Die Demokratisierung Äthiopiens auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern July 31, 2020

Nobelpreisträger im Krisenmodus

von

Arne Wulff, Emelie Braun

Die Demokratisierung Äthiopiens auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern

Seitdem Premierminister Abiy im Amt ist, arbeitet er mit großer Energie an seinen Plänen, das Land zu reformieren – nicht nur innenpolitisch, sondern auch mit Blick auf die Außenbeziehungen. Mit dem Nachbarland Eritrea gelang bereits im Sommer 2018, nur wenige Monate nach seinem Amtsantritt, die Unterzeichnung eines Friedensabkommens, das nach Jahrzehnten der Feindschaft das Verhältnis beider Länder normalisieren sollte – angefangen mit der Öffnung der Grenzen. Außenpolitisch tritt Abiy zudem als Friedensvermittler in der Region auf, zum Beispiel in der maritimen Streitigkeit zwischen Kenia und Somalia sowie im Engagement für einen friedlichen Machtübergang im Sudan. Im Dezember 2019 wurde Abiy – insbesondere wegen des Friedenschlusses mit Eritrea – der Friedensnobelpreis verliehen. Viele fragten sich, ob die Verleihung nicht zu früh erfolgte. Denn die Grenze zu Eritrea wurde zwischenzeitlich wieder geschlossen, und der Übergang Äthiopiens zur Demokratie befindet sich auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern. Die immer wieder aufflammenden ethnischen Spannungen mit einer Vielzahl von Todesopfern drohen den Fortschritt des Landes zu gefährden. Einen Vielvölkerstaat wie Äthiopien mit über 80 verschiedenen ethnischen Gruppen zu demokratisieren und gleichzeitig friedlich zu einen, ist eine Mammutaufgabe. Über 30 Jahre herrschte in Äthiopien ein sozialistisches, repressives Regime – von manchen als „Entwicklungsdiktatur“ betitelt. Von echter Demokratie war Äthiopien bis zum politischen Umbruch 2018 weit entfernt. Bis dato wurden Opposition, Presse und Zivilgesellschaft stark unterdrückt. Oppositionelle Kandidaten und ihre Anhänger wurden eingeschüchtert, politischen Gegnern wurden Stimmzettel gezielt verweigert und Wahlbetrug war an der Tagesordnung. Abiy hat sich auf die Fahnen geschrieben, dies zu ändern. Doch sein Reformkurs scheint ins Stocken geraten zu sein und vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Entwicklungen nehmen die skeptischen Stimmen zu – und damit wächst auch die Angst vor den Folgen eines Scheiterns der Reformagenda.

Der politische Umbruch

Äthiopien erlebt unter Abiy einen politischen Umbruch mit dem Potential, die Weichen für eine nachhaltige demokratische Entwicklung zu stellen. Der Umbruch war das Ergebnis der anhaltenden Proteste gegen die Vorgängerregierung, die 2015 begannen und 2018 ihren Höhepunkt fanden. Die Menschen gingen vor allem wegen der ungleichen Machtverhältnisse auf die Straße. Die Wut richtete sich insbesondere gegen die Tigray People‘s Liberation Front (TPLF), welche ethnisch zwar nur einen kleinen Teil des äthiopischen Volkes repräsentiert, aber in der Regierungskoalition der Ethiopian People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) dominierte. Mehr und mehr begehrten viele Äthiopier gegen die Unterdrückung von ethnischen Minderheiten und politischen Opponenten auf und waren dazu bereit, für das Recht auf Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit zu kämpfen. Hinzu kam eine wachsende wirtschaftliche Unzufriedenheit vor dem Hintergrund, dass von dem Wirtschaftsboom Äthiopiens nur wenige profitierten. Bei diesen Protesten wurden Hunderte von Menschen getötet. Der ehemalige Ministerpräsident Hailemariam Desalegn trat schließlich im Februar 2018 zurück und Wissenschaftsminister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali wurde wenig später zu seinem Nachfolger gewählt. In der Folge wurden viele Repräsentanten des alten Regimes ausgetauscht, und neue Präsidentin wurde mit der erfahrenen Diplomatin Sahle-Work Zewde zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte des Landes eine Frau.

Ambitionierter Reformkurs

Nachdem Premierminister Abiy im Frühjahr 2018 an die Macht kam, leitete er tiefgreifende Veränderungen in die Wege. Besonders in seinem Demokratisierungs- und Reformkurs überraschte er mit seinem Mut zu schnellen Reformen, die teilweise bereits umgesetzt wurden und vor allem die folgenden Neuerungen beinhalteten:

• Die Öffnung des Mehrparteiensystems
• Das Bekenntnis zur Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit
• Aufhebung der strengen Blockaden der Presse und des Internets
• Überarbeitung der Mediengesetzgebung
• Lockerung der strengen Regelungen für NGOs
• Die Freilassung politischer Gefangener und Einladung an Exilanten, nach Äthiopien zurückzukehren
• Eine Liberalisierung und Industrialisierung des Landes
• Marktwirtschaftliche Öffnung (anstatt der zuvor streng staatlich regulierten Wirtschaft)
• Privatisierung von Staatsbetrieben
• Die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter
• Besetzung wichtiger Positionen mit Frauen
• Wichtige Wechsel auf Führungsebene
• Eine umfassende Reform des Justizsystems
• Das Friedensabkommen mit Eritrea.

“Die Zentrifugalkraft der Liberalisierung”

Die Reformambitionen des Premierministers sind zweifellos vielversprechend und fanden von Beginn an großen internationalen Zuspruch. Doch sind sie auch mit erheblichen Risiken verbunden und mit zahlreichen Hindernissen konfrontiert. Die womöglich größte Herausforderung ist es, trotz der Liberalisierung den Zusammenhalt des Volkes zu sichern und eine Zersplitterung des Landes zu vermeiden. Denn es bestehen weiterhin starke ethnische Spannungen und Konflikte innerhalb der Bevölkerung. Bis dato wurden diese im Keim erstickt, indem Regierungsgegner verhaftet und isoliert wurden. Dieneu gewonnene politische Freiheit bringt allerdings das Risiko mit sich, dass ethnische Gruppen regionalen Autonomiebestrebungen nachgehen und dem ambitionierten Premier die politische Kontrolle entgleitet. Viele der ethnischen Gruppen fühlen sich weder gleichberechtigt noch angemessen repräsentiert. Obwohl die Volksgruppe der Oromo mit 34 Prozent die größte im Land ist, dominieren die Amharen (27%) und die Tigray (6%) das politische Leben. Zwar ist mit Abiy erstmals ein Oromo (tatsächlich ist sein Vater Oromo, seine Mutter aber Amhare) an die Macht gelangt, aber er versteht sich nach eigener Auskunft – wohl auch vor dem Hintergrund seiner gemischten Abstammung – als Äthiopier und nicht als Vertreter einer bestimmten Ethnie. So sehr ihn dieses Selbstverständnis auszeichnet, so schwer scheint es für ihn, die Oromo, deren Wut aus einer über hundert Jahre andauernden politischen Unterdrückung resultiert, in eine Politik der nationalen Einheit ohne ethnische Bevormundung oder Bevorzugung einzubinden. Der Wunsch insbesondere dieser Volksgruppe nach mehr Autonomie und politischem Einfluss nimmt an Fahrt auf und scheint sich im Zuge der neu gewonnen Freiheiten auch auf bedrohlichen Wegen Bahn zu brechen. So sollen alleine in den ersten anderthalb Jahren nach Amtsantritt des neuen Premiers mehr Menschen Opfer politisch motivierter Gewalt geworden sein als zur Zeit der Unruhen davor. Abiys Idee, das ethnisch gespaltene Land einerseits politisch zu liberalisieren und zu demokratisieren, und andererseits als Nation zu einen, ist ein Ritt auf der Rasierklinge. Sollte ihm dieser Schritt gewaltfrei gelingen, könnte er als Wegbereiter eines neuen Äthiopiens in die Geschichte eingehen. Scheitert er dagegen, könnten der Zerfall des Staates und die damit einhergehende Gewalt kaum noch aufzuhalten sein. Die politische Kunst des Premiers wird darin bestehen müssen, die ethnischen Zentrifugalkräfte der Liberalisierung in die Richtung eines gemeinschaftlichen Zugehörigkeitsgefühls zu lenken. Es wachsen Zweifel, ob dies wirklich gelingen kann.

Herausforderungen und Gefahren der aktuellen Entwicklungen

Dies sind allerdings nicht die einzigen Herausforderungen, denen die Regierung gegenüber steht.  Die schwachen institutionellen Kapazitäten erschweren die Umsetzung der Reformvorhaben. Problematisch ist auch, dass in vielen Positionen des Regierungsapparates weiterhin Personen tätig sind, die dem alten repressiven Regime entstammen. Ihre Loyalität gegenüber dem neuen Kurs erscheint zweifelhaft.

Die Industrialisierung des Landes und die Verbesserung der Infrastruktur stehen auf Abiys Reformagenda weit oben. Dafür hat das Land bereits in der Vergangenheit enorme Schulden angehäuft: Die Staatsschulden belaufen sich auf 52,57 Mrd. USD (wovon 26,05 Mrd. USD externe Staatsschulden sind).[1] Dies sind rund 66 Prozent des Bruttoinlandsproduktes (der Durchschnitt Subsahara-Afrikas liegt bei rund 57 % des BIP[2]). Vor allem gegenüber China ist Äthiopien hoch verschuldet. Daraus haben sich Abhängigkeiten entwickelt, die den Reformkurs belasten könnten. Nicht zuletzt auch deswegen sucht die neue Regierung eine stärkere Anbindung an Europa, die USA und die arabischen Staaten. Es ist klar, dass Äthiopien sich keine größere Verschuldung mehr leisten kann. Stattdessen muss sich Abiy auf das Anwerben ausländischer Investoren konzentrieren. Grundsätzlich verfügt Äthiopien über das Potential eines attraktiven Wachstumsmarktes und vor allem der sich rasant entwickelnde Industriesektor bietet viele Möglichkeiten. Doch es bleibt fraglich, ob die ökonomische Transformation mit dem hohen Bevölkerungswachstum mithalten kann und ob sich für die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung nachhaltige wirtschaftliche Perspektiven ergeben. Die ökonomische und politische Transformation sind dabei in gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit mit einander verknüpft. Für die erforderlichen Investitionen bedarf es politischer Stabilität und verlässlicher rechtsstaatlicher Strukturen. Gleichzeitig lässt sich die Akzeptanz des politischen Reformkurses wohl nur bei einer positiven Wahrnehmung der wirtschaftlichen Lage gewährleisten.[3]

Obwohl bereits einige Erfolge und Fortschritte klar erkennbar sind, ist die Gemütslage der Äthiopier nur bedingt optimistisch. Aufgrund ihrer historisch schlechten Erfahrungen mit der politischen Führung nimmt die Ungeduld im Volke zu. Die kleinen Erfolge scheinen im eigenen Land nicht immer wahrgenommen und geschätzt zu werden. Viele beklagen schon jetzt, nach nur zwei Jahren, die Langsamkeit der Reformen und das Fehlen von Jobs und beruflicher Perspektiven. Der Druck auf Abiy, seine visionären Ankündigungen in greifbare Erfolge umzusetzen, wird damit immer größer. Dass in diesen Zeiten die Corona-Pandemie das öffentliche Leben quasi zum Stillstand bringt, dürfte sich als weiteres Hindernis für den Premier erweisen.

Die geplanten Wahlen 2020 und die Corona-Pandemie

Die ersten wirklich demokratischen Wahlen in Äthiopien stehen bisher unter keinem guten Stern. Die Parlamentswahlen sollten ursprünglich im Mai 2020 stattfinden. Anfang des Jahres wurden sie auf den 29. August 2020 verschoben. Grund dafür war die zu kurze Vorbereitungszeit für die Nationale Wahlkommission im Hinblick auf die notwendige Wählerregistrierung und Bestrebungen der Politik, sich im Zuge der Liberalisierung in Form neuer politischen Parteien sowie möglicher Koalitionsbündnisse neu zu sortieren. Denn während bis heute die EPRDF über alle 547 Sitze im Parlament verfügt, haben nun auch andere Parteien und Parteienbündnisse die Möglichkeit, durch demokratische Wahlen in Äthiopien an die Macht zu kommen oder politisch zu partizipieren. Die Durchführung allgemeiner, gleicher und freier Wahlen ist für die demokratische Legitimierung des Premiers außerordentlich wichtig. Nur dann kann es ihm gelingen, seinen Reformkurs erfolgreich fortsetzen. Um dem Nachdruck zu verleihen, hat er auch intensiv daran mitgewirkt, sich aus alten Parteienbündnissen wie der EPRDF zu befreien und eine neue Partei zu gründen. Die Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) soll zukünftig für die politischen Ziele des Premiers stehen und verfolgt vor allem eine wirtschaftlich liberale Programmatik. Die früher die EPRDF beherrschende Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) hat sich jedoch dafür entschieden, sich der neuen Partei nicht anzuschließen. Insgesamt beklagt die politische Opposition im Lande, die insbesondere in den Ethnien der Oromo und Tigray vorhanden ist, nicht in die Politik eingebunden zu werden. Sie fühlen sich aus der von Premierminister Abiy versprochenen Transformation Äthiopiens zu einer echten Demokratie zunehmend ausgeschlossen.

Die nun im Lichte der Corona-Pandemie verordnete längere Zwangspause im politischen Wettbewerb lässt die Frustration weiter anwachsen. Der Kurs der demokratischen Erneuerung durch Wahlen ist fürs Erste unterbrochen. Nachdem am 12. März der erste Covid-19 Fall registriert worden war, wurde die nun für August geplante Parlamentswahl erneut verschoben – diesmal auf unbestimmte Zeit[4].

Mittlerweile zählt Äthiopien über 14.500 Infizierte und über 200 Todesfälle (Stand: 28.07.2020). Man geht aber von einer deutlich größeren Dunkelziffer aus, da es im Land nur geringe Testkapazitäten gibt. Und auch wenn die Zahl der Infektionen im Vergleich zu anderen Staaten wie Südafrika (über 450.000 Fälle, Stand: 28.07.2020) recht gering erscheint, muss leider festgestellt werden, dass die Behandlungskapazitäten (laut Regierung ca. 1.500 Intensivbetten und ca. 400 künstliche Beatmungsmöglichkeiten) zumindest für ernsthaft erkrankte Personen sehr gering sind und mittlerweile an ihre Grenzen geraten. Besonders in Addis Abeba ist die Lage kritisch. Hinzu kommt, dass im Zuge der Abwanderung von Fachkräften („Brain Drain“) viele gut ausgebildete äthiopische Ärzte der Verdienstmöglichkeiten wegen im Ausland arbeiten. Qualifiziertes Personal zur Behandlung von Covid-19 steht nur in geringem Umfang zur Verfügung.

Bereits am 8. April 2020 rief Abiy für zunächst fünf Monate den nationalen Notstand aus, der mit etlichen Restriktionen verbunden ist. So wurden unter anderem die Landgrenzen geschlossen, Zusammenkünfte von mehr als vier Personen untersagt, Schulen und Bildungseinrichtungen geschlossen, Reisebegrenzungen im Land sowie strenge Quarantänebestimmungen verhängt und eine Verpflichtung zum Tragen von Masken im öffentlichen Raum eingeführt. 

Politisch wiegt die erneute Verschiebung der Wahlen für die Regierung schwer – handelt es sich dabei doch bereits um die zweite weite Verschiebung innerhalb eines halben Jahres. Hinzu kommt, dass die Wahlperiode des Parlaments und damit auch die Amtszeit der Regierung im Sommer 2020 unter normalen Umständen verfassungsrechtlich endet. Dabei sind gerade die kommenden Wahlen für Äthiopien und seine Zukunft so entscheidend, denn mit diesen Wahlen werden die Weichen für die weitere Entwicklung des Landes gestellt; sie sind als „demokratische Premiere“ anzusehen. Ob das Land den ambitionierten Reformplänen Abiys weiter nachgehen wird und ob es sich weiter in Richtung Liberalisierung und Demokratie entwickelt, hängt maßgeblich von diesen Wahlen ab. Sie dienen dazu, dem Premier und seinen Reformvorhaben demokratische Legitimation zu verleihen und gelten daher als Bewährungsprobe.

Mord an Künstler löst Unruhen aus

Am 29. Juni 2020 wurde der Sänger und Aktivist Hachalu Hundessa in Addis Abeba niedergeschossen und erlag wenig später seinen Verletzungen. Hachalu gehörte zur Volksgruppe der Oromo und wurde in seiner Heimat als Stimme des Protestes gefeiert. Seine Lieder sind eng mit den Protesten zwischen 2015 und 2018 verbunden, die zum Rücktritt von Abiys Vorgänger führten. In der Folge seiner Ermordung kam es zu gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Demonstranten und Sicherheitskräften in der Hauptstadt Addis Abeba und im Bundesstaat Oromia. Sie wurden begleitet von Straßensperren, mehreren Explosionen in Addis Abeba, brennenden Autos, eingeschlagenen Scheiben und Plünderungen. Über zwei Wochen wurden im Großraum Addis Abeba die Internetverbindungen abgeschaltet und auch Telefonate blockiert. Zahlreiche Menschen kamen bei den Ausschreitungen ums Leben: nach Angaben der Polizei gab es mindestens 239 Tote. Die Regierung reagierte mit harter Hand und ließ Oppositionelle festnehmen, darunter auch der sehr bekannte Oromo-Nationalist Jawar Mohammed. Die Anklage gegen ihn lautet auf Beteiligung an der Ermordung eines Polizisten während der Unruhen. Seine Anhänger bestreiten dies und beschuldigen Abiy, mit der Verhaftung Jawars einen politischen Kontrahenten aus dem Weg räumen zu wollen. Auch der von Jawar gegründete Fernsehsender „Oromia Media Network“ (OMN) wurde geschlossen. Unterdessen konnten zwei Tatverdächtige gefasst werden, die schließlich gestanden, an Hachalus Ermordung beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Nach Angaben der äthiopischen Generalstaatsanwaltschaft war die Tat Teil einer Verschwörung zum Sturz der Regierung. Weitere Hintergründe bleiben bisher unklar.

Diese jüngsten Ereignisse zeigen, wie fragil die Lage im Land ist und wie groß die Gefahr der Eskalation politischer und ethnischer Spannungen. Auffallend ist zudem, dass sich Premier Abiy im Angesicht der Unruhen offenbar der gleichen Instrumente bediente wie seine politischen Vorgänger: Abschaltung sämtlicher Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten sowie Verhaftung Oppositioneller. Beobachter verurteilten die Reaktionen der Regierung auf die Proteste und Unruhen als exzessiv und kontraproduktiv. Sie stehen im krassen Widerspruch zum gerne gepflegten Image Abiys als liberalem Reformer. Es mehren sich nun Befürchtungen, dass es erneut zu einer größeren Protestbewegung der Oromo kommen könnte. Die Entwicklungen belasten das ohnehin angespannte Verhältnis der Oromo zur Regierung und stärken das Mistrauen gegenüber Abyi. Kritiker aus seiner eigenen Volksgruppe werfen dem Premier ohnehin seit langem vor, sich nicht genug für die Belange seiner Heimatregion einzusetzen.

Ausblick

Angesichts der auslaufenden demokratischen Legitimierung des äthiopischen Parlaments und der Regierung Abiys sowie der auf unbestimmte Zeit verschobenen Wahlen ist damit zu rechnen, dass die politische Instabilität im Lande andauert. Die bestehenden ethnischen Konflikte konnten bisher auch durch die neue Regierung nicht gelöst werden. Hätten im August Wahlen stattgefunden, wäre Abiy im Ergebnis vom Parlament als Premierminister wohl bestätigt worden. Ob dies auch der Fall sein wird, wenn die Wahlen erst 2021 oder schlimmstenfalls 2022 stattfinden, ist zunehmend fraglich.

Die Zukunft Äthiopiens bleibt also ungewiss. Das Land am Horn von Afrika verfügt über ein enormes Potential, das aber ohne weitere Reformen nicht abgerufen werden kann. Gerade jetzt wären positive und vor allem für die Bevölkerung sichtbare Entwicklungen notwendig – Entwicklungen, von denen alle ethnischen Gruppen profitieren. Auf politischer Ebene stellt sich zudem die Frage, wie die jetzige und künftige Regierung dem Wunsch der Regionen nach mehr Autonomie nachgehen kann, um einerseits den nationalen Frieden zu wahren, andererseits aber die nationale Einheit nicht zu gefährden. In Betracht kommt eine Neudefinierung des ethnischen Föderalismus, bei der Deutschland mit seiner föderalistischen Expertise unterstützend und beratend zur Seite stehen könnte.

Auf wirtschaftlicher Ebene geht es für das Land darum, den seit Jahren anhaltenden wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung mit Wachstumsraten zwischen jährlich neun und zehn Prozent nachhaltig zu sichern und auszubauen. Dabei sollte vor allem zuerst der individuelle Bürger und dessen Bildung und gesellschaftliche Stellung im Vordergrund stehen. Die Themen Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, ethnische Inklusion sowie Umfang und Qualität der Bildung werden Äthiopiens Zukunft maßgeblich bestimmen. Zugleich muss die Arbeitslosigkeit parallel zum Problem einer rasant wachsenden jungen Bevölkerung ab- und Beschäftigung sowie Infrastruktur ausgebaut werden. Dafür sind weitere finanzielle Mittel und Programme sowie die Anwerbung von Investoren notwendig. Eine Aufnahme weiterer Kredite, vor allem von China, erscheint jedoch gefährlich und sollte unterlassen werden, um eine noch größere Verschuldung und Abhängigkeit des Landes zu vermeiden. Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass durch die Corona-Pandemie die gesamte Weltwirtschaft – und insbesondere die der afrikanischen Länder – über Jahre zurückgeworfen werden wird. 

Es gibt zwei alternative Szenarien für die Zukunft des Landes. Einerseits ein optimistisches Zukunftsszenario, in dem ein inklusiver Politikwechsel stattfindet, auf dem weiteres Wirtschaftswachstum, innerer und äußerer Frieden und die Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen folgen. Andererseits gibt es auch ein pessimistisches Zukunftsszenario, in welchem das Land ein abruptes Ende politischer Stabilität und den Zerfall staatlicher Ordnung mit der Folge erleben könnte, dass erneut diktatorische Kräfte die Macht ergreifen. Zurzeit lässt sich nicht sagen, welches Szenario das wahrscheinlichere ist. Umso mehr muss den demokratischen Staaten dieser Welt daran gelegen sein, den von Abiy Ahmed eingeschlagenen Weg der Demokratisierung politisch zu unterstützen und dem Land wirtschaftlich zu helfen. Dabei geht es auch darum, alle demokratischen Kräfte im Land zu stärken. Abiy Ahmed als viel gelobter Hoffnungsträger wird seine Reformagenda nicht im Alleingang verwirklichen können. Er muss die verschiedenen Kräfte im Vielvölkerstaat Äthiopiens an einen Tisch bekommen und einen echten nationalen Dialog in die Wege leiten. Nur dann kann die Herausbildung eines nationalen Zugehörigkeitsgefühls gelingen, welches die Grundlage für Stabilität bildet.

[1] Nora Kiefer, Sabine Odhiambo in „Äthiopien am Scheideweg“, Berlin, 27.Dezember2019; http://www.deutsche-afrika-stiftung.de/files/afrikapost_aktuell_aethiopien_am_scheideweg.pdf (12.05.2020)

https://www.indexmundi.com/g/g.aspx?c=et&v=94&l=de; https://wko.at/statistik/laenderprofile/lp-aethiopien.pdf (12.05.2020)

[2] Maria Scurell in „Das Länderinformationsportal“ zu Äthiopien, März 2020: https://www.liportal.de/aethiopien/wirtschaft-entwicklung/ (12.05.2020)

Paloma Anos Casero (IDA), Zeine Zidane (IMF), Kevin Fletcher (IMF)  in „Joint Bank-Fund Debt Sustainibility Analysis 2018: http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/690431545161133088/pdf/wbg-ethiopia-debt-sustainability-analysis-2018-update-final-dec0718-12142018-636805946102250783.pdf (12.05.2020)

[3] Vgl. Tim Heinemann: „Äthiopien 2025: ein aufstrebender Industriestandort in Afrika?“, KfW Research Nr. 249, 27. März 2019: https://www.kfw.de/PDF/Download-Center/Konzernthemen/Research/PDF-Dokumente-Fokus-Volkswirtschaft/Fokus-2019/Fokus-Nr.-249-Maerz-2019-Aethiopien-2025.pdf (12.05.2020)

[4] Zwischenzeitlich hat das Parlament die Verschiebung in der Weise konkretisiert, als dass die Wahlen in einem Zeitraum von 9 – 12 Monaten nach Ende der Corona-Pandemie stattfinden sollen.

Nobel Laureates In Crisis Mode

By Arne Wulff, Emelie Braun, July 29, 2020

The Democratization Of Ethiopia On A Fine Line Between Success And Failure

Parliamentary elections were supposed to be held in Ethiopia in August 2020. But in view of the Corona pandemic, these have been postponed indefinitely. Thus, the question of democratic legitimacy for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s ambitious reform policy remains outstanding. True, the reforms that have begun seem to have put the country on the right track in many ways – and they are receiving a lot of international support and support. But, however promising the projects may be, the country continues to face major challenges.In addition to the peace with Eritrea, the continuation of democratization, and the fight against high poverty, these concerns above all the continuing strong ethnic tensions. Most recently, these escalated again when violent clashes broke out in the wake of the assassination of a popular Oromo singer, in which more than 200 people died. Ethiopia is at a crossroads: is Abiy succeeding not only in opening up the country but also at one another? Or does its failure threaten the nation’s disintegration?Early laurels for the hopefulSince Prime Minister Abiy took office, he has worked his plans to reform the country – not only domestically, but also with regard to external relations. In the summer of 2018, just a few months after taking office, neighboring Eritrea signed a peace agreement that, after decades of hostility, was supposed to normalize the relationship between the two countries – starting with the opening of borders. In foreign policy, Abiy also acts as a peace broker in the region, for example in the maritime dispute between Kenya and Somalia and in the commitment to a peaceful transition of power in Sudan.In December 2019, Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, in particular, because of the peace deal with Eritrea. Many wondered if the award ceremony was not too early. The border with Eritrea has since been closed again, and Ethiopia’s transition to democracy is on a fine line between success and failure. The ever-increasing ethnic tensions with a large number of deaths threaten to jeopardize the country’s progress.Democratizing a multi-ethnic state like Ethiopia with more than 80 different ethnic groups while at the same time peacefully unifying it is a mammoth task. For more than 30 years, Ethiopia was ruled by a socialist, repressive regime, dubbed by some as a “development dictatorship.” Ethiopia was a long way from true democracy until the political upheaval of 2018. To date, the opposition, the press, and civil society have been severely repressed. Opposition candidates and their supporters were intimidated, political opponents were deliberately denied ballot papers, and voter fraud was commonplace. Abiy is committed to changing this. But his reform course seems to have stalled, and in the context of current developments, skeptical voices are growing – and with it, the fear of the consequences of a failure of the reform agenda is growing.The political upheavalEthiopia is experiencing a political upheaval under Abiy with the potential to set the course for sustainable democratic development. The upheaval was the result of ongoing protests against the previous government, which began in 2015 and culminated in 2018. People took to the streets mainly because of the unequal balance of power. The anger was directed in particular at the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents only a small part of the Ethiopian people ethnically, but dominated the ruling coalition of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).More and more, many Ethiopians rebelled against the oppression of ethnic minorities and political opponents and were willing to fight for the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press. Added to this was growing economic dissatisfaction against the background that few benefited from Ethiopia’s economic boom. Hundreds of people were killed in these protests. Former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn finally resigned in February 2018, and Science Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali was elected as his successor a short time later. As a result, many representatives of the old regime were replaced, and the new president became a woman with the experienced diplomat Sahle-Work Zewde for the first time in the country’s history.Ambitious reform courseAfter Prime Minister Abiy came to power in the spring of 2018, he initiated profound changes. Especially in his course of democratization and reform, he surprised with his courage in rapid reforms, some of which had already been implemented and which included, above all, the following innovations:The opening up of the multi-party systemThe commitment to freedom of expression and freedom of the pressLifting the strict blockades of the press and the InternetReview of media legislationEasing strict rules for NGOsThe release of political prisoners and invitation to exiles to return to EthiopiaLiberalization and industrialization of the countryMarket economy opening (instead of the previously strictly state-regulated economy)Privatization of state-owned enterprisesGender equalityFilling important positions with womenImportant changes at management levelA comprehensive reform of the judicial systemThe peace agreement with Eritrea.“The centrifugal power of liberalization”The Prime Minister’s reform ambitions are undoubtedly promising and have been very popular from the outset. But they also face significant risks and numerous obstacles. Perhaps the greatest challenge, despite liberalization, is to ensure the cohesion of the people and to avoid fragmentation of the country. Because there are still strong ethnic tensions and conflicts within the population. To date, these have been nipped in the bud by arresting and isolating government opponents. But the new political freedom that has been won risks ethnic groups pursue regional autonomy and the ambitious prime minister slips away from political control.Many of the ethnic groups do not feel equal or adequately represented. Although the Oromo ethnic group is the largest in the country with 34 percent, the Amhars (27%) dominate and the Tigray (6%) political life. With Abiy, an Oromo (in fact, his father Oromo, but his mother Amhara) came to power for the first time, but according to his own information – probably also against the background of his mixed lineage – he sees himself as an Ethiopian and not as a representative of a certain ethnic group. As much as this self-image characterizes him, it seems difficult for him to integrate the Oromo, whose anger stems from more than a hundred years of political oppression, into a policy of national unity without ethnic patronage or preference.The desire of this ethnic group in particular for more autonomy and political influence is gaining momentum and seems to be breaking ground in the course of the newly gained freedoms, even on threatening paths. In the first year and a half after the new prime minister took office alone, more people are said to have been victims of politically motivated violence than at the time of the riots before. Abiy’s idea of liberalizing and democratizing the ethnically divided country, on the one hand, and as a nation on the other, is a ride on the razor blade. If he succeeds in this step without violence, he could go down in history as a trailblazer for a new Ethiopia. If, on the other hand, he fails, the disintegration of the state and the violence that accompanies it could be hard to stop. The political art of the Prime Minister will have to be to steer the ethnic centrifugal forces of liberalization in the direction of a sense of common belonging. Doubts are growing as to whether this can really succeed.Challenges and dangers of current developmentsHowever, these are not the only challenges facing the government. The weak institutional capacity makes it difficult to implement the reform projects. It is also problematic that many positions of the government apparatus continue to be made up of people from the old repressive regime. Their loyalty to the new course seems dubious.The country’s industrialization and infrastructure improvement are high on Abiy’s reform agenda. In return, the country has accumulated enormous debt in the past: the national debt amounts to USD 52.57 billion (of which USD 26.05 billion is external government debt). This is about 66 percent of gross domestic product (average sub-Saharan Africa is about 57 percent of GDP). Ethiopia is particularly indebted to China. This has led to dependencies that could strain the course of reform. This is one of the reasons why the new government is seeking greater ties with Europe, the US, and the Arab states.It is clear that Ethiopia can no longer afford the greater debt. Instead, Abiy must focus on attracting foreign investors. In principle, Ethiopia has the potential for an attractive growth market and, above all, the rapidly developing industrial sector offers many opportunities. But it remains questionable whether economic transformation can keep up with high population growth and whether sustainable economic prospects emerge for the majority of the population. Economic and political transformation are interdependent. The necessary investment requires political stability and reliable constitutional structures. At the same time, acceptance of the course of political reform can probably only be guaranteed if the economic situation is positively perceived.Although some successes and progress are already clear, the mood of the Ethiopians is only partially optimistic. Because of their historically poor experience with political leadership, popular impatience is on the increase. The small successes do not always seem to be perceived and appreciated at home. Many are already lamenting, after only two years, the slowness of reforms and the lack of jobs and career prospects. The pressure on Abiy to translate his visionary announcements into tangible successes is thus growing. The fact that, in these times, the Corona pandemic is bringing public life to a virtual standstill is likely to prove to be another obstacle for the Prime Minister.The planned elections in 2020 and the Corona pandemicThe first truly democratic elections in Ethiopia have so far failed to take a good turn. Parliamentary elections were originally scheduled to take place in May 2020. At the beginning of the year, they were postponed to 29 August 2020. The reason for this was the too short preparation time for the National Electoral Commission in view of the necessary voter registration and efforts by politicians to regroup in the course of liberalization in the form of new political parties and possible coalition alliances. While the EPRDF still has all 547 seats in parliament, other parties and party alliances now have the opportunity to come to power or participate politically through democratic elections in Ethiopia.The holding of general, equal, and free elections is extremely important for the democratic legitimacy of the Prime Minister. Only then can he succeed in continuing his reform course. In order to reinforce this, he has also worked hard to free himself from old party alliances such as the EPRDF and to form a new party. The Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) is to stand for the political goals of the Prime Minister in the future and pursues above all an economically liberal programmatic. However, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), formerly dominant of the EPRDF, has chosen not to join the new party. Overall, the political opposition in the country, which exists in particular in the Oromo and Tigray ethnic groups, deplores not being involved in politics. They feel increasingly excluded from the transformation of Ethiopia into a true democracy promised by Prime Minister Abiy.The prolonged pause in political competition, now prescribed in the light of the Corona pandemic, further increases frustration. The course of democratic renewal through elections is interrupted for the time being. After the first Covid-19 case was registered on 12 March, the general election, now scheduled for August, was postponed again – this time for an indefinite period.Ethiopia now has more than 14,500 infected people and more than 200 deaths (as of 28.07.2020). However, it is assumed that the number of unreported cases is much higher, as there is little testing capacity in the country. And although the number of infections seems quite low compared to other countries such as South Africa (over 450,000 cases, as of 28.07.2020), it has to be noted that the treatment capacities (according to the government about 1,500 intensive care beds and about 400 artificial ventilation options) are very low, at least for seriously ill people, and are now at their limits. The situation is particularly critical in Addis Ababa. In addition, as a result of the brain drain, many well-trained Ethiopian doctors work abroad for the benefit of earning opportunities. Qualified staff to treat Covid-19 are available to a limited extent.As early as 8 April 2020, Abiy declared a national emergency for an initial period of five months, which is associated with a number of restrictions. Among other things, land borders were closed, more than four people had gathered, schools and educational institutions were closed, travel restrictions were imposed in the country and strict quarantine regulations were imposed, and an obligation to wear masks in public spaces was introduced.Politically, the rescheduling of the elections weighs heavily on the government – this is already the second far-off in six months. In addition, the parliamentary term, and thus the government’s term of office in the summer of 2020, will end constitutionally under normal circumstances. The forthcoming elections are so crucial for Ethiopia and its future, because these elections set the course for the country’s further development; they are to be regarded as a ‘democratic premiere’. Whether the country will continue to pursue Abiy’s ambitious reform plans, and whether it continues to move toward liberalization and democracy, depends largely on these elections. They serve to give democratic legitimacy to the Prime Minister and his reform plans and are therefore seen as a test.Artist’s murder sparks unrestOn June 29, 2020, singer and activist Hachalu Hundessa was gunned down in Addis Ababa and succumbed to his injuries a short time later. Hachalu belonged to the Oromo ethnic group and was celebrated in his homeland as a voice of protest. His songs are closely linked to the protests between 2015 and 2018 that led to the resignation of Abiy’s predecessor. In the aftermath of his assassination, violent clashes broke out between demonstrators and security forces in the capital Addis Ababa and in the state of Oromia. They were accompanied by roadblocks, several explosions in Addis Ababa, burning cars, smashed windows and looting. Over two weeks, Internet connections in the Addis Ababa area were shut down and telephone calls were also blocked. Many people were killed in the riots: according to the police, there were at least 239 dead.The government reacted with a hard hand, arresting opposition figures, including the well-known Oromo nationalist Jawar Mohammed. The charges against him include involvement in the murder of a police officer during the riots. His supporters deny this and accuse Abiy of trying to get rid of a political opponent by arresting Jawar. The Oromia Media Network (OMN), founded by Jawar, was also closed. Meanwhile, two suspects were arrested, who eventually confessed to being involved in Hachalu’s murder. According to the Ethiopian Prosecutor General’s Office, the act was part of a conspiracy to overthrow the government. The further background remains unclear.These recent events show how fragile the situation in the country is and the risk of escalating political and ethnic tensions. It is also striking that, in the face of the unrest, Prime Minister Abiy apparently used the same instruments as his political predecessors: shutting down all communication facilities and arresting opponents. Observers condemned the government’s response to the protests and unrest as excessive and counterproductive. They are in stark contrast to Abiy’s much-maintained image as a liberal reformer. There are now growing fears that a larger oromo protest movement could occur again. The developments strain the Oromo’s already tense relationship with the government and strengthen a mistrust of Abyi. Critics from his own ethnic group have long accused the prime minister of not doing enough to protect the interests of his home region.ViewGiven the expiry of democratic legitimacy of the Ethiopian Parliament and the Abiy government, as well as the elections postponed indefinitely, political instability in the country is expected to continue. The existing ethnic conflicts have not yet been resolved by the new government. If elections had taken place in August, Abiy would probably have been confirmed as Prime Minister by Parliament as a result. Whether this will also be the case if the elections do not take place until 2021 or, at worst, 2022, is increasingly questionable.So Ethiopia’s future remains uncertain. The horn of Africa country has enormous potential, but it cannot be called up without further reforms. Right now, positive developments, visible above all to the population, would be necessary – developments that benefit all ethnic groups. At the political level, the question also arises as to how the present and future governments can pursue the desire of the regions for greater autonomy, in order, on the one hand, to preserve national peace and, on the other, not to jeopardize national unity. A redefinition of ethnic federalism is envisaged, in which Germany could provide support and advice with its federalist expertise.At the economic level, the country’s goal is to sustainably secure and expand the economic recovery that has been going on for years, with growth rates of between nine and ten percent per year. First and foremost, the individual citizen and his education and social position should be in the foreground. The issues of gender equality, ethnic inclusion and the scope and quality of education will determine Ethiopia’s future. At the same time, unemployment must be removed and employment and infrastructure developed in parallel with the problem of a rapidly growing young population. This requires further financial resources and programms, as well as the recruitment of investors. However, borrowing further, especially from China, seems dangerous and should be avoided in order to avoid even greater debt and dependence on the country. To make matters worse, the Corona pandemic will set the entire global economy – and African countries in particular – back for years to come.There are two alternative scenarios for the future of the country. On the one hand, an optimistic future scenario, in which an inclusive policy change takes place, followed by further economic growth, internal and external peace and the improvement of living conditions. On the other hand, there is also a pessimistic future scenario in which the country could experience an abrupt end to political stability and the disintegration of the state order, with the result that dictatorial forces once again seize power.At the moment, it is not possible to say which scenario is more likely. All the more reason for the democratic states of the world to give political support to the path of democratization taken by Abiy Ahmed and to help the country economically. It is also a question of strengthening all democratic forces in the country. Abiy Ahmed, as a much-praised hopeful, will not be able to implement his reform agenda on his own. It must get the various forces in Ethiopia’s multi-ethnic state at the same table and initiate a genuine national dialogue. Only then can a national sense of belonging be developed, which forms the basis for stability.

#OromoProtests: Seenaa Jimjimoo ergaa qabdi Oromoo caqasaa July 31, 2020

#OromoProtests: BEEKSISA: Waamicha Uggura Geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame Ilaalchisee Beeksisa Qeerroo Irraa Kenname July 30, 2020

BEEKSISA: Waamicha Uggura Geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame Ilaalchisee Beeksisa Qeerroo Irraa Kenname

Lagannaan ugguraa geejibaa daandii Asphaltti fi Cirraacha/piistaa/ fi qoqqobbiin dinagdee Guutuu oromiyaa tti Adoolessa 27/11/2012 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa calqabee Guyyoota Hin murtoofneef hojii irra Ni oola. Haaluma Kanaan toftaa qabsoo bifa lama of keessaa qabu bocuudhaan Qeerroon mata-duree Waamicha Uggura geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame bifa qinda’een Guutuu oromiyaa tti Ni raawwata.

Akkaataa waamicha kanaatti qoqqobbiin diinagdee mootummaa Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmed laamshessuuf waamame keessaa muraasni

…..Tooftaan 1ffaan Waamicha Uggura geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Qeerroon Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmadiin loluuf baafate immoo •••->uggura daandiiwwan gurguddoo (highways) irratti xiyyeeffataa. Kaayyoon uggura daandiiwwan gurguddoo kun daandiiwwan Oromiyaa seenanii fi ba’an cufuudhaan ujummoo diinagdee mootummaa Nafxanyaa Finfinnee keessa maadheffatee cufuu dha.Qeerroon addaan qoodame hinjiru, gara duraattis hanga bilisummaa dhugaa galmaan geenyutti hinjiraatu.

Toftaan 2ffaa..

••-> uummatni keenya kallattiidhaan ta’e al-kallattiidhaan baankiiwwanii fi inshuraansii mootummaa nafxanyaa kana deeggaran akka itti hin fayyadmne,

•• baankii haaraa amma sheerin isaa gurguramaa jiru akka hin bitne .Uummatni keenya irraa keenya mootummaa nfaxanyaa Abiy Ahmediif gibira akka hin kafalle;

••Jaarmiyaalee tajaajila geejjibaa kanneen sheerii warra diina uummata keenyaan ijaaraman fayyadamuu dhiisuu;

••konkolaataan isaanii Oromiyaa keessa akka hin sochoone ugguruu; ••Miidiyaalee diinaa dadhabsiisuu ilaalchisee miidiyaaleen diinaa fardii uummata Oromoo irratti duguuggaa sanyii labsan kanneen akka EBC, WALTA, ABBAY Media, ESAT, MEREJA tube fi ETHIO Tube, Fana fi kkf uummatni keenya akka hin daawwanne,

••Qabeenya abbootii qabeenyaa kanneen sirna Nafxanyaa kana tajaajilan ummatni Oromoo maqaan beeku qabeenya isaanii hunda irratti tarkaanfiin ugguru akka fudhatamu, qoqqobiin dinagdee akka irratti godhamu.

Waamicha uggura Geejjibaa Guutummaa Oromiyaa ilaalchiseeWaamichi uggura geejjibaa daandiiwwan gurguddoo Oromiyaa seenanii-ba’anii fi Oromiyaa Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2012 ALH ykn Monday, AUG 3/8/2020 irraa calqabee akka eegaluuf murtaa’ee jira. Kanaaf, Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2012 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa eegalee daandiiwwan magaalota Oromiyaa wal agarsiisan marti guyyaa kana irraa kaasee cufaa ta’u. Haaluma Kanaan, daandiiwwan gurguddoo (highways) gara Magaalaa Finfinnee geessan dabalatee geejjibni marti akka dhaabbatu irra deebiin waamicha dhiyeessina. Uggurrii kun Wiixata Adoolessa 27 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa egalee hojii irraa akka oolu firaafis ta’e diinaaf ifa haata’u jechuun Qeerroon murteessee jira. Cufiinsa daandiiwwanii kana keessa Ambulaansii irraa kan hafe sochiin geejjibaa Oromiyaa keessa deemuu fi ba’u marti ni dhaabbata.

Sochiin uggura geejjibaa marsaa kanaa daandiiwwan magaalota walquunnamsiisan qofa irratti kan xiyyeeffatu waan ta’eef sochiin taaksii keessoo magaalotaa fi daldalli garagaraa magaalota keessatti adeemsifamu kan itti fufan ta’a. Hariiroon magaalotaa garuu addaan cita. Waamichu uggura geejjibaa guutummaa Oromiyaa kun hamma Qeerroon ibsa baase akka dhaabbatuuf ifatti waamicha dhiyeessutti Guyyoota Hin murtoofneef kan itti fufu ta’a.Warreen murtii Qeerroo fudhachuu didanii socho’uuf yaaluu fedhan Yoo jiraate tarkaanfiin irratti fudhatamu fuula duratti Qeerroo fi qarreen ifa Ni godha.

KMN: የአርቲስት ሀጫሉ ግድያና የሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ድብቅ ሴራ! July 30, 2020

የአርቲስት ሀጫሉ ግድያና የሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ድብቅ ሴራ!

KMN, July 29/2020

ኦሮሞ በግፍ በተገደለ ቁጥር የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት የሚያንጋጉት የይስሙላ መግለጫ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ አዲስ አይደለም። የሀጫሉን ግድያ አስመልክቶ ግን የተተወነው ድራማ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን እይታ ሊጋርድ አልቻለም። አብይ እና ግብረ አበሮቹ ነፍጠኞች የዛሬ ዓመት ያገሪቷን ኢታማዦር ሹም ጀነራል ሰዐረ መኮንንና ጓዳቸው የነበሩትን ጀነራል ገዛኢ አበራን፣ ዶ/ር አምባቸው መኮንን እና በፌደራሊዝም የሚያምኑ የአማራ ክልል ብሔርተኛ አመራሮችን በግፍ በመግደል ምርጥ ድራማ ሰርተዋል። ዛሬም በተመሳሳይ አርቲስት ሀጫሉን ቀርጥፈው በልተው ሲያበቁ የህዝብን እይታ ለማዛባት የፈበረኩትን ድራማ ቀድመው ባቀናበሩት መሠረት ለመተወን ሞክረዋል። ሀጫሉን የገደሉት አብይና አሃዳውያን ነፍጠኞች መሆናቸውን ስንናገር በምክንያት ነው። አብይና የምኒልክ ሥርዓት ናፋቂዎች አርቲስት ሀጫሉን የገደሉት ለራሳቸው የፖለቲካ ትርፍ ነው። ተከድኖ የሚቀር ዘላለማዊ ሚስጥር የለም። ጉዳዩ እንዲህ ነው። ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድ እና ግብረ አበሮቹ ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ቴሌቪዥን የሰጠውን ቃለ መጠይቅ ተመለከቱ። አርቲስቱ በተናገራቸው ንግግሮች በጣም ተበሳጩ። በተለይ ደግሞ ሀጫሉ ወደፊት ”በቅርቡ ለሁሉም ነገር መልስ የሚሆን ሥራ ይዤ ብቅ እላለሁ” ያለውን ንግግር ከሀጫሉ አንደበት ሲሰሙ በድንጋጤ የሚይዙትና የሚጨብጡት ጠፋቸው። ጉዳዩ ከዚህ ቀደም ሀጫሉን ቤተ መንግስት ድረስ ጠርተው ያስጠነቀቁትና ግን ደግሞ የሀጫሉን ቆራጥነት በሚገባ የሚያውቁት ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድን በእጅጉ አሳሰባቸው። የዲያብሎስ ዳንኤል ክብረት ግፊትም በእጅጉ በረታባቸው።እናም በዚህ ጉዳይ እንቅልፍ ያጡት ጠቅላይ ወዲያውኑ ደመላሽ ገ/ሚካኤልን ጠርተው አማከሩት። “አርቲስት ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ቴሌቪዥን የሰጠውን ቃለ መጠይቅ ተመልክተህዋል? ሀጫሉ እጅግ በጣም አደገኛ አርቲስት ነው። አሁን ደግሞ አደገኛ ስራ እየሰራ ያለ ይመስለኛል። እንደሚታወቀው ይህ ግለሰብ በቄሮ ዘንድም ከፍተኛ ተሰሠሚነት አለው። እስኪጣራ ብለን እንጂ ከኦነግ ሸማቂዎች ጋር ግኑኝነት እንደነበረውም መረጃ ነበረን። ከቃለ መጠይቁ በኋላ በተከናወነው የማጣራት ስራ ደግሞ በዚህ ’ለሁሉም ነገር መልስ የሚሆን’ ባለው አዲስ ስራው የኦሮሞ ቄሮዎች ሸማቂዎችን እንዲቀላቀሉ የሚያነሳሳ መሆኑን ደርሰንበታል። ይህ ግለሰብ በፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ ላይ የሚያራምደው ዋልታ ረገጥ አቋሙም አስቀድመን የምናውቀው ነው። በበኩሌ ይህ ልጅ አሁን ቀዩን መስመር የረገጠ ይመስለኛል። ስለዚህ አስቀድመን አስቸኳይ መፍትሔ ልናበጅለት ይገባል ብዬ አምናለሁ።” አሉት። አክለውም ”በማን ይፈጸም? መቼ? የት? እንዴት? ለሚለው የዕቅዱን ዝርዝር መርሀ ግብር በ24 ሰዓት ጊዜ ውስጥ እንድታጠናቅቅ ይሁን። ከአፈጻጸሙ አስቀድሞ ግን ዝርዝር ዕቅዱን ማወቅ እፈልጋለሁ።” በማለት የግድያ ጠበብቱን አሰናበቱት። ከጉዳዩ ጋር አያይዘው የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞችን ለመወንጀል ደግሞ ለአቶ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማ ተመሳሳይ ትዕዛዝ ተሰጣቸው።ደመላሽ በተባለው የጊዜ ገደብ እቅዱን አዘጋጅቶ አቀረበላቸው። ጠቅላዩም የሀጫሉን ነፍስ ለመቅጨት የተነደፈውን የጥፋት ዕቅድ አጸደቁት። እንዲተገበርም ጥብቅ ትዕዛዝ አስተላለፉ። በአቶ ደመላሽ መሪነትና በአቶ ዮሀንስ ምትኩ አስፈጻሚነት የቤተ መንግስቱ ልዩ የጥበቃ ኃይል አባል የሆነችው ወታደር ላምሮት ከማልን ልከው የአርቲስት ሀጫሉን ህይወት ቀጠፉ። አቶ ሽመልስ እና ኢንጂነር ታከለም ምርጥ ተዋናይ ሆነው በድራማው ተሳተፉ። ጥቁር ለብሰው ሲያበቁ በሚዲያ ቀርበው የአዞ እንባ አነቡ። ወንጀላቸውንም በቀጥታ ሌሎች ላይ ደፈደፉት። ወንጀላቸውን በካይሮ፣ በወያኔ፣ በኦነግ ሸኔ እና በኦሮሞ ምሁራን ላይ ለመለጠፍ የተውኔቱን ሁለተኛ ምዕራፍ አጧጧፉት። ጀዋር መሀመድን፣ በቀለ ገርባን፣ ሀምዛ ቦረናን…ወዘተ አፍነው በማሰር አርቲስት ሀጫሉ ላይ የፈጸሙትን አሰቃቂ ግፍ ንጹሃኖቹ ወያኔ፣ ኦነግ ሸኔ እና የኦሮሞ ምሁራን ላይ ለማላከክ በብርቱ ተጉ። ጸያፍ ድርጊታቸውንም ከአርቲስቱ አስክሬን ጋር በፍጥነት ከፊንፊኔ አርቀው ለመቅበር ወሰኑ። ለዚህም ነው የሀጫሉ ሬሳ አምቦ ተወስዶ እንዲቀበር ግፊት ከማድረግ አልፈው ማምሻው ላይ አስክሬኑን በሄሊኮፕተር አምቦ ያስገቡት። እዚህ ጋር የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቆም ብሎ ራሱን መጠየቅ የሚገባው ጥቂት ጥያቄዎች አሉ። ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ በሰጠው ቃለ መጠይቅ ላይ ነፍጠኞችን ክፉኛ አስቆጥቷል። ብልጽግናን በብርቱ ተችቷል! ታዲያ ሀጫሉ ሲገደል የአማራ ኢሊቶችና የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ አመራሮች ለምን አልተጠረጠሩም? የኦሮሞ ፓርቲ አመራሮች ብቻ ለምን ተጠረጠሩ? ለምን እነርሱ ብቻ ታሰሩ? አንድም የነፍጠኞች ሚዲያ ሳይነካ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ልሳን የሆነው ኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ብቻ ለምን ተዘጋ? የኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ጋዜጠኞች ብቻ ለምን ታገቱ? በዚሁ ቀን የሀጫሉን ሬሳ ለመቀበል የወጡ የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች ጥይት ሲዘንብባቸው፤ ሲቆስሉና ሲገደሉ፤ ለተጨማሪ የጥፋት ተልዕኮ ተደራጅተው የተሠማሩት የነፍጠኞች የጥፋት ግብረ ሀይሎች ግን ያለማንም ከልካይነትና ሀይ ባይነት የኦቦ ድንቁ ደያሳ ንብረት የሆነውን የሪፍት ቫሊ ዩኒቨርቲ ቅርንጫፎችን በሙሉ ሲዘርፉና ሲያወድሙ የዋሉት እንዴትና በምን ስሌት ነው? ሀጫሉ ሲገደል አጠገቡ የነበረችው ወታደር ላምሮት ከማል የት ገባች? ወ/ሮ አዳነች ሚዲያ ፊት ቆማ ለምን ተንተባተበች? የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እነዚህን ጥያቄዎች ራሱን መጠየቅና ምላሽ ማግኘት ይኖርበታል። ይህ የአብይና የአሃዳውያን ነፍጠኞች ድራማ እነዚህ ሰዎች ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ያላቸውን ቅጥ ያጣ ጥላቻና ንቀት የሚያመለክት የሴረኝነት ተውኔት ነው። በዚህ ተልካሻ ድራማ ኦሮሞን መሸወድ መቼም አይሳካላቸውም። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሀጫሉ ገዳዮች እነማን እንደሆኑ ጠንቅቆ ያውቃል። ይህ ታጋሽ ህዝብ ትናንትም የአርቲት ኤቢሳ አዱኛ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲት ዮሴፍ ገመቹ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲት ኦስማዮ ሙሳ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲስት ዳዲ ገላን ገዳዮችን እያወቀ ታግሶ አብሮ ኖሯል! አርቲስት ሀጫሉም ሰኔ 22/2012 ከምሽቱ 3:30 ሰዓት ላይ ተመሳሳይ ጽዋ ተጎነጨ። ከንግዲህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከልጆቹ ገዳዮች ጋር ታግሶ ለመኖር ትዕግስቱ ተሟጧል! የታሠሩ የኦሮሞ ምሁራን ባስቸኳይ እንዲለቀቁ መራር ትግል ማድረግ አለበት። የሀጫሉን ጨምሮ በግፍ የፈሰሰው የንጹሃን የህዝብ ልጆች ደም በከንቱ ፈሶ አይቀርም። ነገ ሳይሆን ዛሬ! በኦሮሞ ሀዝብ አንድነትና ብርቱ ክንድ ይታፈሳልና!!!ግልጽ መልክዕት! ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ለኦቦ ለማ መገርሳ!በማር አንደበትህ ላታለልከንና ድላችንን ነጥቀህ ለሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ገጸ-በረከት ያበረከትከው ኦቦ ለማ ሆይ! ትናንት በማር አንደበትህ ስትሸነግለን በየዋህነታችን አምነን ተከተልንህ። ”ጌታችን እናንተ ናችሁ! አጥፍተናልና ይቅር በሉን! ልንክሳችሁ ተነስተናልና ጊዜ ስጡን!” ስትለን ወንድማችን ነህ ብለን ያለ ምንም መጠራጠር ድላችንን አስረከብንህ። ዛሬ አንተ አባብለህ በጫንክብን የጭቆና ቋጥኝ ስንጨፈለቅ፣ አንተ በጠመድክብን የግፍ መትረየስ በጅምላ ስንታጨድ፣ ድምጽህን አጥፍተህ በቅምጥል ህይወት ስትቀይረን፣ ምላስህን ውጠህና አንደበትህን ቆልፈህ በስልጣን ጫካ ውስጥ ራስህን ስትሸሽግ ታዘብንህ። ዛሬ ከእኛ ዘንድ ምንም ወቀሳ የለብህም። ነገር ግን አንድ ሀቅ እንጠቁምህ። በሄድክበት ሁሉ የኦሮሞ ሰማዕታት አጥንት ይወጋሃል። ለነጻነታችን የፈሰሰው የኦሮሞ ልጆች ደም አፍ አውጥቶ ይወቅስሃል። ጣዕረ ሞታቸው በሄድክበት ሁሉ ይከተለሃል። ነገ ደግሞ ነፍሳቸው በፈጣሪ ፊት ይወቅስሃል። ፈጣሪ አምላክም በክህደትህ ልክ የማይቀረው ፍትሃዊ ፍርዱን ይሰጥሃል። እናም፣ ኦቦ ለማ ሆይ! ነገ በእውነተኛው ቀን ፈጣሪ ፊት ቀርበን ለመወቃቀስ ያብቃን!!!ግልጽ መልክዕት! ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ለሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ! ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! ትናንት በኦሮሞ ልጆች ህይወትና ደም መስዋዕትነት ከባርነት ወደ ነጻነት ተሸጋገርክ። ከሎሌነት ወደ ንጉስነት ተረማመድክ። ከታዛዥነት ወደ አዛዥነት ተወረወርክ። ቀን ሲወጣልህ ያነገሰህን ህዝብ ከዳህና ከግብረ-አበሮችህ ጋር ተወዳጀህ። የነፍጠኞችን አጽም ከመቃብር አስነስተህ ዳግም ቤተ መንግስት አስገባህ። ከዚያም የኦሮሞን ስነ ልቦና በመግደል ዳግም ወደ ባርነት አዘቅት መዶል ተመኘህ። እንደተመኘሀውም ነፍጠኞችን አደራጅተህ የግድያ ግብረ ሀይል ውጪ ሀገር አሰልጥነህ ታዋቂና ቁልፍ የኦሮሞ ልጆች ላይ ስውር የግድያ ዘመቻ ከፈትከ። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል አርማ የሆነው አርቲስት ሀጫሉን በመግደል የኦሮሞን ቀንድ ለመስበር ሞከርክ። የቀድሞ ጌቶችህ (የትናንቱ ኦፒዲኦ) – አባ ዱላ ገመዳ እና ኩማ ደመቅሳ – የአምቦ አድባር የነበሩት ኦቦ ደራራ ከፈኔ ላይ የፈጸሙትን – የጭካኔ ታሪክ አድሰህ አምቦን ዳግም የሀዘን ማቅ አለበስካት። የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ዓይን ደንቁለህ ብሌኑን አጨለምክ። ልቡን በግፍ አደማህ። በኦሮሞ ህዝብ የደምና የእንባ ጎርፍ ዋኘህ። መግደል ሳያንስህ የሀጫሉን ሬሳ ቀብር ነስተህ አንገላታህ። ከሠፊዋ የፊንፊኔ መሬት ሁለት ክንድ አጥቅ ነፍገህ ሬሳውን አረከስክ። የሀጫሉን ቤተሰቦች በሀዘን አቆራምደህ ጥይት መረቅህላቸው። የሀጫሉን አጎት ገድለህ ተጨማሪ ሬሳ አስታቀፍካቸው። በልጃቸው ሀዘን የተሰበሩትን የሀጫሉ ቤተሰቦች በጥይት ቋንቋ “መጽናናትን” ተመኘህላቸው። ስለ ሀጫሉ ፍትህ ያለቀሱትን፣ ለሰማዕቱ አስክሬን ተገቢውን ክብር የተመኙትን የኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ከርቸሌ ዘጋህባቸው። ጀዋርና ኦቦ በቀለን የመሠሉ ታላላቅ የኦሮሞ ታጋዮችን አፍነህ አዋረድክ። በቆመጥ አስቀጠቀጥክ። ዓይንህን በጨው አጥበህ ስታበቃ በግፍ ያፈሰስከውን የወንድማቸውን (የሀጫሉን) ደም እነርሱ ላይ ለማላከክ ደመ ነፍስህን ላይ ታች መናወዝ ጀመርክ። ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ትግል ለማዳፈን ዓይን ያወጣ ቅጥፈትህን አደባባይ አወጣህ። ድፍን ኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ስለሀጫሉ ፍትህ የወጡ ወገኖቹን በጥይት እንደቅጠል አረገፍካቸው። በኦሮሞ ደም እጅህን ታጠብክ። በንጹሃኖች ደም ዙፋንህን ማደላደል ተመኘህ። ለቀናትም ቢሆን ስለትህ ያዘልህ። የልጅነት ህልምህ እውን ሆነልህ። የዕድሜ ልክ ምኞትህ ሰመረልህ። እናም፤ ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! በኦሮሞ ደም ነግሰህ በኦሮሞ ደም በመዋኘትህ እንኳን ደስ ያለህ። በመጨረሻ አንድ አጭር ምክር እናካፍልህ። አንድ ተጨባጭ ሀቅንም እንጠቁምህ። ከንግዲህ አንተ የምትፈጽምበትን ግፍ አሜን ብሎ የሚቀበል፣ የምትደርብለትን የውርደት ሸማ ለብሶ መኖር የሚፈቅድ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ ፍጹም እንደይማኖር ልብ ካለህ ልብ ብለህ አስተውል። እኛ የኦሮሞ ልጆች ለህዝባችን ነጻነት ውድ ህይወታችንን ለመገበር ቅንጣት አናመነታም። ከንግዲህ አንተ የምትጭንብንን የምኒልካውያን የባርነት ቀንበር የሚሸከም ጫንቃ በፍጹም የለንም። አንተ የምትጭንብንን አሳፋሪ ባርነት ከመሸከም ሞት ለእኛ ዘላለማዊ ክብር ነው። ሌላው ቢቀር በጥርሶቻችንና በጥፍሮቻችን እንዋጋለን። አንተ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን በግፍ ለመግደል ዝግጁ እንደሆንክ ሁሉ እኛም ኦሮሞ ሆነን በኦሮሞነታችን ለመሞት እስከ መጨረሻው ቆርጠን ተነስተናል። ይህ ውሳኔያችን አጉል ፉከራ መስሎ ከታየህ በእጅጉ ተሳስተሃል። ማረጋገጫ ካስፈለገህ በተግባር ከማረጋገጥ ይበልጥ አስተማማኝ ማስረጃ የለምና የጥፋት ዕቅድህን ቀጥልበትና ውሳኔያችን ተጨባጭ ሀቅ የመሆኑን እውነታ በተግባር አረጋግጥ። ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! እሳት የጨበጠ ሰራዊት እንደምታሰማራብን እናውቃለን። በህገ አራዊት የሚመራና የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ደም የጠማው አራዊት አሰማርተህ እንደምትጨፈጭፈን እንገነዘባለን። ከሰማይ የምታዘንብብን የእሳት መዓት የሚኖርህ ከሆነ እሱንም ደርበህ አዝምትብን። በዚህ ወቅት ሞት ለእኛ ለቁቤ ትውልድ ሰርግና ምላሽ ነው። አንተ የደገስክልንን አፈናና የጅምላ ሞት እያለቀስን ሳይሆን እየጨፈርን በእልልታ ለመቀበል ቆርጠናል። የቁቤ ትውልድ በህይወት እስካለ ድረስ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ዳግም ወደ ባርነት አዘቅት ለማንደርደር ከአሃዳውያን ጋር የነደፍከው የጥፋት ዕቅድህ ፈጽሞ ሊሰምር አይችልም። ሰይጣናዊ ዕቅድህ ሊሰምር የሚችለው ሀምሳ ሚሊዮኑን የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በጅምላ መቅበር ስትችል ብቻ ነው። አንተ በምታሰማራብን ደም የጠማው ነፍሰ ገዳይ ሰራዊትህ የሀምሳ ሚልዮን ኦሮሞዎች ግብዓተ መሬት እስኪጠናቀቅ ድረስ የጀመርነው መራር ትግላችን ከቀን ወደ ቀን ይበልጥ ተጠናክሮ የሚቀጥል መሆኑን እነሆ ሰው ሆነን ስንፈጠር ሙሉ ነጻነት አጎናጽፎ በፈጠረን ፈጣሪያችን ስም ቃል እንገባልሃለን። ሽንፈት ለነፈሰ ገዳዮ አብይና ግብረ አበሮቹ! ድል ለሰፊው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ይሆናል!!!ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ሀምሌ 20/2012 ዓም

#OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally United Kingdom (Uk) Birmingham (29 July 2020) July 29, 2020

Hiriira mormii United Kingdom (Uk) Birmingham

The last effort to destroy the name ‘OLF’ is set on. Ifajeen dhumaa maqaa “ABO” jedu balleessuu qasiifamee jira July 29, 2020

The last effort to destroy the name ‘OLF’ is set on

By Obbo Ibsaa Guutama

It is saddening to hear that the elderly freedom fighter and the chairman of OLF Party is under house arrest for unexplained cause. Whatever he may be accused of cannot be outside what he has done as an Oromo national and on behalf of his party.

He is the personification of that party. Therefore, his comrades should not do anything that will compromise his leadership until he is legally replaced. It is the party in power that has arrested him. Therefore, remaining party officials are expected to sever any relation with that party unless sanctioned by him. Otherwise it amounts to collaboration with enemy of the party and therefore betrayal to its constitution not pure rebellion against him. On the surface the matter may seem one party’s internal affairs. But it should be clear to any one that it is far beyond that when viewed against the present happenings. It is in the category of alien interference in Oromo affairs; Hacaaluu’s killing and imprisonment of Jawar Mohamad and all Oromo leaders and nationals. It is part of the genocide going on in many parts of Oromiyaa. Many Oromo nationalists might have conflicts with Chairman Daawud Ibsaa. But at this trying time solidarity with him becomes a duty of Oromummaa. Enemy conspiracy may pulldown in turns billboards carrying name “OLF” never OLF itself.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu.

Ifajeen dhumaa maqaa “ABO” jedu balleessuu qasiifamee jira: Manguddichi qabsaawaa bilisummaa, hogganni Gola ABO, Daawud Ibsaa kaasaa hin ifsamneef manaa akka hin baane taasifamuu dhagahuun nama gaddisiisa. Waanti inni ittiin himatame maaluu haa tahu waan Oromoo ta’ee fi gola ofii bakka bu’ee hojjetee ala hin ta’u. Golichaaf fuula namummaa kan kennuufii isaa. Kanaaf jaallewwan saa hagamu qurrama qabaatanuu hanga seeraan bakka buufamutt waan hoggansa saa gaaffii keessa galchu raawwachuu hin qabanii. Gola aangoo irra jirutu isa qabe. Kanaaf qondaaloti dhaabichaa hidhaa irraa hafan yoo inni hin hayyamin hariiroo gola sanaa waliinii kutuu qabu. Sana malee diinatt galuu fi heera golichaa ganuutt malee, isaan mormanii kan itt fincilanitt hin fudhatamu. Irrakeessaan wanti kun dhimma gola tokko keessaa fakkaachuu danda’aa. Garuu waan amma ta’aa jiruun yoo walitt ilaalamu akka sana irraa fagoo ta’e hundaaf ifaa ta’uu qaba. Akaakuu halagaan dhimma Oromoo keessa seenuu, ajjeechaa Hacaaluu, fi hidhamuu Jawaar Mohamadii fi hogganoota Oromoo fi sabboonota hundaatii. Qaama qaceefixiisa Oromiyaa bakka hundatt gaggeefamaa jiruuti. Sabboonoti Oromoo hedduun Dura Taa’aa Daawud Ibsaa waliin waldhabdee qabaachuu ni danda’uu. Garuu yerottii qortuu kanatt tumsuufiin dirqama Oromummaa ta’a. Sadoon nyaaphaa saanqaa maqaan “ABO” irra jiru darabeen gadi buusuu ni dandaha, ABO gonka hin danda’uu.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

Related:

Oromo political struggle had its goal as establishing independent republic Oromiyaa. Something went wrong when some went back to the initially rejected position by founding fathers of movement for independence. That is where the Oromo should have the courage and determination to go back to. Anything they tried short of that have failed for their arbitrary imprisonment, torture, killings and exiles never stopped. Enslaved people have to be completely free from their enslavers to negotiate with them on equal terms for any eventuality. They have first to unequivocally stop taking them as their subservient devoid of the right to self-determination. There cannot be freedom for nations and nationalities until the empire under which they are imprisoned is dismantled and they are set free to decide on their own. All polities in Africa are colonial made and should not be looked upon as indivisible and sacred. Oromiyaa and Ethiopia are African countries; it should not be seen as if one is above the other because fall time caused. Just like Dr. Abiy said you shall destroy us before you destroy Ethiopia, there are those that say you have to destroy us before you completely destroy Oromiyaa. Before wellbeing of human beings is more endangered by spite of dictators, peace lovers have to come to the rescue. Nafxanyaa system hopefuls and their lackies’ fooling of democratization, federalism, common history etc. must stop and the truth put up. So far, no member of the oppressor group has comeout to solve existing problems in good faith. As one of ancient nations of Africa Oromo stand for Pan Africanism is unquestionable. They want strong union in which all peoples’ political, social and economic interests are reflected. Ethiopia must be liberated from Nafxanyaa colonizer’s mentality to live with. Oromo love freedom and are now determined more than ever to pay what it takes to realize it. It is the most honorable to die fighting against injustice rather than on one’s knees. Therefore, get organized wherever you are starting from grassroots. Overseas, strengthen your community associations. It is there that you can test how far you can go together overcoming personal greed and narrowness of the mind. It is only if you overcome that that you can pass to a higher level. Any trial that does not start from the bottom up will collapse before going farther. For the purpose remember you are not the tribe or region or the religion or any group you come from but proud Oromo. Whatever you plan is to empower the Oromo to overcome their chronic colonial problem. All patriots so far relentlessly advocating for their national cause will have legitimacy in their communal base. In case Homefront is disabled that they may be called upon to lead the struggle cannot be ruled out. Therefore, they have to get organized with that in mind. There are Oromo community associations throughout the world. There are also attempts to coordinate efforts of all Oromo communities on country and global levels. Go back and strengthen those. The most urgent need our people require is rescuing victims of Nafxanyaa system genocide. The assassination of the beloved artist Hacaaluu Hundeessaa and killings and mass arrests that came after that is only the continuation of more than 150 years of genocide. Oromo nationalist’s determination is called for to alleviate the victims’ agonies and go after those instigating genocide from behind the riff raffs. Before the worst comes to the region their names and evil deeds should be exposed and brought to international court of justice. Now family support, medication, legal expenses and support for those wounded and imprisoned are urgent. For this thing is not going away soon, a permanent accountable task force/institution of professionals and volunteers may need to be formed. Since the source and the target are the same it could be advantageous to centralize fund raising to enable prioritizing budget according to urgency of need. Then similar institution for research and information seems a must. Legality and transparency in all endeavors is helpful. Let theory turn into practice. Task of diaspora can be summarized as providing with money, advocacy, material and knowledge.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

Ibsaa Guutama

Definition of Qeerroo and Faannoo: When one talks of Qeerroo and Faannoo one has to understand the difference in concept. Qeerroo are young men who are not married and defending society is one of their roles. Qarree means unmarried virgins. Literally Qeerroo is plural of leopard. The Oromo take their young to be as brave and daring as the leopard and leopardess. They are not war mongers but come out only when the nation’s honor and interests are challenged and when duty calls. Fannoo means leaderless campaigner (zamach) volunteer campaigner, war monger (Desta Takla Wald dictionary p. 990). Faannoo are not limited to age group but includes all that are rebellious and unruly. It will therefore, be a mistake to understand it as Qeerroo when Amaaraa says Faannoo. Conceptually Faannoo is aggressive while Qeerroo is peaceful youth until it is provoked to engage. Abbaa Duulaa is always assigned to lead them in battle so cannot be leaderless.

OMN: Oromoo amantaan walitti buusuuf shira mootummaan dalagaa jiru irratti Dr. Biranemesqel Abbabaa Sanyii waliin July 29, 2020

DIPLOMATIC COURIER: ETHIOPIAN DEMOCRACY OFF TRACK: WHAT’S AT STAKE July 28, 2020

ETHIOPIAN DEMOCRACY OFF TRACK: WHAT’S AT STAKE

BYSEENAA JIMIMO , DIPLOMATIC COURIER, JULY 28, 2020

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Hacaaluu Hundessa’s only weapon was his music. His sentence for singing was death. One of Ethiopia’s most popular musicians, Hacaaluu sang of the plight of the Oromo—Ethiopia’s largest but most repressed ethnic community. His June murder sparked protests around the country and, tragically, confirmed the very repression he sought to end. What’s more, his killing exposed the autocratic DNA of Ethiopia’s government, a regime that benefits from nearly a billion dollars of U.S. aid every year while staying cozy with China and crushing Ethiopia’s most pro-American constituency—the Oromo.

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed used the protests following Hacaaluu’s murder as a pretext to jail his political opponents and shut off the country’s internet access, a blackout that has lasted for three weeks. Fearing a democratic electoral repudiation, Abiy also indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections. Those chillingly anti-democratic actions are just the latest chapter of Abiy’s illiberal regime. Amnesty International reported in May that during Abiy’s rule up to 10,000 people were unjustly arrested and that at least 239 people—including a 16-year-old boy—were killed in extrajudicial executions in Oromo-majority regions of Ethiopia.

Paradoxically, Abiy himself is an Oromo. But his refusal to protect the human rights of his own people combined with his democratic backsliding is a problem for Washington. As the largest country in East Africa, Ethiopia has been a vital partner in Washington’s Global War on Terror and could yet provide a bulwark to China’s expansion in Africa. But Ethiopia cannot reliably advance U.S. interests in East Africa if the government in Addis Ababa invites instability by repressing Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Ending this repression and cementing strong bilateral ties with the United States, as authoritarian countries like China seek inroads to our continent, is the goal of the Oromo community.

It’s a goal that can most swiftly be met with pressure from Washington. Lawmakers, diplomats, and military officials in the U.S. responsible for providing security assistance and funding to Ethiopia should call on Abiy to immediately and unconditionally release the political prisoners he rounded up both before and after Hacaaluu’s murder. As a member of the Oromo diaspora in America, I treasure my protected right of free speech. But I am too frequently reminded that today in Ethiopia I could be jailed along with peaceful Oromo protesters—like human rights activist Jawar Mohammed—just for voicing my opinions.

Fortunately, the U.S. Congress agrees that this goal should be achieved. In April of 2018, The House of Representatives unanimously approved a resolution calling for the Ethiopian government to, “release all activists, journalists, and opposition figures who have been imprisoned for exercising their constitutional rights.

I would ask that Congress go one step further by holding to account anyone in the Ethiopian government who is responsible for human rights violations under the Magnitsky Accountability Act. The Oromo community has been heartened to see the bipartisan application of the Magnitsky Act across two presidential administrations to use America’s considerable might to extend a hand to voiceless minorities that would otherwise be forgotten, or even vanquished.

The same congressional act that called for the release of Ethiopian activists also called on the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development to “engage in a cooperative effort to advance democracy.” That clause has never been more needed. Afraid of being voted out of power, Abiy, citing the coronavirus, indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections, which were originally scheduled to take place in May. Ethiopia would face a constitutional crisis should Abiy rule beyond October. And while the virus is, undoubtedly, a serious concern, the United Nations has said that Ethiopia can safely hold elections as soon as August.

A vital part of any robust democracy is a free, independent press. This includes opinion journalism, and outlets dedicated to specific groups like the Oromo. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian government has shut down all independent newspapers published in the Oromo language along with those that report on issues important to the Oromo people. Diaspora blogs have sought to illuminate Oromo issues, but those outlets cannot replace shoe leather reporting in Ethiopia. With the government able to shut down the internet at will, the Oromo seeking news in their own language may soon be forced to rely on carrier pigeons.

Finally, it is my hope that an independent commission will be allowed to investigate Hacaaluu’s assassination. The government clearly has a conflict of interest in the outcome of this investigation and has actively created disinformation about his killing. So far, the government has blamed Hacaaluu’s killing on the Egyptians, and two separate Ethiopian ethnic groups while opting against conducting an official autopsy. As the highest profile victim of anti-Oromo violence, if Hacaaluu cannot receive justice, can any other Oromo expect it?

Hacaaluu’s assassination laid bare Ethiopia’s underlying fragility, which stems from the Ethiopian peoples’ anxiety about losing their democratic and human rights for good. Ethiopia has long been a stable U.S. partner in beating back terrorism and is well-positioned to face burgeoning security challenges. But continuing any meaningful security or economic partnership requires stability. For the U.S., promoting the rights of the Oromo and other oppressed groups in Ethiopia is a national security issue. Congress has already laid out a blueprint that would help return stability to Ethiopia. For the sake of both our countries, it is time to act on it.

AboutSeenaa Jimimo :Seenaa Jimimo is an Oromo-American born in and raised in Ethiopia. She is the Executive Director of the Oromo Legacy, Leadership and Advocacy Association, a U.S.-based association of grassroots chapters of the Ethiopian Oromo diaspora, advocating for human rights and democracy in Ethiopia.

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

የብልጽግና የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች July 27, 2020

የብልጽግና የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች

By Fatuma Nuryea

የጠ/ሚር አብይ አህመድ አስተዳደር ወደ ስልጣን ከወጣ በሗላ ስራውን የጀመረው የሶሻል ሚዲያዎችን ካድሬዎችን በማደረጀት ነበር።የካድሬ ምልመላውን ስራ የሚሰራው በዛጊ አብርሃ በኩል ነው። ሰንሰለቱ ከሀገር ቤት እስከ ውጭ የሚኖሩ ጋዜጠኞች፣ሚዲያዎች፣ አክቲቪስቶች፣ ተፎካካሪ ተብለው የተመዘገቡ፣ አንድነት ፓርቲዎች እና አቀንቃኞችን ያቀፈ ስብስብ ነው። ወደ ስራ ሲገባ ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር ቢሮ ከፍተኛ በጀት ተመድቦለታል። አንድ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ በእያንዳንዷ በሚጽፋት ክፍያ ይፈጸምለታል።”አንድ ካድሬ በዛዲግ አብርሃ በሚመራው ቡድን ምልመላ ሲያደርግ ሀገራችንን እናድን ለሀገር እንሰራ የተጀመረውን የዲሞክራሲ መንገድ ለማስቀጠል ነውጠኞችን መታገል አለብን።” በሚል የካድሬነት ጠመቃ እንደሚደረግለት መረጃውን ካደረሰን ግለሰብ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።በአሁን ወቅት በስደት የሚኖር ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በነበረበት ሰአት ብዙ ጊዜ እስር ያገጠመው የተቃዋሚ ፖለቲካ ድርጅ አባል የነበረ ግለሰብ ነበር። የዚህ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ ዋና መልማይ የነበረ ሲሆን በአሁን ሰአት ከዚህ ስብስብ ውስጥ እራሱን እንዳገለለ ገልጾልናል።ወደዚህ ስብስብ ሲገባ ኢትዮጵያን ለመታደግ እንስራ በሚል ሲሆን የሱ ስራ የነበረው ከፍተኛ ተከተይ ያላቸውን የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ተጠቃሚዎች ለዚህ አላማ ማዘጋጀት ነው። በግሉ ብቻ ብዙ ሰዎችን ወደዚህ ስብስብ እንዲገቡ ብዙ ስራ ሰርቷል። ለምሳሌ ስዩም ተሾመ፣ የትነበርክ ታደለ (በኬንያ የሚኖር)፣ ናትናኤል መኮንን ፣ ዮናታን ተስፋዬ፣ ደረጄ ሀ/ወልድ .ወ.ዘ.ተ ከአማራ ብሄርተኞች እስከ የኦሮሞ ብሄርተኞች አቀንቃኝ ነን የሚሉ ይገኙበታል። ከሚዲያዎች እና ከጋዜጠኞች እስከ ከአንድ አፍታ ሚዲያ ፣ ከአባይ ሚዲያ እስከ ኢሳት ዘሀበሻን ጨምሮ እዚህ ስብስብ ውስጥ በዋናነት የተሰለፉ ናቸው።ከነዚህ ሰዎች ውስጥ በሱ ምልመላ የገቡ እንዳሉ ይሄው መረጃ ሰጫቺን ሳይሸሽግ ገልጾልናል። የዚህ አላማ የመጀመሪያ ተመልማዮች የኢሳቶች እና ኢዜማዎች ሰዎች እንደሆኑ ይታወቃል። ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድ ለኢሳት 20 ሚሊዮን ብር እንዲሰጣቸው አድርጓል። የኢሳት ጋዘጠኞች ወደ ካድሬነት ጠመቃው ለማስገባት የሚፈልጉትን ግለሰብ ለማማለል ሲፈልጉ ግለሰቡ ባለበት ንጉሱ ጥላሁን ጋር ደውለው እንደሚያወሩ አንዳንዴም ተዋወቁ ብለው እንደሚያስተዋዉቋቸው በዚህ መሰል የማማለል ስትራቴጂ እንደሚጠቀሙ ከኢሳቶች ቅርበት ከነበረው ግለሰብ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች ዋና ስራቸው ምንድነው?የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች ዋና ስራቸው የጠ/ሚሩ እና የብልጽግና ፕሮፓጋንዳ ስራ ይሰራሉ። ተቃዋሚ ናቸው የሚሏቸውን አካላት፣ ታዋቂ ግለሰቦችን፣ ቡድኖችን፣ ፓርቲዎችን፣ ብሄሮችን፣ የሀይማኖት መሪዎችን በህዝቡ እንዲጠሉ እና በጥርጣሬ እንዲታዩ የማድረግ ስራ በዋናነት ይሰራሉ። በተለይ “Ethnic outbidding strategy” በሚባል ስልት አገሪቱን በቀውስ አዙሪት ውስጥ በመድፈቅ፤ ከ”ዘውግ ብሔረተኛ” አደረጃጀት ለመውጣት እንደሚሰሩም ምንጫችን ገልፆልናል!ለምሳሌ ያህል በአብን ፓርቲ፣ በባልደራስ፣ በቄሮ እና በጀዋር ላይ የሚከፈቱት ዘመቻን መጥቀስ ይቻላል። መንግስት የሚፈጽማቸውን ግድያዎች እና የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ግለሰቦች እና ቡድኖች የፈጸሙት በማስመሰል ትልቅ ዘመቻ ይከፍታሉ። ከማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ዘመቻ እስከ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እስከሚደርስ ዘመቻን ያጠቃልላል። በሴኔ 15ቱ የባለስልጣናት ግድያን የአማራ አክቲቪስቶችን እና ፖለቲከኞችን የፈጸሙት ድርጊት አስመስሎ የተከፈተውን ዘመቻ ማስታወስ ይቻላል። በሞጣ ሙስሊሞች ላይ የተፈጸመውን ጥቃት ኡስታዝ አህመዲን እጁ እንዳለበት ተደርጎ የተከፈተው ዘመቻም የዚሁ ስብስብ አንድ አካል ሲሆን የጀዋር መሐመድ የግድያን ሙከራ ውሸት እንደሆነ የተገደሉት 86 ሰዎችን እሱ ያስገደለ እንደሆ ተደርጎ የተከፈቱት የሰም ማጥፋት ዘመቻዎች ይገኙበታል።ስልጠናዎች በምን መልኩ ይሰጣሉ?በጀርመን ሀገር የሚገኝ ጠበቃ እና አስተርጓሚ የሆኑት ዶ/ር ለማ ይፍራሸዋ የተባሉ ግለሰብ በአውሮፖ የሚገኙ የብልጽግና የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ካድሬዎችን ስልጠና እንደሚሰጣቸው በጀርመን የሚገኙ የናዚ ናሽላሊዝም አቀንቃኞችን ገዢው መንግስት ተጽእኖ ይፈጥራሉ የሚባሉ ሰዎችን በተለያዩ የወንጀል ዶሴዎች በመጥቀስ በክስ እና የሚዲያ ዘመቻ ጫናን ሸሽተው እራሳቸውን እንደሚያገሉ የደረጋል። በተመሳሳይም ይሄን በኢትዮጵያ ለመድገም ተፎካካሪ ተጽእኖ ፈጣሪ የሚባሉትን ግለሰቦችን እና ቡድኖችን ከጀርመን ልምድ በመውሰድ ስልጠና እየሰጠ እንደሚገኙ ከሰልጣኞች መረጃ የደረሰን ሲሆን ወደ ተባሉት ግለሰብም ይሄን ለማረጋገጥ ደውለን ነበር።ስማቸው ዶ/ር ለማ ይፍራሸዋ እንደሚባል። ወደ ጀርመን ከመጡ ሀያ አመት እንደሆናቸው። የራሳቸው የትርጉም ስራ ድርጅት እንዳላቸው። የሶሻል ዲሞክራት አባል መሆናቸውን ገልጸውልናል። “የብልጽግና አባል አይደለሁም። ስለኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ስጠየቅ በመንግስት ሚዲያ ሀሳቤን እገልጻለሁ። እኔ የሰው ልጅ እንዲጠላ የማደርገው ነገር የለም።የሰው ልጅ ተከብሮ ቢኖርበት ሀገር ነው የምኖረው። የሰው ልጅ እንዲጠላ እንዲህ አድርግ ብዬ የምመክርበት ነገር የለኝም። እኔ የህገ መንግስት የአጣሪ ጉባኤ በምርጫ ማራዘም ዙሪያ ላይ ባወጣው ማስታወቂያ ላይ የራሴን አስተያየት ጽፌለሁ። ምርጫው ይራዘም በሚል በሙያዬ የሚሰማኝን ጽፌለሁ። ስልጠና ከመስጠቱ ጋር የሚያገናኘኝ ነገር የለም።” ብለዋል።ይሄን መረጃ ያደረሰን ግለሰብ በበኩሉ የብልጽግ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ ስልጠና በጀርመን እና በአዲስ አበባ እንደሚሰጣቸው አረጋግጦልናል።” ወደዚህ ስብስብ ሲገባ አላማው ለሀገር ጉዳይ ነበር። ሀገርን የማዳን እና ለኢትዮጵያ የተሻለ ነገር ለማበርከት ነበር። ውስጡ ገብቼ ስመለከት ግን የሚሰራው ለሀገር ሳይሆን ለስልጣን ብቻ ነው። ስለዚህ የታሰርኩት፣ የተሰደድኩት አምባገነን መንግስት ለመመስረት ሳይሆን ፍትህ የሰፈነባት ኢትዮጵያ እድትመሰረት ነው። ስለዚህ ከዚህ ስብስብ እራሴን አግልያለሁ።” ሲል ገልጾልናል።

Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo fi Jaarmiyaa Hangafa Qabsoo Kan t’e ABO Shira Nafxanyaa Irraa Tiksuun Dirqama Oromoo Hundaati. Ibsa Gabaabaa Hoganoota ABO Biyya Ambaa July 26, 2020

Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo fi Jaarmiyaa Hangafa Qabsoo Kan t’e ABO Shira Nafxanyaa Irraa Tiksuun Dirqama Oromoo Hundaati. Ibsa Gabaabaa Hoganoota ABO Biyya Ambaa

Haalli siyaasaa fi nageenyi Oromiyaas ta’e waliigala Ethiopia keessa deemaa jiru,jireenya sabootaafis ta’e ummata Oromoof yaaddessaa erga ta’ee bubbuleera. Yeroo ammaa kanatti Oromiyaa dirree jeequmsaa taasisuuf jecha karoorfatamee shirri xaxamaa jiruu fi gagga’amni lubbuus ta’e qabeenya ummata Oromoo irra gahaa jiru daangaa dhabee jira. Wareegamuu artst keenya qaalii Hacaaluu Hundeessaan as loltooti mootumma Oromiyaa walii gala keessa bobba’uun maqaa ABO tiin ummata Oromoo hidhuu fi ajjeessuu akkasumas reebichaan qama miidhuu,qabeenya saamuu fi mancaasuu hojii guyyuu godhatanii itti jiru. Haalli kun yaaddessaa ta’uu ABOn irra deddeebi’ee ibsee jira. Ammatti nageenyi jaarmiyaa ABO fi KFO rakkoo guddaa keessa galee jiraachuu wanneen mirkaneessan akka armaan gadii kanatti ibsina.

1. Manni jireenya HD ABO Jaal Daawud Ibsaa human waraana mootummaa fi tikaan marfamee jira. Toorri bilbila HD biyya keessaa jalaa cite jira.

2. Waajjira Gullallee jiru konkolaataa mootummaan seenanii bahaa jiraachuutu muldhata,naannichas marsanii tohachaa jiraachuutu himama.

3. Maddeeen qabatamaa irraa akka dhagahamutti mediyaaleen motummaa booru waajjira Gullalleetti akka argaman qajeelchi kennamee jira.

4. Miseensotiin ABO nagaan bahanii galuu ykn sosso’anii hojjechuu hin dandeenye.

5. Waajjirooti ABO Oromiyaa mara keessa jiran caccabanii saamamanii qondaalotii fi dabballoonni godinoota irra jiran hidhamanii jiran.

6.Waajjiri ABO naannoo addaa Finfinnee keessa jiran samamanii jiran

7. Waajjira ABO guddaan kan Gullallee jiru sakata’amuu fi miseensootiin achi keessa jiranis qabamanii hidhamuun itti fufee jira.

9. Mootummaan miseensota ABO fi KFO harca’oo dha jedhee yaadu maallaqaan bituu fi dantaan goyyomsuun akka isaan ABO irratti shiraa yaadanii dantaa Oromoo nafxanyaa jala galchaniif shira hammana hin ja’amne xaxaa jira.

10.Hayyootii fi abbootiin qabeenyaa Oromoo ta’an maqaa ABO deggertuun Oromiyaa bakka mara keessaa funaanamanii hidhamaa jiru.

11. Caasaa mootummaa fi human Poolisii ykn waraana keessaa miseensota ABO ti jedhamanii kanneen shakkaman mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiru, kaan ammo hojii irraa arihamaa jiru. Walumaa galatti haalli QBO, ummanni keenya, ABO fi KFOn keessa jiran kun, haala ifatti deemaa jiruu fi guyya guyyaan shira keessaan qabsoo Oromoo irratti xaxamaa jiru ta’uu ummanni keenya hubatee dantaa Oromoo tiksuu fi tokkummaa qabsaawotaa eeggachuu irratti akka fuulleffatuu waamicha goona. Qaama kamuu kan hiree Oromoo duubatti deebisuu fi eenyummaa Oromoo cabsee sirna gabroonfataa Oromiyaa irratti diriirsuuf gamaa jiru sabi keenya Oromoon biyya alaa fi keessa jirtan wareega fedhe baaftanii akka dura dhaabbataa abdii guddaa namaa kenna waan ta’eef tokkummaan keessan jabaatee qabsoo Oromoo akka kunuunfattan,dhaaba keessan ABO fi KFOs akka tikfattan waamicha isinii goona.

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!

Adoolessa 25, 2020

#OromoProtests 2020 Global Solidarity Rally in Seattle, Toronto, Edmonton, Calgary ( 24 July 2020) July 24, 2020

Fourth week of peaceful protests against Ethiopia injustices takes place in Sioux City

የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር? July 24, 2020

የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር?

By Tullu Liban

የአማራ ኤሊቶች የብሔር ፖለቲካን በብሔር ተደራጅተው የሚቃወሙ ጉዶች ናቸው። አንድ ነገር በግልፅ መነጋገር ያስፈልጋል። የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ድሮም የዘር ፖለቲካ ነው። እንደዛሬው በግልፅ ሳይ ነገር “ኢትዮጵያዊ” ሽፋን ተሰጥቶት ሳይገለጥ ለብዙ ጊዜ ቆይቷል። አሁን ግን ጎራ ለይቷል። ጎራው ርዕዮተ ዓለማዊ አይደለም፤ ብሔር ነው። በአማሮችና አማራ ባልሆኑት መካከል ሆኗል ግብግቡ። የአጼ ኃይለሥላሴን ወይም የደርግን አገዛዝ መሰል የአስተዳደር ዘይቤ ለመመለስ የሚፈልጉ ኃይሎችና ባንድ ወገን ተሰልፈዋል። ኢትዮጵያዊ ካባ አጥልቀው ቢንቀሳቀሱም እኛ በትክክለኛ ስማቸው አማራ ብለን እንጠራቸዋለን። እነዚህ ኃይሎች አሁን በሥራ ላይ ያለው ህገመንግሥት ዋና ጠላታቸው ነው። በሌላ አንፃር ደግሞ አሁን ያለው ህገመንግስት በትክክል እንዲተገበር በሚፈልጉ ኃይሎች ተሰልፈዋል። ፊልሚያው በሁለቱ መካከል ነው።የአማራ ፖለቲከኞችና ተከታዮቻቸው የብሔር ፖለቲካን የዘር ፖለቲካ ይሉታል። አሁን ያለውን የክልሎች ራስን የማስተደደር ጥያቄ የሁሉ ችግር መነሻ አድርገው ይመለከቱታል። የሚገርመው ግን የክልል የራስ አስተዳደርን የሚቃወሙት በዘር ተደራጅተው ነው። ሰሞኑን ለአብይ የድጋፍ ሰልፍ የሚወጣውን ማህበረሰብ ማየት በቂ ነው። አማሮች ናቸው። ጥቂት የማንነት ቀውስ የሚያጠቃቸው ከኦሮሞና አማራ ተወልደው በአማራ ስነልቦና የታነፁ ሰዎችም አሉበት። የድጋፍ ሰልፍ ማውጣታቸው ባልከፋ። እየከፋ ያለው ነገር ኦሮሞን ግደልልን፣ እሰርልን፣ አፍንልን መባሉ ነው። ወያኔን ደምስስልን ማለታቸው ላይ ነው። የአማራ ኤሊቶች አቋም በዳንኤል ክብረትና የማንነት ቀውስ ባላቸው በነ ካሳዬ ጨመዳ፣ ዮናታን ተስፋዬና፣ አስቴር በዳኔ፣ ታምራት ነገራ በኩል እየተነገረን ነው። ክልሎችን ማፍረስ የኦሮሞን መሪዎች ማስወገድ የድጋፋቸው ማጠንጠኛ ነው። ጥያቄው ግን ክልሎቹን አፍርሰው አማሮቹ ኢትዮጵያን ሊገዙ ይቻላቸዋል ወይ ነው። በኢትዮጵያ የኃይሎች አሰላለፍ ውስጥ ትልቁን ሚና እየተጫወቱ ያሉት ሦስት ብሔሮች ናቸው። አማራ ትግራዋይና ኦሮሞ። ሲዳማ፣ ወላይታ፣ አፋርና ሶማሌ ክልሎችም አሰርቲቭ እየሆኑ መጥተዋል። ከአማራ በስተቀር ሌሎቹ ማህበረሰቦች አሁን ያሉ ክልሎች እንዲፈርሱ አይፈልጉም። ይልቁንም የክልልነት ደረጃ ያላጉኙት ጥያቄአቸው እንዲመለስ እየገፉ ነው። ለሌሎቹ የማትመች ለአማራ ብቻ የምትመች ኢትዮጵያ ታዲያ ትዘልቃለች ነው ጥያቄው። ከተማ ቀመስ አማሮች በሚቆጣጠሯቸው ሚዲያዎች ድምፃቸውን ከፍ አድርገው ስለጮሁም መሬት ላይ ያለውን እውነታ ይለውጡታል ማለት ዘበት ነው። እርግጥ ነው ኦሮሞና ትግራይ በቁጥር አነስ ያሉ ሚዲያዎች አሏቸው። በነበረው መዋቅራዊ አድልዎ ምክንያት ሌሎቹ ገና አቅማቸውን አላዳበሩምና ድምፃቸውን በሚዲያ እንደልብ ማሰማት እየቻሉ አይደለም። አንድ ኦ ኤም ኤን ቢኖር እርሱን በአማራ ኤሊቶች ጩሀት ኮሎኔል አብይ አህመድ ዘግቶታል። ይህ ማለት ግን መሬት ላይ ያለው ሃቅ ይለወጣል ማለት አይደለም። በብዛት በሀገር ውስጥም በውጭም የሚንቀሳቀሱ ሚዲያዎችን የያዙት አማሮቸ ናቸው። እነዚህ ሚዲያዎች በዘር ተደራጅተው ነው ሌላውን እያጠቁ ያሉት። የተለየ ድምፅ፣ የተለየ አማራጭ አያስተናግዱም። ክልል ይፍረስ፣ የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ችግር ክልሎች ናቸው ይሉናል። መደዴው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርም ይህን ጩሀት እውነት ብሎ ተቀብሎ ከማይወጣበት አዘቅት ውስጥ ተዘፍቋል። የርሱ የስልጣን ጉጉትና የነዚህ ኃይሎች ጦረኛ ከበሮ በጋራ ኢትዮጵያን ወደ ሞት እያንደረደራት ነው። ባሻዬ፣ ከእንግዲህ አንድ ብሔር በሌላው ኪሳራ እየተደሰተ ኢትዮጵያን ማስቀጠል አይቻለውም። ለምሳሌ አማራው በኦሮሞ ላይ እያላገጠ፣ እየፈረጀው፣ እያንገላታው፣ እያሰረው ኢትዮጵያን መግዛት አይቻለውም። የኦሮሞን ሚዲያ እየዘጋ፣ ፖለቲከኞቹን በአሸባሪነት እየፈረጀው፣ ዘብጢያ እየወረወራቸው ኢትዮጵያን ሊያክም አይችልም። ይህ ዘዴ ጊዜው አልፎበታል። ትግራይን ደምስስልኝ ወልቃይትን መልስልኝ የሚል በዘር የተደራጀ ኃይል የኢትዮጵያ በሽታ እንጂ የኢትዮጵያ ሀኪም ሊሆን አይችልም። ግምባር ግምባሩን ፈርክስልኝ፣ በደረት ግጠምልኝ የሚል ሞት ጠሪ፣ ቅጠል በጣሽ ደም አፍሳሽ ደብተራ የኢትዮጵያ ደዌ እንጂ ፈውስ አይሆንም ኃይል ጉልበት፣ እብሪት ትናንት ሰርቶ ይሆናል። በ19ኛውና በ20ኛው ክፍለዘመናት እነዚህ ዘዴዎች ሰርተው ነበር። የቂሎች ቂል አብይ አህመድ ይህን ዘዴ ዛሬም ሊተገብረው ይሞክራል። ትንሽ እንኳን መሬት ላይ ያለውን እውነታ የማይረዱ ድንዙዛንን ሰምቶ ወደ መቀመቅ እየሮጠ ነው። በዚህ አያያዝ አብይ የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ መሪ መሆኑን መናገር ነብይነትን አይጠይቅም። በለው በለው ባዮች፣ ምሁርና ዲያቆን መካሪዎች፣ ቅጥር አንጋቾች፣ ሰልፍ ወጪዎች፣ባንድራ ለባሾች የማያዩት ነገር አለ። በአንድ ሳምንት የገበያ አድማ የኢትዮጵያን መንግስት ማንበርከክ የሚችል ቄሮ ጉልበቱን ባለፈው ሰሞን አሳይቷቸዋል። አሁንም ሌላ ዙር ኢኮኖሚያዊ ዕቀባ ሊተገብር ነው። መሪዎቹ ታስረው የሚተኘ ኦሮሞ ካለ እርሱ የሞተ ብቻ ነው። ፊሊሚያው ግልፅ ነው። አማራ ኦሮሞን አንበርክኮ ይገዛል ወይስ አይገዛውም ነው። የህግ የበላይነት ገለመሌ የሚባል የዳቦ ስም ቦታ የለውም። እንከባበር እያልን ነው። እስካሁን አሰላለፉን ያልተረዳ ካለ እርሱ ከኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ውጭ ነው። አንድ ነገር ግልፅ መሆን አለበት። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የማይፈልገው አገዛዝ ከእንግዲህ ቦታ የለውም። ኦሮሞ ጦርነቱ ከማን ጋር እንደሆነ ገብቶታል። ምን ላይ በማተኮር ታንክና መትረየሱን እንደሚያሸንፍ ያውቃል። ጀዋር፣ በቀለ፣ አብዲ፣ ሽጉጥ፣ ሚካኤል፣ ሃምዛ ባጠቃላይ አስር ሺዎች የኦሮሞዎች ታስረው የምትረጋጋ፣ የምምትታከም ኢትዮጵያ አትኖርም። የአማራ ኤሊት ወይም የዚህ ኤሊት ቅጥረኛ ኦሮሞን እያሰረው፣ እየፈረደበት፣ እያስፈረደበት ኢትዮጵያ ማከም አይቻለውም። ይልቅ እነዚህ የህግ የበላይነት መከበር ኦሮሞ ሲገደል፣ ሲታሰርና ሲገፋ መሆኑ ደስታ እንደሚሰጣቸው ማየት ወገኖች ወደ ህሊናቸው ሊመለሱ ይገባቸዋል። በዚህ ዓይነት በሌላላው ሞትና ስቃይ የሚፈነድቁ ወገኖችን ማየት ያማል። ለኢትዮጵያ የሰከነ ፖለቲካም መንገዱ በጣም ጠባብ መሆኑን ያሳያል። ኢትዮጵያ እንዲትቀጥል ከተፈለገ አዋጩ መንገድ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ነው። ደግሞም እርሱ መንገድ ቀላል ነው። ከማሰርና ከመግደል በላይ ቀላል ነው። የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞችን መፍታት፣ ለጠረጴዛ ዙሪያ ዉይይት በሩን በሰፊው መክፈት። ስልጣን ለሽግግር መንግስት ለማስረከብ መዘጋጀት። ኢትዮጵያ ምናልባት የምትታከም ከሆነ በውይይት ብቻ ነው። አለበለዚያ አብይ አህመድ ስሎቮዳን ሜሎሶቪች የመጨረሻው የዩጎዝላቪያ ፕሬዝዳንት እንደሆነ ሁሉ፣ አብይ አህመድም የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ኤምፓየር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር መሆኑ ሳይታለም የተፈታ ነው።

Press release: Announcing the formation of Oromo Civic Organizations Task force, Minnesota, 18 July 2020 July 22, 2020

OMN: #HacaaluuHundeessaa The #Grand #OromoProtests Global solidarity Rally in #Washington Dc on 17 July 2020 July 17, 2020

OMN: #HacaaluuHundeessaa The #Grand #OromoProtests Global solidarity Rally in #Washington Dc on 17 July 2020

https://www.facebook.com/OromiaMedia/videos/594134724574604

VOA Amharic Stop Reporting biased information. #OromoProtests in front of VOA office.

VOA Amharic Stop Reporting biased information. #OromoProtests in front of VOA office.

68Lelisse Wodajo, Amansiis Qanaatee fi kanneen biroo 66

“የአረቲስት ሀጫሉ ግደያ እና የጠቅላይ አቃቤ ህግ መግለጫ” July 10, 2020