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Yaadannoo Qaaqee April 29, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Soressa Hundera ogeessa fayyaati. #Qellem Wallaggaa magaalaa Qaaqeetti yeroo qabame sana haala ture akkasiin ibsa.

QAAQEE— Harroojjii Hoboo (Yaadannoo koo)

[seenaa kana ji’a ja’a duran yaadannoodhumaaf barreesse. Garuu hin maxxansine. Mee yoo waan ilmi Oromoo tokko lixa Oromiyaatti argu keessaa waan xiqqoo irraa hubachuu dandeessaniif jedheen har’a maxxansuuf murteesse. Seenicha amman danda’etti gaggabaabsee barreessuu waanin yaaleef otuu hin nuffiin obsaan dubbisaa xumuraa]

Guyyaa: Adoolessa 11, bara 2011 ALHtti, yokiin immoo Adoolessa 18, 2019 ALGtti, aduu Kamisaarra ture. Guyyaa sana 11-11-11 jedheen akka salphaatti yaadachaa ture. Sa’aatiin waareerra naannoo 7:30 ta’eera. Laaqana koo nyaadheen mana galee taa’aa jira. Kootii diimaa gad dheeraa duubarraan hidhaa qabu, surree jiinsii bifa booraa qabu, akkasumas kophee ol dheeraa wayiin uffadhee jira. Sa’aatiin bakka hojiitti deebi’uu koo ga’eera. Garuu ani manan taa’aa jira. Ana malees hiriyoonni koo lama anaa wajjiin mana keessa taa’uutti jiru.

Akkan gara hojiitti hin deebine kan na godhe sababa lamatu jira. Tokko, guyyaan sun ganamaa kaasee guyyaa jireenyi koo itti dhiphuun guutame ture. “Har’a in duuta. Har’a kan si ajjeesee daandiirratti si gatee deemu dhufee jira.” na jedhaa ture keessi koo. Ganama ergan kutaa yaalii deddeebii (OPD) seenee kaasee amman laaqana ba’uutti maal akkan ta’e hin beeku; harki koo ni hollata. Kobbee qabadhee dhukkubsataaf qoricha barreessuun baay’ee natti ulfaataa ture. Takka gad ba’een bakka ijoolleen ‘staff’ koo walitti qabamanii haasa’an deema. Takka immoo ol galeen teessuma kutaa koorra taa’ee gomma. Kana hundasaa sababan akkas dhiphadhuuf baruu hin dandeenye.
Sababni koo lammataa, humni waraanaa mootummaa magaalaa xiqqoo ani ani keessaa hojii hojjedhu (Harroojjii) seenee ummata wal ga’ii yaasee waan jiruuf dhukkubsataan gara mana yaalaa dhufaa hin jiru. Bira darbanii mana yaalaan dhaqa jechuun hin yaadamu. Kan laga keessa dhokatee nu bira ga’e qofatu dhufee yaalamaa ture. Kanaafuu, xiqqoo afuura baafadhee, warri waraanaa kunis galaa waan jiraniif isaanis dabarseen deema jedheen taa’aa jira.

Otuma teenyee hiriyoota koo sana faana haasofnuu konkolaataan sadii balbala mana koo irra dhufee dhaabbate. Ani silas guyyaa sana guutuu qaamni koo dilallaa’ee ture. Hiriyoonni koo sun garuu ni rifatani. “Maalinni? maaliif asitti dhaaban?…Soore siif dhume….” jedhani. Hubadhaa: bakka sanatti namni heeruu deemee si kenneera taanaan yokiin immoo waraanuma mootummaa agarteetta taanaan ni rifatta. Yakka waan hojjetteef otuu hin taane, waan reebamuun kee hin oolleeef. Ni reebamta, ni hidhamta, yoo dubbiin kee shakkii qabaatemmoo ni ajjeefamta.

Bakkuman jiru taa’een babalarraan bakkeetti gad ilaale. Waraanni konkolaataa sanarra jiru baay’eedha. Humna addaa Oromiyaa fi raayyaa ittisa biyyaati wal makee jira. Meeshaan konkolaataa sanarratti hidhamee jiru kilaashii isaan baattatan sana malee kan ani maqaa beekuu fi hin beekne baay’eetu jiru. Diishqaa kan jedhan kan teessuma kaameraa fakkaatu of jalaa qabu tokko, bireenii isa miilla lama qabu lama, kan tumtoo moonyee fakkaatu sana tokko tu jira. Konkolaataan tokko 3F, tokko Ambulaansii waajjira Fannoo Diimaa, tokkommoo konkolaataa bulchiinsa aanaa ture. Kun hunduu waraana amma humnisaanii baachuu danda’u baatanii ana ogeessa fayyaa buufata sanaa hojjetu qabuuf dhufame.

Konkolaataa sanarraa akkuma harca’aniin, namni lama kara bitaa mana koo, lama kara mirgaarra fiigaa borootti darbani. Namni sadii immoo kallattiima fuula duraan dhufani. Hiriyoonni koo sun warra fuul duraan dhufaa jiran sana gaafa argan, “fiignuu? Sooressa maaliif teessee nu nyaachifta hin arreedduu boroodhaan baanaa” na jedhani. Ani garuu gogeeman isaan ilaala. Isaan warra duraan dhufe sana malee warra lama lamatti hiramanii mana koo karaa bitaa fi mirgaan itti marsan hin agarre. Ani garuu sanas argeera. Otuun hin agarre ta’ees, rasaasa caalaa akkan hin fiigne bareechee waanin beekuuf fiiguuf yaalii hin taasisu.
“Warra manaa buna haa dhugnukaa!” na jedhe warra sadan duraan dhufan keessaa inni uffata siivilii uffatee ture. Namni kun hoji geggeessaa komaandi-poostii aanichaa fi bulchaa aanaa yeroofii (kan KP) ture.
“Tole, nooraa seenaa ni dhugnaa”n jedhe isa duraan balballi tokkichi qofti banamee ture isa tokkos itti dabalee banaa.
“Sooressaan si’ii?”
“Eeyyee ana”
“Hojiin kee maali? Hakiimiidhaa?”
“Eeyyee”
“Kottu si barbaadnee”
“Tole” jedheen lafaa ka’e. Achuma dhaabadheen, “Garuu maaliif na barbaaddani?”n jedhe.
“Kottu isa dhiisiitii booda haasoftaa” na jedhe dheekkamsaan lafaa na kaasee. Waraanni isa faana jiran lamman cancala qawwee banatanii jiru. Harka koo na qabee bakkee na baase.

“Garuu, kan mana keessatti hafe jiraa?’ jedhee mana keessa gad ilaale mormasaa of duuba dabsee. Ijoollee sana lammantu jira. Manni koo dhiphoodha. Siree koo, firaashii qalloo lafa buutu biroo fi teessuma afur qofatu mul’ata. Namni bakka biroo bakka dhokachuu danda’u hin qabu. Akkasaan yaadanii fi dhaga’anii dhufanitti anatu waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo waamee guyya guyyaan mana kootti afeera, anatu isaan yaala, anatu isaan gargaara.

Gaafan gad ba’u konkolaataa isaanii sana sadan irratti meeshaalee waraanaa ajaa’ibsiisoo amma gararraatti barreesse sanan arge. Waraanni warri kaan, suuqa manoota mana kootti aananii jiranii qabatanii, garii da’oo goranii, gariin immoo akka meeshaa dhukaasaaf sirreeffatanitti konkolaataa bira dhadhaabatanii jiru. “Amma kun hundi anuma qabuuf guuramanii dhufan mitii?’n jedhe sammuu kootti. Akkan du’i naaf kaadhimamteettu ganama qalbiin koo natti himte. Amma sodaa otuu hin taane, miira boonuutu natti dhaga’amaa jira. Sooressaan namni tokko harka tokkoon rarraasee qabee gabaa Qaaqee dhaqachuu danda’u akkas baay’atanii qabuunuu natti tole. Ani nama qal’oo kilogiraama 57 ti. ‘Daampelii’ hin kaasu. Sa’aatii boqonnaa kootti kitaaban dubbisa. Ogummaa Ispoortiis baay’ee hin qabu. Qaama koo keessaa buqqee mataa koo qofatu guddaadha. Akkan du’a deemaa jiru garuu nan beeka. Kanin kana beekuuf, namni deemee heeruu si kennu akka ati qallabduu waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo taateettidha. Nama akkasiimmo inuma ajjeesu. Beekamaadha. Kanaafin akkan dirree du’aa deemaa jiru beeke.
“Kottuu kana yaabi” jedhee qubasaa gara 3F sanaatti qabe.
“Maaliif? Eessan dhaqa?”n jedhe. Kana dubbadhee otuun afaanii hin raawwatiin duuba kootii sagalee qawwee ‘kash kash’ jedhu dhaga’e. Waraana na duubaan jirutu Cancala sirreeffachaa jira.

“Mooji keeti? Yaabi amma” na jedhe. [Asitti arrabsoo na jedhamee fi taatee ta’e miiran amma keessa jiruun barreessuun natti ulfaata. Hiriyoonni koo in boo’an. Kurfiin immoo kellaa buufata fayyaa jala daa’imtee yeroo foqoqaa waaqatti harkashee ol facaaftu konkolaataarra taa’ee fageenyarraa nan arga.] Kanumaan daandii Qaaqeetti geessu qabannee, konkolaataa sana lamaan gidduu na galchanii na fuudhanii ka’ani. Anis, daandii Qaaqeerra na fuudhanii ka’uunsaanii na hidhuuf malee waan biroof ta’uu dhiisuu mala jedhee jajjabinni xiqqoon natti uumame. Jajjabinni koo kun garuu sodaa dhale. Duraan du’aan ture, amma abdii jireenyaa horadheen sodaa jalqabe.

Deemsa konkolaataan daqiiqaa digdama hin caallee booda bakka “Karra Waddeessaa” jedhamu geenye. Bakka kanatti, daandiin Harroojjiirraa gara Qaaqeetti geessuu fi kan Qotaa bakka jedhamurraa Qaaqeetti geessu walitti makama. Daandii kallattiin Qaaqee nu geessu dhiisanii dalga daandii Qotaa geessurra na fuudhanii ka’ani. Qotaa sana kaambii waraanaa yeroofii tu jira. Achi ga’uuf immoo bosona Gumaa Guddaa fi bu’aa ba’ii fi tabba homtuu si hin agarre dabarteeti. Daandii gara Qotaa geessu kanarra na fuudhanii ka’uunsaanii ammoo abdii sila na keessatti uumamtee turte na keessatti ajjeeste. Amma kana deemsisanii naa raawwachuuf kan jedhu natti dhaga’ame. Ani ilma sooressaa miti. Hojii mootummaa hojjechuufin deeme. Dirqama mootummaan ogummaa koon akkan raawwadhuuf natti kenne fudhadheen buufata sanatti ramadame. Obbolaan koo fi firoonni koo Naqamtee fi Finfinneerraa, harmeen koo fi abbaan koo Giddarraa “goda sanaa dhiisii ba’i. Hojiin sun sitti hafuusaa wayya nageenya keef sodaanne” yeroo naan jedhan deebiin koo, “ani hojii mootummaan hojjechaa jira. Dirqama koon alatti hojii siyaa hojjedhu hin qabu. Kanaafuu, homaa naaf hin sodaatiinaa” kan jedhu ture.

Dhuguma immo otuun otuu hojii hawaasni ragaa naaf ba’u hojjedhuu bifa akkasiin nan shakkama jedhee hin tilmaamne. Qaaman waliin hojjedhus bifa akkas jedhee oduu sobaa deemee haasa’ee itti na basaasa jedhee hin yaadne. Hundaaf jaalalan qaba; nama hin cufu. Yoo namni na cufes itti hin qabamu, ittis haasa’ee hin dhiphisu.
Daandii qotaa geessu sana qabannee, bakka Aallee Gumaa jedhamu gaafa geenyu, waraana keessaa tokko dugda konkolaataarra bakkan taa’ee jirutti siqee na bukkee ‘ispoondaa’ konkolaataarra gad taa’e.

“Hakiimii jaal ebelu akkam?” na jedhe maqaa miseensota Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo ani dhaga’ee beeku keessaa tokko waamee. Homaa hin deebifneef, nan callise.
Ammas qolee koo rukutee, “Mootummaan kan as si kaa’e akka hawaasa yaaltuufi. Kana ni beektaa?” na jedhe. Baay’ee ija babaasa. Gaafan ilaalu, morma narraa gatuuf waan ariifate natti fakkaat. Garuu, abdiin waan na keessatti gogeef sodaa koo awwaaleen jira. Jiraachuu nan barbaada. Garuu, carraa jiraachuu dhabuu kootti gaddaan ija diimeffadhee callisee isa ilaale.

“Gidaamii deemtee jaal ebeluu yaalte. Jimmaa Horroo deemtee jaal ebeluu yaalte. Nan sobee?” na jedhe ammas maqaa miseensota waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo lama waamee. Namoota inni jedhu kana ani haasaa miidiyaa hawaasaarraa jedhamuunin dhaga’a malee eenyummaa isaaniis, bifa isaaniis hin beeku. Garuu, akka miidiyaa hawaasaarraa haasa’amutti jarri kun hooggansa olaanaa waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo keessaa qabu. Garuu ammas namichaaf homaa hin deebifneef.

Afaan Amaariffaatiin, “Eenyu haadha kee tuffattee na jalaa callifta hin dubbattuuy?” jedhee kaballaa humna cimaan fuula kootti erge. Kaballichi garuu na bira kutee uuruu qawwee waraana biroo na dubaan taa’ee jiru harkasaan rukute.

Na’een ture. Garuu, sichuu rasaasatu na eeggatawoo kan jedhu sammuu kootti dhufnaanin jajjabaadhe.
“Oduu durii haasa’aa jirtamoo?”n jedhe gaafan afaan banadhu.
“Ii? Oduu durii?” jedhe akka seequu ta’ee.
“Eeyyee. Namoota ati amma jettu anuu hin beeku. Kanaafin jedhe”n jedhe. Jajjabinni koo murannoo koorraa hin maddine. Dhugaa akkan qabu nan beeka. Dhugaa koo namni na dhaggeeffatu garuu akka hin jirre quban qaba. Kanaafin callisee ture.

“Konkolaataa dhaabikaa. Asuma mitiiree?’ jedhe waraana nu faana jiran keessaa inni tokko mormasaa gara konkolaachisaatti achi dheeressee.

Bakki sun bosonaan uffifameera. Biyyoo yeroo daandiin sun qotame diigamee tuulamee taa’uu fi dhagaa caccabaa qofatu jira. Namni biroon homtillee hin jiru. Konkolaataan sadanuu dhaabataniiru. Ija kootiin fageenyatti biyyoo tuulamaa sana akka awwaalcha koottin ilaale. Harmeen koo bakkan itti gatame hin argiin hafuusheetu natti dhaga’amuu eegale. Obbolaan koo, firoonni koo, jaalaleen koo hunduu karaa eegaa hafuusaaniitiigaa jedhee imimmaan ija na guute. Boo’icha miti, xiiqiidha. Mormi koo gorora liqimsuu dadhabe. Bosona sana keessaa waaqni karoora diinaa fashaleessu yoo naaf owwaate maal ta’a? Silaa dhugaa koo in argaa jedheen bosonicha keessa ija abdiin ilaalaa daandiirraa gadi na maqsani.

[Ammas bakka kanatti waan ta’e baay’eesaa miiran amma keessa jiruun seenessuu hin danda’u]
“Amma maal jettee turte? Jaal ebeluu, jaal ebeluufaa hin beeku. Oduu duriidha moo maal naan jette?” jedhe waraanni sila na qorachaa ture sun natti garagalee. Alaalarraa gama keessatti mana qorqoorroo tokko kan ‘kushinaa’n biraa aartun arga. Otuu mana warra keenyaa ta’een jedha yaada kootti. Fira tokkoyyu bakka sanaa hin qabu. Yoo jiraates akkaataa du’a koo gabaasa malee homaa naaf gochuu hin danda’u. Garuu, Oromo hunda fira koo jechaan jiraachaa ture.

“Eeyyee. ‘Indihum’ dhugaa tokko sitti himuu? Buufata fayyaa keenyaan alatti waraana miti, nama dhuunfaaf lilmoo tokko kennee yoon beeka ta’e hawaasicha duratti baasaatii na ajjeesaa”n jedhe. Kun dhugaa ani qabu yeroo hima tokkoon gudunfamtuudha. Dhugaa kana dubbadhee deemuun barbaade. Yeroon kana dubbadhu ajajaan isaaniis, warri kaanis na dhaggeeffatu turani. Kanuma gidduutti bilbilli wayii ajajaa sanaaf bilbilame. Eenyu akka itti bilbile beekuu baadhus, bilbilichi qaama isaan hoogganurraa akka ta’e ni akeeka. “Ol deebisaa Qaaqee geeffamaa” jedhe ajajichi bilbilicha haasa’ee erga raawwatee.

Baaltiin geeffame soba ta’uusaa mirkaneeffatan ta’ee hin beeku.

Waaqa ani bosona kana keessaa naaf birmadhuu karoorasaanii fashalsi jedhetu naaf owwaate ta’ees hin beeku.

Anatu akka dhuunfaatti waan isaan tilmaamanii dhufa ta’ee waanin itti hin argamiiniif isaan marare ta’ees hin beeku. Kaambi Qotaa sa’aa tokkoof na tursanii gara mana hidhaa Qaaqeetti na geessani. [Turtii koo ji’a tokkoo fi guyyaa 5 mana hidhaa Qaaqee keessatti maal akka fakkaatu yeroo biroo nan barreessa. Har’aaf kanuman isiniif qooduu fedha. Waaqni bowwaa kam keessaayyu yoo waammatan garuu dhugaa qabaannaan namaaf dhaga’a. Hunda caalaa dhugaa koo fi watwaannaa ani otuun sagalee koo hin baasiin waaqatti boo’e akka na baasetti amana. Hundaafuu bagan jiraadhee har’a gahe. Jiraachuu kootti gammadeera. Ammoo seenaa kana bu’aa polotikaa biroof akka sin hin oolfanne abdiin qaba. Kun yaadannoo kooti. Seenaa dhugaadha.

Galatoomaa!

Fuulaa Facebook Lammii Beenyaa irraa.

FP: How the Economy Will Look After the Coronavirus Pandemic April 28, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/04/15/how-the-economy-will-look-after-the-coronavirus-pandemic/

Ethiopia: News: Wife sheds light on husband’s ordeal in security crack down – Addis Standard April 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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https://addisstandard.com/news-wife-sheds-light-on-husbands-ordeal-in-security-crack-down/amp/?__twitter_impression=true

Ethiopia: Thugs Don’t get Constitutional-Democratic Reasonings; they get civil action! April 22, 2020

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Thugs Don’t get Constitutional-Democratic Reasonings; they get civil action! By Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa

For over two years now, we have been tracking the regime’s unconstitutional, illegal, and illegitimate measures, discourses, and processes and critiquing them as such, hoping that the government will at least account for them. However, Abiy’s regime proved to be completely impervious to criticisms based on the imperatives of constitutional democracy.

Increasingly, it became clear that Abiy’s government is a completely lawless regime that doesn’t even know that there is a limit, constitutional-legal or otherwise, to its power. In its total lack of self-awareness, it proved to be a regime that doesn’t even care to enforce rule BY law, let alone rule OF law.

The critical-oppositional challenge presented to them from our part was motivated by the desire to achieve a ‘transition to democracy’ (mainly of the liberal-constitutional type). In a stark contrast to this, the regime’s aim (stated explicitly on several ocassions) is a ‘return’ to the glory of the olden days. In various speeches and statements, official and quasi-official, there is a pronounced desire for a ‘nostalgic memorialization’ of the imperial past, a desire to restore the anti-democratic, authoritarian, and violent structures of the Ethiopian state. In deed, there seems to be a resurgent fascination with violent repression of rights and defiance of all constitutional-legal ethos circumscribing the exercise of public power.

In the last two years, the regime has consistently attacked, formally and informally, all the constitutional-democratic principles that could have facilitated the ‘transition to democracy.’

The first principle attacked was the principle of democracy and popular sovereignty under art 8 of the FDRE Constitution. This is done by undermining the sovereignty and collective rights of groups through an unconstitutional border commission. The principle of democracy (art 8 was further flaunted by postponing election even under an electoral board manned exclusively by the stooges and supporters of Abiy’s party.

The second principle completely defied was that of constitutionalism and constitutional supremacy (art 9). The rule by command post (without even a declaration of emergency), the dissolution of the parliamentary majority party (EPRDF) and its replacement with a new party (EPP) that is not yet set up in accordance with the requirements of the régime’s own electoral law are only two examples of a raft of unconstitutional acts.

The Sidama people’s quest for self-rule as a regional state, validated by a popular referendum, is still not honored in practice even months after the referendum result was officially publicized by the electoral board. The suppression of the constitutional demands of the Walaita and at least 10 other nations for statehood is also an example of defying and undermining the constitutional order.

The third principle similarly defied is that of sanctity of human rights (under art 10). By putting several regions under an undeclared state of emergency (aka rule by command post), the regime has been virtually conducting war against civilian populations, especially in Oromia and the SNNPRS. In the process, summary executions, arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances, illegal detentions, tortures, arsons, rapes, and various other brutalities are (still being) committed on a massive scale without accounting for any of these violations or for the ‘wars’ on peoples (thereby also defying the principle of accountability and transparency of government under art 12).

The last principle the regime flaunted unscrupulously, also very much in discussion in these spaces today, is the principle of secularism (art 11). For the last two years, Abiy’s government has been acting almost like a theocratic government that ignored: a) the separation of state and church; b) the multiconfessional nature of the society; c) the equality of all religions before the law; and d) freedom of religion of every individual in the polity.

All these blatant acts of violence and authoritarian repressions have been very well documented. Critical reports have been published by various rights organizations, activists, journalusts, and scholars.

To date, the regime is progressively becoming more and more bluntly authoritarian. Censures by opposition political leaders, activists, and journalists also continued to rise. The regime is forging ahead in spite of the criticism partly because of uncritical international support (motivated mainly by concerns for strategic geopolitical interests), partly because of specific local circumstances, but chiefly because of the incongruence between the level at which the regime operates and the level at which critical engagement is undertaken in order to interrupt, correct, and monitor the rogue practices in the process.

As indicated at the start, the criticism hasn’t penetrated the regime yet. Not at a level that is politically significant. It seems to me that there has to be a change of register if the criticism is going to have a bite. I will deal with the specifics of the how in subsequent posts.

One thing is obvious, though: a reactionary government of thugs, impostors, and criminals operating lawlessly cannot be countered successfully through criticisms grounded in the imperatives of (liberal) constitutional democracy.

#Abiy_to_the_abyss!
#PPCriminals_and_thugs_to_jail!
#Civil_Action_needed!

Jawar Mohammed: Dr Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni itti gaafatamummaa konsulaa Los Angeles irraa kaafamuun ijoo marii guyyaa kaleessaa turte . Dubbii isaa irratti qabxii muraasa jedheen bal’ootti dabra. April 21, 2020

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Dr Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni itti gaafatamummaa konsulaa Los Angeles irraa kaafamuun ijoo marii guyyaa kaleessaa turte . Dubbii isaa irratti qabxii muraasa jedheen bal’ootti dabra.

1) Dr Brehanemeskel mootummaatti dabalamuun sirrii ture. Warri bifa garagaraan qabsootti hirmaachaa turre ‘mootummaa cehuumsaa’ kana waan dandeenyu hundaan gargaaruu qabnaan ejjannoo hedduu keenyaa ture.

2) Ramaddiin isatti kennamte kan isaaf maltu hin turre. Namni hedduun waan beeku hin se’u malee namni kun diplomaatii ol’aanaa ogummaa yeroo dheeraa qabuudha. Filannoo bara 2005/1997 booda ajjeechaa Mallasaan ummata irratti geggeesse mormuun hamma gadi lakkisutti Ethiopian Mission @UN kan New York keessatti argamutti doplmaatii olaanaa ture. Erga mormii dhiisee bahee ammoo barnoota seeraa isaa itti fufuun JD( (Doctor of Jurisprudence)isaa Minnesotaatti fudhate. Abukaatoo seeraa ta’ee yeroo hojjatu qabsoo geggeeffamaa ture keessatti gahee inni taphachaa ture namuutu beeka natti fakkaata. Kana wanniin tarreesseef isa faarsuufi miti. Durumaa, itti gaafatamummaa isaan hin malle fudhachuun tuffatamuu fiduu hin oolle jechuufi. Embaasilee Itoophiyaa kan kaadreen guutamte keessa namoonni hamma isaa barnootaafii muuxannoo qaban hagoodha. Isa garuu ambaasaadaraawuu quudhuufi dhabaniit konsular godhan.Sa’a abbaan gaafa cabse …

3) Erga hojii san eegalee booda mootummaa kana defend gochuuf jecha gochoonnif jechoonni faallaa qabsoo Oromoo inni fayyadamaa ture gaarii miti. Kana innis warri hafanis irraa baratu jedheen abdadha. Bararaa ooli allaatti duuti lafa. Aangoo feene argannuus booddeen teenya Oromoofi Oromiyaadha.

4) Namni kun kan ari’ame sababa lammummaa isaatiin jedhan. Soba. Gaafa muudamus lammummaa biyya alaa akka qabu ni beekan; akka beekan ammoo warra muude waliin yeroo sanitti haasoyne waan turreef dubbiin tunis kaatee rakkoo hin qabu jedhameet godhame. Har’a sababa ittiin ari’an argachuuf gadi baasan ( lammummaan tun Oromootuma laallatti fakkaata malee masaraa kan guutee jiru warra passport biyya alaa baadhatee jiru bar).

5) Barruu isaa keessatti akka waan ormi shiraan isa ariisisee qofatti kaaye. Ormi isa dabalatee Oromoota biraa jibbuun dhoksaa miti. Garuu ormi nama hamma isaa beekkamtii qabu mariifi hayyama muummichaatiin alatti ni taasisuun hin fakkaatu. Murtiin isa muuduutuu ministeera haajaa alaatiin akka hin turin nan yaadadha. Har’as ministeera haajaa alaatu qofaatti godheen hin fakkaatu.

Amma dubbii waliigalaatti haa deebinu. Ari’amuun Birhaanasqalis ta’ee nama biraa nu ajaa’ibuu hin qabu. Yoo waggaa dabre kana gara mootummaan kun itti deemaa jiru xiyyeeffannoon hin hordofin malee. Warra alaa itti makame dhiisii kan core ta’aniiyyuu haxaayamanii jiran. Lammaa Magarasaa, Warqinaa Gabayyoo, Warquu Gaachanaa, Birhaanuu Xaggaayee, Xayyibaa Hasan, Milkeessaa Miidhagaa, Baacaa Ginaa kkf heddu tarreessuun ni danda’ama. Damee waraanaafi tikaa keessaa dhibbaatamaan itti gaafatamummaa irraa mulqamaa jira. Warra dhiibamaa jiru kanaaf tokko tokkoon sababa adda addaa tarreeffamaa ture. Garuu walitti qabanii patern jiru xiinxalan malee hiikkaa guutuu ( full picture) argachuun hin danda’amu.

Akka kiyyatti, kaayyoofi tarsiimoon Bilxiginnaa ilaalcha, dantaafi eenyummaa Oromootiin fundamentally waan wal falleessuuf, namonni xiqqoma miira Oromummaa qaban, saba kanaaf naatoo qaban, himata seenaa Oromoo ( narrative) amanan, oolee bula malee sirna kana keessa hin turan. Takkaa ni ari’amu ykn ofiif keessaa bahu. Akeekni Bilxiginnaa utubalee ( pillars) lama qaba. Kan duraa unitary state ijaaruudha. Kan lammataa sirna diinaggee neoliberal uumuudha. Bilxiginnaan sirna federaalaafi parliamentary kana diiguun sirna unitary kan presidential ta’e jaaruu akka kaayyafatte yeroo himnu namni heddu hin amanne ture. Amma ifa ta’e natti fakkaata. Sirna federaalaa diiganii sirna unitary ta’een bakka buusuun olaantummaa hawaasummaa, aadaafi eenyummaa garee duraanuu sirnicha harkaa qabu jabeessa. Hiree saboonni akka Oromoo walqixxummaa horachuuf qaban cufa. Kanaafuu yaaliin sirna federaalaa diiguu ( jecha biraan Oromiyaa diiguu) Oromoota, kan miseensa paartiifi ilaalcha kamiiyyuu qaban biratti fudhatama hin argatu.

Akeekni lammataa Bilxiginnaa, sirna diinaggee neoliberal ta’e jaaruudha. Sirni diinaggee kun motorri guddina diinaggee dureeyyota jedheet ka’a. Shoorri mootummaa isaan jajjabeessudha.( Haasaa MM Abiy gaafa paartii isaaniitif galii walitti qabuuf galma barkumeetti qophaaye irratti dubbatan dhaggeeffadhaa). Adaduma dureeyyonni daran qabeenya horatan, galiin isaanirraa harca’u ( trickle down) hiyyeessaafis hiree bana jedha. Sirna diinaggee kun gartuulee dursanii qabeenya harkaa qaban daran yennaa duroomsu, gartuulee adeemsa seenaa keessatti hirmaannaa diinaggee irraa dhiibaman daran hiyyoomsa. Oromoon biyya kana keessatti hirmaannaa diinaggee keessaa dhiibamee turuu isaa waan waakkatamuu miti. Sirna diinnaggee neoliberal kana keessatti Oromoon daran hiyyooma. Fakkeenyaaf akeeka imaammata diinaggee neoliberal kana keessaa hangafti privatization dha. Privatization yeroo jennu, kampaaniilee harka mootummaatti hafan gurguruu qofa miti. Lafti, albuudni, kan biraa dhiisi tajaajilli mootummaatuu gara dhuunfaatti naanneeffama.

Qabeenya ummataafi mootummaa gurgurtaan dhuunfatti dabran kana eenyutu bitachuu danda’a? Gartuulee dursee qabeenya ( capital) harkaa qabuufi waahillaan biyya alaa qabuudha. Biyya kana miliyeenaroota 2,300 ta’antu jira jedhama. kana keessaa Oromoonni dhibbeentaa 5% dha. Kana jechuun gaafa qabeenyi ummataafi mootummaa gurguramu harka eenyu akka seenu tilmaamuun ifa. Qabeenyi harka Oromootti hafe tokkichi lafa. Ammatti sodaatanii afaan keessa haa qabatan malee, imaammanni neoliberal Bilxiginnaan hordoftu lafti akka gurguramtu kaaya. San jechuun lafa cicciramtee harka qonnaan bulaa Oromootti hafes abbootii qabeenyaaf dabarfama. Akeeka kana namni Oromoo xiqqoma of beeku akka dhuunfaafi walootti ( saba) fudhachuu hin danda’u.

Waliigalatti, kaayyoofi akeekni Bilxiginnaa lamaan, unitary state fi neoliberal economic policy, dantaa waloofi dhuunfaa Oromootaa kallaattiidhaan kan faalleessuudha. Abiy fi warreen yaada kanaan deeman dura Oromoo sobnee sossobnee kaayyoo kana hojitti hiikna jedhanii abdachaa turan. Garuu, dursa mormiin keessumaan itti dhooye. Warreen keessoon dura dhaabbate dhiibanii caldhisuu yaalan. Hin milkoofne. Dubbiin ummata walgeessee paartiin sun osoo lafa hin qabatanin samirratti rarraatee hafuu hubatan. Yeroo ammaa kaayyoon isaanii fudhatama ummataa ( popular legitimacy) argachuu akka hin dandeenye jala muranii abdii kutaniiru. Kanaaf aangorra turuufi akeeka isaanii hojitti hiikuuf gartuu lamatti fayyadamuu barbaadu; gareen tokko warra akeekni unitary state fi neoliberal economy fayyaduu danda’uudha. Gareen lammataa Oromoota yakka amma dura ummata irratti hojjataniin sabaan tufamanii jirani. Waggaa dabre kana namoota OPDO duraanii Wayyaanee waliin ummata keenya akka malee midhaa turanii haaromsaan harca’an gandaa hamma federaalaatti wanni ol dachaasaniif kanaafi.

Gama Oromooti amma tooftaa sobuufi sossubuu san akka hin hojjanne hubatanii tooftaa bituufi dhiituutti ( cooptation and coercion) cehaa jiru. Commercialization and Militarization akka tooftaatti baafataniiru. Kanaaf ammoo namoota amamansiisuu waan hin dandeenyeef maallaqa paartii, kan mootummaafi garagaarsa alaatiin bitatanii hiriirfachuu barbaadu. Warra didee mormu ammoo humna waraanaan cabsanii afaan qabsiisuun tooftaa lammataati.

Waliigalatti kaayyoon Bilxiginnaafi dantaan dhuunfaafi sabaa Oromoo ( individual and collective interest) waliif faallaadha. Waliin deemuu hin danda’an. Paartii Bilxiginnaa kan fayyadus kan irraa fayyadamus gartuulee unitary state fi neoliberal economic policy irraa fayyadamuu danda’an qofaadha. Kunnin ammoo warra Itoophiyaa dullattii keessatti faayidaa siyaasaa, hawaasummaafi diinaggee argatee kuufateedha. kan kuufatan san daran guddifachuuf imaammanni Bilxiginnaa isaan fayyada. Gareeleen seenaa keessatti saamamaa, dhiibamaa, hiyyoomfamaa as gahan daran balbalti itti cufama.

Oromoofi saboota kaayyoon Bilxiginnaa miidhu kana mallaqaan bituufi humnaan butuchuun yeroof hojjachuu mala. Garuu bu’aan ( consequences) kaayyoo isaanii walfaalleessuu ( contradiction) biyya kanaa daran kan bal’suufi, paartii Bilxiginnaa tanas ummata Oromoofi saboota cunqurfamoon daran kan adda fageessuudha. Adaduma walduradhaabbannaan Oromoofi mootummaa/ paartii biyya bulchuu hammaataa deemuun Oromoonni bitamaniis ta’ee butuchamanii sirnicha keessatti hafan dhiibbaa gamalamee hamaa keessa galu. Ummanni akka gantuutti farrajee dhiibbaa hawaasummaa irraan gaha. Warri aangoo harkaa qabu ammoo ija shakkiin laala. Turee-bulee takkaa ofiif keessaa bahu, takkaahuu ni darbatamu jechuudha.

Dhumarratti, gorsi namoota mooraa qabsoo Oromoo keessaa sirna kanatti makamaniif ani qabu; kaleessa makamuun keessan sirrii ture. Namuu ilmaan Abbaa Gadaatu aangotti dhufee waan taheef haa gargagaarru jedhamaa ture. Har’as abdii yoo hin kutatiniifi mala biraa dhabdanii keessuma turuu barbaadan nan hubadha. Garuu hanga sirnicha kana keessa jirtanitti Oromoo hin miidhinaa, faallaa dantaa saba kanaa hin dhaabbatinaa. Ajjeechaa ilmaan Oromoo keessatti hin hirmaatinaa. Dantaa yeroof jettanii adeemsa saba kana qoqqooduu keessatti hin hirmaatinaa. Hanga guyyaan gahee keessaa baatanii ykn ari’amtanii of eeggannoon hojii ogummaa keessanii hojjadhaa.

Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni: ይድረስ በእኔ ላይ በዘረኞቹ እና ሸፍጠኞቹ አሃዳዊያን በተከፈተው መጠነ ሰፊ ሀሰተኛ ፕሮፖጋንዳ ግር ላላችሁ ወገኖች በሙሉ April 21, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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ይድረስ በእኔ ላይ በዘረኞቹ እና ሸፍጠኞቹ አሃዳዊያን በተከፈተው መጠነ ሰፊ ሀሰተኛ ፕሮፖጋንዳ ግር ላላችሁ ወገኖች በሙሉ፣
Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

I/ የሃሰት ፕሮፖጋንዳው አላማ

1. ሰሞኑን የአሃዳዊያኖቹ ነባር እና ከለውጡ ወዲህ የተፈለፈሉ እንደ ኢትዮ 360 ያሉ ውሸታሞች እና በተለያዩ ስሞች የሚጠሩ የጩኸት ተቀባይ ጭፍሮቻቸው በአዲስ መልክ በእኔ እና በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የጀመሩት ስም የማጥፋት እና ዘረኛ ፕሮፖጋንዳቸው ተጧጥፎ ቀጥሏል።

2. የዚህ የጥላቻ እና የእኔን መልካም ስም ጭቃ የመቀባት ዘመቻው ዋና አላማ፣ በሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊያን ዘንድ(በተለይም ደግሞ በአማርኛ ተናጋሪ ወገኖቻችን ዘንድ) የሚሰሙ እና የሚደመጡ፣ እጅግ በጣም ጥቂት የብሄር ፖለቲካ ድንበር ተሻጋሪ የሆኑ የኦሮሞ ሙሁራንን ስም በማጠለሸት እና ራሳቸው የተዘፈቁበትን የዘረኝነት መርዝ በመቀባት፣ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የፍትህ ፣ የእኩልነት እና የሪዕት ጥያቄዎችን ገልብጦ “የተረኝነት” እና “የዘረኝነት” ጥያቄ በማስመሰል እና የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የእኩልነት፣ የፍትህ እና የሪዕት ጥያቄዎች “ኢትዮጵያን አፍርሶ ነፃ አገር በማቋቋም” ሳይሆን “በኢትዮጵያ ጥላ ውስጥ እንዲፈቱ” የሚጥሩ እንደ እኔ ያሉ እውነተኛ ኦሮሞ ኢትዮጵያዊያንን “ዘረኛ እና ተረኛ” የሚል ቅፅል ስም በመሰጠት በአማሪኛ ተናጋሪው ዘንድ እንዳይደመጡ ፣ ጥርጣሬ መፍጠር እና ተቀባይነት እንዳያገኙ ለማድረግ የሚደረግ ከንቱ እና ባዶ ጩኸት ነው።

3. እነዚህ የአገር ነቀዞች፣ ዘረኞች እና ሸፍጠኞች ከዚህ በፊት በእኔ መሰል ቀደምት አገር ወዳዶች እና እኩልነት ፈላጊ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ላይ ባካሄዱት ዘረኛ እና ስም የማጥፋት ዘመቻ ፌዴሬሽን ብቻ የጠየቁትን የኤርትራን ህዝብ ጥያቄ “መሬቱን እንጂ ህዝቡን አንፈልግም እያሉ” ገፍተው ኢትዮጵያን ባህር በር አልባ አገር አድርገዋል። የትግራይን ህዝብ ጠልተው፣ ህወሃትን ወልደዋል። ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትምህርት በአማርኛ(በኦሮሚኛ አይደለም) ይዳረስ ብለው የተነሱትን እነ ጄኔራል ታደሰ ብሩን እና የመጫና ቱለማ የኦሮሞ መሪዎችን ገለው፣ የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር ወልደዋል። ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አንድነት እና እኩልነት ይታገሉ የነበሩትን እንደ እነ ኃይሌ ፊዳ እና ዶ/ር ሰናይ ልኬ አይነት ሰዎችን በልተው፣ ደርግን አፍርተዋል። በኦጋዴን፣ በሲዳማ፣ በጋምቤላ ወዘተ እነዚህ ጭፍን እና ዘረኛ አሃዳዊያን በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ላይ በፈፀሙት ወንጀል እና ጥፋት አሁን የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ አንድነት እና እኩልነት አጥቶ በህይወት እና በንዋይ ከፍተኛ ዋጋ እየከፈለ ይገኛል።

4. በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ግንባር ቀደም መሪነት በመጣው የአሁኑ ለውጥ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የእኩልነት፣ የፍትህ እና የርዕት ጥያቄዎች ምላሽ ካላገኙ እና አገርቷ አሁን ባለችበት ሁኔታ በሌላ አብዮት ወይም የእርስ በእርስ ጦርነት ውስጥ ከተዘፈቀች፣ የኢትዮጵያ እንደ አገር መቀጠል አደጋ ላይ እንደሚወድቅ በቅን ልቦና ነገሮችን ለምያስተውል ኢትዮጵያዊ ሁሉ የአደባባይ ምስጥር ነው። የእኔ ይህን ለውጥ መደገፍ እና ሌሎች ለውጡን እንዲደግፉ ማበረታታትም ብቸኛው ምክንያትም፣ ይህንኑ አገራዊ አደጋ እና ስጋት ለማስቀረት እና ለሁሉም እኩል የሆነች ኢትዮጵያን መገንባት ነው።

5. በተቃራኒው፣ በደርግ እና በህወሃት ዘመን ከአገር ፈርጥጠው አሜርካ እና አውሮፖ የከረሙት፣ እንዲሁም በኢትዮጵያ አሸልበው ከሞት የነቁት አሃዳዊያን ዓላማ ለሁሉም እኩል የሆነች ኢትዮጵያን መገንባት ሳይሆን የአፄ ኃይለስላሴን ኢትዮጵያ ከመቃብር አውጥቶ፣ ሰማንያ ከመቶ የሚሆነውን አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ያልሆነውን የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጨፍልቆ ወይም አግሎ የአንድ ቋንቋ፣ የአንድ ባህል ወዘተ ኢትዮጵያን መልሶ መገንባት ነው።

6. እነኝህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን፣ ቅዠታቸውን ለማሳካት የአማራ እና የኢትዮጵያን ካርዶች እየቀያየሩ ይጫወታሉ። በአንድ በኩል የአማራው ህዝብ ጠበቃ በመምሰል እና የአማራውን ህዝብ ከሌላው ኢትዮጵያዊ (በተለይም ከኦሮሞው ህዝብ) ለመለየት፣ አማራ ተጨቆነ የምትል ነጠላ ዜማ ያዜማሉ። በአማራ ክልል ስማቸውም፣ ስራቸውም፣ ዘፈናቸውም ይኸው ብቻ ነው።

7. በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ኦሮሚያ (አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ) ሲደርሱ ዞር ብለው በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት የሚያምኑ ከሌላ ብሄር የመጡ አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ወገኖችን ለማጃጃል ኢትዮጵያ የምትል ካርድ ይመዙና “ኢትዮጵያ ወይም ሞት” እያሉ የዓዞ እምባ ያለቅሳሉ ። ከዚያም አልፈው ይህንኑ እስስታዊ ባህሪያቸውን ለመሸፈን፣ እነዚህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያ አዲስ አበባን ጨምሮ በሌሎች የኦሮሚያ ከተሞች፣ በሃረሪ፣ እና በደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ የተለያዩ የዳቦ ስሞችን ይጠቀማሉ። እንደ ጥንብ አንሳ ሰፊረውበት የሚበሉት እና አግተውት ከሌላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጋር ልያባሉት እና ለእኩይ ዓላማቸው እንደ ዱላ ሊጠቀሙበት የሚያደራጁት ግን በነዚህ አከባቢዎች የሚኖሩትን አማርኛ ተናጋሪውን ህዝብ ብቻ ነው።

8. የእነዚህ ዘረኛ አሃዳዊያ ብቸኛ ግብ ግን፣ የአማራ ህዝብን ጥቅም ማስከበር ወይም የኢትዮጵያን አንድነት ማስጠበቅ ሳይሆን፣ በኦሮሚያ፣ በደቡብ፣ በሶማሌ፣ በአፋር፣ በጋንቤላ እና በቤኒ ሻንጉል ክልሎች በአፄ ኃይለስላሴ ጊዜ የተፈጠሩ አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ከተሞችን ይዞ እና እንደገና አደራጅቶ፣ አማርኛ ብቻ ተናጋሪ ኢትዮጵያን እንደገና መፍጠር ነው።

9. ለዚህ ነው “ኦሮሚኛ ከአማርኛ ጋር የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራል መንግስት የስራ ቋንቋ ይሁን፣ የብሄር ብሄረሰቦች እኩልነት ይከበር፣” እያልን የምንናገረውን እንደ እኔ ያሉ ተራማጅ አስተሳሰብ ያላቸውን የኦሮሞ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሙሁራንን “ተረኛ እና ዘረኛ” ብለው፣ የራሳቸውን ትክክለኛ ስም ለእኛ ለመስጠት የሚዳዳቸው።

10. ሰሞኑንም በእኔ ላይ የተከፈተው የጥላቻ እና ስም የማጥፋት ዘመቻ ዓላማም፣ እንደ እኔ አይነት ተራማጅ አስተሳሰብ ያላቸውን ሰዎች መጥቃት፣ ይህንኑ አንድ ቋንቋ፣ አንድ ባህል፣ አንድ ሃይማኖት ያላት Assimilationist ኢትዮጵያን የመፍጠር ቅዠታቸውን ያሳካልናል የሚል ሌላ ቅዠት ነው። አለበለዚያ፣ በኢትዮጵያም ሆነ በአሜርካ በስመ ጥሩ እና ታዋቂ ዩንቨርሲቲዎች ያገኘሁት እውቀት እና በስመ ጥሩ ተቋማት(የኢትዮጵያ ውጭ ጉዳይ ሚንስቴር እና የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅትን ጨምሮ) ያገኘኋቸው የስራ ልምዶች እና መልካም ስሞች፣ በእነርሱ የቁራ ጩኸት እንደማይጎድፉ፣ ወይም እነርሱ በጩኸት ብዛት ስላላባቸው የእኔ እውቀት እንደማይተን ባወቁ ነበር።

11. እኔ በኦሮሞ ህዝብም ሆነ በተቀረው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ (አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ወገኖቼን ጨምሮ) ዘንድ ያለኝ መልካም ስም የተገነባው ለበርካታ አመታት የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የእኩልነት፣ የፍትህ እና የርዕትህ ጥያቄዎችን ሳልሸቃቅጥ፣ በቅድመ አያቶቼ እና ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ እንዲሁም ከሌሎች የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች አብራክ በወጡ ጀግኖች አባቶቻችን በተገነባችው ኢትዮጵያ አንድነት እና ሉዓላዊነት ላይ ሳላመቻምች ግልፅ እና በእውነት ላይ የተመሰረተ አቋም በጊዜውም፣ ያለጊዜው በጥናት አራምድ ስለነበረ ነው።

12. መልካም ስሜ እና በኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ዘንድ ያለኝ መወደድ እና ተቀባይነት እንደ ወደረኞቼ ስም፣ በህዝብ ገንዘብ ስርቆት የተገዛ፣ ወይም የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ ደም በማፋሰስ እና በማባላት በደም በተጨማለቀ እጆች የተገነባ ስም ሳይሆን፣ የእግዚኣብሄር ፀጋ በዝቶልኝ ከልብ በእውነት እና በእውቀት ለህዝብ እና ለአገር ከመስራት የመጣ ነው። ባለፉት በርካታ ዓመታት፣ ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ባበረከትኩት አስተዋፆ የጎዳሁት ራሴን እና ቤተሰቤን ብቻ ነው። ከዚያ ውጭ የአንድም ሰው ሆነ የማንም ቡድን ዕዳ የለብኝም። የእኔ እና የቤተሰቤ ጉዳት እንዳለ ሆኖ፣ በእኔ አስተዋፆ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ከተጠቀመ፣ እኔም ሆንኩኝ ቤተሰቤ እንደ ትርፍ እንቆጥረዋለን።

II /የአሃዳዊያን የጦርነቱ ሞዴል እና የተራማጅ ኃይሎች ማሸነፊያ መንገድ፣

13. ሶስት ነገር ብዬ ፁሁፎን አጠቃልላለሁ። እነዚህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን፣ በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ አንዳይሰፍን እና ኢትዮጵያ የሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊያን የእኩል አገር እንዳትሆን ሶስት ጣምራ ጦርነቶችን እያካሄዱ መሆኑን መላው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ተገንዝቦ ከነዚህ ዘረኞች እና ሸፍጠኞች እራሱን መከላከል አለበት።

14. በተለይም ደግሞ፣ የነዚህ ጦርነቶች ጦር ሜዳ እንዲሆን የዘረኞቹ ግንባር ቀደም ጠላት ተደርጎ የተፈረጀው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቀጥዬ በማስቀምጣቸው በሶስቱም የጦርነት ዘርፎች አሸናፊ ሆኖ ለመውጣት፣ ራሱንም ሆነ በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት እና ፍትህ እንዲሰፍን የሚታገሉ ኢትዮጵያዊያንን አደራጅቶ፣ በተቀናጀ እና በተማከለ መልኩ ጦርነቱን አሸንፎ፣ አዲስቷን ኢትዮጵያን ለመገንባት መነሳት አለበት።

15. እነዚህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን የአንድ ቋንቋ፣ የአንድ ባህል እና የአንድ ሃይማኖት የበላይነት የተረጋገጠበት ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ባላቸው ከንቱ ቅዠቶች የተለሟቸው እና በግልፅ እያካሄዱ ያሉት ሶስት ጣምራ ጦርነቶች የሚከተሉት ናቸው።

15. 1/ አንደኛው የኣሃዳዊያኑ የጦርነት ስልት በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፍን የሚታገሉ የለውጥ መሪዎችን፣ ሙሁራንን፣ አክቲቭስቶችን፣ ባለሃብቶችን፣ እና እንደ ኦሮሞ፣ ሲዳማ ወዘተ ያሉ ህዝቦችን በቀጥታ ማጥቃት(Direct Violence) አንዱና ዋነኛው የትግል ስልት ነው። እነዚህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን በቀጥታ በሚያካሄዲት ጦርነት(Direct war) ለእኩልነት፣ ለፍትህ እና ለርዕትህ የሚታገሉ በለውጥ አመራሩ ውስጥ ባሉ ሰዎች፣ ተራማጅ ቡድኖችን እና ህዝቦችን 1ኛ) ዘረኛ፣ 2ኛ) ተረኛ፣ 3ኛ) ጠባብ፣ ጎጠኛ፣ ጎሰኛ፣ 4ኛ) ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ እያሉ ስም ማጥፋት እና በአካል ማጥቃትን ይጨምራል። በእኔም ላይ የተከፈተው ዘመቻ የዚሁ ቀጥተኛ ጦርነት አካል ነው። ለዚሁ አላማም ወደ መቶ የሚሆኑ ስም ማጥፊያ፣ ውሸት እና ጥላቻ ማምረቻ የፕሮፖጋንዳ ሚዲያዎችን አቋቁመዋል። በኦሮሚያ ያሉ አማርኛ ተናጋሪዎችን እያደራጁ እና ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጋር ማጋጨት እና ማባላት ላለፉት ሁለት ዓመታት በግልፅም፣ በስውርም ሲሰሩት የነበሩ የዚህ ቀጥተኛ ጦርነት(direct violence) አካል ናቸው። በአማራ፣ በኦሮሚያ እና በሲዳማ የተከሰቱት ግድያዎች የነዚህ ዘረኞች እና ሴረኞች የቀጥታ ጥቃት(direct violence) ውጤት ነው።ለውጡ ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቀልብሶ የፖለቲካ እና የፀጥታ መዋቅሩ በነዚህ አሃዳዊያን እጅ ከወደቀ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ከ1966ቱ አብዮት ማግስት ከነበረው የነጭ ሽብር እና የቀይ ሽብር እልቂት የከፋ ዕልቂት በኢትዮጵያ እንደሚፈጠር፣ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ጠንቅቆ ማወቅ አለበት። በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፍን የሚታገሉ የለውጥ ኃይሎችን አሰባስቦ ማደራጀት እና ኢትዮጵያን ወደ ፊት ማራመድ እና ከነዚህ ሴረኞች የእልቂት ድግስ ማዳን፣ የሁሉም አገር ወዳድ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ቅዳሚ ተግባር መሆን አለበት።

15. 2/ ሁለተኛው የሴረኞቹ አሃዳዊያን ጦርነት፣ በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፍን በሚታገሉ እንደ ኦሮሞ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ሲዳማ እና ሌሎች ኢትዮጵያዊያን ላይ መዋቅራዊ የሆነ ጦርነት (structural war) ማካሄድ ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ፣ በተለይም አሁን የመጣውን ለውጥ በግንባር ቀደምትነት የመራው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ማወቅ ያለበት፣ አሁን ያለችው ኢትዮጵያ፣ የደርግ እና የህወሃት መንግስታት መጥተው ይሂዱ እንጂ፣ በአፄ ኃይለስላሴ ዘመን በተገነባው ቢሮክራሲ፣ የከተማ መዋቅር፣ የሃይማኖት ተቋማት መዋቅር፣ የኢኮኖሚ መዋቅር፣ የባህል መዋቅሮች፣ የሚዲያ መዋቅሮች እና የመንግስት መዋቅሮች ላይ የቆመች ነች።

እነዚህ ሁሉ መዋቅሮች(structures and institutions) ደግሞ የተሞሉት እና ተጠፍንገው የተያዙት በኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች፣ ቋንቋዎች፣ ባህሎች እና ታርኮች እኩልነት በማያምኑ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች መካከል ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እነዲሰፍን በማይፈልጉ፣ ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ እና ፀረ እኩልነት፣ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን ነው።

አሁን ከለውጡ ማግስት፣ እነዚህ አሃዳዊያን እና ተከታዮቻቸው፣ በደርግ እና በህወሃት ዘመን ካደቡበት ቦታዎች ሁሉ ለውጡ ባመጣው ቀዳዳ እና ዕድል ከተሰባሰቡ በኋላ፣ ከአገር ውስጥ እና ከውጭ አገር፣ ያለ ያሌለ ኃይላቸውን አስተባብረው የአፄ ኃለስላሴውን ዘመን መዋቅሮች activate በማድረግ ፣ በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲመጣ በታገለው ሰፊው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ላይ መጠነ ሰፊ መዋቅራዊ ጦርነት(structural war) ከፍተዋል።

አሁን ከለውጡ በኋላ ያሉትን የኢትዮጵያ መዋቅሮች ስነልቦና አስተውሎ ላየ፣ ከአፄ ኃይለስለሴ ጊዜ በባሰ ሁኔታ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ቢሮክራሲ፣ የከተሞች መዋቅር፣ የሃይማኖት ተቋማት፣ የባህል ተቋማት፣ የኢኮኖሚ ተቋማት፣ እና የፖላቲካ ተቋማት ከአንድ ቋንቋ እና ባህል ውጭ ያሉት ወደ ሰማንያ ከመቶ የሚሆኑ የኢትዮጵያ ህዝቦች የሚገለሉበት (discriminate የሚሆኑበት) እና የሚገፉበት (unwelcome) የሚደረጉበት አዝማሚያ በከፍተኛ ደረጃ እየተቀናጀ እና የተደራጀ መዋቅራዊ ዘመቻ (structured compaign) ፣ ትልቅ ገንዘብ እና የሰው ኃይል ተመድቦላቸው እየተካሄደ መሆኑ ለማንም ግልፅ ነው።

ለምሳሌ፣ በነዚህ ፀረ -እኩልነት እና ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ አሃዳዊያን በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚደረጉትን ” የኦሮሞ ዘረኞች እና ተረኞች ላይ የተከፈተ መዋቅራዊ ጦርነት” ብለው በሰየሙት መዋቅራዊ ጦርነት (structural war) ባህሪ እንመልከት። የጦርነቱ ትርክት የተቃኘው፣ “ኢትዮጵያ በወሮሞዎች ተወራለች” በማለት ነው። የወረራ ትርክቱ የተቀዳው አባ ባህሬ የሚባል መነኩሴ በ16ኛ መቶ ክፍለ ዘመን ኦሮሞ፣ መዳ ወላቡ ከሚባል ውሃ ውስጥ ወቶ ኢትዮጵያን ወረራት ከሚል ሃሰተኛ ተረት ነው። አሃዳዊያኑ አሁን “ዘረኞች እና ተረኞች” ኢትዮጵያን ወረሩ ሲሉ ከአራት መቶ አመት በላይ የቆየውን የኦሮሞ ጥላቻ ለመቀስቀስ እና ኦሮሞ በኢትዮጵያ መጤና ባለአገር አይደለም ለማለት እንጂ የጠቅላይ ሚንስትር አብይ መንግስት ጎንደር እና ጎጃም የሾመው አንድም ኦሮሞ ያሌለ መሆኑን ሁሉም አሳምረው ያውቃል። ቢኖርም እንኳ፣ ደጉ እና ጨዋው የጎንደር እና የጎጃም ህዝብ ግድ የለውም።

የአሃዳዊያኑ “የዘረኞች እና የተረኞች ጦርነት” የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በኢትዮጵያ የመንግስት ቢሮክራሲ፣ የፖላቲካ መዋቅር ፣ የኢኮኖሚ መዋቅር፣ የኃይማኖት መዋቅር፣ የባህል መዋቅር እና የሚዲያ መዋቅር ውስጥ ምንም አይነት ውክልና እንዳይኖረው ማድረግ ነው። አሃዳዊያኑ በዚህም ሂደት በሚያደርጉት systemic ጦርነት የመጀመሪያው ግብ፣ የኦሮሞ ህዝብም ሆነ ከኢትዮጵያ መዋቅሮች ተገሎ የቆየው ሰማንያ ከመቶ የሚሆነውን የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ ከስረዓቱ አግሎ ማቆየት ሲሆን፣ ሁለተኛው ግብ ይህ ህዝብ የጠቅላይ ሚንስትር አብይ መንግስት የእኩልነት፣ የፍትህ እና የርዕትህ ጥያቄዎችን አልመለሰም ብሎ ጠቅላይ ሚንስትሩ የህዝብ ድጋፍ እንዲያጡ፣ እና መንግስታቸው ተዳክሞ እንዲወድቅ፣ ይጥራሉ። አንዳንዶች ይህን የአሃዳዊያን መዋቅራዊ ጦርነት( structural war) የአፄ ምንልክን ፖሮጀክት መጨረስ ይሉታል።

በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፍን የሚታገሉ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ይህን መዋቅራዊ ጦርነት ለማሸነፍ አሃዳዊያን የሞሉበትን እና ያበሰበሱትን ያረጀ አግላይ መዋቅር(old and discriminatory governance software) ለማስተካከል ከመጣር፣ አሮጌውን መዋቅር ከነትብታቡ ቆሻሻ መጣያ ውሥጥ ጥሎ፣ አዲስ እና ሁሉን አቀፍ ለ21ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን የሚመጥን መዋቅር (new and all inclusive governance software) በአገርቷ ላይ እንደ አዲስ መጫን ነው። በ1966ቱ እና በ1983ቱ ለውጦች አሮጌውን የአፄ ኃይለስላሴ Imperial Ethiopianን መዋቅሮች ጠጋግኖ እና ጉልቻ(ሰው) ቀያይሮ ኢትዮጵያን ለማስተዳደር መጣር፣ ኢትዮጵያን የበለጠ አዳከማት፣ አፈራረሳት እንጂ አላሳደጋትም። የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብም ሆነ የኢትዮጵያ የለውጥ ኃይሎች ቀጣይ ዓላማ ይህንኑ የአስተዳደር software መቀየር መሆን አለበት።

15. 3/ ሶስተኛው የዘረኛና የሸፍጠኛው የአሃዳዊያን ጣምራ ጦርነት በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ በሚፈልጉ ተራማጅ (progressive) ኢትዮጵያዊያን ላይ የስነ ልቦና እና የባህል ጦርነት (cultural war) ማካሄድ ነው። ይህ ባህላዊ ጦርነት የሚካሄደው በተራ ተከታዮቻቸው ውስጥ አሃዳዊያኑ የሚያካሄዱት ዘረኝነት እና አግላይነትን ባህላዊ እንዲሆን እና ቅቡልነት እንዲኖረው በማድረግ ነው። ለምሳሌ፣ በተራው ተከታዮቻቸው ዘንድ የአሃዳዊያኑን ቋንቋ መናገር ኢትዮጵያዊ የሚያስብል እና ተናጋሪው የሚኮራበት ሲሆን፣ ሌሎች እንደ ኦሮሚኛ፣ ሲዳሚኛ እና ሶማልኛ የመሳሰሉትን ቋንቋዎች መናገር ደግሞ ዘረኝነት እና ተናጋሪውን የሚያሸማቅቁ እንዲሆኑ ማድረግ ነው።

በሌላ በኩል ለምሳሌ የኢትዮጵያ ብሄር፣ ብሄረሰቦችን እኩልነት የሚናገሩ ከሉ ” እባክህ ሰው ሁን” ይላሉ። ይህ ማለት ከእነርሱ ብሄር ውጭ ያለው ሌላው ብሄር ሰው አይደለም ማለት ነው። ዘረኞቹ አሃዳዊያን ይቺን “እባክህ ሰው ሁን” የምትለውን ትርክት የቀዱት ከነጭ ዘረኞች መፅሃፍ ነው። ነጮች ጥቁሮችን በባርነት ሲሸጡ፣ የዋሁ ተራ ነጭ ህዝብ የጥቁሮችን ባርነት እንዲቀበል እና የባርያው ስረዓት እንዲቀጥል፣ ጥቁሮች ሰው አይደሉም ወይም ሙሉ ሰው አይደሉምሉ የሚለው አመለካከት ባህል እንዲሆን አድርገው ነበር። በነጩ ብቻ ሳይሆን በመላው አለም ጥቁሮችን የመናቁ እና የመጥላቱ አመለካከት አለም አቀፋዊ የሆነው ከዚሁ ነጮች ከፈጠሩት በጥቁር ህዝብ ላይ ከተፈጠረ ባህላዊ ጦርነት(cultural war) ነው። የእኛዎቹ እንጭጭ አሃዳዊ ዘረኞችም ይህን ነጮቹ ዘርተው መንቀል ያቃታቸውን የባህል ጦርነት (cultural violence) ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በመዝራት የዋሁን የኢትዮጵያን ህዝብ እርስ በርሱ ልያባሉት ሌት ተቀን ይጥራሉ።

በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፍን የሚታገሉ ተራማጅ እና የለውጥ ኃይሎች የነዚህን ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን ግልፅ እና ስውር ጦርነቶች በየደረጃው በመለየት እና ስር ሳይሰዱ ማፍረስ አለባቸው። ከላይ ካስቀመጥኩት አሃዳዎያኑ ከከፈቱብን ጦርነቶች ከመጀመርያው ቀጥተኛ ጦርነት(direct war) ውጭ ያሉት መዋቅራዊ(structural) እና ባህላዊ (cultural) ጦርነቶች በአብዛኛው ህዝባችን ዘንድ በደንብ የማይስተዋሉ፣ በግልፅ ቶሎ የማይታዩ፣ ነገር ግን ህዝባችንን ከስሩ ነቅለው ያጠፉ እና እያጠፉ ያሉ የኣሃዳዊያኑ ዘረኛ መዋቅሮች ናቸው። እነዚህን አግላይ እና ዘረኛ መዋቅሮች አፍርሶ፣ በሌላ ለሁሉም የእኩል በሆነ እና ሁሉን አቃፊ መዋቅር የመተካት ድርሻ የዘረኛ አሃዳዊያኑ ሳይሆን ለእኩልነት፣ ለፍትህ፣ እና ለርዕትህ የሚታገሉት ተራማጅ ኢትዮጵያዊያ እና የለውጥ ኃይሎች ግንባር ቀደም ስራ እና ኃላፊነት ነው። ሃላፍነታቸውንም መወጣት አለባቸው። የመኖር እና ያለመኖር ግዴታቸውም ነው።

በሌላ በኩል፣ እነዚህ ዘረኛ ኣሃዳዊያን ፀረ እኩልነት ብቻ ሳይሆኑ ፀረ ኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ስለሆኑ፣ ተራማጅ እና ለእኩልነት የቆሙ የለውጥ ኃይሎች ለረጅም ጊዜ የነዚህ ኃይሎች መቀለጃ የሆነውን የኢትዮጵያን ካርድ እና የኢትዮጵያን ስም ከእነኚህ ዘረኛ እና ሸፍጠኛ አሃዳዊያን እጅ መቀማት አለበት። የኢትዮጵያ ስም በማይገባቸው እና በማይገባቸው እጅ መቀለጃ መሆን የለበትም። የኢትዮጵያን ስም በሚገባቸው እና በሚገባቸው እጅ የማኖሪያው እና ሱሙን እንደገና ማደሻው ጊዜው አሁን ነው።

III/ ማጠቃለያ፣

16. ለማጠቃለል ያህል፣ ሰሞኑን ለአንድ ሳምንት፣ ሌሎቹም ባለፉት ሁለት አመታት የዘረኝነታቸው እና የስም ማጥፋት ዘመቻ ዒላማቸው ያደረጉኝ በግል ስለሚያውቁኝ አይደለም። አንዳቸውንም በአካል አላውቅም። አያውቁኝም። ነገር ግን እነዚህ ቡድኖች፣ የዘረኛው እና ሸፍጠኛው አሃዳዊያኑ ወታደሮች እና ወሮ በሎች ናቸው። ስንቅ እና ትጥቅ የሚሰፉሩላቸው እነዚሁ ይህ ለውጥ እንዲደናቀፍ፣ ወይም እንዲጠለፍ የሚሹ፣ እንዲሁም በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ ላይ የተመሰረተ ስረዓት እንዲፈጠር ፈፅሞ የማይሹ አሃዳዊያን ናቸው። ጦርነቱም፣ በእኔ በግሌ ላይ ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ በኢትዮጵያ እኩልነት፣ ፍትህ እና ርዕትህ እንዲሰፊን በሚታገሉ ተራማጅ እና የለውጥ ኃይሎች ሁሉ ላይ ነው። ትግሉ ይቀጥላል። ለውጡም አይቀለበስም። እንደምናሸንፍም ጥርጥር የለውም። በሰላም ቆዩኝ። መልካም የትንሳኤ በዓል!!!

Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

Guyyaa Yaadannoo Gootota Oromoo Baga Ittiin Isin Gahe! Happy Oromo Martyrs Memorial Day, 15 April. #OromoMartyrsDay April 15, 2020

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#OromoMartyrsDay #GuyyaaGoototaOromoo

Human Capital in Ethiopia April 9, 2020

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Despite the sharp improvements, human development indicators in Ethiopia remained low. In 2016, only 26 percent of births happened in a health facility (in the five years preceding the survey) and less than 40 percent of children had received all basic vaccinations. Only one in three
children 15-24-years-old had completed primary school, and over 25 percent of age-eligible children were not in school. As a result, Ethiopia ranks relatively low on the Human Capital Index.

With a HCI of 0.38, Ethiopian children born today can expect, as future
workers, to attain 38 percent of their potential productivity. With a score of 0.38, Ethiopia ranks 135th out of 157 countries. Relative to the comparator countries, Ethiopia scores at par with Uganda, better than Mozambique (0.36) and Rwanda (0.37), and worse than Tanzania (0.40) and Myanmar (0.47). Relative to its overall rank (135), Ethiopia scores lower on learning-adjusted years of school (4.5 years) and share of children not stunted (62 percent). Ethiopia however overperforms relative to its income level: Given GDP per capita, the human capital index in Ethiopia is higher what would be expected, reflecting the Government’s large investments in the health and education sectors.

During the October 2018 Annual Meetings, the World Bank launched the Human Capital Index. The Human Capital Index (HCI) is designed to capture the amount of human capital a child born today could expect to attain by age 18. The HCI has three components: (i) Survival, measured by the under-five mortality rate; (ii) Expected years of learning-adjusted school, measured by the quantity of education a child can expect to attain by age 18, corrected by a measure of learning quality-proxied by student achievement tests; and (iii) Health, measured by the stunting rate of
children under five and the probability of a 15-year-old surviving until age 60. The health and education components of the index are combined in a way that reflects their contribution to worker productivity, based on evidence from rigorous micro-econometric empirical studies. The resulting index ranges between 0 and 1. A country in which a child born today can expect to achieve both full health (no stunting and 100 percent adult survival) and full education potential (14 years of high-quality school by age 18) will score a value of 1 on the index. Therefore, a score of, for
instance, 0.5 signals that the productivity as a future worker for a child born today is 50 percent below what could have been achieved with complete education and full health.

Click here to read the World Bank’s ETHIOPIA POVERTY ASSESSMENT

World Bank (2020). Ethiopia Poverty Assessment: Harnessing Continued
Growth for Accelerated Poverty Reduction. Washington DC. © World Bank

Urgent open letter to the Ethiopian government, the @WHO and international community. #coronavirus crisis @hrw April 9, 2020

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Urgent open letter to the Ethiopian government, the @WHO and international community. #coronavirus crisis @hrw

 Advocacy4oromia APR 8

The Ethiopian Government should be part of the World Community in Fighting Against COVID-19 and Respecting Human Rights of the Citizens

We, Oromo Civic, Professional, and Faith-based organizations in Diaspora write this letter out of grave concern that COVID-19 might cause preventable loss of lives in Oromia and the whole of Ethiopia upon all political prisoners, temporarily displaced persons such as refugee and homeless peoples who are extremely vulnerable because of their unhealthy living conditions. We are also concerned by the damages that could be done by the movement of the military personnel and the continued deployment of the illegal command posts in several Oromia regions during this period of fast-spreading COVID-19 pandemic. At this critical global health emergency, deployment of the military should be to contain the COVID-19, not to harass, kill, displace and plunder the citizens.

COVID-19 is unprecedented pandemic, and it exerts multifaceted threats. We have no cure or vaccination for this highly contagious disease. The only tool we have is prevention and mitigation. Prevention strategies are complex, and they take place at different levels and require coordinated efforts. This necessitates the government and the public to go extra miles. The WHO recommended prevention strategies are social distancing and personal hygiene. Social distancing means being two meters apart from each other, avoiding public meetings, and restricting travels. But the Ethiopian prisons are overcrowded with political prisoners and luck clean water. These conditions put the prisoners and the general public in unnecessary public health risks.

Moreover, the ruling Prosperity Party of Prime Minister Abiy is continuously holding public meetings and forcing people to attend in Oromia Regional State, in packed halls with thousands of people for political orientation. This is neglecting or prudently violating the global health guideline- one of which is social distancing. Such action is deliberately or negligently exposing the people to the deadly virus. This tantamount to genocide.

Ethiopia also has historical practices where the movement of soldiers unwittingly led to the spread of infectious diseases from one place to another and transmitted disease-causing agents. At this time, the Ethiopian army is deployed to several regions and is serving in the command posts.

For over a year, Western and Southern Oromia zones are under illegal command posts or martial law. The soldiers of the command posts are engaged in killings, imprisoning, and harassing civilians. In those regions, farming, businesses, schooling, and other activities are either entirely stopped or significantly disrupted, and the condition has subjected the people to live in poverty and malnutrition.

Poverty and food insecurity also make people vulnerable to infections. Hence, the illegal command post has created unhealthy social conditions and generated unnecessary risks to the transmission of COVID-19. From the zones ruled by the martial law and others, people who feared the atrocities of the Ethiopian security forces are massively fleeing from their homes to major cities. Many of them are now in cities and live in overcrowded housing or homeless. In the last twenty years in Finfinne/Addis Ababa area, the Oromo people have been evicted massively from their homes with little or no compensation, and many of them are now homeless.

Resulted from the Ethiopian government’s divide and rule policies, over two million Oromos have been evicted from their homes. Most of them live in overcrowded housing, and others are homeless. Homelessness and overcrowded housing are major risk factors for COVID-19. The Ethiopian public health action plans to contain the COVID-19 needs to include housing the homeless people and respecting human rights principles.

The widespread human rights violations are causing people to flee from their homes and displacing them locally and making them international refugees. The movement of the armed forces and the displacement of civilian populations are creating fertile grounds for the transmission of COVID-19 and putting the local and global communities at risk.

Breaking the chain of transmission of infections is possible only if we effectively communicate the risk of transmissions and preventive strategies. The significance of effective communication during emergency and epidemics are well known, and the WHO gives specific guidelines. During an emergency, the information should be delivered by the most trusted institution. Mixing politics and public health is counterproductive. However, in Ethiopia, politicians are mixing their party’s political agendas with health information. Some of the Ethiopian government political figures on their Facebook pages describe their political opponents as “the Coronavirus”. The political figures who openly use detestable languages also deliberately misinforms the public. Mixing politics and health education compounded with inaccurate messaging repeal those who do not adhere to party politics and make health education ineffective. At this critical juncture mixing politics and health education and giving misinformation is counterproductive. Health education should have primacy over political indoctrination.

COVID-19 does not discriminate between the supporters of different political parties, languages, religions, and ethnic-national-race groups. In such understanding, the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres called for an immediate ceasefire among all parties involved in armed conflict. We know that human rights violations, war, and armed conflict have exposed our people to famine and HIV/AIDS. We urge the Ethiopian government to settle the political differences with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) peacefully and focus on the common enemy-the the disease-causing agent. Evidence-based public health policy directions in prevention and mitigating COVID-19 suggest the need for coordinated and multilateral efforts. Highly credible sources suggest that holding back this deadly virus is on the hand of the public, and everyone need to play their parts. This necessitates the need to build the social, economic, political, and cultural capacities of a group of people and individuals. Developing these capacities requires advancing individuals and group rights and communities’ capacity to prevent and mitigate the problem.

We, therefore, urge the Ethiopian government to respect human rights principles, release political prisoners, remove the command posts and protect vulnerable population groups such refugees, those internally displaced, and homeless individuals from the spread of COVID-19. We call upon the Ethiopian government to immediately take the following critical public health measures:

  • Release all political prisoners.
  • Make prison cells are consistent with the WHO recommended social distancing principles.
  • Lift the martial law in the Oromia Regional State because it hinders people from leading a healthy life and playing their role to contain and mitigate the impacts of COVID-19.
  • Stop all forms of human rights violations because it kills the aspiration of people to understand and solve problems.
  • Stop displacing people locally or making them international refugees,
  • Stop armed conflict and settle political differences with the OLA by a peaceful means.
  • Overcrowded housing and homelessness are the manifestations of the ill-planned policy, and the government needs to strive to correct those wrongs.
  • Stop holding public political meetings, because most of them do not fulfill the principle of social spacing
  • Stop harassing and threatening independent mass media, including Oromia Media Network and Oromia News Network and let information to freely flow in Oromia.

Respectfully,

Oromia Global Forum: A consortium of Oromo Civic, Professional and Faith-Based Organizations
Signatories:
Advocacy4Oromia
Bilal Oromo Dawa Center
Canaan Oromo Evangelical Church
Charismatic International Fellowship Church
Global Gumii Oromia
Global Oromo Advocacy Group
Global Waaqeffannaa Council
Horn of Africa Genocide Watch
Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa
International Oromo Women’s Organization
International Qeerroo Support Group
Mana Kiristaanaa Fayyisaa Addunyaa
Oromo Christ Evangelical Lutheran Church
Oromo Communities’ Association of North America
Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Church of Washington DC Metropolitan Area
Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Mission Society
Oromo Human Rights and Relief Organization
Oromo Legacy, Leadership and Advocacy Association
Oromo Lutheran Church of Baltimore
Oromo Parliamentarians Council
Oromo Studies Association
Oromia Support Group
Tawfiq Islamic Center
Union of Oromo Communities in Canada
United Oromo Evangelical Church
Washington DC Metropolitan Oromo SDA Church
CC:
Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus,
Director of World Health Organization (WHO)
Avenue Appia 20 1211, Geneva
Telephone: +41-22-7912111
World Health Organization – Regional Office for Africa
Cité du Djoué, P.O.Box 06 Brazzaville Republic of Congo
Telephone: +(47 241) 39402 Fax: +(47 241) 39503
Email: afrgocom@who.int CC: chaibf@who.int
harrism@who.int jasarevict@who.int
GOVERNMENT AGENCIES
The US Department of State (USA)
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Canada)
Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (UK) Minister for
Foreign Affairs (Sweden)
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Norway)
Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs (France)
Federal Foreign Office (Germany)
HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS
UN Human Rights Council
Africa Union (AU)
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Council of Europe,
UN Office of the Commissioner for Human Rights
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
MEDIA AND NEWS GROUPS
Oromia News Network
Oromia Media Network
Hegeree News Network
Radio Sagalee Walabummaa Oromiyaa
VOA Afaan Oromoo Program
BBC Afaan Oromo Program
Addis Standard
Aljazeera English
DW-Amharic
The Washington Post
New York Times
The Guardian
Reuters

Watch “Sin tuffadhe addunyaa! [by #Lataa Qana’ii Aagaa]” on YouTube April 9, 2020

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Medical colonialism in Africa is not new April 9, 2020

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Medical colonialism in Africa is not new

Last Wednesday, a French doctor caused controversy when he proposed that vaccines for the COVID-19 pandemic be tried on Africans because they lack masks and other personal protective equipment.

By Friday, after widespread accusations of racism, he was forced to apologise for what he then called his “clumsily expressed” remarks. 

But the type of thinking exposed by his words is nothing new. Neither is it exceptional to this doctor. It is part of a trend that for generations has seen the dehumanising of some people because of the superiority complex of others.

https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/indepth/opinion/medical-colonialism-africa-200406103819617.html?__twitter_impression=true

The free market will only deepen the coronavirus crisis.We will need a public sector revolution to recover. April 8, 2020

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https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/indepth/opinion/free-market-deepen-coronavirus-crisis-200408122743522.html?__twitter_impression=true

This is only in Ethiopia: One of political prisoners camps in Western Oromia, city of Naqamtee. April 6, 2020

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https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1141663796220658&id=100011311443078

Oromo political prisoners in Western Oromia, city of Naqamtee, Jato camp, image taken by camera, 5th April 2020 and posted on social media.

How To Change The World In Three Steps | Toltu Tufa | TEDx Talks April 1, 2020

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