy.
  • Push for creation of a special U.S. fund that could become a source of outside support for Ethiopian human rights and democracy groups.
  • Regularly request that visiting U.S. officials obtain access to detention centers where journalists, human rights defenders and other political prisoners are being held.
  • Pursue a strict application of all laws and regulations, including the Leahy Law, that ensure security assistance does not go to perpetrators of human rights abuses.
  • Include in the USAID country development strategy clear guidance on the importance of supporting independent media in Ethiopia, to promote freedom of expression, ensure accountability of government, and fight corruption.

Ethiopia is rated Not Free in Freedom in the World 2015, Not Free in Freedom of the Press 2015, and Not Free in Freedom on the Net 2014.

Freedom House is an independent watchdog organization that supports democratic change, monitors the status of freedom around the world, and advocates for democracy and human rights.


Oromia: Oromo Federalist Congress’s (OFC/Medrek) Last Campaign Stops – Gujii Zone, Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) & Holataa Towns and in Bale, Huge Turnouts at Each Stop May 22, 2015

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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral1OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral

OFC/Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Gujii Zone, Borana, Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) & Holataa Towns and Bale, Huge Turnouts at Each Stop

The Oromo Federalist Congress’s (OFC/Medrek) last campaign stops before the upcoming Sunday polls were Gujii, Borana and Bale Zones in southern Oromia, and Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in central Oromia. At each of these campaign stops, OFC/Medrek supporters/voters had come out in huge recording-breaking numbers.

Gujii Zone: Southern Oromia:-

OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Gujii Zone, South Oromia

OFC Supporters/ Voters at Nagallee Borana stadium with Baqqalaa  Nagaa

OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Gujii Zone, South Oromia1

Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa: Central Oromia

Dr. Merera Gudina with his supporters in Xuquur Incinii:

OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia.OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia1OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia2OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia3OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Xuquur Incinii (Diree Badhaas) and Holataa in Central Oromia4

Bale: Southern Oromia

Duulli Filannoo Bara kanaaf gaafa Caamsaa 21 bara 2015 kana Godina Baalee Aanaa Sinaannattii fi Gooroo keessatti Dargaggoonnii fi Maanguddoon Biyyaa Waliin gurma’anii Uummanni Aanaa Kanaa Hubannoo Argatee Koongiresii Federaalawaa Oromoo Akka Filatuuf Magaalaa keessa naanna’anii Sochii guddaa gochaa yoo jiru.

OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Bale, Southern Oromia3

OFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Bale, Southern OromiaOFC Medrek’s Last Campaign Stops – Bale, Southern Oromia1


Video of the OFC/Medrek Naqamtee Campaign with Ob. Bulchaa Dammaqsaa from a Week Ago

OMN regarding the attack on Bekele Gerba


Filannoo Itoophiyaa bara 2015


Doorsisi mootummaa qabsoo uummataa hin dhaabsisu jedhu mormitoonni

Ibsa muummicha ministeeraa kanaaf deebii gama mormitootaan deebii kan nuu kennan barreessaa paartii federaalawaa uummata oromoo obbo Baqqalaa Nagaa turan. Uummata keenya qabsoo inni eegale doorsisi mootummaan oofu hin dhaabsisu jedhan.

Waggoota digdamii afuriif uummatichaaf bu’aa hin buusne har’a ka’anii gama misoomaan uummataan fedhii keen guuta jedhanii waadaa duwwaa seenuun waan fakkaatu miti uummatis gowwoomsamaa hin jiru jedhan obbo baqqalaan.

Mootummaan taajjabdoota keenya ka filannoo maqaa isaanii boordii Filannoo irraa guurratee mana hidhaatti naqaa jira, reebaa fi hiraarsaa jira kan jedhan obbo Baqqalaan filannoo taajjabdoota hin qabne geggeessuuf dhiisuu keenya murteessuuf jirra jedhan.

Nuti kan nuti uummataaf waadaa seennu kanaa fi sanan sii godha jennee gowwoomsuu utuu hin ta’ini yoo carraa arganne sirna dimokraasii fi haqaa diriirsuu dhaan uummati keenya jireenya wayyaawaa akka jiraatu gochuuf qabsoofna jedhechuun obbo Baqqalaan nuuf ibsaniiru.

Oromia: SBO: Oduu Filannoo Wayyaanee, Caamsaa 20, 2015 May 21, 2015

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Mootummaan Wayyaanee filannoo isaa Caamsaa 24, 2015 Dilbata dhufu geggeeffatuun walqabatee Oromiyaa keessatti iddoowwan Fincilli ummataa ni dhoha jedhee sodaatutti karaa ittiinan dhaamsuu danda’a jedhu humna waraanaatti dabalatee karoora biraa baafatee socho’aa jiraachuun isaa saaxilame.

Filannoon kun filannoo dimokraatawaa, bilisaa fi haqummaa kan hin qabne, ulaagaa filannoo addunyaan beekuu kan hin guutnee fi taajjabdootni idil addunyaa tokkollee kan irratti hin argamne filmaata fakkeessii fi waliin dhahaa tahuun isaa yoo beekamu, mootummaan Wayyaanee filannichaan booda diddaan ummatootaa akka hin dhalanne, addatti ammoo Oromiyaa keessatti Fincilli ummataa fi dargaggootaa ka’uu danda’a sodaa jedhuun diddaa dhalatu dhaamsuuf humna waraanaa, poolisaa fi humnoota tikaa bobbaafatee jirutti dabalee karaa ittiin diddaan kun hin babal’anne tooftaa ittiinan dhaamsa jedhu kan biraa lafa kaawwatee socho’aa jiraachuu Maddeen Oduu SBO saaxilaniiru.

Haaluma kanaan mootummaan abbaa irree fi goolessaan Wayyaanee Oromiyaa keessaa bakkoota fincilli ummataa fi dargaggootaan ka’uu danda’a jedhee sodaataa jiru Dhiha Shawaa, Baha Wallaggaa, Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee, Lixa Wallaggaa D.Doolloo fi naannoo isheetti akkuma adeemsi filannoo xumurameen naannolee kanatti mo’amneerra jedhee labsuun diddaan ummata Oromoo akka hin kaane, bakkoota biraattis fincilli ummataa fi dargaggootaan akka hin qabsiifamne ukkaamsee hambisuuf karoorfatee akka jiru maddeen SBO ifa godhanii jiran.

Filannoo kanaan walqabatee naannolee kanatti mormii ummataa dhalatuu malu tooftaa kanaan ukkaamsinaan bakkoota biratti fincilli hin dhalatu, hin babal’atu, salphaatti filannoo keenya milkii fi injifannoo paartii IHADGn xumurachuu dandeenya jechuun itti amantaan socho’aa jiraachuun isaanii saaxilameera.

Oromiyaa keessattis haa ta’u, naannolee empaayerattii hunda keessatti mootummaan Wayyaanee/IHADG filannoo kana waliin dhahee, korojoo hatee, ummatas doorsisee fi tokko shaneen walitti hidhee akkuma duraanii injifannoo kijibaa labsachuun isaa waan dirree jiru, shakkii tokkollee kan hin qabne ta’uu kan hubachiisan maddeen SBO, karoorri Oromiyaa keessatti fincila ummataa dhaamsuuf Dhiha Shawaa, Baha Wallaggaa, Naqamtee, D.Doolloo fi bakkoota biraatti baafamee jiru kan mul’isu, sagalee ummataa ukkaamsuuf shira olaanaa xaxamaa jiru ta’uun isaa akkuma jirutti ta’ee, mormitootni barcuma lama, shan ykn kudhan argatanii paarlamaa galanii teenyaan isaan gaha jechuu akka ta’e kan mul’isuu dha jedhaniiru.

Kanas ta’e sanas filannoo waliin dhahaa sirna mootummaa Wayyaanee jalatti geggeeffamuun murna shiftaa aangoo humna qawween qabate Wayyaanee aangoo irraa kaasanii sagalee ummataa, waan ummatni fedhu argamsiisuun akka hin danda’amne sabboontotni Oromoo yaada agabaastota SBOf kennaniin mul’isuun, mormitootni maqaa Oromoon jiran barcuma murtooftuu argatanii paarlamaa seenanii taa’uun rakkoo fi gidiraa sirna cunqursaa ummata Oromoo irratti barootaaf jiraate furuu akka hin dandeenye, kaleessas akka hin danda’amiin addeessaniiru.

Kanaaf ummatni Oromoo, ka’imman Oromoo waca filannoo kanaan dahatee deemaa jiruun osoo hin dagamne, keessaa fi alatti irree isaa gamteeffachuun bilisummaa fi mirga abbaa biyyummaa isaa dhugoomfachuuf qabsoo isaa caalaatti jabeeffatee, FDG bifa gara garaan deemaa jirus daran babal’isee finiinsuu akka qabu sabboontotni Oromoo dhaamsa isaanii dabarsanii jiru.

Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO)n filannoo Wayyaanee kana ilaalchisuun ibsa Caamsaa 18,2015 baaseen, Filannoon Caamsaa 24, 2015nitti baallamamee jiru Wayyaanee aangomsuun alatti faydaa biraa ummatootaaf argamsiisu tokkollee akka hin qabne ifa gochuun, ummatni Oromoo haqa kana hubatuun furaan dhibdee isaa qabsoon malee kan hin argamne tahuu beekee, filannoo kijibaan akka hin dagamne, mirgaa fi bilisummaa isaa qabsoo isaan gonfachuuf jabaatee akka warraaqu ibsa kanaan yaamicha isaa dabarsee jira.


Oromia: Oromo Federalist Congress: Obbo. Baqqalaa Nagaa Campaign Rally for OFC/Medrek in Bule Hora southern Oromia May 20, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral1OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral   The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaign tour has continued in south and south western Oromia. On the 19th and 20th May 2015 , the campaign tour made a stop at Beddelle  in Illuu Abbaa Boora,  South Western Oromia (led by Baqqalaa Garbaa) and in Shaakkiso & Bule Hora in Guji/Borana, Southern Oromia (led by Baqqalaa Nagaa).Yet again, the OFC rally drew massive turnouts in thousands as  potential voters, who braved the constant harassment and intimidation of Ethiopia’s tyrannic  TPLF regime to express their solidarity with OFC/Medrek.  https://www.oromiamedia.org/2015/05/omn-oduu-caamsaa-19-2015/ Here are some of the pictures from Bule Hora  viral in social  media:-   Deeggarsi Caamsaa 19 fi 20 bara 2015 Magaalaa Bulee Horaatti Barreessaa Olaanaa Koongirensii Federaalawaa Oromoo Obbo Baqqalaa Naggaaf Godhamaa Ture Hedduu Kan Nama Gammachiisuu fi Nama Boonsu Dha.     Oromo Federalist  Congress rally in a Southern Oromia town of Bule Hora Oromo Federalist  Congress rally in a Southern Oromia town of Bule Hora Led by Baqqalaa Nagaa on 19 May 2015

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2015/05/omn-duula-filannoo-kfoofc-caamsaa-20-2015/Oromo Federalist  Congress rally1 in a Southern Oromia town of Bule Hora Led by Baqqalaa Nagaa on 19 May 2015     https://www.oromiamedia.org/2015/05/omn-oduu-caamsaa-19-2015/   Godina Wallaggaa Aanaalee Jimmaa Arjoo fi Waayyuu Qilxuu Keessatti Diddaan Uummataa Jabinaan Itti Fufe,Ummannis Wagahii Duula Filatnoo Wayyaanee Guututti Lagate. May 20, 2015 Gabaasa Qeerroo Caamsaa 19,2015 Naqamte

Godina Wallaggaa Aanaalee Jimmaa Arjoo gandoota Waayyuu Qilxuu,Kamisa Beeraa fi aanaa Nuunnuu Qumbaa ganda Bildiimmaa Qexxoo keessatti guyyaa kaleessaa uummati bakkeewwan kana jiraatu Wayyaanee fi jala deemtotashee OPDOtti waaroo salphinaa uffisan Onaa Jimmaa Arjoottis ta’e walii gala biyyattiitti filmaata sobaa geggeessituuf mootummaan Wayyaaneen tokkoshaneen nafiladhaa jedhus falmii jabaan uummata irraa itti ka’aa jira. Jimmaa Arjoo gandoota Waayyuu Qilxuu fi Kamisa beeraatti uumnata bobbaasee wayita Mootummaan Wayyaaneen akka hayyudureen tokko Shane’s isinitti agarsiisutti nufiladhaa yeroo jedhu uummati walgahii harkatti fashaleessuun kaabinoota haalaan naasuun akka rifatan Qeerroo Jimma arjoo gabaasee jira. Oduu walfakkaatuun achuma ollichatti kan argamu aanaa nuunnuu qumbaa ganda Bildiimmaa qexoorraas uumnati biyyi tokko shaneen filannoo geggeessitu addunyaa kanarraa dhaga’amee hin beeku jechuun FDG Wayyaanerratti waan dhageessisaniif yeroo ammaa kana namni bakka bakkatti sosso’uuf rakkoo guddaa keessa akka jiran Qeerroon gabaasa.


Oromia: TPLF Ethiopia is doing electoral frauds to extend its tyranny contrary to the public will May 19, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections.
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???????????OFC at East Harargee, Oromia

Ethiopia: “Ruling party can’t win in Oromia without electoral fraud,” Dr. Merera Gudina, speaking to VOA


Bontu Bekele & other youth predict victory for OFC/Medrek in Finfinne, in the absence of electoral fraud (VOA)

    Caamsaa/May 20, 2015 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com


Do not allow TPLF’s electoral fraud.
From procedural violations of electoral law that is to distort results to the outright use of violence against opposition candidates and voters, what TPLF Ethiopia is doing is electoral Frauds. By means of electoral fraud or vote rigging TPLF is illegally interfering with the process of an election. That is to continue in its tyrannic rules.

In free and fair elections citizens each get one ballot and one vote. This is their right and it is their right to vote freely for whoever they want, without anyone doing anything to stop them. That’s how democratic elections work.
However, electoral frauds are the opposite of the free and the fair. As experts in the field demonstrate, electoral fraud is the most serious form of electoral malpractice, which is almost any wrong doing affecting election procedures and materials.

Studies show that electoral fraud is most likely to occur during elections in countries where basic freedoms and rights are not sufficiently guaranteed. As electoral fraud is most likely to occur in countries where freedoms and rights are not sufficiently guaranteed, and the election in TPLF Ethiopia today is being held under these conditions, then electoral fraud is to be expected in many ways. As TPLF is working 100 % to fraud the election, the amount and severity of TPLF’s fraud depends on (can only be minimized by) the ability of the voters (public), the international community, and other social institutions (political parties, independent media, civil rights advocates, monitoring organizations, etc.) to effectively stand to protect the freedoms and rights of voters and candidates. In this completely tyrannic system, independent media and civil right organizations are already curtailed.
It is indisputable that electoral fraud is a violation of some of the most sacred political rights, such as the right to freely vote and to stand for elections. In fact, the most frequent allegations of electoral fraud arose in countries classified by Freedom House as not free or partly free. Freedom House classifies Ethiopia as not free.

Ethiopia's scores on freedom
Fraudulent electoral commission: The Electoral Authority or Electoral Management Body (EMB) that administering the elections suppose to perform in a neutral manner, regardless of whether its part of the executive branch of government or form an independent electoral commission. The latter is currently the prevailing model worldwide. But in the TPLF Ethiopia’s elections the board is fraudulent appointed by TPLF to serve TPLF tyranny to stay in power contrary to the public’s will.

TPLF is intimidating voters (opposition):If someone is intimidated to vote (or not vote) then this is electoral fraud. The TPLF securities are threatening candidates and voters with terror, injury, damage or harm. TPLF’s Agazi is treating opposition candidates and civilian with violence.


Bribing voters: TPLF also buys voters and candidates.TPLF also has set up many fake parties that pretend as independent. This is electoral fraud.

Voting as someone else (TPLF’s made up cards):The person could be alive, dead or completely made up -if someone pretends to be someone other than themselves in order to vote they have committed electoral fraud.
Treating: Paying for food, drink or entertainment in exchange for voting or not voting. This is identified as being used by TPLF.
Multiple voting: It is illegal to vote on behalf of someone else unless some one is officially appointed as their proxy.
Secrecy: Each ballot paper is secret, asking someone to reveal their ballot paper is an offence. TPLF is forcing people to sign for TPLF through its 1-5 spy structure.
False registration information: It is an offence to deliberately give wrong information when applying to register. All these are in use by TPLF as it controls the elections process.

Political communication, civic education and voter information: Genuine elections allowing for the free expression of the will of the people require a level playing field. This is a precondition for political parties and candidates to be able to convey their programs and platforms to the public on a fairly equal basis in all areas of the country where they compete. A level playing field would also require that voters are given the necessary information to properly handle a ballot paper as well as to make a free choice among different options. As a tyrannic system, freedom of information, communication and expressions are continue to be curtailed in Ethiopia now.

Voting and counting operations: In free and fair elections, voting procedures should be guided by the principles of transparency and equal application for all voters. Standards include: equal access to polling stations (including transportation and accessibility for the disabled); voting booth placement for secrecy of the ballot; neutral and effective polling station staff; safeguards against double voting (voter identification and/or indelible ink); facilitating the completion of the ballot (ballot format, vote by the disabled or the illiterate); and, presence of party and candidate representatives. Except as otherwise dictated by extraordinary security circumstances, the first count of the votes will be made at the polling station level with party representatives and other observers present. More aggregated counts will also be completed and witnessed.by party representatives and other observers. Party representatives should be entitled to receive a copy of tallies. The TPLF/Woyane, in its electoral fraud  system is busy all over in putting its  garbage in aiming for the garbage outcome.




Oromia (Finfinnee): Hiriirri OFC/MEDREK waame ni hafe duulli filannoo itti fufe May 19, 2015

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Ummata Amboo fi OFC

FINFINNEE: Hiriirri MEDREK waame ni hafe duulli filannoo itti fufe

Henok FenteEskinder Frew, VOA Afaan Oromoo   18.05.2015 

Bakkee Jaan meedaa jedhamutti kanneen argaman deggertootaa fi miseensota paarti MEDREK 200 hin caalle turan. Kanaaf jecha wal ga’iin sun geggeessamuu kan hin dandeenye ta’uu miseensota, deggertootaaf gaazexeessota achitti argamaniif kan ibsan barreessaa paartii medreK obbo Gebru G/Mariyaam turan.

Doktor Mararaa hiriira Amboo irratti
Doktor Mararaa hiriira Amboo irratti

Kanaaf kan itti gaafatamu hiriirri sun waltajjii Masqalaatti akka hin geggeeffamne kan dhorke bulchiinsa magaalaa Finfinnee, IHADEG fi poolisii dha jedhan.

Wal ga’ii nuti har’a waamne akkuma sila jedhame waltajjii Masqalatti ture. Hin eeyamamu jechuu dhaan asitti akka geggeessamu ta’e. Asi immoo naannoon isaa poolisii dhaan marfamee, poolisiinis isa kana duraa caalaa heddumminaan ba’ee uummati akka rifatu godhe jedhan.

Kanneen ofi irra deebi’anis jiru. Kanaaf kaadhimamtoonni magaalaa Finfinnee ofii isaanii beeksisuuf wal ga’ii isaan har’a waaman akka barbaadametti milkaa’uu baatu iyyuu kanneen asitti argamtan uummata keenyaaf ergaa dabarsuuf ni geessu waan ta’eef soda kana bira darbitanii asitti argamuu keessaniif maqaa kaadhimamtootaa fi maqaa paartii Medrekiin isinan galateeffadha jedhan.

Barreessichi Medrek VOAf akka ibsanitti wal ga’iin sun maaliif utuu hin geggeessamin akka hafe dubbataniiru. IHADEG ofii isaatiif wal ga’ii garaa garaa asitti waamee jira. Namoota karaa adda addaan gara wal ga’ii kanaa dhufanis ni dhorku jedhan. Hiriira kana irratti uummata hagamiitu argama jettanii tilmaamtanii turtan isa jedhuuf ennaa deebisan:

Nuti uummata kuma 35-50 oltu argama jennee eegaa turre. Kana immoo wal ga’iilee kutaalee biyyaatti geggeessine irratti arginee jirra. TV irrattis argamee jira. Inni kan Finfinnee waan addaa miti. Garuu dhiibbaa nu irra kaa’ameen ba’iin isaa kana ta’eera. Gama keenyaan ergaan darbeera waan ta’eef hagas waan nu jeequ miti jedhaniiru.

Bulchiinsi magaalaa Finfinnee gama isaan deebii kenneen waltajjiin Masqalaa waan hin eeyamamneef sababi isaa maal akka ta’e ibsee jira.

Bulchiinsa Finfinneetti itti gaafatamaan daayroktreetii kaabinee obbo Feleqee Negaash akka jedhanitti haalli qabatamaan waltajjii masqalaa ifaa dha. Waltajjiin sun ijaarsi daandii baaburaa fi sochiiwwan ka biroon naannoo itti geggeessamu waan ta’eef wal ga’iif akka hin eeyamamne ibsaniiru.

Duula filannoo Amboo fi Gudar Dr. Mararaa waliin
Duula filannoo Amboo fi Gudar Dr. Mararaa waliin

Yeroo dhiyoo wal ga’ii ittisa laga Abayaa ilaallate kanneen geggeessan angawoota mootummaa ol aanoos waltajjii masqalaatti akka hin geggeessine dhorkinee turre jedhan. Obbo Feleqeen akka jedhanitti Medrek wal ga’ii sana akka geggeessuuf garuu JAN MEDAn eeyamameera jedhan.

Paartii Medrek ilaalchisuun komeewwan kanneen biroon dhiyaatan garuu Finfinnee dhaa ala waan ta’aniif raga akka hin qabaanne tuqaniiru. Mana maree bakka bu’otaaf kanneen dorgoman kaadhimamtoota 270 kan dhiyeesse Medrek, naannolee adda addaa keessatti duula filannoo geggeessaa jira. Dura taa’aa paartichaa dabalatee bulchiinsi ol aanaan ka Medrek har’a Jan Meedaatti hin argamne. Paarticha bakka bu’uun kan dubbatan obbo Gebru G/mariyaam garuu filannoon sun kan haqaaf walabaa akka ta’u paartii biyya bulchuuf waamicha dabarsaniiru.

Ka biroo deggeraa Medrek kan ta’an obbo Tesfaye Aberra kanneen hiriira har’a Medrek waame irratti hirmaatan keessaa si’a ta’an paartiin isaanii IHADEG caalaa waan wayyu fidee dhufa jettanii yaaddu isa jedhuuf ennaa deebisan:

IHADEG guddina dinagdee wayyaawaa galmeessisaan jira yeroo jedhaa jirutti filannoon kun geggeessama. Kun sagalee Medrek argachuu male dhabsiisa jettanii hin tilmaamtanii? Obbo Tesfayen akkas jedhan.


“Ruling party can’t win in Oromia without electoral fraud,” Dr. Merera Gudina, speaking to VOA



Related: Oromo Youth in Ciroo Town (Harargee, Oromia) During OFC/Medrek’s Campaign


As Ethiopia votes, what’s ‘free and fair’ got to do with it? May 18, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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???????????Ethiopia's scores on freedom

As Ethiopia votes, what’s ‘free and fair’ got to do with it?

By Terrence Lyons, The Washington Post

Ethiopia, Washington’s security partner and Africa’s second most populous country, is scheduled to hold national elections on May 24. The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its allied parties won 99.6 percent of the seats in the last round of elections in 2010. There is no doubt that the ruling party will win again.

The party has ruled since 1991 when it seized power following a prolonged civil war. It dominates all major political, economic, and social institutions, has virtually eliminated independent political space, and opposition parties are fractured and harassed. Ethiopia has jailed more journalists than any other country in Africa.

The EPRDF is an extremely strong and effective authoritarian party. Yet Wendy Sherman, the Under Secretary of Political Affairs in the Department of State, recently said, “Ethiopia is a democracy that is moving forward in an election that we expect to be free, fair and credible.” What roles do elections play in authoritarian states and what, if anything, do they have to do with “free, fair, and credible” standards?

Part of the answer is to recognize that elections and political parties in autocratic states play different roles than they do in democratic states. Electoral processes are used by authoritarian regimes to consolidate power and to demonstrate the ruling party’s dominance, as argued by scholars of comparative politics such as Schedler and Gandhi and Lust-Okar. Research by Geddes shows that single-party authoritarian regimes tend to be more stable and last longer than military or personalistic ones. Strong partiesmanage instability by encouraging intra-elite compromise, co-opting opposition, and institutionalizing incentives to reward loyalty. Elections and strong political parties thereby contribute to “authoritarian resilience,” as scholars note with reference to China, Iran and Syria, and Zimbabwe.

Non-competitive elections are common in authoritarian states and incumbents often win by incredible margins. In Sudan, President Omar al-Bashir won 94 percent of the vote in April 2015 elections, Uzbek President Islam Karimov over 90 percent in March 2015, and Kazak President Nursultan Nazarbayev 97 percent in April 2015. Rwandan President PaulKagame, when asked if his 93 percent landslide in 2010 represented the will of the people, reportedly answered: “So, 93 percent – I wonder why it wasn’t higher than that?” The EPRDF’s 99.6 percent victory in 2010 createdcredibility problems in North American and European capitals where diplomats often asked, “Couldn’t they have just won by 60 or 75 percent?” But the point of elections under authoritarian rule is not to obtain a working majority or to win international approval. The purpose is to dominate domestic politics completely and thereby deter any leader from thinking he or she could challenge ruling party successfully. The dramatic, overwhelming victories send an important domestic message of strength and power, even as they strain credibility abroad.

The EPRDF recognizes the dangers it faces from competitive elections and that it democratizes at its peril. In 2005 Ethiopia held competitive elections, complete with significant opposition participation, major rallies, and televised debates. According to official results, the opposition’s share of seats in parliament increased from 12 to 172, representing 31 percent of the total. The opposition parties swept all the seats in Addis Ababa and many cabinet ministers and high-ranking officials lost their positions. This shift represented the potential for an important advance in democratization and a major break in the ruling party’s domination.

Members of the opposition, however, refused to accept the results and claimed that massive fraud had denied them outright victory. Some opposition leaders boycotted the parliament. Post-election demonstrations turned violent and were brutally put down by the Ethiopian military, leaving nearly 200 dead and an estimated 30,000 arrested. The 2005 election began with a democratic opening but ended with what the Department of State characterized as the criminalization of dissent.

In the aftermath of the 2005 crisis, the EPRDF responded by demonstrating its extraordinary strength in using the levers of state power and its considerable organizational capacities to control all aspects of political life. New laws largely eliminated civil society institutions and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation has been used against journalists and other critics. Just before a visit by Secretary of State Kerry in April 2014, the regime arrested a group of young bloggers who called themselves Zone Nine and charged them with terrorism. Washington recently urged Addis Ababa “to refrain from using its Anti-Terrorism Proclamation as a mechanism to curb the free exchange of ideas.”

As a consequence of its restrictions on politics over the past decade, the ruling party has little to worry about with regard to the opposition parties competing in the upcoming elections. The limits on formal political competition have made social mobilization outside of the electoral process more important. A series of non-violent protests in 2012 by Ethiopian Muslims provided an important model of sustained, peaceful social mobilization. The regime arrested the movement’s leadership and has tried to link the protests to external enemies and terrorism. In 2014, the security services quickly suppressed demonstrations on university campuses by Oromos, highlighting the historical sense of marginalization perceived by many in Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group. In April 2015, a government organized rally to mourn the killing of Ethiopian migrants in Libya by the Islamic State (ISIS) ended with arrests and clashes between security forces and protestors. The Ethiopian regime has managed each of these challenges without significant difficulty but the underlying grievances remain.


Editor’s Note: This video contains graphic content. Clashes broke out in Addis Ababa at a government-organized demonstration against the killing of Ethiopian Christians by Islamic State militants in Libya.


Related: Widespread brutalities of the Ethiopian government against the Oromo people in different parts of the State of Oromia, Oromian Economists May 17, 2015 Report

Oromo Federalist Congress: Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa & Ob. Baqqalaa Garbaa Jointly Campaign for OFC/Medrek in Gudar, Oromia May 18, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Oromo Federalist Congress, Sham elections.
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???????????OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral1OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral

Dr. Merera Gudina & Ob. Bekele Gerba Jointly Campaign for OFC/Medrek in Gudar, Oromia

  Caamsaa/May 18, 2015 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com

Dr. Merera Gudina, Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek), and Ob. Bekele Gerba, former prisoner of conscience and OFC’s top official, jointly campaigned in Gudar, western Oromia, on Sunday, May 17, 2015, for the upcoming General Election, scheduled to be held on May 24, 2015. Thousands of supporters joined the OFC leaders in Gudar.  http://gadaa.net/FinfinneTribune/2015/05/photos-dr-merera-gudina-ob-bekele-gerba-jointly-campaign-for-ofcmedrek-in-guder-oromia/

Oromo Federalist Congress at Gudar Oromia2 on 17th May 2015Oromo Federalist Congress at Gudar Oromia1Oromo Federalist Congress at Gudar Oromia2 on 17th May 2015Oromo Federalist Congress at Gudar Oromia3 on 17th May 2015Oromo Federalist Congress at Gudar Oromia4 on 17th May 2015

Oromia: Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek), KFO/OFC Madrak/Medrek Filadhaa 2015 Campaign May 16, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Sham elections.
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OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes ViralOFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral1OFC MEDREK’S Election Symbol (Five Fingers with the Open Palm'High Five Goes Viral2

‘OFC/MEDREK’S Election Symbol (“Five Fingers with the Open Palm”/”High Five”) Goes Viral. As Medrek’s campaign for the upcoming General Election (to be held on May 24, 2015) continues in the State of Oromia led by Dr. Merera Gudina’s Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), and in the Southern State led by Dr. Beyene Petros’ Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP) – both member parties of the Medrek democratic multinational coalition, the election symbol of Medrek (“five fingers with the open palm,” or shortly the “high five”) has gone viral on the social media as well as on the campaign trails, and “give me high five” has also become a catchphrase to indicate a democratic multinational.’                        Gadaa.net/FinfinneTribune

‘Filannoon Wayyaaneen dhandhaaraa jirtu jijjirama qabatamaa homaatuu akka hin finne namuu ni beeka. Garuu ummanni Oromiyaa garayyuu buqqa’ee bahee paartiiOromo Federalist Congress cinaa maaf hiriire? Sababni tokko waliigalatti sabboonummaan Oromoo biyyaafi alattis dadammaqiinsa cimaa agarsiisaa jira. Waltajjiilee dhimma Oromoofi Oromiyaa irratti hirmaannaa hoo’aa agarsiisaa jira. Kan lammataatifi sababni cimaan ammoo, ummanni keenya hiree filannoon sababasame gadi bahuuf argate kanatti fayyadamuun hawwii bilisummaatifi jibba sirna cunqursaa kanaaf qabu agarsiisaa jira. Akkuma yeroo duula filannoo kana fedhiifi jibba isaa agarsiise, sagaleen isaa akka hatamu beekus, yeroo korojoo filannoo san bira gahe sagalee isaa paartii kittilayyoo hoongessee kan qabsaa’otaatif laatun ejjannoo isaa lammata beeksisa jennee abdanna. Wayyaanee sagalee filannootin kuffisuun dadhabamus, sagalee dhoowwachuun sirni sun hammam akka tufame kitallayyoo isaanii agarsiisuun faaydaa qaba.’

Jawar Mohammed

Oromia: Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek), KFO/OFC Madrak/Medrek Filadhaa 2015 Campaign Video

In Pictures: Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) Continues Campaigns in Arsii and Harargee Zones, Oromia

 Source: Caamsaa/May 15, 2015 · Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com

The Oromo Federalist Congress’s (OFC/Medrek) trailblazing campaign tour for the upcoming General Election (to be held on May 24, 2015) has continued in Oromia; over the week, the campaign train has passed through small and big towns in Arsii and Harargee Zones. In East Harargee, Dr. Merera Gudina, chairman of OFC, was presented with a plaque with photos of Mr. Nelson Mandela, Gen. Tadesse Birru and Dr. Merera Gudina (see below).

Here’s also a video of the Naqamtee OFC campaign meeting from last week:



OFC at East Harargee, OromiaOFC at East Harargee, Oromia1OFC at East Harargee, Oromia2

OFC at East Harargee, Oromia

OFC at East Harargee, Oromia4OFC at East Harargee, Oromia5OFC at East Harargee, Oromia6

OFC at West Arsi, Oromia:

OFC at West Arsi, OromiaOFC at West Arsi, Oromia1

OFC at West Arsi, Oromia2

Ciroo Town, West Harargee, Oromia

OFC at Ciroo Town, West Harargee, Oromia




Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Sham elections.
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???????????Zenawi the tyrant still rules after death


By Tsegaye R Ararssa*  in   ADDIS STANDARD


Part I
1 . Introduction
Election fever is gaining momentum in Ethiopia. It is ‘Election 2015’, the 5th general election since Ethiopia’s formal adoption of the more (or less) liberal constitution of 1995 that ended the hesitant ‘transition’ from the Derg’s military rule to a western-style representative democracy[1]. The projected aim of the transition was to liberalize and pluralize the politics, to reform and resuscitate the economy, to restructure the state (through democratization and decentralization), and to transform the hitherto tenuous state-society relations. Through the constitution, the regime provided itself the legal edifice on which to ensure that transitional project is attained and a liberal democracy (expressed through representative and participatory institutions) is formally instituted. In a gesture of transforming the state, the constitution recognized national diversity, legalized collective rights such as the right to self-determination[2], and institutionalized federal non-centralization. Having ostensibly demilitarized politics [3], electoral contestation became the formal mode of contending for political power. The election fever that is steadily gripping the nation now is the symptom of that contention.
Over the last few weeks, controversy has progressively raged over the politics and the logistics of the upcoming election. Decisions pertaining to recognition by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) of political parties with the ‘right’ leadership [4], registration of ‘qualified’ candidates [5], and ensuring the proper adherence to the relevant rules of constitutional, electoral, and political party registration laws have provoked a lot of ire among some of the parties seeking to partake in the election. Rulings over who is qualified as a candidate and which party is qualified as a contestant have unleashed a conversation over the process and speculations over the outcome of the election. In the first election debate conducted live on public television, the major ideological fault lines between the three major political parties were outlined. In the same week, we heard that some of the parties (such as the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum, alias Medrek in Amharic) were denied access to the state media (Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation, EBC) on the pretext that the parties’ criticism of the media’s bias towards the incumbent is an attempt to undermine the impartiality of the media. Their petition to the NEBE has not found a response yet. Not entirely unexpectedly, tension has started to build up.
As anyone familiar with Ethiopia and its histories knows, the tension around elections is only symptomatic of deeper issues that have roots in—but never contained by—the political contestations of the past. In this piece, I offer a reflection on what election means to the various sectors of the population in the Ethiopian polity in the light of that past. I will thus reflect on what election means to the incumbent, the opposition political parties, and to the electorate, north and south. Along the way, I will also reflect on the mood in the context of which the election takes place. By drawing historical parallels between 2015 and 1915 (historical moments when two dead leaders—Meles Zenawi and Menelik II, respectively -rule from the grave in spite of the place holders whose genealogies make them unlikely successors, namely Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn and Emperor Eyasu II, alias Lij/Abeto Eyasu, respectively), I will point to the continuity in the nature of the State in which the election takes place, irrespective of the appearance of change. Lastly, I will offer my points on what is beyond winning and losing this particular election, and how it affects the nature of the Ethiopian state.
The starting point of this reflection is that election is a language. It is the new language one speaks in order to secure democratic legitimacy. Posited within the confines of liberal constitutionalism, it is a particular language with the idiom and vernacular of modern representative democracy. Whoever is proficient in this language technically ‘wins’ the election. In this piece, in a rather iterative manner, I reflect on the ‘facility’ or ‘proficiency’ of the contestants in this language within the context of Ethiopia in order to imagine what is beyond winning (or losing) this election.
The thrust of my argument is that there is much more work to do about the state than partaking in the motion of election. There is more to Ethiopia than mastering the language of election. I suggest that to EPRDF election is a mode of securing a technical legitimacy. To its adversaries, it is a mode of resistance to hegemonic oppression. Some of its adversaries resist its hegemonic position if only to replace it with their own. Others resist it and the State form it embodies and represents. For this latter group, the election is, more than anything else, a gesture of negating the status quo, it is a talking back to power, an utterance of societal pain long suppressed and contained. It is a way of sustaining a lamentation. It is yet another moment of reminding Ethiopia that all is not well. For the protagonists in this election saga, especially for the ruling EPRDF, the election is merely war by other means. As such, for EPRDF, it is a mode of entrenching its power by eliminating its opponents through the technology of election. Consequently, the election has little to do with the desired transformation of the state-society relations in Ethiopia.
As a result, I argue, there is little the election can do to tackle outstanding political issues that are contained in the unfinished business of state-building. In particular, there is little it can do to expand citizenship to the subject peoples of the wider South. EPRDF’s anti-democratic posture to disallow a political space where deeply political issues can be discussed (by reducing everything down to the technicalities of law and economic governance) is a proclamation of closure of politics by relegating the discussion to the realm of techniques. Election is thus reduced to a mode of enhancing what the French philosopher Michel Foucault calls ‘governmentality’, a technical-ideological apparatus of controlling and regulating the population by eliciting acquiescence in their own control and regulation. EPRDF’s adversaries, especially the north-central ethio-political class, also play their own role in this proclamation and enactment of closure of politics by aestheticizing a heavily contested political issue. As I shall argue in subsequent sections, they engage in exoticizing and aestheticizing an essentially political issue of the past and the future. They engage in a double movement that also politically demonizes – and excludes – the essentially political questions (such as the question of diversity [sameness and difference], historical political violence/injustice, misrecognition, inclusion-in-citizenship, and co-equal (re)founding of the polity. They thus aestheticize the inaugural violence by iconizing the leaders of the past through a raft of artistic products (images and lyrics, pictures and songs, etc) thereby rehabilitating them from the tyranny and oppression they represented, the tyranny and oppression they were once criticized for. At the same time, they demonize what could probably be the most important political question of modern Ethiopia—the question of diversity—by presenting it rather negatively as “politicized ethnicity.”
By so doing, i.e., by removing the important issues from the realm of the political to that of the aesthetic, they do their own bit of closing the political space for discussing the irreducibly political questions politically. The combined effect of these closures (by both groups)—born chiefly out of insecurity of EPRDF as a Government, only symptomatic of the greater insecurity of the ever more fragile Ethiopian State it runs, manages, and embodies—causes our judgement of the process and consequence of the election to be pessimistic. The insecurity of the ‘eternal kingdom’ assumed to have been established by Menelik, Haileselassie, and Mengistu; the insecurity born out of the incomplete nation-building project, prompts EPRDF’s opponents of the Amhara constituency to aspire for similar closure of the political space through aestheticization and exoticization of the infinitely political questions.
2. The Mood: Hope and Anticipation, or Angst and Despair?
Election is time-bound. Its temporality is its essence. The intensity or lack thereof is the function of its being limited in time. As a result, its process, outcome, and significance are dependent on the ‘political ecology’ of the time. It is dependent on what is ‘in the air’, what is troubling the polity, and what is exercising the large majority of the electorate. This is because election needs a particular kind of ‘democratic ambience’, as it were, a (more or less) festive atmosphere imbued with hope and anticipation (the subtext of which is fear and anxiety). Election has its own ‘mood’, sort of a national ‘political labor’. Understanding the mood – capturing the pulse of the polity in the electoral moment – helps us situate the election (the process, the result, and the context) in proper perspective. This underscores the supreme importance of a ‘right’ ‘political ecology’ that can engender hope (of winning) and of security (in the event of losing).
Hope and anxiety attend to all elections, the hope of winning and the angst of losing. However, in as much as possible, it is important that a proper balance is stricken between hope and fear, anticipation and despair. After all, the hope of renewal – the promise of exercising creative agency among the electorate – is an important ingredient of a healthy electoral democracy.
What attends Election 2015 in Ethiopia? Two areas of the public life of Ethiopia must be considered in order to map the electoral mood, namely the civic-political space for active citizens who can engage in politics on the one hand and the ‘nature’ of the state and its relation with the society on the other.
2.1 Civic-Political Space in Decline
The civic-political space has been a subject of controversy, especially since the 2005 election, the election that revealed not only the outer limits of the public sphere but also the foundational cracks in the State form in Ethiopia. In the wake of the 2005 election, the regime started to stiffen the rules of procedure in the parliament thereby limiting the discursive space even within the EPRDF-dominated parliament. That was followed by a raft of legislations on the civic/public space available for dissent, or its discursive and institutional articulation. These legislations constrained freedoms that are instrumental for, and constitutive of, democracy at a time. The Freedom of Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation (Proclamation N0. 590/2008), the Anti-terrorism Proclamation (Proclamation No. 652/2009), and the Charities and Societies Proclamation (Proclamation No. 621.2009) were the three major legislative acts deployed by the Ethiopian government to (re)occupy the already limited space for political dissent and consequent pluralism. These laws, for all their preambular commitment to expand and implement constitutional right to freedom of expression, press and association rationalized and perfected the pre-existing streak noticed in the regime’s intolerance of expressed dissent. Self-censorship has become a way of being, a way of life, among journalists and other writers as a result. The prohibitive punishment/fines in the media and press laws and the expansion of the anti-terrorism law to press products (art 6 of Proc. 652/2009) [vi] have effectively muted an overt criticism. The extensive use of surveillance [vii], the blocking of several websites (perceived to be in opposition to the regime in power), jamming of other press/media outlets has contributed to the increasing undermining of the expression of robust dissent.
The challenge of financial self-sustenance faced by civil society organizations working on causes related to human rights, democracy, and conflict, among otbers, owing to the prohibition of external funding above the 10 % maximum has not only forced such bodies to close or re-organize themselves as purely humanitarian organizations or relocate themselves as foreign or ‘resident’ NGOs, it also severely limited their voice as an alternative articulation of socio-economic challenges of the people from the perspective of daily lived experience [viii]. The government increasingly became the only source of information on vital socio-economic and political issues of various sectors of the society.
The invocation of the anti-terrorism law for trivial reasons such as having a contact with foreign journalists, international non-governmental human rights organizations (such as Amnesty International and the Human Rights Watch), or foreign diplomats and embassies has effectively smothered people into watching their contacts and relationships. People feel that their relationships and exchanges (physical and electronic) are monitored. The invocation of the anti-terrorism law in relation to the Muslim activists protesting government intervention in religious affairs [ix]and the ‘Zone 9’ [x] bloggers and journalists jailed and currently standing trial has unveiled to us how the law can be strategically deployed against those the government perceives as opponents. This and other cases have shown the extent to which one can freely and peacefully express dissent without harassment, intimidation, and the terror of standing trial under the anti-terrorism law.

The pattern of government denial of the right of assembly and peaceful political demonstrations, especially when organized by political groupings perceived as fierce opponents of the regime (such as the Semayawi Party), selective permission of such meetings to factions of parties the government seeks to weaken (e.g. the faction within Unity for Democracy and Justice, UDJ), denial of meetings even within the premises of private organizations such as hotels to some groups (e.g. UDJ at the Imperial Hotel, 2009), the constant outlawing of meetings and demonstrations by unreasonably exploiting the “notification” duty under the Freedom of Assembly Proclamation (Proclamation No-3/1991) – where the duty to notify the municipality is interpreted as the duty to seek and secure prior permission – have all contributed to the practical stifling of freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration. Through this strategy – and the rhetoric of averting “street action” and “color revolutions” [xi] – the government has effectively silenced political protest to its decisions, policies, and laws. This in turn has weakened and subverted participatory democracy envisaged in the constitution (art 8(3)). In practice, such violation of the right to assembly and peaceful demonstration has been repeatedly witnessed in the Muslim protest to the government’s unconstitutional intervention in the choice of leadership of, and doctrines for, the Muslim population (since 2011).
Freedom of association of political parties has repeatedly been violated in the process of political party registration by the NEBE. The recent intervention by the NEBE to ‘recognize’ the leadership of factions within the UDJ and the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) is not only meddling with the internal issues of political parties, but also unconstitutionally limiting the freedom of association of members and their right to a choice of the leaders they deem fit to lead them.
Apart from this, one can say that there is a healthy ‘electoral climate’ only when – in addition to the right to vote and be elected – citizens have the right to administrative justice, i.e., the right of access to justice in a free, fair, and impartial court or tribunal, in the event that these rights are violated or threatened. The voter intimidation historically observed in the process of voter-registration by the kebeles (often suggesting possible deprivation of vital social and public services sought from local offices) are violative of the very basic political rights that are constitutive of the very essence of democratic practice. At times such intimidations tend to forget that their right to elect includes the freedom not to vote. They forget that in Ethiopia, voting is a right, not a duty.
The enhanced developmentalist gestures of the incumbent which views individual civil and political rights as less important in the face of the colossal “war on poverty”; the unabashed emphasis on growth (even in the Growth and Transformation Plan, GTP); its increasing turning away from its ‘original’ (1991) commitment to liberal policies (also charted out in the constitution); its continued neglect, or deliberate weakening, and strategic and manipulative use of democratic institutions (i.e., institutions of representation [House of Peoples’ Representatives, HPR, and House of Federation, HOF], empowerment [NEBE, Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, Ombudsman], and of accountability and monitoring [e.g. the judiciary, Anti-corruption Commission, Auditor General] are not helping to create an environment conducive for a free and fair election. To that extent, there are complaints, grumblings, and disaffection among most of the opposition political actors who have a stake in the election. So, the rules and rulings around the process suggest that the mood is less than ideal. But a more complete account of the mood is revealed only when we examine the contradictions that come from the state form in Ethiopia. In the next sub-section [which will come in the form of a second instalment in this series of reflection around Elections 2015], I will turn to considering these contradictions that emanate from the state form and the constraints they impose on electoral democracy.


*Tsegaye R Ararssa is a Constitutional lawyer currently in the process of completing his PhD studies at the University of Melbourne Law School. He can be contacted at tsegayer@gmail.com.

[1] The Transitional Charter of July 1991 starts with recognition of the supreme importance of the UDHR, especially civil and political rights such as freedom of expression, assembly, association. It explicitly made assertions about the need for comprehensive restructuring of the state by ensuring equality and sovereignty of the ‘nations, nationalities, and peoples” of Ethiopia and by foregrounding the right to self-determination as an organizing principle. It was negotiated principally among ethno-national liberation fronts (most centrally TPLF, OLF, EPLF but also others) who referred to themselves as “the peace-loving forces of Ethiopia”. See, Provisional Government of Ethiopia, ‘Transitional Period Charter,’ Negarit Gazetta, Proclamation No. 1/1991.

[2] Art 39 (1-3) entitles every “nation, nationality, and people” to the right to political, cultural, and economic self-determination.

[3] EPRDF was quick to work on disarming the army of the Derg and the fighters of the other liberation fronts that negotiated the Transition with it. It also proclaimed its TPLF fighters to serve as the Ethiopian Defence Force of the transitional period. The demobilization of some of the soldiers came later after the formal inauguration of the FDRE as per the Constitution. It is interesting that the first government-like institution set up everywhere immediately after the arrival of EPRDF on the scene was the “Peace and Stability Committees”. Most meetings it held in its attempt to build rapport with the people was invariably called “Peace and Democracy Conference”. The people who negotiated the Transitional Charter referred to themselves as “the peace Loving Forces of Ethiopia.” There was a rhetoric that privileged peace even in the leaders’ speeches/interviews on why relinquish Ethiopia’s right/interest over Eritrea without a fight. The climactic moment in this series of peace-venerating rhetoric came when a line is inserted even in the preamble of the FDRE Constitution to the effect that the constitution-makers are “determined to consolidate, as a lasting legacy, the peace and the prospect of a democratic order…” This flourish in rhetoric never matched with reality. The fact that TPLF’s army became the State’s national army and substantially remained to be so to date indicates not only the partisan nature of the army but also the fundamentally militarized nature of EPRDF’s politics that keeps a politicized guerilla fighters for a national army. Obviously, the needed separation of politics from (military) force in a democracy is absent in Ethiopia.

[4]  The NEBE made a blunder around the election of the leadership of the All Ethiopian Unity p party (AEUP), the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ).

[5] Some candidates of parties such as the UDJ and Semayawi (notably its leader Engineer Getinet Yilikal) were excluded allegedly because of the overcrowding of candidates that are running for elections in one electoral district.

[vi] Art 6 entitled “Encouragement of terrorism” reads as follows: “Whoever publishes or causes the publication of a statement that is likely to be understood by some or all of the members of the public to whom it is published as a direct or indirect encouragement or other inducement to them to the commission or preparation or instigation of an act of terrorism stipulated under article 3 of this proclamation is punishable with rigorous imprisonment from 10 to 20 years.” This article has been almost routinely (ab) used to arrest persons who run photocopy shops both in Addis Ababa and other towns.

[vii] Claire Lauterbach, “Ethiopia expands surveillance capacity with German tech via Lebanon” (23 March 2015). https://www.privacyinternational.org/?q=node%2F546

[viii] The law on Charities and Societies limits the amount of foreign money that goes into the budget of an Ethiopian (activist) NGO to a maximum of 10 % of the total. The reason given is to limit an external influence on the local organization’s agenda of promoting human rights, democracy, peace and security, etc. In principle, the argument goes, these issues of governance are a matter under the sovereign jurisdiction of the government of Ethiopia and are not items to be shaped by financing external forces. In order to get more funding, one should be registered as a ‘resident’ or a foreign/international NGO who, if it seeks to work on issues of political governance (e.g. elections, democracy, human rights, conflict resolution, constitutionalism and rule of law, prisons, access to justice, minorities etc), should get a specific permission from the government. This has made it necessary for many of the NGOs to recast the focus of their work shifting mostly from human rights to humanitarian causes and their approach from human rights based approach (HRBA) to needs-based approach (NBA).

[ix] The Muslim activists have been protesting peacefully against the government’s interference in their religious affairs. They particularly called on the government to desist from assigning teachers and determining the content of the teachings to be delivered in Mosques. They also sought to exercise their right to select their own religious leaders without any influence by the government. After the arrest and indictment of the leaders of these protests (and those government claims are associated with them), the protestors continued to demonstrate demanding the release of their leaders. Their peaceful protest has been met by a series of violence, arrests, and various forms of intimidation by the government’s police and security forces. The arrested leaders have been tried for terrorism since. Their case has gone has been debated before regular and constitutional tribunals (CCI/HOF) and is even presented to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The Muslim protestors relentlessly insisted on a peaceful resistance throughout; when they are unlawfully forced to face trial, they tried to exhaust all the possible legal remedies both national and international with a hope that the government will have no excuse in accusing them of any form of violence let alone terrorism. By so doing, they are in effect putting the entire system on trial.

[x] In March 2014, six bloggers (whose blog is known as Zone 9) and three journalists were suddenly arrested and are now being tried for terrorism.

[xi] The term “Color Revolution” is often mockingly used in Ethiopia to invoke the memory of the Rose Revolution (of Georgia) and Orange Revolution (of Ukraine) and deny their possibility in Ethiopia. It is also used by EPRDF to suggest that, unlike the regimes in Georgia and Ukraine, they are too strong to be unseated by such street actions and unarmed/civilian struggles


The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) & Medrek Continue Campaigns in Oromia, the South and Elsewhere Despite Harassment by Ethiopian TPLF Regime May 12, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ambo, Oromo News, Oromummaa, Sham elections.
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???????????Oromo Federalist Congress election campaign

Wayyaaneen Tarkaanfi Abdi Kutannaa itti fuftee

Caamsaa 12 bara 2015 yeroo 2ffaaf kadhimamaa KFO kan ta’e Ob. ‪#‎Geetuu‬ Dhaadhii kabnoota fi hidhatoota OPDOtin Aanaa Warra Jaarsoo ganda Bobee Liban keessatti odoo duula filannoo gaggeessaa jiru sa’atii 6:30 irratti reebicha sukkaneessaa irratti raawwatamee! Miseensota keenya 1 Ob Salamoon Jimaa 2 Ob Tufaa Hundee kan jedhamanis reebicha cimaa irraan gahaniiru ! Gochaa kana kan qindeesse immoo kaabnee opdo kan ta’e Ob Iyyaasuu Gammadaa ta’un isaa bubatameera ! Akka waliigalatti dulaa filannoo Aanaa kanatti gageessuu hin dandeenyee. Haalumaa wal fakkaatun, Garee KFO kan gara Wollaggaatti bobba’an ilaalchisee humni woraana Woyyaanee tarkaaffii humna irratti fudhachuudhaan midhaa irraan ga’uun himameet ture. Garee gara Wollaggaatti bobba’e kana keessa 1. Ittii aanaa dursaa dura taa’aa (the first vice chairman) Baqqalaa Garbaa 2. Itti-aanaa paartii Ob Mulaatuu Gammachuu 3. Barreessaa Liigii Dargaggootaa Darajjee Margaa fi 4. Gazeexessaa Badhaasaa Hayiluu kan keessatti argaman yeroo Naqamte dhaqqanan a) woraanni woyyaanee fi poolisoonni federaalaa magaala keessatti bobba’uudhaan akka uummanni wolgayii hin baane Daandii cufanis uummanni reebichaa isaanii osoo hin sodaatin cabsee wolgayiirratti baayyinnaan argame. B) uummanni baayyinnaan hirmaachuu barraan ammoo videon akka hin woraabbamne video gazeexessa Badhaasaa Hayiluurraa saamuudhaaf yaalanis kunis hin milkoofneef. KFOn kora ajaa’baa kan uummanni 40,000 ol itti hirmaate jedhamee tilmaamamu gaggeesse. C) jila KFO kanaaf siree akka hin kireessine ajaja dabarsanis barbaasaa yeroo dheeraa booda siree qabataniiran. D) Kanaan milkaawuu dadhabnaan ammoo dargaggoo Darajjee Margaa fi gazeexessaa Badhaasaa Hailuu bakka isaan siree qabatamatti deemuudhaan meeshaa woraanaa qabdu / meeshaa barbaanna sababa jedhuun daree isaan kireeffatan keessaa baasuudhaan sakattaa irratti gaggeessan. Garuu womaa hin arganne. E) Gochi sossodaachisaa Kun sabboontota keenna duubatti hin deebifne. Daran qabsoo DNF finiinsuudhaan Gimbiirrattille kora aja’ibaa gaggeessuun himameera.  Wayyaaneen hawaasaa Oromoo ofitti kaakafti malee qabsoo keenyaa duubatti hin deebiftu jedha KFOn. Isin hoo maal jettu? Source: Social media  network


Ummanni Aanaa Midaa Qanyii Godina Lixa Shaggar,Gita Bittuu Mootummaa TPLF Jalatti Hin Bullu Jechuun Gamtaan Diddaa Dahgeessisan,Barattooti Oromoo 7 Ol Ta’anis Mana Hidhaatti Darbamuu Qeerroon Gabaase

Gabaasa Qeerroo Aanaa Midhaa Qanyii

diddaa9Caamsaa 9,2015 Godina Lixa Shaggar Aanaa Midaa Qanyitti uummatni Oromoo gita bittaa mmootummaa Wayyaanee Abbaa irree EPRDF/TPLF/ jalatti hin bulluu jechuun mormii isa jabeesse, Mootummaan Wayyaanee Qeerroo barattoota Oromoo qabee hidhaatti darbuun dararuu itti fufe.
Goototni barattootni Oromoo Aanaa Midaa Qanyii M/B Baallammii sadarkaa 2ffaa fi qopha’ina Oromummaan yakkamanii wajjiraa Poolisii Aanaa Midaa qanyiitti humna poolisaan qabamanii darbamuun dararama jiraachuun walqabatee diddaan uummata qonnaan bultoota haalan jabachuun dabbaalloota wayyaanee EPRDF/TPLF/OPDO gandoota baadiyaa keessa adeemuun nu filadhaa jechuun maqaa filannoo kijibaan uummata afaan faajjeessuuf walga’ii garaagaraa uummata baasuuf karoorfatan, uummatni mormii guddaan jaladhabbachuun f irraa arii’achaa jira.

Uummatni Aanaa Midaa Qanyii ifatti wayyaaneedhaan isin nu hin bulchitan nuti isinitti hin bullu, uummata Oromoos OPDO’n bakka bu’uu hin dandeessuu, nuti bilisummaa fi dimookiraasii dhugaa barbaadna jechuun dabballoota OPDO of irraa arii’ate jira. Ergamtootni Wayyaanee diddaa uummataa nu mudachaa jiru kanaaf sababaan guddaan Qeerroo barattoota Oromooti jechuu barattoota Oromoo dararuu fi hidhatti darbuu itti fufte jiraachuun ibsame.

Haaluma kanaan Qeerroon barattootni Oromoo badii tokko malee yeroo amma kanatti hidhatti darbamuun dararama jiran:
1. Barataa Addunyaa Birhaanuu barataa kutaa 9ffaa
2. Barataa Boruu Badhoo
3. Barataa Fayisaa Badhoo
4. Barataa Guutaa Girshaa
5. Barataa kuubaa Taakkalaa
6. Barataa Taarikuu Gusoo
7. Barataa Haptamuu Haptaamuu Caalchisaakanneen keessatti argaman
yeroo ta’u. Barattooti kuniswajjira poolisii Aanaa Midaa qanyii Baallammiitti hidhamuu madden Qeerroo Baallammii irraa gabaasan. Ummatni Oromoo hidhaa fi ajjeechaa, barnoota irraa arii’atamuu fi Oromummaan yakkamuun dimookiraasii miti, Mootummaan maqaa dimookiraasii jedhuun lafa dimookiraasiin hin jirreetti mirga keenyaa ukkamsaa na filadhaa jechaa jiruu dhaabuun yakka dalagaa jiruuf seeratti nuuf dhiyaachuu qaba jechuun kaabinoota ergamtuu wayyaanee uummata goolaa jirtu gaaffiin mataa hadoochaa jirachuun ibsame jira.


The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaigning: Dambi Doolloo, Oromia, 12 May 2015.

Caamsaa 12 bara 2015, Magaalaani Dambi Dolloo‬ akka waan bakkalchii biliisummaa irrattii bateetti callaqqiftee cululuqaa ooltee. Angaasuu KFO abbaa quba shani waliin. Uummataa kana hundatuu magaala kana keessa jira jechuun namatti ulfaata. Dargaggoo, shamarran, jaarsa jaarti tokkichi manatti hin hafne. Dhadannoofi sirbaan deeggarsa  KFOf qaban ibsachuun diina Oromoo afaan qabachiisan. Akkasi ijoollee Dambi!
Viva Dambi Dolloo! Viva KFO!

OFC criss crossing Oromia ,  Dembi Doolloo,  11 May 2015

Aangawoonni Tika Mootummaa Wayyaanee(TPLF) Magaalaa Naqamtee Keessatti Walgahuun Akkaataa Uummata Oromoo Shiraan Miidhan Irratti Marihachuun Isaanii Saaxilame.

Caamsaa 11,2015 Gabaasa Qeerroo Naqamte

IMG_20150509_060148Wayyaaneen filmaata sobaa dhufutti uummati Oromoo narratti ka’a sodaa jedhuun kan baarage guyyaa har’aa Caamsaa 11,2015 sa’aatii saddeetii hanga kudhaniitti barattoonni Yuunivarsiitii Wallaggaa FDG narratti qindeessu sodaa jedhuun deeppoo magaalaa Naqamteetti argamu keessatti wal ga’ii caasaa basaastotaa geggeesse.

Qaamni Qeerroo caasaa mootummaa keessaa fi kan magaalaa Naqamtee icciitii fi ijoo marii tikoota Wayyaanee kana akka saaxiletti, namooti lama man maqaan isaanii Yohaannis Abebee fi  Beekkataa fi akkasumas barattoota keessaa basaasaa beekamaan Yuunibarsiitii Wallaggaa nama Tsaggaa Ashaabbir jedhamu ta’anii namooti shan waltajjicha kan geggeessan yeroo ta’u, walgahicha irratti kan akeekamee fi irratti mariyatamee kan murtaaye  ukkamsitooti fi humni federaalaa uuffata sivilii uffatee uummata basaasus magaalaa Naqamtee fi Yuuniversitiilee irra akka tamsa’u irratti ta’uu Qeerroon saaxilee jira.

Kanuma waliin kaayyoon ijoon biro naannoo Yuunivarsiitichatti walga’uus barattoota Mootummaa Wayyaanee TPLF irratti FDG kaasan ykn  falmaniin akkaataa itti adamsanii uummati Oromoo utuu hin dhaga’in barattoota ukkamsanii fi kanneen jajjaboon hawaasa magaalaatiin qunnamtii qaban hidhamuu qaban,kana malees yaada barattootaa qoranii ilaaluu fi FDG(Gaaffii Mirgaa) yeroo hunda tasgabbeessuu dadhabameef kallatti maddichaa qoranii ilaaluuf akka mariirra turaniif dhumarratti eegumsa guddaa naannoo dhaabbilee barnootaatti akka taasisan irratti waliigaluu waltajji kana Warren hirmaatan ibsaniiru.http://qeerroo.org/2015/05/11/aangawoonni-tika-mootummaa-wayyaaneetplf-magaalaa-naqamtee-keessatti-walgahuun-akkaataa-uummata-oromoo-shiraan-miidhan-irratti-marihachuun-isaanii-saaxilame/

The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaigning for the upcoming General Election (scheduled to be held on May 24, 2015) has continued in the State of Oromia. On Saturday, May 9, 2015, elder statesman Bulcha Demeksa and OFC Chairman Dr. Merera Gudina were in Naqamtee and Shashamane, respectively, to campaign for OFC with an unprecedented huge turnout at each location.

Naqamte Gadaa Otaa

OFC criss crossing Oromia ,  Naqamte,  9 May 2015OFC criss crossing Oromia ,  Naqamte,  9 May 2015

Shashe Town

OFC criss crossing Oromia ,  Shashe Town,  9 May 2015

OFC criss crossing Oromia ,  Shashe Town,  9 May 2015

Viva DodolaOFC criss crossing Oromia , Dodola,  May 2015

Over the last several weeks, the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has been criss-crossing Oromia to campaign for the upcoming General Election on May 24, 2015; despite intimidation and harassment of voters as well as candidates by the TPLF regime (as reported here: http://wp.me/p4JW8b-3d5), there has been a huge turnout at each campaign rally, including Ambo (as reported here: http://wp.me/p4JW8b-375)

Here are some photos from Adama (dated May 8, 2015), and Ginchi and Gedo from the last week.

UPDATED (May 9, 2015): The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaigning for the upcoming General Election (scheduled to be held on May 24, 2015) has continued in the State of Oromia. On Saturday, May 9, 2015, elder statesman Bulcha Demeksa and OFC Chairman Dr. Merera Gudina were in Naqamtee and Shashamane, respectively, to campaign for OFC with an unprecedented huge turnout at each location.

UPDATED (May 11, 2015): The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC/Medrek) campaign tour has continued in small and big towns in Oromia. Most recently, the campaign train made a stop at Dodola in central Oromia; yet again, the OFC rally drew a crowd of thousands of potential voters, who braved the constant harassment and intimidation of Ethiopia’s TPLF regime to express their solidarity with OFC/Medrek. It is to be noted that Dr. Beyene Petros of the Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP/Medrek) revealed once again the ongoing abuses by the TPLF regime on Medrek voters and candidates, as reported by OMN over the weekend: https://www.oromiamedia.org/2015/05/amharic-news-may-9-2015/

OFC criss crossing Oromia 1OFC criss crossing Oromia 1OFC criss crossing Oromia 1

OFC criss crossing Oromia , Adama 8 May 2015

Dr. Beyene Petros of the Ethiopian Social Democratic Party (ESDP)/Medrek speaks about the unprecedented levels of intimidation and harassment his organization’s candidates are facing ahead of the May 2015 General Election (April 2015)

AU urges African leaders to handover power peacefully. #Africa May 10, 2015

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???????????Zenawi the tyrant still rules after death

Ethiopia’s Elections: May 24 elections will not be free and fair May 10, 2015

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???????????Oromo Federalist Congress election campaign

‘Dilute the vote’:- Despite the large number of parties registered, the opposition alleges many are allied with the ruling party.

“No more than two to three parties are real opposition parties. The others don’t run to win, their role is to dilute the vote for the opposition,” Merera Gudina, associate professor of political science at Addis Ababa University and a leading opposition figure, told Al Jazeera.

Elections: Development and democracy debate ahead of Ethiopia vote

Opposition critics say May 24 elections will not be free and fair, but the government praises the democratic climate.

Simona Foltyn, Aljazeera)

If Ethiopians ever possessed a strong desire to express their political views through the ballot, that sentiment seems to have dwindled in the run-up to national elections on May 24.

One 28-year-old student, who requested anonymity fearing reprisals, shrugged at the thought of the upcoming vote.

“To say we have elections, there have to be real alternatives,” he said. “This election is just so we can tell Western governments we are a democratic country,” the finance and accounting master’s degree student told Al Jazeera at Addis Ababa University’s Siddist Kilo campus.

Such views are not uncommon among the electorate and opposition members in the capital, many of whom have dismissed the upcoming vote as a formality.

The results of the 2010 election left the opposition with a single seat in the 547-seat parliament, and afterwards the EU said Ethiopia’s electoral process failed to create “a level playing field for political parties“.

It wasn’t always this way.

In 2005, the then high-school student took part in political rallies in support of the Oromo National Congress Party running under one of the main opposition coalitions, the United Ethiopian Democratic Front.

Back then, he said, the opposition was strong and united, and people thought supporting it would bear fruit.

In the election that year – preceded by a relatively open political climate – the opposition surprised the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) by taking 31 percent of parliamentary seats.

Professor Beyene Beyene Petros [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

However, the aftermath of the vote was marked by mass arrests of student protesters and opposition leaders.

The student told Al Jazeera he was detained for months, a fate he shared with thousands of students who took to the streets.

The country’s controversial 2009 anti-terrorism proclamation has been criticised for its broad application to journalists and opposition members in the run-up to this year’s vote, including six “Zone9” bloggers currently on trial for terrorism-related charges.

Registration complaints 

According to Ethiopia’s National Electoral Board, 47 parties and 5,819 candidates are contesting the ballot for the national parliament and the regional councils.

The ruling party has fielded 501 candidates for the 547-seat parliament, followed by the Ethiopia Federal Democratic Union Form (MEDREK) and the Blue Party with 270 and 139 candidates, respectively.

Opposition members complain that navigating the political landscape ahead of the election has proven difficult.

“We are more consolidated and better positioned compared to previous elections, but the space is more closed,” Professor Beyene Petros, chair of the centre-left MEDREK, told Al Jazeera.

Both MEDREK and the Blue Party have also cited difficulties registering candidates.

Blue Party chairman Yilkal Getent [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]

The Blue Party’s chairman said more than half of the party’s 380 registered candidates were removed from the party list in February on administrative grounds.

“This is politically motivated to hinder Blue Party activities. The electoral board is not independent,” Yilkal Getent told Al Jazeera.

The cancellation of candidates, Getent said, has thwarted the party’s ability to mobilise voters through ongoing political debates aired on state media, as time allocations are determined based on the number of candidates.

The Blue Party considers itself centre-right and wants to appeal to the country’s young electorate, but government officials dismiss it as a far-right movement.

The government also accused the Blue Party of inciting violence last month at a government-organised rally in Addis Ababa following the killing of Ethiopian migrantsin Libya by ISIL – allegations the party’s leaders dismissed.

‘Dilute the vote’:- Despite the large number of parties registered, the opposition alleges many are allied with the ruling party.

“No more than two to three parties are real opposition parties. The others don’t run to win, their role is to dilute the vote for the opposition,” Merera Gudina, associate professor of political science at Addis Ababa University and a leading opposition figure, told Al Jazeera.

Merera Gudina [Simona Foltyn]

Some also criticised the voter registration process that ended in February, allegedly covering more than 80 percent of the eligible electorate.

Selam Gebrehiwot, a 19-year-old philosophy student, said the government is pressuring voters by tying registration to government services.

“The officials came to my house to give me the registration card although I didn’t ask for it. I was scared, so I took the card.”

The deputy chairman of the National Election Board, Addisu Gebreigzabhier, denied such allegations.

“We are just doing civic education,” Gebreigzabhier said. “The high voter registration is a result of the electorate’s desire to exercise their democratic rights.”

The pre-election process, he added, has been professionally run according to the country’s electoral laws and has been “to the satisfaction of all parties”.

Development first, democracy later

Yohannis Getachew, a 32-year-old taxi driver in Addis Ababa, has been following the ongoing political debates on the radio. He said the opposition has failed to present a convincing alternative.

“At least the government is building roads and railways. I think that’s good. I don’t know what the opposition would do,” said Getachew.

Addisu Gebreigzabhier [Simona Foltyn]

The ruling party’s growth and transformation plan has resulted indouble-digit economic growth over the past five years.

Government officials often cite EPRDF’s economic track record as its main source of voter support.

“It’s very difficult for any party to come up with an idea that can match an 11 percent growth rate,” said Ganenu Asefa, a political adviser at the Government Office for Communication Affairs.

Opposition parties, however, say that growth has benefited only a small elite aligned with the ruling party.

“The so-called growth agenda has been impressing the foreigners, not the citizens,” Professor Gudina, whose Oromo Federalist Congress party runs under MEDREK’s ticket, told Al Jazeera.

“Development without democracy is very difficult to sustain,” he added.

The government Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) – characterised by state intervention in the economy as well as massive public investments in infrastructure – aims to turn Ethiopia into a middle-income country by 2025.

International institutions have largely praised the EPRDF’s growth agenda.

“The targets they set in the GTP were very ambitious, and even if they achieve 75 percent of those targets, it will be a tremendous achievement for a country coming from such a low base,” said the World Bank’s country director for Ethiopia, Guang Z Chen.

Chen said in order to sustain strong growth going forward, the government will need to make policy adjustments so as to stimulate the industrial sector, which currently contributes only 12 percent to the GDP.

With urbanisation advancing at twice the rate of overall population growth, job creation for Ethiopia’s idle urban youth is another priority. Analysts say although the government has recognised the need for structural reform, corruption and insufficient technical capacity could hamper its ability to manage the process.   http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2015/04/confidence-ethiopia-electoral-process-slumps-150424102856756.html

Elections, Ethiopian style. #Africa. #Oromia May 5, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Sham elections, The Ethiopian government’s systematic repression of independent media, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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Opinion: Elections, Ethiopian style

By Felix Horne, Horn of Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Since the last election, the ruling party has exerted more control and increased its repression of basic liberties.

Dissent of any type, particularly in rural areas, is dealt with harshly. The long-standing 5:1 system of grassroots surveillance – under which one individual is responsible for monitoring the activities of five households – has let local officials clamp down on dissent before it spreads beyond the household level.

This is what an election campaign looks like in Ethiopia, where the ruling coalition took 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats in the last national elections, in 2010.

Jirata, who asked that his real name not be used, is a 19-year-old student who was campaigning for a legally registered opposition party recently, when security officials arrested him.

They told him that he was working for a “terrorist group” that sought to forcibly bring down the government. He was badly beaten over the course of three nights and released on the condition that he end his involvement in politics. He is still limping from his injuries, and he told me he no longer has any interest in getting involved in politics. He says he will vote for the government party “because life is easier that way”.

Jirata was working for an Oromo party, representing an ethnic group long targeted by the government. But as Ethiopians go to the polls in late May, the prospects for opposition parties to fully and fairly campaign are grim.

Since the last election, the ruling party has only exerted more control and increased its widespread repression of basic liberties, including the rights to free expression, assembly, and association.

The courts provide no justice in cases of political importance. While election day is unpredictable, it’s clear that the avenues by which opposition parties can fully function and citizens can engage on political issues are largely closed.

While there are 75 registered opposition groups, several of the largest parties have talked of boycotting the elections because of flawed electoral processes. Challenges with registering candidates, acquiring the funds they are legally entitled to, mobilising their supporters, and keeping their members out of prison have taken their toll.

In short, there is limited space for government critics to play a peaceful and constructive role.

Suppression of non-governmental voices

The Ethiopian media provides little coverage of relevant political issues ahead of the election since what vestiges of independent media existed have largely been eliminated since 2010.

Reporters critical of the government are regularly harassed, threatened and detained. In 2014 alone, over 30 journalists fled Ethiopia and at least six publications were closed down.

Sources providing information to media and human rights groups are regularly targeted. Many diaspora media websites, while heavily politicised, remain blocked in Ethiopia. Journalists must choose between self-censorship, harassment, imprisonment, and exile.

The situation hasn’t been much better for opposition parties that want to organise peaceful protests and rallies ahead of the election. The Semayawi party (Blue Party), for example, is one of the newcomers in Ethiopia’s electoral landscape, and since 2013 has tried to hold regular and peaceful issue-based protests.

Protesters and organisers have frequently been arrested and harassed, their equipment has been confiscated, and permits unfairly denied. One of their leaders is on trial on trumped-up terrorism charges.

The lone opposition parliament member is not running this time due to a split in his party, the Union of Democracy and Justice, in which Ethiopia’s national electoral board played favourites. The net effect is that the government awarded the party name to an offshoot of the party that is more closely aligned to government policies and interests.

No dissent allowed

There are few ways for Ethiopians to peacefully express dissent or to contribute to the national political dialogue. Dissent of any type, particularly in rural areas, is dealt with harshly. The long-standing 5:1 system of grassroots surveillance – under which one individual is responsible for monitoring the activities of five households – has let local officials clamp down on dissent before it spreads beyond the household level.Telephone surveillance is commonplace, and the ongoing trial of a group of bloggers called Zone 9 has resulted in increased self-censorship online.

In short, there is limited space for government critics to play a peaceful and constructive role. The only international observers to the election will be the African Union. The European Union is not sending observers, noting that Ethiopia has not implemented recommendations by previous election observers. As Human Rights Watch documented after the 2010 elections, those who complain about election irregularities risk arrest and harassment.

“If we have an issue with government where do we go?” an Ethiopian who lives in a rural area recently told me, summing it up: “There is no media that will write our story, there are no more organisations that work on issues that the government does not like, if we take to the streets we are arrested, and if we go to their office to question we are called terrorists. If we go to the courts, there is no independence – we go to jail. There are no large opposition parties to vote for in the election, and even if there were, if we vote for them our lives then become very difficult. So what can we do? The elections are just another sign of our repression.”

Felix Horne is a Horn of Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.


UNPO: Cartoon Democracy – Authoritarian Rule and Elections in Ethiopia. #Africa. #Oromia April 27, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia, UNPO.
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On 23 of April 2015, a high level conference entitled ‘Cartoon Democracy – Authoritarian Rule and Elections in Ethiopia’ was held in European Parliament, Brussels, Belgium. The conference was organised by some members of European Parliament from different Party Groups and member states and UNPO. The conference was unique in a sense it is standing against the established mind set-ups and traditional working system of politics in the Ethiopia Empire. It managed to assemble a diversified gathering that includes various opposition leaders, journalists, international experts, politicians and human rights advocators. The conference was aimed at consulting and coordinating various voices on the ever worsening political landscape in Ethiopia.

This Conference which was held a week after the US official Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman praised Ethiopia as a democracy, suggesting Ethiopia made great strides toward an open and inclusive electoral process. Despite the US official already endorsed the outcome of Ethiopia’s traditional National election, on the other side the Atlantic Ocean, the Europeans are showing a firm stand against endorsing Sham and ceremonial election. The keynote speaker of the conference clearly indicated that assisting Authoritarian one party rule might lead the country to formidable civil conflict. The current  prevalent inter- and intra-regional armed conflict, popular uprising, desperate repressive acts of the regime against civilians, rampant corruption, mismanagement, Hunger, population growth, Environmental degradation, displacement of peoples as a result of land grabbing, high rate of the expansion of pandemic diseases, government-instigated ethnic conflicts as an instrument of divide-and-rule, etc. are all indicative for Ethiopian regime’s authoritarian nature and lack of democracy in the country. Read More:-Report of EU conference 23042015 Brussels

United in Opposing Ethiopian Cartoon Democracy: European Parliament Conference Offers Platform for Dialogue ahead of 24 May Election

Overall, there seemed to be a strong agreement among the speakers on two main points: firstly, that any real democratic change and cessation of ongoing human rights abuses in Ethiopia can only be achieved through joint action involving all ethnic and political opposition movements; and secondly, that the EU and other major donors must hold the Ethiopian government accountable for its actions, by conditioning and better overseeing the flow of funds, thus ensuring that foreign aid is not being misused to perpetrate human rights violations and oppress the people it is supposed to serve. Following this successful conference, UNPO, together with its partners, will continue to work towards ensuring the Ethiopian peoples’ voices are better heard on the international stage, and encourage different ethnic and political groups to put their differences aside and work together towards positive change in Ethiopia.


Freedom House: U.S. Wrong to Endorse Ethiopia’s Elections. #Africa #Oromia April 23, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Ethnic Cleansing, Free development vs authoritarian model, Groups at risk of arbitrary arrest in Oromia: Amnesty International Report, Sham elections, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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OFreedom HouseEthiopia's scores on freedom

“Under Secretary Sherman’s comments today were woefully ignorant and counter-productive,” said Daniel Calingaert, executive vice president of Freedom House. “Ethiopia remains one of the most undemocratic countries in Africa. By calling these elections credible, Sherman has tacitly endorsed the Ethiopian government’s complete disregard for the democratic rights of its citizens. This will only bolster the government’s confidence to continue its crackdown on dissenting voices.”


U.S. Wrong to Endorse Ethiopia’s Elections

(Frredom House, Washington,  April 16, 2015)

In response to today’s comments by Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Wendy Sherman, in which she referred to Ethiopia as a democracy and the country’s upcoming elections free, fair, and credible, Freedom House issued the following statement:

“Under Secretary Sherman’s comments today were woefully ignorant and counter-productive,” said Daniel Calingaert, executive vice president of Freedom House. “Ethiopia remains one of the most undemocratic countries in Africa. By calling these elections credible, Sherman has tacitly endorsed the Ethiopian government’s complete disregard for the democratic rights of its citizens. This will only bolster the government’s confidence to continue its crackdown on dissenting voices.”

Since coming into power in the early 1990s, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has dominated politics through a combination of political cooptation and harassment. The country experienced a degree of democratization through the early 2000’s, culminating in the most competitive elections in the county’s history in 2005. Since these elections, the EPRDF has restricted political pluralism and used draconian legislation to crack down on the political opposition, civil society organizations, and independent media. In the 2010, EPRDF and its allies won 546 out of 547 parliamentary seats.

Ethiopia is rated Not Free in Freedom in the World 2015, Not Free in Freedom of the Press 2014, and Not Free in Freedom on the Net 2014.

Freedom House is an independent watchdog organization that supports democratic change, monitors the status of freedom around the world, and advocates for democracy and human rights.

Join us on Facebook and Twitter (freedomhousedc) and Instagram. Stay up to date with Freedom House’s latest news and events by signing up for our RSS feedsnewsletter and our blog.


April 20, 2015

Ethiopians dispute US official’s assessment of their ‘democracy’

#EthiopianDemocracy101ForWendySherman trends as netizens condemn State Department official’s remarks.

U.S Department of State Endorsing of Upcoming Elections: Denial and Disrespect

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)

Human rights League of the Horn of AfricaHRLHA Statement:

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) strongly opposes to the position that the U.S State Department has taken in regards to the upcoming Ethiopian election and the overall democratization process in the country in the past twenty-four years; and describes the comments by the Under  Secretary of State as a sign of disrespect for ordinary citizens of Ethiopia and disregard for the human miseries that hundreds of thousands of Ethiopian have gone through under the EPRDF/TPLF-led government.

The HRLHA has no doubt at all that the U.S Government in general and U.S  Department of State in particular, with the biggest and highly staffed of all Western embassies in Ethiopia, are very well aware of the political realities that have been prevailing in the country over the past two decades. An excellent proof is the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices that is issued annually by the US Department of State itself. Suppressions and denials of fundamental human rights in Ethiopia under the EPRDF/TPLF Government were being reported on by various human rights and humanitarian as well as government and diplomatic agencies; and, based on the facts revealed in such reports, the Ethiopian Government has repeatedly been ranked as the worst both at the regional and global levels.

In a country that has witnessed the highest number of political incarceration in its history, where unarmed students and other civilians were gunned down in hundreds simply because they attempted to exercise some of their fundamental rights, in “one of the ten most censored countries” where the existence of independent media has become impossible and, as a result, press freedom has been curtailed completely, where all sorts of socio-economic rights have been tied to political sympathy and supports, it would be an insult and disrespect to its ordinary citizens, and a disregard for the precious lives of innocent people that have been taken away by brutal hands to say that such a country is a democracy, and that the upcoming elections would be free and fair while intimidations and harassments of opposition candidates, as well as potential voters, were taking place out in the field even while the Under Secretary of State was making the comments. While encouraging the most repressive government and governing party towards becoming more dictatorial, the Under-Secretary of State’s comments discourage and undermine the sacrifices that the Ethiopian peoples have paid and are still paying to realize their century-old dream of building free and democratic country.

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) requests that the Under Secretary of State retract the wrong comments and apologize to the Ethiopian peoples. It also urges the U.S State Department to recognize and acknowledge the realities in Ethiopia and use the close ties that exists between the two governments to put pressure on the ruling EPRDF/TPLF party so that it allows the implementation of a genuine democracy.



The Major Challenges of Opposition Parties in Ethiopia and the Case of Leenco Lata’s ODF. #Oromo. #Oromia. #Africa March 28, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Sham elections, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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The Major Challenges of Opposition Parties in Ethiopia and the Case of Leenco Lata’s ODF

By Kiya Tesfaye*

Since the adoption of the new Constitution in 1995, Ethiopia has organized 4 elections carried out regularly ever 5 years (in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010); the ruling party, TPLF, claimed victories in all of these elections. Unfortunately, post-election reports always show that none of the elections in Ethiopia has so far been free, fair and democratic.

Through intimidation by local cadres, or by withholding basic government rations from rural and urban poor households, people had been forced to vote for TPLF. Through such controversial elections, TPLF had claimed victories over the majority of the votes. In some places, where the TPLF had been unable to win, stealing the ballot cards had been the case. Election frauds, reactions of the opposition parties to the unfair elections, and anger of the public had been the main reasons to see instabilities, chaos, mass arrests, deaths, harassment and disorders in the aftermaths of election periods. Therefore, due to the undemocratic nature of these elections, dissenting political parties had been unable to win over the dictatorial TPLF regime – which indirectly means that people can’t change their leaders through the ballot box in Ethiopia.

In absence of free and fair election, the election itself can’t be a means to justify the legitimacy of a given government. Thus, the 2015 election will not be different from the past. According to the National Electoral Board, nearly 35 million people had registered to vote, and 60 opposition parties had registered to run for parliamentary polls dated for May 24, 2015.

Having seen the previous elections in Ethiopia, what will we expect from the upcoming 2015 election? I have a firm belief that the upcoming election will not be any different from the previous ones unless otherwise the opposition parties can make miracles helped through the divine power. Given the totalitarian nature of TPLF, no one in Ethiopia votes for the opposition parties to win the election and form a government, but instead people vote for dissenting parties only to have some seats in the TPLF-dominated Parliament.

In meantime, it is important to remind that it is not due to lack of alternative policies that opposition parties fail to win an election in Ethiopia. The major reasons why opposition parties are unable to win elections in Ethiopia are due to the fact that they are mired in multiple challenges, unlike the ruling party. I will briefly discuss these challenges below.

Major Challenges of Opposition Parties in Ethiopia

In the absence of independent media outlets, it is almost impossible to hold free and fair elections. Unfortunately, Ethiopia, under the TPLF government, is not a friendly home for independent media. The government in Ethiopia is best known for its systematic repression of the very few independent media outlets. Especially after the Anti-Terrorist Proclamation of 2009, independent media have been subjected to intimidation, harassment, and in most cases, exile. You can hardly find a single independent, non-state affiliated media outlet in Ethiopia today. The majority of newspapers, and radio and television stations are state controlled or state affiliated. The very few pseudo-independent media, which in some cases are accused of being state-affiliated behind the screen, are also subject to strict procedures of state censorship. The main radio and television stations, which are run by the state, are usually seen broadcasting the propaganda of the TPLF regime and promote government policies; and in contrary, they have no room to broadcast the human rights violations and corruptions of the dictatorial administration of the ruling party.

Since more than 85% of the population in Ethiopia resides in rural areas, radio is the only medium of news, and hence, this gives the ruling party a significant advantage in promoting its policies and preserving itself as the irreplaceable political party by controlling the radio access to the rural population. Journalists of local media outlets, which deviate from state censorship of the government, usually face arrests, harassment, shutdowns and/or exile.

The only media opportunities available for the local opposition parties are Diaspora-based media. Usually, most of these websites are blocked and cannot be accessed in Ethiopia while popular stations like OMN [Oromia Media Network] are jammed by the government in Ethiopia. It is clear that media can have huge impacts to the mind of a society. Due to the fear of the power of media, TPLF has been denying media access to opposition parties, and at the same time, restricting the blossoming of independent media in the country – forcing opposition parties to rely on Diaspora-based media outlets.

The case for Oromo media is even worse. Being the largest nation, Oromo lacks access to media in Afan Oromo, which is the largest language spoken in the Horn of Africa; it is safe to say that there is no single Afan Oromo media outlet in Ethiopia. Due to the fear of the government for independent Oromo media, Oromo political organizations suffer from the absence of freedom of media, more than others.

The National Electoral Board of Ethiopia, which is theoretically supposed to be an autonomous and independent body, has been accused of being the mouthpiece of the ruling party. The Election Board, which consists of nine individuals strategically nominated by the late Prime Minister, has been the major reason for the lack of fair and free elections in Ethiopia.

Dr. Merga Bekana (Chairman) and Dr. Addisu Gebre-Egziabher (Deputy Chairman) are key figures in the Board that is accused of working for the interest of TPLF. The latter, Dr. Addisu, who is currently working as a Head of a Department in the Ministry of Federal Affairs and a close friend for members of the TPLF Central Committee, is purposely assigned in the Board to protect the interest of TPLF. The Election Board has also been accused of interfering in the internal affairs of opposition parties, and putting complicated procedures and criteria for opposition parties with the goal of expelling them from election runs when found not abiding with these complicated election procedures and criteria.

What has enabled the TPLF regime to brutally rule the country for more than two decades is not its ability to create a robust and democratic political, social and economic environment. The strength of TPLF is its military. The military, which is almost dominated by one nation, the Tigreans, from which the TPLF ruling party officials also come, has been the backbone to the dictatorial regime of TPLF. Basically, a military is responsible to maintain peace, uphold constitutional orders and protect the territorial sovereignty of the country. But, in the case in Ethiopia, the TPLF government has been usually criticized for using the military for spying, intimidating and arresting opposition party individuals. It is not uncommon to hear accusations from dissenting political parties about being spied upon and about their everyday activities being tracked by the military intelligence services, and in some cases, about physical obstacles put on their ways during election campaigns.


Having seen the three major challenges of opposition parties in Ethiopia, ODF [Oromo Democratic Front] will never be an exception to not be mired in these aforementioned challenges, had its move to Ethiopia turned long lasting. ODF’s 24-hour stay in the country, after all, is a witness to what this article wants to address. Members of ODF are prominent politicians with ample experiences in Oromo and Ethiopian politics, and had been pioneers of the Oromo struggle for freedom, and hence, they can have the possibility to make positive impacts on the political atmosphere in Ethiopia. However, that is not what the government in Ethiopia wants at all. Although the government claims to have established a multiparty system to convince donor countries, that remains true only in books; especially, chasing away exiled politicians who had come back home for a peaceful political struggle, has proven the multiparty system in Ethiopia fake and nonexistent.

The above challenges of opposition parties deliver one clear message to outsiders who observe politics in Ethiopia. That is, the totalitarian nature of the TPLF regime. Despite holding regular elections every 5 years – visually appealing rituals for the international community, the TPLF regime wants to rule the country eternally and brutally by using brute-force. Period.

* Kiya Tesfaye is an Oromo activist and lives in Norway; he can be reached at kiyaa28@gmail.com

See more at: http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2015/03/kiya-tesfaye-the-major-challenges-of-opposition-parties-in-ethiopia-and-the-case-of-leenco-latas-odf/

Oromo: Ethiopian Government Official Threatens Local Authorities as Clampdown on Activists is Likely to Increase Before the Election in May February 25, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Leadership curse, Political Ponerology, The Colonizing Structure & The Development Problems of Oromia, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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In a leaked recording, a senior official of the Ethiopian Government, Mr Abay Tsehaye, threatens officials from Oromia regarding a delay in the implementation of the tendentious ’Addis Ababa master plan’. Oromo political and human rights activists fear an increased crackdown on the population, as they believe these threats are part of a wider persecution mainly due to the upcoming national elections, which will take place in May 2015.  http://unpo.org/article/17983


Below is an article published by O Pride:


The Oromo social media have been buzzing over comments attributed to senior Ethiopian official, Abay Tsehaye. In a leaked audio Tsehaye can be heard threatening officials from the state of Oromia for a delay in implementing the controversial Addis Ababa master plan.

Ethiopia is also gearing up for yet another symbolic election. The two events signal the potential return of crackdown on Oromo leaders and human rights activists.

In recent years the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has adopted a series of draconian legislations to profile and target dissenting Oromos. If EPRDF’s conducts during the past four elections are any guide, the persecution of the Oromo is likely to increase over the next few months ahead of the May [2015] vote.

The Tigrean Liberation Front (TPLF) controlled regime in Ethiopia associates every dissenting Oromo with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). After proscribing the group as a terrorist organization in 2011, authorities have turned to two legal instruments adopted in 2009 to criminalize and eliminate any presumed threat to its reign: the Civil Societies and Charities law and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.

Counterterrorism has been on the international agenda since 1934 when states made a failed attempt to come up with a comprehensive international convention to prevent the rising threat of terrorism.

Most states now agree on the increasing risks of terrorism and the need for collective response. However, given the lack of comprehensive convention or even an agreement on what constitutes terrorism, national counterterrorism efforts have contributed to the worsening of human rights and civil liberties, especially in authoritarian states such as Ethiopia.

In its preamble Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism proclamation states that it aims, inter alia, to enable the country cooperate with other states in the fight against terrorism and to enforce its international obligations. However, the EPRDF made the true purpose of the legislation clear by proscribing major opposition groups as terrorists, thereby systematically reserving legally sanctioned power to relentlessly crackdown on any opposition to its rule.

Article 3 of the law stipulates very broad and vague definitions of terrorism, which has enabled the government to severely restrict human rights in violation of both the country’s constitution and its international treaty obligations. The disproportionate targeting of the Oromo using the counterterrorism legislation has been confirmed by independent investigations by human rights organizations such as the Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch. The proscription of the OLF as a terrorist organization has made it easier for the TPLF regime to profile and intensify its crackdown on the Oromo.

The Ethiopian Constitution provides for the legitimate exercise of the right to assembly. However, the vague provisions of the anti-terrorism law has given the regime a free reign to link any attempt to advocate for the advancement of Oromo rights as a ‘moral’ support for the OLF. Authorities label any conscious Oromo as having involvement or sympathies for the OLF and hence a terrorist.

Multitudes of Oromo youth, activists and leaders involved with legally recognized political organizations, civil society groups; religious and cultural institutions have been victims of such unfounded association. Even critical members of the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) are not immune from this collective persecution.

The anti-terrorism law classifies ‘damage to property’, natural resources, historical or cultural heritages, and interruption or disruption of any public service as acts of terrorism. The legitimate exercise of the right to peaceful assembly could result in a minor breach involving any of these activities effectively enables the TPLF government to classify them as terrorist activities and make a prior restraint to the right to peaceful assembly. These activities could have been governed under ordinary criminal law. One of the main purposes of an anti-terrorism legislation is to tackle serious threats to civilian lives not minor offenses that could be dealt with within the bounds of the existing criminal law.

Over the past half-decade thousands of Oromo students, teachers, business owners and farmers, who took part in peaceful protests, have been charged with under the sweeping legislation. These include those who were detained, tortured or killed last year following Oromia wide protests against Addis Ababa’s master plan, which Tsehaye has vowed to implement with or without regional support.

EPRDF has no tolerance for any dissenting political views but the impact of suppressing Oromo’s freedom of expression is far reaching. The anti-terrorism law provides harsh punishment for ‘publishing or causing the publication of a statement that is likely to be understood by some or all of members of the public to whom it is published as a direct or indirect encouragement for terrorism.’

Such broad definitions have enabled the government to crackdown on Oromo journalists, bloggers and anyone who is critical about its oppressive laws and policies.

Currently, there is no active independent TV, radio, newspaper or magazine in Afaan Oromo inside Ethiopia. The government actively monitors and routinely blocks media outlets based outside the country. Oromo journalists working for state owned media that dare speak out on the interest of the Oromo nation are persecuted or threatened with dismissal. This restriction on freedom of expression has made independent Oromo press non-existent.

In theory, the 1995 Ethiopian constitution provides extensive guarantees for the rights of the Nation, Nationalities and Peoples in Ethiopia. Its preamble commences with the phrase ‘we the nations nationalities and peoples’ asserting the role of the constitution as an expression of their sovereignty and inalienable right to self-determination. The constitution also aims to rectify the oppression perpetrated against minority ethnic groups under previous Ethiopian regimes.

It makes the country’s nations and nationalities the sovereign power holders, entrusts them with the power to interpret the constitution and guarantees their right to self-determination which extends from establishing autonomous regional government to an independent State.

The formation of Oromia state was a vital step toward ending the century old yoke of oppression against the Oromo. The constitution gives Oromos the right to establish an organization, which can advocate for its self-determination. The decision to remain within federal Ethiopia or to form an independent state through a referendum is theirs to make.

The broad and vague provisions of Ethiopia’s terrorism law and its aggressive and discriminate application undermines Oromos right to self-determination, violates the country’s constitution and international treaties ratified by the country. The law has made it impossible for the Oromo to enjoy their right to self-determination in all of its expressions such as celebrations of Oromummaa, Waaqeffannaa, Afaan Oromo and Oromo history without fear of persecution. It is unthinkable to even imagine the establishment of a political organization that openly advocates for the creation of independent Oromia through referendum. All these acts are construed as terrorism and punishable under the anti-terror law.

The 1995 Constitution widely recognizes fundamental human rights for all in accordance with international human rights instruments that Ethiopia has ratified. As the supreme law of the land and its requirement of interpreting these human rights tenets in accordance with international human rights documents ratified by the country places more weight on the document. As such, any law and decisions of state organs that contravenes the constitution is null and void.

This means that the raft of oppressive legislations adopted by EPRDF, including the anti-terrorism proclamation are in clear violation of the constitution and a range of international treaties. This also includes the decision to expand Addis Ababa’s jurisdiction with clear disregard to a series of individual and collective human rights of the Oromo and the constitution’s “special status” clause with respect to Oromia’s rights.

Unfortunately, the 1995 Constitution suffers from various contradictions including some rooted in the document itself. In fact, it is used to create a facade of democracy and cover up EPRDF’s despotic rule. Besides, the constitution entrusts the task of interpreting the law to the House of Federation. The EPRDF dominated House considers the constitution as a political rather than a legal document. These factors made the constitution practically illegitimate outside the governing party. It serves the sole purpose of defending the regime’s transgressions.

Oromo activists should continue to appeal to international organizations and donors to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to respect human rights and monitor their aid disbursements. Yet real solutions to Oromos quest for liberty, equality and justice lie in locally based response. Given the circumstances, there is no better place to start than demanding the implementation of the constitution itself. Unruly officials like Abay Tsehaye must be challenged using the same constitution that they swore to uphold but break at will. And they must be brought to justice for the gross human rights violations they are committing against innocent civilians.  http://unpo.org/article/17983

ETHIOPIA: Political Violence Intensifies as the fifth Sham Election Approaches February 17, 2015

Posted by OromianEconomist in Knowledge and the Colonizing Structure. African Heritage. The Genocide Against Oromo Nation, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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HRLHA FineHRLHA Urgent Action

February 16, 2015

According to a schedule released by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia, citizens will go to the polls to elect a new government on 24 May 2015. It will be Ethiopia’s fifth national election since EPRDF came to power in 1991.

In connection with the coming National Election of Ethiopia, the ruling EPRDF government has begun to wage a widespread campaign to secure again the 99.6% of parliamentarian seats it has controlled since 2010- the seats it acquired by electoral fraud.  As the election date of May 2015 approaches, the government of Ethiopia has unabashedly continued its systematic violence against opposition political parties’ leaders, members, and supporters.  Candidates of the opposition political parties are the major targets in all regional states in the country including the capital city, Finfinne/Addis Ababa.    For example, the information that the HRLHA has obtained through its correspondents indicates that hundreds of election candidates of the opposition OFC (Oromo Federalist Congress) party from most zones of Oromia Regional State have been arrested and sent to prisons.

In the most recent wave of arrests and imprisonments that has been going on since the first week of January, 2015 and which has touched almost all corners of Oromia, hundreds of OFC party leaders, members and supporters from all walks of life have been taken from their homes and work places and sent to prison.

According to the HRLHA reporter, in this particular political violence by the ruling party against the OFC party leaders, members and supporters in western Oromia zone Qellem, Dabidolo and Gambit districts, in the eastern Wallagga zone Guduru, Nunu Qumbq, and Wama Haagaloo districts, in the Eastern Oromia Zone in the Western Hararge zone in Masala district, in the Southern Oromia zone in Robe – Bale town Regional State of Oromia have been taken to prison.

The HRLHA reporter has managed to obtain the names of the following few OFC leaders   currently held in prison: 1, Mr. Dula Maatiyoos, chairman of the OFC political party in Qelem district, 2. Mr. Abiyot Tadesse, Chairman of the OFC political party in Dambi Dollo district, 3. Mr Zelalam Shuma, chairman of the OFC political party in Sayyo district, and 4. Mr. Mezgebu Tolessa, chairman of the OFC in Gidami district.

The HRLHA strongly condemns the EPRDF government’s move towards the systematic elimination of the opposition parties from the coming election in order to control again all parliamentarians’ seats for itself as has happened in the previous four elections. It should be remembered that the EPRDF has claimed victory in the elections of 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010- ever since the fall of the military/ Derg regime of 1991 and the adoption of a new constitution in August 1995.

The HRLHA calls on the Western allies of the ruling TPLF/EPRDF party as well as regional and international diplomatic, development and donor agencies to put pressure on the Ethiopian government and demand an immediate halt to this extra-judicial and unconstitutional act of violence and the unconditional release of those innocent citizens whose arrests and imprisonment are purely political. It also calls on those bodies to put additional pressure on the ruling TPLD/EPRDF party to organize a truly free and fair election, and prepare itself to participate accordingly.

This UA is copied to:

 Current Membership of the Human Rights Council

 Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Office at Geneva 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland Fax: + 41 22 917 9022 (particularly for urgent matters) E-mail: tb-petitions@ohchr

 Human Rights Treaties Division (HRTD)
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Palais Wilson – 52, rue des Pâquis
CH-1201 Geneva (Switzerland)
Tel.: +41 22 917 97 06
Fax: +41 22 917 90 08
E-mail: cat@ohchr.org

 Secretariat contact details
Secretariat of the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Palais Wilson – 52, rue des Pâquis
CH-1201 Geneva (Switzerland)
Mailing address
CH-1211 Geneva 10
Tel: +41 22 917 97 44
Fax: +41 22 917 90 22
E-mail: opcat@ohchr.org
Internet: http://www.ohchr.org

 Committee on Enforced Disappearance (CED)
Human Rights Treaties Division (HRTD)
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Palais Wilson – 52, rue des Pâquis
CH-1201 Geneva (Switzerland)
Mailing address
CH-1211 Geneva 10 (Switzerland)
Tel.: +41 22 917 92 56
Fax: +41 22 917 90 08
E-mail: ced@ohchr.org

 Office of the UNHCR
Telephone: 41 22 739 8111
Fax: 41 22 739 7377
Po Box: 2500
Geneva, Switzerland

 African Commission on Human and Peoples‘ Rights (ACHPR)
48 Kairaba Avenue, P.O.Box 673, Banjul, The Gambia.
Tel: (220) 4392 962 , 4372070, 4377721 – 23 Fax: (220) 4390 764
E-mail: achpr@achpr.org
• Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights

 Council of Europe
F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex, FRANCE
+ 33 (0)3 88 41 34 21
+ 33 (0)3 90 21 50 53

 U.S. Department of State
Short Echalar Julie A

 U.S. Department of State
Trim, Vernelle X
Ethiopian desk officer

 Amnesty International – London
Claire Beston
Claire Beston” <claire.beston@amnesty.org>,

 Human Rights Watch
Felix Hor
“Felix Horne” <hornef@hrw.org>,