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A Review of Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed’s Achievements At One Year in Office/ The African Exponent March 31, 2019

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A Review of Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed’s Achievements At One Year in Office

Abiy Ahmed and One Year of Redefining Ethiopia

Amenna Dayo, The African Exponent, 27 March 2019

On a scale of one to ten, how do you rate PM Abiy Ahmed?

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, will clock one year in office on the 2nd of April, 2019.At just 42-years-old, the ever-smiling prime minister sits on the helm of affairs of one of Africa’s greatest countries and chairs both the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP).

Prior to his inauguration, critics had doubted his capability to steer a country like Ethiopia and stabilize the EPRDF, which consists of four political parties, namely Tigray People’s Liberation Front, Amhara Democratic Party, Oromo Democratic Party, and Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement.There is no doubt that he has surprised the world.The “RD” in EPRDF which stands for Revolutionary and Democracy is no doubt the blueprint of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in the last twelve months of ruling Ethiopia.

During his time, he has done a lot in reforming the country and re-defining governance. This has also been reflected in the entire region as he has been dubbed ‘the unifier’ and ‘transformer’.Even his opponents will admit that he has done well since coming into office.

Below are a few of Abiy’s achievements in less than one year since becoming prime minister of Ethiopia.

1. Signing peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea

True to his word, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed signed a peace deal between Ethiopia and Eritrea in July, putting to an end two decades of bitter relations. He promised to withdraw Ethiopian forces from the borders and end the killings. In December, barely five months after the peace deal was signed, Ethiopia concluded all arrangements and withdrew its troops from the Ethiopian-Eritrean boarders.

2. Adopted the Visa on arrival policy for Africans across the continent

In line with the African Union’s decision to improve Regional Integration in the continent and while other Africa leaders were still dragging their feet one step forward and two steps back, Ethiopia adopted the Visa on Arrival policy for Africans across the continent.

3. Re-positioned Ethiopian Airlines

He re-positioned Ethiopian Airlines, making the current best airline and one of the biggest Pan-African brands in Africa.

4. Made peace with Somalia

He reconciled his country with Somalia after 41 years and flights to the neighboring country resumed after four decades.

5. Reduced the cabinet size of the country, with more women added

In what was the first in Africa, he reduced his cabinet members to just 20 and surprised the world when he released the list to reveal that ten out of the twenty ministers were women.

6. Ethiopia got its first female president

Ethiopia currently has the only female president in Africa after the Prime Minister appointed Mrs. Sahle Work-Zewde for the position of president in October. It was swiftly passed by the parliament.

7. Ahmed is on a monthly salary of $300

During a speech in October, the Prime Minister again shocked the world when he revealed that he was on a monthly salary of $300. African leaders hid their heads in shame when they saw this because some of them earn as much as $591,871.68 annually as their official salary.

8. Lifted the ban on political exiles

He promised to reach out to opposition both home and abroad, and this he did. In November, he lifted the ban on Berhanu Nega – who had been exiled for many years because of his critical views of the former regime. Nega finally returned to Ethiopia, a signal of Abiy Ahmed’s sweeping democratic reforms.

9. Peacemaker in the Horn of Africa

He made himself an emissary in the Horn of Africa and has successfully united the region. The United Nations arms embargo and sanctions on Eritrea was lifted after Abiy Ahmed organized reconciliation between the country and its neighbors with which it was in conflict.

10. Leading a fast-growing economy

Ethiopia was rated as one of the fastest growing economies in 2018.

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ክቡር ፕረዝዳንት ለማ መገርሳ ከኢንቨስተሮች ጋር ያደረጉት ዉይይት OBN, Oromia, Ethiopia March 30, 2019

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Oromia: Keenya Finfinne Keenya, New Oromo Music March 23, 2019

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Oh Finfinnee! May Reason & Justice Prevail!

Oromia: OMN: Ayyaana Hundeeffama ODP Waggaa 29ffaa (Koyyee Facceerraa) [Bit. 22, 2019] March 22, 2019

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Yared Terfassa: Oh Finfinnee! May Reason & Justice Prevail! March 16, 2019

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The Oromo claim over Finfinnee has nothing to do with “social engineering,” or “special rights or preferences,” or “eviction of non-Oromo residents” as the radical and irresponsible groups would have us believe. Rather, the Oromo claim on Addis Ababa in essence is the recognition of the dynamic and necessary link between Addis Ababa and the Oromia Regional State in promoting democracy, justice and peace for the City and the Region. The Oromo people have an immediate and unwavering interest in the peace, development, and democratic governance of the City of Addis Ababa. The converse is also true for Addis Ababa.
This invites the question why there seems to be a dispute involving the “ownership” of Finfinnee at this time. The Oromo use the term “ownership rights” to emphasize the importance of coordinating administration of Finfinnee with Oromia for regional peace, development, and respect for citizenship rights. The Oromo never employ the term to demand exclusive residency or benefit from Finfinnee. Others deliberately distort the Oromo’s rights and interest on Finfinnee. They present the “ownership” issue as a dispute over the identity of residents of Addis Ababa and the Oromo people. They want to erect a divide, imaginary and actual, between the citizens of the City and Oromia. They manufacture stories and myths to radicalize a segment of the population. At the same time, they evoke “unity,” “one Ethiopia,” “post-tribalism,” “modernity,” and “politics based on citizenship” to confuse the gullible and to mask their true identity. A rose by any other name still has horns.
The so-called ‘unity forces’ have come up with a new phrase for an outdated phase in the political game. Their new catchword is ‘politics based on citizenship.’ It is an old dodgy idea that “cultural assimilation” is a perquisite for Ethiopian citizenship. It is a euphemism for cultural superiority, a disguise for contempt for other cultures, and a cover for denying peoples existence as people.
The primary agenda of these reactionary group is the Oromo civilization: what needs to be smashed, eradicated, obliterated is not injustice or indignity, but the revival of the Oromo culture. They accept the underpinnings of Classical Marxism: a belief in the superiority of modern societies over traditional ones – claiming their culture is more modern than the others’. History teaches us that such irrational prejudice is the incubator of fascism, racism, and war.
Citizenship is a political, legal status created and determined by a State and enforced by law. Participation in the political process is a manifestation of citizenship. The State transforms its subjects to citizenship status by recognizing their rights and obligations to participate in the legislation and execution of the rules governing them. Those without a citizenship status cannot formally participate in politics.
Citizenship is not a neutral concept; it is a contested one. Part of the contest involves the primacy or preference to be given to the basis of the citizenship status itself. Some countries accord citizenship status exclusively based on the individual whereas other countries bestow republican citizenship on the peoples that make up the State.
The choice between the varieties of citizenship statuses is or should be a function of the history of the country. Yet, the whims of political leaders and prevailing political sentiment of the times have influenced the choices countries have made. For example, citizenship status in the United States is based on the individual. This reflects the history of the country; the constituent peoples of the country have either been exterminated or reduced to a point of political insignificance; others have been subjected to racism and oppression for so long they have lost the will to assert themselves as a people. Even the victors themselves have come to recognize the evil committed and express the national and personal shame they feel about what has been done to the other peoples. The cost of standardizing identity is not just the generational pain and suffering it inflicts on the victims, but also the shame on the benefactors as well as the constant tension and uncertainty about the viability of the political union thus formed.
The situation in Ethiopia is a little different. Of course, there has been attempts to create a standardized “Ethiopian” by any means necessary. Violence, institutional racism, and shaming have been employed to standardize of the disparate peoples in the country into “one people.” Yet, due to the resiliency of the peoples, Ethiopia remains a multicultural country. Visit the history of Qimant; visit the history of Sidama; visit the history of Oromo; visit the history of Agaw; visit the history of all peoples in Ethiopia. Witness the human spirit for freedom and dignity first hand.
Today, Ethiopia recognizes its peoples. Republican Citizenship is the law of the land. Individual Rights is an indispensable part and parcel of Republican Citizenship. It is the law of the land. This does not mean that Ethiopia is out of the shadows of yester years’ prejudice and violence against its own peoples. There are radical groups who would like to make standardized Ethiopian individuals. They have the audacity and project to manufacture “new Ethiopians” in the next few months or years. But, remember, they do not have the magic wand to do it peacefully and immediately without pain. Oh no! They don’t! They would have to do the old way.
This is an unacceptable proposition for the Oromo in the 21st century. The Oromo cannot be reduced to an arbitrary identity standard concocted by irrational and prejudiced political entrepreneurs. Oromo is sacred. Tens of millions Oromos live it, identify with it, find meaning and purpose in it. The Oromo civilization has existed since time immemorial and generations of Oromo have and will always defend its existence and ensure it revival.
The deliberately manufactured crisis about Finfinnee is proxy for challenging the federal arrangement and the Constitution. Finfinnee should be a factor of cooperation and not a bone of contention. Radical, opportunist political groups should not be allowed to cause unnecessary and unwarranted conflict both among citizens of Finfinnee and between citizens of Finfinnee and Oromia. The radical groups are testing the waters; they are testing the resolve and wisdom of the current government. Arrogant and ignorant as they are, it is wise for Dr. Abiy not to gamble on their weakness. Neither is it wise to discount the harm they would cause to the social cohesion in the city of Finfinnee and beyond.

Click here to read the full article from Oromia Times

Relief Web: Ethiopia: At least 8.3 million people will require relief food/cash and non-food assistance during the year. Issue #4| 17 February-03 March 2019 March 14, 2019

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The humanitarian situation in 2019 will remain similar to 2018 mainly due to mass internal displacements in various parts of the country, and related humanitarian and protection needs.

Humanitarian Bulletin Ethiopia Issue #4| 17 February-03 March 2019

HIGHLIGHTS

  • The Government of Ethiopia and humanitarian partners will formally launch the 2019 Ethiopia Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) on 7 March.
  • Some 90,000 displaced people in Amhara region need urgent assistance.
  • Improved security along the OromiaSomali border is enabling humanitarian partners to move relief commodities to Dawa zone after more than a year.
  • Access constraints has impacted humanitarian partners from providing meaningful assistance to IDPs in certain sites of Gedeb woreda (Gedeo zone), where most IDPs are concentrated.
  • Experience from an IDP child in Deder Town

Partners to formally launch the 2019 Ethiopia Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) on 7 March

The joint Government and partners Ethiopia Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) for 2019 will be formally launched in the presence of Ato Mitiku Kassa, Commissioner of the National Disaster Risk Management Commission; Mr. Aeneas Chuma, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator; as well as humanitarian partners, donors and the media at the Strategic Multi-Agency Coordination forum (S-MAC) on 7 March 2019.

The Plan lays out prioritized humanitarian needs in 2019 across eight sectors, including food, nutrition, shelter and non-food items, water, sanitation and hygiene (WaSH), health, education, protection and agriculture.

The humanitarian situation in 2019 will remain similar to 2018 mainly due to mass internal displacements in various parts of the country, and related humanitarian and protection needs.
In addition, communities who suffered consecutive years of severe drought, who lost productive assets, or took on significant debts to shoulder the brunt of the crisis, will continue to need sustained humanitarian assistance and recovery during the year.

Accordingly, at least 8.3 million people will require relief food/cash and non-food assistance during the year.

The Government of Ethiopia and humanitarian partners launch today the 2019 Humanitarian  Response Plan (HRP) seeking US$1.3 billion to reach 8.3 million people with emergency food and non-food assistance. Click here to read in details

Why the world needs an African ecofeminist future, African Argument March 12, 2019

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Orthodox economic models have failed us all, but women across Africa are resisting them and coming up with visionary alternatives

By Fatima KelleheAfrican Argument

African ecofeminism: Credit: CIAT/Neil Palmer.

Women in Africa are often at the forefront of campaigns for sustainability, justice and sovereignty. Credit: CIAT/Neil Palmer.

We need an “African ecofeminist future”. And by we, I don’t just mean Africa, I mean everyone.

I say this for two reasons. Firstly, Africa is now the “final frontier” for economic models that have already ecologically compromised the rest of the planet. Not long ago touted as the world’s “basket case” but now covetously viewed as its future breadbasket, a sustainable alternative in Africa is possibly the final bastion against global environmental degradation.

Secondly, women and feminist activists are already on the front line of the battle for ecological sustainability on the continent. Their everyday struggles, uncompromised commitment, and willingness to envision a radical future in which justice, equity and rights harmonise with environmental sovereignty have the potential to save us all.

So what is ecofeminism, and why African ecofeminism specifically? Ecofeminist activism grew out of feminist, peace, and ecology movements of the 1970s and 1980s. Intersectional ecofeminism also underscores the importance of gender, race, and class, interlinking feminist concerns with human oppressions within patriarchy and the exploitations of a natural environment that women are often more reliant upon but also its guardians in many cultural contexts.

But whilst the broader movement has sometimes been bogged down in a divisive debate over whether gendered associations with nature essentialise women, movements engaged in feminist and ecological activism in Africa have simply gotten busy building strategic and political alliances between women, nature, and protection of the environment.

Wangari Maathai and her Green Belt Movement arguably epitomise the essence of African ecofeminism and the collective activism that defines it. As the first environmentalist to win the Nobel Peace Prize, in 2004, Maathai highlighted the close relationship between African feminism and African ecological activism, which challenge both the patriarchal and neo-colonial structures undermining the continent. Lesser -known activists, however, have also long been at the intersection of gender, economic, and ecological justice.

Ruth Nyambura of the African Eco Feminist Collective, for example, uses radical and African feminist traditions to critique power, challenge multinational capitalism, and re-imagine a more equitable world. Organisations like African Women Unite Against Destructive Resource Extraction (WoMin) campaign against the devastation of extractive industries. Meanwhile, localised organising is also resisting ecologically-damaging corporatisation: in South Africa, Women Mapella residents fought off land grabs by mining companies; in Ghana, the Concerned Farmers Association, led largely by women, held mining companies accountable for pollution of local watersheds; and in Uganda, women of the Kizibi community seed bank are preserving local biodiversity in the face of the commercialisation of seeds by corporate multinationals.

These activists on these front lines are fighting back, but they are also offering visions of alternative development models that demand both gender and economic justice. In doing so, they ask us all to reconsider what constitutes “progress” in the first place.

Women, the environment and biodiversity

African women are often at the heart of communities dealing with huge changes related to economic development and shoulder the burden of environmental mismanagement. These concerns are multi-layered, and range from agrarian justice through to extractivism, but one issue that particularly clearly demonstrates the importance of African ecofeminism today is the threat to seed biodiversity.

This is an increasingly worrying concern. In the 20th century, an alarming 75% of crop biodiversity was lost, according to the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organisation, and this trend has continued since. In the last decade, for example, Europe and Central Asia have seen 42% of their terrestrial animal and plant species decline in population size, partially due to intensive agriculture and forestry practices, with more natural resources being consumed than produced.

Currently, the Green Revolutions seen in Europe, the US and, more recently, parts of Asia – which have involved moving from subsistence agriculture to industrialised farming, cash cropping and mono cropping – remain at the forefront of thinking around economic growth and food security. However, there is increasing evidence that this corporate-driven vision, which has dominated development trajectories over the last century, has failed on several fronts.

Not only has it failed to address hunger despite overproduction, it has indirectly reinforced biodiversity losses and therefore nature’s more holistic contributions to a sustainable environment. Before the Green Revolution in India, for example, there were roughly 50,000 varieties of rice. Within 20 years, this dropped to just 40. This has resulted in the loss of crops once part of diverse food baskets as well as a degradation of farmers’ ownership and control over seeds.

Seed sovereignty is therefore a key pillar of ecofeminism, and the relationship between seed biodiversity and women is particularly critical. Women, who are often central to domestic food production, are also frequently the custodians of seeds that reproduce balanced, varied and nutritional diets. In Africa, female farmers often preserve diverse (and indigenous) crops that remain off the cash-cropping agenda, from myriad varieties of spinach and cassava to the less well-known acha, a paleo grain native to parts of the Sahel.

Among other things, women’s indigenous knowledge around seeds and their selection, storage, and planting of diverse and often hardy crops increase climate resilience, placing them right on the frontline of the battle against climate change. By contrast, extensive mono-cropping has actually made agriculture more vulnerable to pests, disease and drought, often leading to a dependence on the pesticides and fertilisers produced by the same companies that sell the commercial seeds now being pushed across Africa.

Indeed, commercial seed capture on the continent is on the rise, with corporate-invested pushes towards regulations that authorise the planting of only selected seeds. Hybrid seeds aimed at maximising yields in particular are being prioritised. This is deeply problematic as hybrid seeds cannot be replanted, meaning farmers must buy new ones each season. Through this, farmers lose their autonomy, while the women who’ve been custodians of seed knowledge for centuries are disempowered. The commercialisation of seeds is therefore not just reducing variety and undermining climate resilience, but also compromising food sovereigntyas a small cabal of multi-nationals monopolise the market.

Visioning something better

An info-graphic making the social media rounds a few years ago highlighted that if everyone on the planet consumed like in the United States, we would need 4.4 Planet Earths. The reality that accepted models of development are unsustainable is no longer news to most. Meanwhile, there is a growing public awareness around threats to biodiversity and climate resilience as well as of the tensions that have arisen as a result of corporate-driven agricultural agendas.

And yet, most African governments remain anchored to the idea of a Western-inspired green revolution, and are beholden to donor support (from the West as well as China) that is often invested in agribusiness expansion. Policy spaces still rarely welcome the voices of smallholder farmers and those working at the grassroots, leaving alternative positions and challenges to orthodox models of economic development on the margins of regional and global tables where decisions are brokered.

Undeterred, however, ecofeminists continue to fight at the coalface of this struggle. From Ghana to South Africaand beyond, women-organised seed-sharing initiatives continue to resist corporatisation. Activists like Mariama Sonko in Senegal continue to lead on agroecological farming initiatives for localised and sustainable food production.

Ultimately, the crisis of Africa’s current trajectory is a crisis of visioning: the inability of the continent’s leaders to imagine a process of development less destructive, more equitable, less unjust, more uniquely African, and – quite simply – more exciting. The positions, passions, and holistic approaches offered by African ecofeminism provide key ingredients for an alternative to the capital-centric ideals of economic growth that have defined progress so far. These have not only wreaked havoc on global ecological sustainability but have failed to deliver a genuinely equitable or just society anywhere. It’s time to start dreaming and delivering an African future that can do better than that.

Resource extraction responsible for half world’s carbon emissions, The Guardian March 12, 2019

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Extraction also causes 80% of biodiversity loss according to comprehensive UN study,
Jonathan Watts, The Guardian

However, they said this dire scenario could be avoided if there is a faster transition towards renewables, smarter urban planning to reduce the demand for concrete, dietary changes to lower the need for grazing pastures and cut levels of waste (currently a third of all food), and a greater focus on creating a cyclical economy that re-uses more materials. They also called for a switch of taxation policies away from income and towards carbon and resource extraction.’

Massive dump trucks by the Syncrude upgrader plant, Canada.
 Massive dump trucks by the Syncrude upgrader plant, Canada. The tar sands are the largest industrial project on the planet, and the world’s most environmentally destructive. Photograph: Rex/Shutterstock

Extraction industries are responsible for half the world’s carbon emissions and more than 80% of biodiversity loss, according to the most comprehensive environmental tally ever undertaken of mining and farming.

While this is crucial for food, fuel and minerals, the study by UN Environment warns the increasing material weight of the world’s economies is putting a more dangerous level of stress on the climate and natural life-support systems than previously thought.

Resources are being extracted from the planet three times faster than in 1970, even though the population has only doubled in that time, according to the Global Resources Outlook, which was released in Nairobi on Tuesday.

Each year, the world now consumes more than 92b tonnes of materials – biomass (mostly food), metals, fossil fuels and minerals – and this figure is growing at the rate of 3.2% per year.

Since 1970, extraction of of fossil fuels (coal, oil and gas) has increased from 6bn tonnes to 15bn tonnes, metals have risen by 2.7% per year, other minerals (particularly sand and gravel for concrete) have surged nearly fivefold from 9bn to 44bn tonnes, and biomass harvests have gone up from 9bn to 24bn tonnes.

Up until 2000, this was a huge boost to the global economy, but since then there has been a diminishing rate of return as resources become more expensive to extract and the environmental costs become harder to ignore.

“The global economy has focused on improvements in labour productivity at the cost of material and energy productivity. This was justifiable in a world where labour was the limiting factor of production. We have moved into a world where natural resources and environmental impacts have become the limiting factor of production and shifts are required to focus on resource productivity,” says the study.

The economic benefits and environmental costs are broken down by sector. Land use change – mostly for agriculture – accounts for over 80% of biodiversity loss and 85% of water stress as forests and swamps are cleared for cropland that needs irrigation. Extraction and primary processing of metals and other minerals is responsible for 20% of health impacts from air pollution and 26% of global carbon emissions.

The biggest surprise to the authors was the huge climate impact of pulling materials out of the ground and preparing them for use. All the sectors combined together accounted for 53% of the world’s carbon emissions – even before accounting for any fuel that is burned.

“I would never have expected that half of climate impacts can be attributed to resource extraction and processing,” said Stefanie Hellweg, one of the authors of the paper. “It showed how resources are hiding behind products. By focusing on them, their tremendous impact became apparent.”

The paper highlights growing inequalities. In rich countries, people consume an average of 9.8 tonnes of resources a year, the weight of two elephants. This is 13 times higher than low incomes groups. Much of this is unseen because huge amounts of materials are often needed for a small end product, such as a mobile phone.

Izabella Teixeira, former environment minister of Brazil, said the report highlighted how rich consumer nations have exported environmental to poor producing countries. With this model now hitting climate and biodiversity boundaries that affect everyone on the planet, she said it was time for change. “Currently decisions are being based on the past but we need to base them on the future. That means leadership.”

Where leadership could come from is difficult to see in the current political environment. The US and Brazil are slashing existing environmental regulations. China has moved ahead on renewables and pollution, but its growth is even more material-intensive than developed nations. According to the report, Asia is driving the fastest demand for minerals among upper-middle income countries, which now – because of their big populations – have a greater combined material weight than wealthy nations.

Concrete: the most destructive material on Earth

 Read more

The authors said it was essential to decouple economic growth from material consumption. Without change, they said resource demand would more than double to 190bn tonnes per year, greenhouse gases would rise by 40% and demand for land would increase by 20%.

However, they said this dire scenario could be avoided if there is a faster transition towards renewables, smarter urban planning to reduce the demand for concrete, dietary changes to lower the need for grazing pastures and cut levels of waste (currently a third of all food), and a greater focus on creating a cyclical economy that re-uses more materials. They also called for a switch of taxation policies away from income and towards carbon and resource extraction.

“It is possible to grow in a different way with fewer side effects. This report is clear proof that it is possible and with higher growth,” said Janez Potočnik, co-chair of International Resource Panel and former environment commissioner for the European Union. “It’s not an easy job to do, but believe me the alternative is much worse.”

OMN: Simpooziyamii Afaan OROMOO ( Yunivarsiitii Amboo) March 11, 2019

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Oromia: Dirmannaa Iyya Koyyee: Lafti Keenya Lafee Keenya: Hiriirri Nagaa Oromiyaa Har’as Itti Fufee Oole. #OromoProtests continues for the 3rd day. The Government of Oromia Reacts. March 8, 2019

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Lafti keenya lafee keenya. Lafeen keenya ammoo alagaaf hin kennamu. Kooyyee Facceen Oromiyaa dha. Mootummaan Oromiyaa bulchuu qaba. #QeerrooPower

Hiriirri nagaa Oromiyaa keessatti magaalootaa fi bakka heddutti guyyaa sadaffaaf geggefamaa oolera. Kayyoo isaa yeroo gabaabaa waan guuttateef hiriirri kun yeroof har’a boodee akka dhaabatu ibsamee jira.

Bakkawwan hiriirri nagaa har’a itti geggeefamaa turan keessaa kan odeeffannoo qabnu:
Ambo, Adaabbaa, AqaaqiiAwwadaay, Adaamaa, Asallaa, Ajjee, Asaboot, Baakkoo, Baalee Roobee, Baddeessaa, Baroodaa, Baatee (Walloo), Bishooftuu, Boolloo, Bulbulaa, Bule Horaa, Calanqoo (Meettaa), Ciroo, Cinaaksan, Dannab Guddoo, Dadar, Nagallee(Arsi) Diksiis, Dirree Incinnii, Dirree Dhawaa, Dhummuugaa, Doobbaa, Gobbaa, Gudar, Gimbi, Gindhiir, Galamsoo, Gololchaa, Gursum, Guumaa, Haramayaa, Adaree Biyyoo (Harar), Hanqooloo (Waabee), Harawacaa, Hirnaa, Holotaa, Jimma, Darbaa, Calalaqaa, Aana Fadis, dinshoo, Arsi Qarsaa, Beddellee, Bookee, Magaalaa Alii, Kooraa, Abootee, Gurawaa, Dubiluqi, Laaftoo Harwa, Gooroo Mootii, Ada’aa Bargaa/Mogor/Reejjii, Sandaafaa, Aanaa bookee, Borana Yabelloo, Harargee bahaa Jaarsoo Ejersa Gooroo, Kokkossaa (Arsi Lixxaa), Kofalee, Gindabarat, Kaachis, Langey, Miinoo(Qumbi), Saaris, Sabbataa, Shanan Dhuugoo, Machaara, Mi’essoo, Qaallittii, Qullubbii, Qilinxoo, Asandaaboo (Jimmaa), Soqaa, Walisoo, Walloo Kamisee, Shashaamannee, Sigimoo, Sibu Siree, Salaalee, Saddiqaa, (Fichee), Sulultaa, Universitii Jimmaa, Xuulloo, Watar

Laftii teenna lafee teenna!
Finfinneen Handhura teenna!
Cinaaqsan cinaacha teenna!
Mooyyalee Balbala teenna!
Dirree Dhawaan dirra teenna!

Ethiopia land protest enters second day, Oromia govt reacts, Africa News

ባለፉት ቀናት በኦሮሚያ ሲካሄድ የነበረው የተቃውሞ ሰልፍን የታለመለትን ግብ ስለመታ ለጊዜው ቆሟል። እነዚህ ሰልፎች በሞቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ ከተሞች ውስጥ ፍጹም ሰላማዊ በሆነ መልኩ የተካሄዱ ሲሆን ምንም አይነት ጉዳት በሰውም ሆነ ንብረት ላይ ሳይደርስ ተጠናቋል።

ምስጋና ለቄሮ፣ ለጸጥታ አካላት እና ለሰፊው ህዝብ !!

Jammo, Finfinnee
Buraayyuu
Laga Xaafoo
Finfinnee
Ambo
Sabbataa
Asandaaboo
Adaree Biyyoo (Harar
Gimbii
Calanqoo
Jimma
Jimmaa
Dirree Dhawaa, Oromia
Dirree Dhawa
Dirree Dhawaa
Mgaalaa Soqaa
Salaalee
Macharaa
Arsi Lixa, Kokkossaa
Baatee, Oromoo Walloo
Baalee, Gobbaa
Cinaaksan

Arsi, Adaabbaa
Dukam
Bule Horaa
Bulee Horaa
Kofale
Aanaa Shanan Dhuugoo
Buraayyuu Ashawwaa Meedaa
Harawacaa
Sigimoo
Dhummuugaa
Bishooftuu
Guumaa, Jimma
Hanqooloo, Waabee
Baakkoo
Shirkaa
Dubiluqi

Oromia: Dirmannaa Iyya Koyyee: Lafti keenya lafee keenya. Lafeen keenya ammoo alagaaf hin kennamu. #OromPotests underway in towns of Oromia against illegal mega buildings and settlements on Oromo farm lands. #QeerrooPower March 7, 2019

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Lafti keenya lafee keenya. Lafeen keenya ammoo alagaaf hin kennamu. Kooyyee Facceen Oromiyaa dha. Mootummaan Oromiyaa bulchuu qaba. #QeerrooPower

Qeerroo Shashee

Hiriirri nagaa Oromiyaa keessatti magaalootaa fi bakka heddutti geggefamaa oolera. Amma gaaffiiwwan ka’an deebii quubsa argatanitti akka itti fufuf qeerroon beeksisaniru. Hiriirri kun kaleessa Koyyee Facceetti akka calqabe beekamee jira.

Bakkawwan hiriirri nagaa har’a itti geggeefamaa oolan Kessaa kan odeeffannoo qabnu:
Aqaaqii, Awwadaay, Adaabbaa, Adaamaa, Asallaa, Adaabbaa, Ajjee, Asaboot, Baalee Roobee, Baddeessaa, Baroodaa, Boolloo, Bulbulaa, Ciroo, Dannab Guddoo, Diksiis, Dirree Incinnii, Dirree Dhawaa, Doobbaa, Gudar, Gindhiir, Galamsoo, Gursum, Haramayaa, Hirna, Holotaa, Koyyee, Mi’essoo, Qaallittii, Qullubbii, Qilinxoo, Sandaaboo (Jimmaa), Walisoo, Walloo Kamisee, Shashaamannee, Sulultaa, Universitii Jimmaa, Xuulloo, Watar

Ethiopia’s Oromia hit by protests over Addis Ababa housing project, Africa News


Finfinne, the capital of Oromia is not negotiable’ say the Qeerroo/Qarree in Gudar
Roobee
Malkaa Jabduu
Asaboot
Asallaa


Harargee Lixaa, Galamsoo
Jimma University
Harargee Bahaa, Qullubbii
Walloo, Kamisee
Ciroo
Adaamaa

Holataa
Gidhir
Koyyee Faccee
Koyyee Faccee
Xuulloo, Harargee Lixaa
Sandaaboo, Jimmaa
Haramaayaa
Buraayyuu, Malkaa Gafarsaa
Dodolaa
Qilinxoo
Gursum
Dirree Incinnii
Adaabbaa
Boolloo
Baddeessaa
Awwadaay
Barooda
Doobbaa, Harargee Lixaa
Watar, Harargee Bahaa


በኦሮሚያ የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች እየተካሄዱ ነው
የአዲስ አበባ መስተደድር በትናንትናው ዕለት ከ51 ሺህ በላይ የጋራ መኖርያ ቤቶችን በዕጣ ማስተላለፉን ተከትሎ በኦሮሚያ ክልል የተለያዩ ከተሞች የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች በመካሄድ ላይ ይገኛሉ።
የተቃውሞ ሰልፎቹ በሻሸመኔ፣ በጅማ፣ በአዳማ፣ በባሌ ሮቤ፣ በጭሮ፣ በሻምቡ፣ በአሰላ፣ በአጄ፣ በአዳባ፣ በጉደር፣ በሂርና፣ በከሚሴ(ወሎ)፣ በቁሉቢና በመሳሰሉት ከተሞች በመካሄድ ላይ ይገኛሉ።
ተቃውሞው ከመስተዳድሩ ወሰን ውጭ የነበሩና አርሶ አደሮችን በማፈናቀል በኮዬ ፈጬ፣ በቦሌ አራብሳና ቱሉ ዲምቱ በመሳሰሉ አከባቢዎች የተገነቡት የጋራ መኖርያ ቤቶች እየቀረበባቸው የነበረው ቅሬታ ተገቢው ምላሽ ሳይሰጥበት በዕጣ ለማስተላለፍ መወሰኑ እንደሆነ ታውቋል።
መስተዳድሩ የተወሰኑ የጋራ መኖርያ ቤቶችን ያለዕጣ ለተፈናቃዮች እና ቤተሰቦቻቸው ማስተላለፉን ቢገልፅም ሕገ መንግሥታዊው የወሰን ጉዳይ እልባት ባላገኘበት ሁኔታ በድንገት መፈጸሙ የሕዝቡን ቁጣ ቀስቅሷል።
በተለይ የኦሮሚያ ክልል መንግሥት አርሶ አደሮቹ በግፍ በተፈናቀሉበት ወቅትም ሆነ አሁን በሁነቱ ላይ እንደውጭ ተመልካች ዝምታን መምረጡ ብዙዎችን ያነጋገረ ጉዳይ ሆኗል። አስቸኳይ የመፍትሔ እርምጃ ካልተወሰደም ሁኔታው ተባብሶ ወደ አደገኛ አቅጣጫ ሊሄድ እንደሚችል ሁኔታዎች እያመለከቱ ይገኛሉ። ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ የኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግሥት በተከሰተው ሁኔታና በአዲስ አበባ ጉዳይ ላይ በዛሬው ዕለት መግለጫ ሊሰጥ ይችላል ተብሎ ይጠበቃል። Source: Gulale Post

MULTIPLE PROTESTS ACROSS OROMIA REGION IN WAKE OF CONDO HOUSES DISTRIBUTION BY ADDIS ABEBA CITY ADMIN, Hayalnesh Gezahegn – addisstandard News,  March 7, 2019

Dejene Tafa, center, first secretary general of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) joined protesters today near Koye Feche site

Thousands of demonstrators in several cities and towns across the Oromia regional state have taken to the streets today. The protests were triggered after the Addis Ababa City Administration Savings & Houses Development Enterprise (AASHDE) handed over thousands of condominium houses located both in the city, and in Oromia regional state special zone.

Addis Standard confirmed from local security and police officers that protests took place in the following cities: Adama, Shashemene, in western Arsi, oromia regional state; Bale Robe and Assela in south east Oromia; as well as Haramara in eastern Oromia regional state. A report by the BBCAmharic said protests have taken place in in ten cities across the region.

Demonstrators are protesting AASHDE’s decision to hand over thousands of condominium houses using a computerized lottery draw without the involvement the Oromia regional state, which has administrative jurisdiction of the site where Koye Feche one and two condominiums are located at. Some 7,127 people were given condominium unites of studio, one and two bedroom apartments built on a vast plot of land which used to a farmland.

Partial view of the condominium housing in Koye Feche. Photo: Social media

The winners of yesterday’s lottery draw were those who were registered for the housing under the saving schemes commonly known as 20/80 and 40/60 in which they were asked to save 20% for studio, one and two bedroom apartments and the government promised to help with the remaining 80%. The same mechanisms were applied for those who could save 40%.

Would be home owners were also told that if they saved 100%, they would be automatically entitled for the apartments. But the scheme has already left many dissatisfied as the mayor’s office recently scraped that and said the administration would stick to the original saving mechanism of 20/80 and 40/60.

The winners who got the apartments located in Koye Feche one and two sites, located in the southern outskirt of the city of Addis Abeba, some 20 km into the Oromia regional state administrative border in Akaki/Kality area, are those who are under the 20/80 saving scheme. While the apartments with three bedrooms are located in various condominium sites mostly in Addis Abeba.

Koye Feche is located in one of the eight zonal towns surrounding Addis Abeba which were established by the Oromia Regional State under the administrative name of “Oromia regional State Special Zone Surrounding Finfinne” in 2008.

Now, protesters are saying the Addis Abeba city administration is acting outside of its jurisdiction and without involving Oromia regional government. Many are carrying banners reading “our land is our bones,” “Koye Feche is in Oromia”, and “No to the master plan,” the later in reference to the infamous city master plan which wanted to expand the city of Addis Abeba into the surrounding Oromia region towns and cities. Although it was later scarped, the master plan was one of the immediate causes that triggered the sustained three years protest in Oromia regional state.

Koye Feche site one and two is only one of the multiple condominium sites built by Addis Abeba city administration on sites located in various places within the Oromia special zone over the last ten years.

However, the administrative procedure in which the lands were taken from the farmers and the inadequate compensations paid afterwards, the shocking details of which were revealed by a former federal official, drew severe criticisms in recent years as hundreds of thousands of farmers were left itching to have ends met.

During the lottery ceremony yesterday, Takele Uma, deputy mayor of Addis Abeba, said that families of displaced farmers were included in the housing distribution without the lottery draw. “We would like to say that your pain is ours, especially those of you who have lost your farmlands in order to clear for these [housing] projects and were exposed for economic and social crisis,” Takele said. However, Takele did not explain what has been done both by city authorities and the regional state to include those who have been dispossessed for little compensations. Several people at Koye Feche one and two sites and at Bole Arabssa site, a site for another massive condominium project, who spoke to OBN said they have been contacted neither by city administration officials nor by officials from the Oromia regional state special zone. Addis Standard’s attempts to reach both officials since yesterday has been to no avail.

So far both city officials and officials from the Oromia regional state did not release statements on the protests whereas online activists are calling for more protests tomorrow especially in Ambo and its environs. AS

BBC Afaan Oromoo: Qonnaan bultoota Koyyee Faccee fi Boolee Arraabsaa: ‘Lafa keenyas dhabnee ijoolleen keenyas daandii irratti hafte’

ስለ ፊንፊኔ/አዲስ አበባ አንዳንድ ነጥቦች (በድጋሚ) 
By Tsegaye Ararssa
==============
በፊንፊኔ ላይ የሚደረግ ማንኛውም ውይይት፣ ከዚህ በታች የተዘረዘሩትን ነጥቦች ታሳቢ ቢያደርግ ፍሬያማና ውጤታማ ይሆናል። እነዚህን ታሳቢ ባናደርግ፣ ውይይቱም ፍሬ-ቢስ፣ ፖለቲካውም ውጤት አልባ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል።

1. መልክዓ-ምድራዊ ተጠየቅም (the geographic logic)፣ የታሪክ ማስረጃውም፣ የአገሪቱ የሕግ ድንጋጌዎችም፣ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮምያ መሆኗን ይመሰክርሉ።

ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ከተማ ነች።

ከዚህም ባሻገር፣ የኦሮሚያ መንግሥት ዋና ከተማ፣ የፌደራል መንግሥቱም መቀመጫ ነች። ከተለያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ክፍሎች በተለያየ ወቅትና ምክንያት፣ ለተለያየ ዓላማ፣ የፈለሱ ነዋሪዎችን የያዘች፣ የህዝቦች መዲና፣ እና የንግድና የፖለቲካም ማዕከል መሆኗም ይታወቃል። በማንኛውም ከተማዋን በሚመለከት ውይይት ውስጥ፣ ይሄ ታሳቢ ሊሆን ይገባል።

2. በታሪክም፣ በመልክዓ-ምድራዊ ተጠየቅም፣ ሆነ በሕግ፣ ፊንፊኔ በኦሮሚያ ክልል የምትገኝ የፌደራል መንግሥቱ መቀመጫ ነች እንጂ እራሷን የቻለች ክልል አይደለችም።

የፌደራል መንግሥቱ መቀመጫ ነች ሲባል፣ የፌደራል መንግስቱ ተቃማት ጽሕፈት ቤቶች ሥራቸውን በዋናነት የሚያከናውኑባት ከተማ ናት ማለት ነው።

በተደጋጋሚ የምናየው ከተማይቱን እንደ ክልል የመቁጠር ስህተት ሊታረም ይገባዋል። አገሪቱ በሽግግር ጊዜ በቻርተር በተዳደረችበት ዘመን (ከ1983-1987 ዓም፣ ወይም እኤአ ከ1991-1995) እራሷን የቻለች ክልል የነበረች ቢሆንም ሕገመንግሥቱ ከፀናበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ ይሄ ክልልነት አብቅቷል።

አሁንም (በታከለ ኡማ አስተዳደር ሥር እየተሞከረ እንዳለው)፣ ከተማዋን ከኦሮሚያ ለመንጠቅ በማሰብ ብቻ፣ (“ብራስልስን እንደ ሞዴል ወስደን) እራሷን የቻለች ከተማ-ክልል (city-state) እናድርጋት” የሚለው አካሄድ ሊታረም ይገባል።

በመሆኑም፣ ፊንፊኔ በኦሮሚያ ክልል ውስጥ የምትገኝ፣ የኦሮሚያ ከተማ የሆነች፣ የፌደራል መንግሥቱ መቀመጫ ነች። በቃ።

3. የከተማው አስተዳደር ተጠሪነቱ (በቅድሚያ ለኦሮሚያ መሆን ሲገባው፣ ሕገመንግሥቱ ሲረቀቅ በተፈፀመ ስህተት ምክንያት) ለፌደራል መንግሥት የሆነና እራሱን በቻርተር የሚያስተዳድር የከተማ አስተዳደር (municipality) ነው። ተጠሪነቱ (በስህተት) ለፌደራል መንግስቱ (ብቻ) መሆኑ ግን፣ ከተማዋ ከኦሮሚያ ውጭ የሆነች ራስ-ገዝ ከተማ ነች፣ ወይም የፌደራሉ መንግሥት ይዞታ የሆነች ከተማ ነች ማለት አይደለም።

4. አንዳንዶች አልፎ አልፎ ለመከራከር እንደሚዳዱት፣ የከተማው አስተዳደር ተጠሪነቱ ለፌደራል መንግሥት በመሆኑ ብቻ ከክልሎች (ማለትም ከኦሮሚያ) ነፃ የሆነች የፌደራል ግዛት (Federal District, or Federal Capital Territory) አያደርጋትም፣ አላደረጋትም። በነገራችን ላይ፣ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አንድም የአገሪቱ ክፍል በቀጥታ ‘የፌደራል ግዛት’ ተብሎ በሕገመንግሥቱም ሆነ በሌላ ከዛ ወዲህ በወጣ ህግ፣ ወይም በሌላ ህጋዊ አስገዳጅነት ባለው ስምምነት የተሰየመ አካባቢ የለም። ከተማዋ የፌደራል መንግሥት መቀመጫ ስትደረግም እንኳን ይህ የተፈፀመው፣ ጥልቀት ባለው ውይይት፣ ወግ ባለው ድርድርና፣ በውል ሳይሆን እንዲሁ ከቀድሞ ዘመን በተወረሰ ልማዳዊ ተጠየቅ ብቻ ነው። የፌደራል መንግሥቱ ‘መቀመጫ የት ይሁን?’ የሚለው ጥያቄ፣ ዛሬም ቢሆን እንደ አዲስ ተነስቶ ውይይት ቢደረግበትም ለአገሪቱ ሰላምና መረጋጋት ብዙ ፋይዳ ይኖረዋል። በዘረፋ የተያዘ ቋሚ ንብረት ላይ ብዙ መቆየት ባለቤት አያደርግምና፣ ባለቤቱ ጥያቄውን ባነሳ ቁጥር ከመበርገግና ሰላም ከማጣትም ያድናል።

5. የከተማው ነዋሪዎች ባለሙሉ መብት ዜጎች ናቸው፤ ሆነውም ይቀጥላሉ። እራሳቸውንም፣ በመረጡት ተወካይ የማስተዳደር መብት አላቸው። (ይሄ ማንም የማይነፍጋቸው [እና ማንም የማይቸራቸው] ሕገመንግሥታዊ መብታቸው ነው።) በፌደራል ፓርላማ ውስጥ ባሉት ተወካዮቻቸው በኩልም አገሪቱን ከሌሎች ሕዝቦች ጋር በጋራ ያስተዳድራሉ።

‘አልተወከልንም’ የሚለው የዘወትር አነጋገር፣ ፍፁም ስህተት ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ ለማምታታት የተፈጠረ የፖለቲካ ግነት (political hyperbole) ነው። እውነቱ ግን፣ የከተማው ነዋሪ፣ በተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ውስጥ፣ በ23 ወይም 24 ድምፅ ተወክሎአል። በከተማው ምክር ቤትም እንዲሁ ሙሉ ውክልና አለው (ያው፣ ተመራጮቹ በዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫ ያልተመረጡ መሆናቸው፣ እንደሌሎቹ ክልሎች ተወካዮች ሀሉ፣ የተመራጮቹ ትክክለኛ ሕዝባዊ ውክልናቸው ጥያቄ ውስጥ የሚገባ ቢሆንም!)

በተጨማሪም፣ ነዋሪዎቿ የየብሔራቸውን የወል መብትና ጥቅም ለማስከበር የሚያስችል ውክልና በፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት ውስጥ ባሉ፣ የሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ብሔር፣ ብሔረሰብና ሕዝቦች ተወካዮች ተወክለዋል። በመሆኑም፣ በከተማዋ ውስጥ የሚኖሩ አማሮች እንደ አማራ፣ ኦሮሞዎች እንደ ኦሮሞ፣ ጉራጌዎች እንደ ጉራጌ፣ ስልጤዎች እንደ ስልጤ፣ ተጋሩ እንደተጋሩ፣ ወዘተ፣ ለቁጥራቸው ተመጣጣኝ በሆነ መንገድ ተወክለው አሉ። እርግጥ፣ የፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት አባላት ምርጫ፣ እስካሁን ሲደረግ እንደቆየው፣ በክልሎች ምክር ቤት ከሚሆን ይልቅ በቀጥታ በሕዝብ ቢሆን ኖሮ፣ ውክልናው የተሻለ ይሆን ነበር። ነገር ግን እስካሁን ባለው አሰራርም ቢሆን ማንም በፌደሬሽን ምክር ቤት ውስጥ ያልተወከለ ብሔር እስከሌለ ድረስ–ሁሉም ብሔር በምክር ቤቱ ውስጥ ተወክሏል ባልን መጠን የከተማይቱ ነዋሪዎችም ተወክለዋልና–‘የከተማዋ ነዋሪዎች አልተወከሉም ብሎ ማለት ብዙ ርቀት የሚያስኬድ ክርክር አይሆንም። ብሔር የሌለው የከተማ ነዋሪ የለምና። ከብዙ ብሔር የተወለደም ሰው እንኳን ቢኖር፣ ባለብዙ ብሔር ሆኖ በብዙ ተወካዮች ይወከል ይሆናል እንጂ፣ ሳይወከል የሚቀርበት ምንም ዓይነት ሁኔታ የለም። (በመሆኑም፣ አንዳንዴ በውሸት ‘ብሔር የለንም’ በማለት፣ ሌላ ጊዜ ደግሞ ‘እንደ ብሔር፣ ወይም በወል እንደ ሕዝብ፣ አልተውከልንም’ እያሉ አቅል-የለሽ ጩኸት ማሰማት፣ ተራ የፖለቲካ መደዴነት ነው።)

የከተማው ሕዝብ እንደ ግለሰብ ዜጋም፣ እንደ ህዝብም (በወል) ሙሉ መብት ያለው ሕዝብ ነው። ከተማዋ፣ በእርግጥም የአገሪቱ ሕዝቦች ሁሉ መዲና በመሆኗ እውነተኛ የሕብራዊነት(የብዝሓነት) ተምሳሌት ሆና መኖር ትችላለች፣ ልትሆንም ይገባል። ከዚህ ይልቅ፣ በአንድ ብሔር ማንነት ልክ በተሰራ አፋኝ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ጭምብል ሥር ተደብቆ፣ ‘እኔ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ እንጂ ብሔር የለኝም’ እያሉ መመፃደቅና ‘ያው…ብሔር አለኝ ግን በብሔሬ አትጥሩኝ’ ማለት ተገቢ አይሆንም። (ይሄ የከተማዋ ‘በረራ’ነት አሉባልታም የበረከተው እንደዚህ ዓይነት ወገኖች ብቻ መሆኑም ይሄንን በግልፅ የሚያሳይ ይመስለኛል።)

6. ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ከተማ ነች ማለት፣ ኦሮሞ ያልሆነ ሰው በእኩልነት አይኖርባትም ማለት አይደለም። እንዲህ ሊባል አይገባም። ተብሎም አያውቅም። እንዲህ ያለ አስተሳሰብ፣ በሕግም በፖለቲካ ሥነምግባርም ዓይን ሲታይ ነውር የሆነና መቼም ቢሆን፣ በፍፁም ሊስተናገድ የማይገባው አስተሳሰብ ነው። (ታድያ፣ በሌሎች ላይ–በተለይ በከተማው ባለቤት በሆኑ ሕዝቦች ላይ–የበላይ ሆኖ ለመኖርና ያልተገባ መብት [privilege] መጠየቅም እንደዚሁ ነውር ነውና፣ ይሄም አብሮት ሊወገዝ ይገባዋል።)

ይሄ የከተማዋን የኦሮሚያ መሆን ተቀብሎ እንደ ባለ ሙሉ መብት ዜጋ፣ በእኩልነት ተከብሮ መኖር ማለት፣ በተጨባጭ ሲታይ ምን ማለት ነው ቢባል፣ የከተማው አስተዳደር ተጠሪነቱ ለኦሮሚያም ይሆናል ማለት ነው እንጂ፣ ነዋሪው ሁሉ በግድ ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪ ይደረጋል ማለት አይደለም። ነገር ግን፣ ለምሳሌ የከተማው መስተዳድር የሥራ ቋንቋ አማርኛና ኦሮምኛ ቢሆን ለአሰራር ቅልጥፍና ጠቃሚነት አለው፣ ለኦሮሞ ነዋሪዎችና ለክልሉም ተገቢውን አክብሮት መስጠትን ያሳያል። እንደእውነቱ ከሆነ ይሄን ማድረግ፣ ከከተማው ህሕብራዊነት አንፃር፣ ሌሎች ቋንቋዎችንም የስራ ቋንቋ ለማድረግ መንገድን አመላካች ነው። በኔ ምርጫ ቢሆን፣ ፊንፊኔ፣ የሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች መናኸሪያ በመሆኗ የከተማው መስተዳድር የሥራ ቋንቋ፣ ሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ቋንቋዎች ቢሆኑ ይሻላል እላለሁ። አዲሱና እውነተኛው ሁሉን አቃፊ ኢትዮጵያዊነትም በዚህ ሕብራዊ ቀመር ላይ ይመሠረታልና። በዛ ላይ፣ እራሱን እንግዳ ተቀባይ ብሎ ከሚያንቆለጳጵስና ለውጭ አገር ቋንቋዎች እንኳን መስሪያ ቤቶቹን፣ ሕጎቹን፣ የልጆቹን ትምህርት ቤቶች እና የግል ጓዳውን ጭምር (በቴሌቪዥን ለሚተላለፉ የውጭ ፕሮግራሞች) ክፍት አድርጎ ለሚኖር ማሕበረሰብ፣ ‘የራሱ የሆኑ’ ሕዝቦችን ቋንቋዎች በሥራ ቋንቋነት አለመቀበል ግብዝነት ይሆንበታል።

እነዚህን ነጥቦች ታሳቢ አድርገን ብንወያይ ወደፊት ልንራመድ የምንችል ይመስለኛል። ኬልሆነ ግን…

Oromia: Iyya Koyyee March 6, 2019

Posted by OromianEconomist in #SidamaProtests.
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Lafa Oromoo saamanii qaama Finfinnee godhuuf murteen har’a dabre ergaa guddaa dabarseera. Hurrii duraan nutti maraa bahan nuu saaqee qulqulleesseera. Akkuma kaleessa jenne gara itti deemaa jirru nuu akeekeera. Murteen kun hayyama MNO ala godhame jechuuf ragaan hin jiru. Taakkalaan ODP dha. Finfinnee isatu bulcha. Ixaa kanas isatu baasise. Kanaafuu ODPiitu lafa Oromoo lubbuun gootota qaqqaalii 5000 itti gabbarame dabarsee kenne. Dantaa Oromoo dabarsanii kennuun waadaa kaleessa ”Gooftaa keenya ummata keenya” jedhan san ganbuu dha. Gantuuf ammoo gatii barbaachisu ummanni keenya ni beeka. Salphoo soqolatte soqolaa gargaaruu itti beeyna.

Qeerroo!!
Qabsoo kee dhiiga kumootaa itti wareegdee asiin geesse. OPDOn sabatti deebiteetti jechuun amanattee imaanaa kee itti kennattee nu ceesisi jetteen. Amma jarri imaanaa kee ormatti gurgurataa jirti. Kanaafuu bakka jirtuu ganiinsa kanaaf deebii malu kennuuf of qopheessi. Rakkoo sababa kanaan dhalachuu malu kamiifuu kan itti gaafatamu qaama imaanaa ummataa gane qofa dha. Guyyaa har’aa irraa qabee tasgabbii dhabiisa dhalatu kamiifuu kan itti gaafatamu qaama Mootummaa ofiin jedhuu dha. Qabbanaahu harka, gubu fal’aana!

Dhimmi finfinnee ijjannoo ifa ta’een qabsa’uu qabna.
1ffaa bulchiinsi finfinnee guutummaa guututti Oromiyaa jala galuu qabdi. Akkuma magaalaan oromiyaa keessa jiraatan daangaa magaalaaf malu Mootummaan oromiyaa tolchuu qaba.
2ffaa Eenyummaan oromoo waggaa 100 oli finfinnee keessaa haqame bakkatti deebi’uu qaba.
3ffaa seerri wayyaaneen fayidaa addaa jettee dhimma finfinnee tumte guutummaatti haqamuu qaba.
4ffaa hixxaan amma bahe kun guutummaatti haqamuu qaba.

Kondominiyeemii. Koyyee Faccee, Galaan, Tullu Diimtuu fi Galaan bulchiinsa Godina Addaa Oromiyaa gala jiru. Finfinneen seeraan ala ijaarte. Tarkaanfiin sirrii manneen kana godina addaaf dabarsanii akka godinni raabsu gochuu qofa. Raabsaan amma Finfinneen goote seeraan ala. Namni Finfinneen kenniteef tokkos itti galuu hin danda’u.

Oromia: Eebbi hundeeffama OMN waggaa 5ffaa magaalaa Finfinneetti geggeeffame. Oromia Media Network 5th Year Anniversary celebrated in Finfinnee, Oromia March 5, 2019

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Hundeeffamni OMN waggaa 5ffaani magaalaa Finfinneetti Bitoottesa 3 bara 2019 haala o’aan kabajamee oole.

https://www.youtube.com/user/OromiaMedia/videos