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True Knowledge is wisdom. The Oromo value wisdom to the highest degree: ‘Rather than to be kissed by foolish man, I prefer to slapped by a wise man.’ How is true knowledge acquired? The Oromo proverbs answers: By inference, by study, through suffering, by moulding another person, by heart. ‘ One who does not understand an inference will never understand the thing as it is.. … But the great school of knowledge is experience, long life and old age. … The Oromo proverb offers no definition of knowledge; they are not interested so much in nature of knowledge as the type of knowledge they propose as a model for man-in-society, and it is clearly a knowledge obtained through experience through proximity to the object, as ‘the calf is known by the enclosure to have become a bull.’ See Claud Summer, Ph.D., Dr.h.c (1995), Oromo Wisdom Literature, Volume I , Proverbs Collection and Analysis.
Makmaaksa Oromoo (Oromo proverbs):
Abba hin qabdu akaakyuuf boochi
Abbaa iyyu malee ollaan namaa hin birmatu
Abbaan damma nyaateef ilma hafaan hin mi’aawu
Abbaatu of mara jedhe bofti hantuuta liqimsee
Abjuun bara beelaa buddeena abjoota
Addaggeen hamma lafa irra ejjettu nama irra ejjetti
Afaan dubbii bare bulluqa alanfata
Afaan gaariin afaa gaarii caala
Afaanii bahee gooftaa namaa ta’a
Akka madaa qubaa, yaadni garaa guba
Akka abalun sirbaan boquu nama jallisa
Akkuma cabannitti okkolu
Akukkuun yeroo argate dhakaa cabsa
Alanfadhuuti gara fira keetti garagalii liqimsi
ama of komatu namni hin komatu
Amartiin namaa hin taane quba namaa hin uriin
Ana haa nyaatuun beela hin baasu
Ani hin hanbifne, ati hin qalbifne
arrabni lafee hin qabdu lafee nama cabsiti
Asiin dhihoon karaa nama busha
“Aseennaa natu dide, kennaa warratu dide otoo nabutanii maal ta’a laata”,jette intalli haftuun
Badduun fira ishee yoo hamattee, baddubaatuun niiti ishee hamatti
Bakkka oolan irra bakka bulan wayya
Bakka kufte osoo hin taane, bakka mucucaatte bari
Balaliitee balaliite allaattiin lafa hin hanqattu
Bara bofti nama nyaate lootuun nama kajeelti!!
Bara dhibee bishaan muka namatti yaaba
Bara fuggisoo harreen gara mana, sareen gara margaa
Barri gangalata fardaati
Beekaan namaa afaan cufata malee hulaa hin cufatu
Biddeena nama quubsu eelee irratti beeku
Billaachi otoo ofii hin uffatiin dhakaatti uffisti
Bishaan gu’a gahe nama hin nyaatiin, namni du’a gahe si hin abaariin
Bishaan maaltu goosa jennaan waan achi keessa jiru gaafadhu jedhe
Bishingaan otoo gubattuu kofalti
Boru hin beekneen qad-bukoon ishee lama
Boftii fi raachi hanga ganni darbutti wal faana jiraattu
Bulbuluma bulbuli hangan dhugu anuu beeka
Buna lubbuuf xaaxa’u warri naa tolii kadhatu
Cabsituun tulluu amaaraatiin giraancee jetti
Citaan tokko luqqaasaniif manni hin dhimmisu
Dabeessa uleen (jirmi) shani
Daddaftee na dhungateef dhirsa naa hin taatu jette sanyoon
Dawaa ofii beekan namaa kudhaamu
Deegan malee waqayyo hin beekani
dhalli namaa otoo nyaattu diida laalti
Dhirsi hamaan maaf hin nyaatiin jedha niitii dhaan
Dhirsaa fi niitiin muka tokko irraa muramu
Dugda hin dhungatan, hunda hin dubbatani
Durbaa fi jiboota garaa gogaa lenjisu
Iyyuuf bakkeen naguma, dhiisuuf laphee na guba
Dhuufuun waliin mari’atanii dhuufan hin ajooftu
Diimina haaduun nyaatani,diimaa arrabaan nyaatu
Dinnichi bakka gobbitetti hordaa cabsiti
Doqnaa fi garbuu sukkuumanii nyaatu
Du’aan dhuufaa jennaan kan bokoke dhiisaa jedhe
Dubbii baha hin dhorkani galma malee
Dubbii jaarsaa ganama didanii galgala itti deebi’ani
Duulli biyya wajjinii godaansa
Eeboo darbatanii jinfuu hin qabatani
Edda waraabessi darbee sareen dutti
Fagaatan malee mi’aa biyyaa hin beekani
Farda kophaa fiiguu fi nama kophaa himatu hin amaniin
Firri gara firaa jennaan kal’een gara loonii jette
Foon lafa jira allaatti samii irraa wal lolti
foon lakkayi jennaan rajijjin tokko jedhe
fokkisaan nama qabata malee nama hin kadhatu
Fuula na tolchi beekumsi ollaa irraa argamaa jette intalli
Gaangeen abbaan kee eenyu jennaan eessumni koo farda jette
Gaangoonn haada kutte jennaan oftti jabeessite jedhani
Gabaan fira dhaba malee nama dhabinsa hin iyyitu
Galaanni bakka bulu hin beekne dhakaa gangalchee deema
Gaalli yoom bade jennaan, gaafa morma dheeratu bade
Gama sanaa garbuun biile (asheete) jennan warra sodaanne malee yoom argaa dhabne jedhe jaldeessi
Gamna gowomsuun jibba dabalachuu dha
Ganaman bahani waaqa jalaahin bahani
Gara barii ni dukkanaa’a
Garaa dhiibuu irra miila dhiibuu wayya
Garbittii lubbuuf walii gadi kaattu, warri qophinaafi se’u
Jaalalli allaatti gara raqaatti nama geessa
Gaashatti dhuufuun daalattii dha
Gogaa duugduun yoo dadhabdu saree arisaa kaati
Gola waaqayyoo itti nama hidhe lookoo malee ijaajju
Goomattuuf goommanni hin margu
Goondaan walqabattee laga ceeti
Gowwaa wajjin hin haasa’iin bakka maleetti sitti odeessa, karaa jaldeesaa hin hordofiin halayyaa nama geessa
Gowwaan ballessaa isaa irraa barat, gamni balleessaa gowwaa irraa barata
Gowwaan bishaan keessa ijaajjee dheebota
Gowwaan gaafa deege nagada
Gubattee hin agarre ibiddatti gamti
Guulaa hin bitiin jiilaa biti
Gowwaa kofalchiisanii, ilkee lakawu
Gowwaa fi bishaan gara itti jallisan deemu
Haadha gabaabduu ijoolleen hiriyaa seeti
haadha laalii intala fuudhi
Haadha yoo garaa beekan ilmoo jalaa qabani
Halagaa ilkaan adii, halangaan isaa sadi
Hanqaaquu keessa huuba barbaada
Haati ballaa (suuloo) ya bakkalcha koo jetti
Haa hafuun biyya abbaa ofiitti nama hanbisa
Haati hattuun intala hin amantu
Haati hattuun intala hin amantu
Haati kee bareeddi jennaan, karaa kana dhufti eegi jedhe
Habbuuqqaa guddinaaf hin quufani
Hagu dhiba jette sareen foksoo nyaatte
Hagu dhiba jette sareen foksoo nyaattee
Halagaa gaafa kolfaa fira gaafa golfaa
Hantuunni hadha ishee jalatti gumbii uruu bartii
Harka namaatiin ibidda qabaa hin sodaatani
Harki dabaruu wal dhiqxi
Harkaan Gudunfanii, Ilkaaniin Hiikkaa Dhaqu
Harree ganama badee, galgala kur-kuriin hin argitu
Harree hin qabnu, waraabessa wajjin wal hin lollu
Kan harree hin qabne farda tuffata
Harreen nyaattu na nyaadhu malee bishaan ol hin yaa’u jette waraabessaan
Harreen yoo alaaktu malee yoo dhuuftu hin beektu
Hidda malee xannachi hin dhiigu
Hidda mukaa lolaan baaseetu, hidda dubbii farshoo (jimaa)n baase
Hidhaa yoo tolcha, gadi garagalchanii baatu
hin guddattuu jennaan baratu dhumee jedhe
Hiriyaa malee dhaqanii gaggeessaa malee galu
hiyyeessaf hin qalani kan qalame nyaata
Hoodhu jennaan diddeetu lafa keenyaan hatte
Hoolaan abbaa abdatte, diboo duuba bulchiti
Hoolaan gaafa morma kutan samii(waaqa) arkiti
Ija laafettiin durbaa obboleessaf dhalti
Ijoollee bara quufaa munneen ibidda afuufa
Ijoollee hamtuun yoo nyaataaf waaman ergaaf na waamu jettee diddi
Ijoolleen abaa ishee dabeessa hin seetu
Ijoolleen quufne hin jett, garaatu na dhukube jetti malee
Ijoolleen quufne hin jettu beerri fayyaa bulle hin jettu
Ijoolleen niitii fuute gaafa quuftu galchiti
Ijoollee qananii fi farshoo qomocoraa warratu leellisa
Ijoollee soressaa dhungachuun gabbarsuu fakkaatti
Ilkaan waraabessaa lafee irratti sodaatu
Ilmi akkoon guddiftu dudda duubaan laga ce’a
Intalli bareedduun koomee milaatiin beekamti
Intallii haati jajju hin heerumtu
Itti hirkisaan kabaa hin ta’u
Ittiin bulinnaa sareen udaan namaa nyaatti
Jaamaan boru ijji keen ni banamti jennaan, edana akkamitin arka jedhe
Jaarsi dhukuba qofaa hin aaduu, waan achisutu garaa jira
Jaarsii fi qalqalloon guutuu malee hin dhaabatu
Jabbiin hootu hin mar’attu
Jaalalli jaldeessa yeroo fixeensaa garaa jalatti, yeroo bokkaa dugda irratti nama baatti
Jaalala keessa adurreen ilmoo nyaatti
Jaalalli allaatti gara raqaatti nama geessa
Jarjaraan re’ee hin horu
Jarjaraan waraabessaa gaafa ciniina
Jibicha korma ta’u elmaa irratti beeku
Jiraa ajjeesuun jalaa callisuu dha
Kadhatanii galanii weddisaa hin daakani
Kan abbaan gaafa cabse halagaan gatii cabsa
Kan abbaan quba kaa’e oromi(namni, halagaan) dhumdhuma kaa’a
Kan afaanii bahee fi kan muccaa bahehin deebi’u
Kan bishaaan nyaate hoomacha qabata
Kan citaa qabaa tokko namaa hin kennine mana bal’isii gorsiti
Kan dandeessu dhaan jennaan gowwaan galee nitii dhaane Adaamiin ollaa hagamsaa jiru bara baraan boo’aa jiraata
Kan gabaa dhagahe gowwaan galee niitii dhokse
Kan hanna bare dooluutu sosso’a
Kan hordaa natti fiiges, kan haaduun natti kaates bagan arge jette saani du’uuf edda fayyitee booda
Kan humnaan lafaa hin kaane yaadaan Sudaanitti nagada
Kan ilkaan dhalchu kormi hin dhalchu
Kan namni nama arabsi irr, kan abbaan of arabsutu caala
kan qabuuf dabali jennaan harreen laga geesse fincoofte
Kan of jaju hin dogoggoru
Kan quufe ni utaala, kan utaale ni caba
Kan tolu fidi jennaan, sidaama biyya fide
Kan tuffatantu nama caala, kan jibbanitu nama dhaala
Kan tuta wajjin hin nyaanne hantuuta wajjin nyaatti
Kan waaqni namaa kaa’e cululleen hin fudhattu
Karaa foolii nun hin jedhani jette wacwacoon
Karaan baheef maqaan bahe hin deebi’u
Karaan sobaan darban, deebi’iitti nama dhiba
Karaa dheeraa milatu gabaabsa, dubbii dheeraa jaarsatu gabaabsa
Karaa fi halagaatu gargar nama baasa
Keessummaan waan dhubbattu dhabde mucaa kee harma guusi jetti
Keessummaan lolaa dha abbaatu dabarfata
Keessa marqaa boojjitootu beeka
Kijiba baranaa manna dhugaa bara egeree wayya
Kokkolfaa haati goota hin seetu
Kormi biyya isaatti bookkisu biyya namaatti ni mar’ata
Kursii irra taa’anii muka hin hamatani
Lafa rukuchuun yartuu ofiin qixxeessuu dha
Lafa sooriin du’e baataatu garmaama
Lafaa fuudhuutti ukaa nama bu’a
Lafti abdatan sanyii nyaatee namni abdatan lammii nyaate
Laga marqaa jennaan ijoolleen fal’aanaan yaate
Lama na hin suufani jette jaartiin qullubbii hattee
Leenci maal nyaata jennaan, liqeeffatte jedhe, maal kanfala jennaan, eenyu isa gaafata jedhe
Lilmoon qaawwaa ishee hin agartu, qaawwaa namaa duuchiti
Lukkuun(hindaaqqoon) haatee haateealbee ittiin qalan baafti
Maa hin nyaatiin jedha dhirsi hamaan
Maal haa baasuuf dhama raasu
Mammaaksi tokko tokko dubbii fida tokko tokko dubbii fida
Mana haadha koon dhaqa jettee goraa bira hin darbiin
Mana karaa irra kessumaatu itti baayyata
Manni Abbaan Gube Iyya Hin Qabu
Maraataa fi sareen mana ofii hin wallalani
Maraatuun jecha beektu, waan jettu garuu hin beektu
Marqaa afuufuun sossobanii liqimsuufi
Marqaan distii badaa miti, irri ni bukata, jalli ni gubata
Marxoon otoo fiiganii hidhatan otuma fiiganii nama irraa bu’a
Mataa hiyyaassaatti haaduu baru
Midhaan eeguun baalatti hafe
Mucaa keetiin qabii mucaa koo naa qabi jettehaati mucaa
Muka jabana qabu reejjiitti dhibaafatu
Morkii dhaaf haaduu liqimsu
Nama foon beeku sombaan hin sobani
Namni akka fardaa nyaatu, gaafa akka namaa nyaate rakkata
Namni beela’e waan quufu hin se’u
Namni dhadhaa afaan kaa’an, dhakaa afaan nama kaa’a
Namni gaafa irrechaa duude, sirba irreechaa sirbaa hafa
Namni guyyaa bofa arge halkan teepha dheessa
Namni hudduu kooban galannii isaa dhuufuu dha
Namni mana tokko ijaaru citaa wal hin saamu
Namni nama arabsu nama hin faarsu
Namni badaan bakka itti badutti mari’ata
Namni gabaabaan otoo kabaja hin argatiin du’a
Namni qotiyyoo hin qabne qacceen qalqala guutuu dha
Nama kokkolfaa nama miidhuu fi bokkaan aduu baasaa roobu tokko
Niitiin dhirsaaf kafana
Niitiin marii malee fuudhan marii malee baati
Niitiin afaan kaa’aami’eeffatte yoo kabaluuf jedhan afaan banti
Nitaati jennaan harree qalle, hin tatuu jennaan harree ganne, qoricha jennaan isuma iyyuu dhaqnee dhabne
Obboleessa laga gamaa mannaa gogaa dugduu(faaqqii) ollaa ofii wayya
Obsaan aannan goromsaa dhuga
Obsan malee hn warroomani
Ofii badanii namaa hin malani
Of jajjuun saree qarriffaan udaani
Ofi iyyuu ni duuti maaliif of huuti
Ofii jedhii na dhugi jedhe dhadhaan
Okolee diddu okkotee hin diddu
Ollaa araban jira akkamittin guddadha jette gurri
Ollaan akkam bultee beeka, akkatti bule abbaatu beeka
Ollaafi garaan nama hin diddiin
Ollaa fi kateen nama xiqqeessiti
Ol hin liqeessiin horii keetu badaa, gadi hin asaasiin hasa’aa keetu bushaa’a
Otoo beeknuu huuba wajjin jette sareen
Otoo garaan tarsa’e jiruu, darsa tarsa’eef boossi
Otoo farda hin bitiin dirree bite
Otoo fi eegeen gara boodaati
Otoo garaan dudda duuba jiraate, qiletti nama darbata
Otoo sireen nama hin dadhabiin tafkii fi tukaaniin nama dadhabdi
Qaalluun kan ishee hin beektu kan namaa xibaarti
Qaban qabaa hin guunnee gad-lakkisan bakkee guutti
Qabbanaa’u harkaan gubnaan fal’aanan
Qabanootuharkaa, hoo’itu fal’aanaan
Qabeenyi fixeensa ganamaati
Qalloo keessi sibiila
Qalladhu illee ani obboleessa eebooti jette lilmoon
qaaqeen yoo mataan ishee marge bade jetti
Qarri lama wal hin waraanu
Qeesiinwaaqayyoo itti dheekkam, daawwitii gurgurtee harree bitatte
Qoonqoon darbu, maqaa hin dabarre nama irra kaa’a
Qoonqoon bilchina eeggattee, qabbana dadhabde
Qorichaofii beekan namaa kudhaamu
Qotee bulaa doofaan, miila kee dhiqadhu jennaa, maalan dhiqadha borus nan qota jedhe
Qurcii dhaan aboottadhu jennaan, qophoofneerra jedhe
Raadni harree keessa ooltedhuufuu barattee galti
Sa’a bonni ajjeese ganni maqaa fuudhe
Saddetin heerume jarjarrsaa akka baranaa hin agarre jette jaartiin, salgaffaa irratti waraabessi bunnaan
Salphoo soqolatte soqolaa gargaaru
Saree soroobduun afaan isheef bukoo ykn. dudda isheef falaxaa hin dhabdu
Sabni namatti jiguu irra gaarri (tulluun) namatti jiguu wayya
Sareen duttu nama hin ciniintu
Sanyii ibiddaa daaraatu nama guba
Sareen warra nyaattuuf dutti
Seenaa bar dhibbaa baruuf bardhibba jiraachuun dirqama miti
Shanis elmamu kudhanis, kan koo qiraaciitti jette adurreen
Sirbituu aggaammii beeku
Sii uggum yaa gollobaa, anaafoo goommani ni dorroba inni gurr’uu soddomaa jette jaartiin horii ishee gollobaan fixnaan
Sodaa abjuu hriba malee hin bulani
Soogidda ofiif jettu mi’aayi kanaachi dhakaa taata
Sombaaf aalbee hin barbaadani
Suphee dhooftuun fayyaa gorgurtee, cabaatti nyaatti
Taa’anii fannisanii dhaabatanii fuudhuun nama dhiba
Takkaa dhuufuun namummaa dh, lammmeessuun harrummaadha
Tikseen dhiyootti dhiifte fagootti barbaacha deemti
Tiksee haaraan horii irraa silmii buqqisaa oolti
Tokko cabe jedhe maraataan dhakaa gabaatti darbatee
tokko kophee dhabeetu booha, tokko immoo miila dhabee booha
Tufani hin arraabani
Udaan lafatti jibban funyaan nama tuqa
Ulee bofa itti ajjeesan alumatti gatu
Ulee fi dubbiin gabaabduu wayya
Ulfinaa fi marcuma abbaatu of jala baata
Waa’een garbaa daakuu fi bishaani
Waan ergisaa galu fokkisa
Waan jiilaniin kakatu
Waan kocaan kaa’e allaattiin hin argu
Waan namaa kaballaa malee hin quufani
Waan samii bu’e dacheen baachuu hin dadhabu
Waan uffattu hin qabdu haguuggatee bobbaa teessi
Waan warri waarii hasa’aan, Ijoolen waaree odeesiti
Wadalli harree nitii isaa irraa waraabessa hin dhowwu
Wal-fakkaattiin wal barbaaddi
Wali galan, alaa galan
Wallaalaan waan beeku dubbata, beekaan waan dubbatu beeka
Waaqaaf safuu jette hindaaqqoon bishaan liqimsitee
Warra gowwaa sareen torba
Waraabessi bakka takkaa nyaatetti sagal deddeebi’a
Waraabessi biyya hin beekne dhaqee gogaa naa afaa jedhe
Waraabessi waan halkan hojjete beekee guyyaa dhokata
Yaa marqaa si afuufuun si liqimsuufi
Yoo ala dhiisan mana seenan, yoo mana dhiisan eessa seenan
Yoo boora’e malee hin taliilu
Yoo ejjennaa tolan darbatanii haleelu
Yoo iyyan malee hin dhalchanii jedhe korbeesi hoolaa kan re’eetiin
Yoo suuta ejjetan qoreen suuta nama waraanti
yoo dhaqna of jaalatan fuula dhiqatu
Yoo namaa oogan eelee jalatti namaa marqu
yoo ta’eef miinjee naa taata jette intalli
1. Heeruma dharraanee(hawwinee) heerumnaan rarraane (rakkannee)
2. Asuu oolle jette tan heerumaaf muddamte”
3. Takkattii qayyannee taduraa hanqannee ykn takkaa qayyannee lukaa gubanne
4. Bakka dhiiganii hin fiigan.
5. Kana muranii kamiin fincaayan jette haati manaa inni ofirraa mura jennaan.
6. Kaanittuu abbaa argadhu jette haati intalaan.
7. Intalti ariifattuun haadha ciniinsuubarsiifti
8. Akka beekutti dhalaa(dahaa) nadhiisaa jette intalti harka namaa diddu
9. Sirbaaf bayanii morma hin dhofatan jettee intalti waa hin saalfannee.
10. Akka ebaluutti sirbaan morma nama jallifti jette intalti qalbii qabdu.
11. Mucaa deenna malee mucaa hin geennu jette intalti of tuffatte.
12. Wol akkeessee ollaan marqa balleesse jette intalti ofiin bultun .
13. Akka aadaa teennaa gaara gubbaa baanee teenna jedhe harmi dubartootaa.
14. Ati baldi ta dhiirsa ka’imaa jette intalti abbaan manaa isii jaarsaa.
(Baldu : ashuu,qoosuu,taphachuu, busheesuu)
15. Har’allee moo jette haati ijoolleen beelofne (shoomofne) jennaan isiin bakka cidhaatii quuftee waan galteef
16. Ani ufiif hin jennee, mucaan keessan ka hangafaa sun fuudha hin geennee? jette intalti mucaa kajeelte.
17. Soddaa fi dayma hin duudhatan.
18. Osoo dhukubsataan jiru, fayyaalessi du’a.
19. Ana bakki na dhukubu asii mitii maraafuu bakkuma gooftaan kiyya jedhe san kooba jette bookeen.
20. Makkitu malee makkaa hin hajjan
(Makkitu : naamaaf mijooftu/mijaa’u)
21. Akka dida’aa fi akka didanaatti na galchi
22. Daalun xaraan kaanu tara.
Qopheessan : Abdii Boriiti
Wallisaan Oromoo hangafaa fi beekamoon dhalatee waggaa 61tti adunyaa kana irraa boqochuun ibsame. Hayluun kan dhalate Lixa Oromiyaa, Wallaggaa, Qellem, Qaaqetti. Manni jirrenya isaa Finfinnee, Birbirsa Goorooti. Hayluun abbaa ilma tokkichaa, Sanyi Hayluu Disaasaati.
Hayluun hamma adunyaa kana irraa boqotutti aadaa fi aartii Oromoo calaqqisiisuu fi dagaagsuu irratti shoora guddaa taphachaa ture. Sirboota Afaan Oromoo barreesuu fi sagalee isaa kiloleen surbuudhan, diraamaa, fiilmii fi tiyaatira Afaan Oromoo adda addaa hojjechuun jiruu seenaa qabeessa saba isaaf dalagaa ture. Hayluun kana hundaa kana rawwachaa kan ture dhibbaa Oromummaa isaatiif isa irra gahaa turan hundaa danda’ee irra aanuu dhaani. Jirreenyi isaa hamma boqotutti inni keesa turesi kanuma mul’isa.
Sirboota Hayluu Disaasaa ittiin beekamu keessa muraasni: Geerarsa, yaa warra baddaa, yaa finna koo, naggaaden haa dabartuu, yaa damma koo, amma yaa marii, shaggee tiyyaa fa’i.
Biyyoon isatti haasalphatu.
Bilisee boqochuu artist Hayiluu disaasaa dhaggeesse jirta??
Dhaamsa mucaa isaa sanyii Hayiluu
Ergaa karaa keessaa dhuftee,
mee oromoota nannoo finfinnee jiraniitti naaf dhaamigiiftiiko. kaleessa boqochuu Weeellisaa angafaa kana dhagahee awwaalchi isaas kaleessuma se’en gara finfinnee naanno birbirsa pihassaa jarri jedhan bakka itti galaa ture iyyaafadhee dhaqe. Garuu anoo ofittan qaana’e waanan argeen eenyummakoo jibben sitti hima mana osoo hin taanee qooxii handaqqoorra gargar hin jiru. gootichi aartii Oromoo kun achuma keessa taa’eet waggaa 42 baandii hagar fiqir keessatti masaanuuwwan afaanifii aadaa oromoon mormaa aartii oromoof gumaachaa ture. garuu harkasaa hin arganne uummata kanarraa.silaa goonni mana hin qabu jedhu mana gaarii teesso bareeda jiruu dhuufaa mijataa dhabuunsaa omaamiti. baga dhes seenaan isaa siidaa ta’et yaadma. innoo uummataaf jiraataa turee. kan na ajaa’ibsiise garuu osoo mana hinqabaatii waltajjiirratti yoo bahu fuulsarra kolfafi qoosaa wallee malee miirri dhabaa fi kadhaa hin mul’atu.goodo inni itti galu keessa wanti tokko hin jiru.garuu inni dhukkubsachuus erga eegalee irra bubbule jedhan takkaa mootummaanis ta’e namoota dhuunfaan nagargaaraa yoo jedhu hin dhageenye hin jennes. Garuu baandii sana keessatti yeroo heddu hacuucamaa gidirfamaa hidhamaa tuffatamaa akka jiru carra argatetti fayyadamee himatee ture roorroo sabaaf naa birmadhaa jedhaa ture.keessattu sirba yaa warra badda jedhurratt fi yeroo waltajjirratti sirbitu jechota qineen nuarrabsita jedhamee hidhamas hojirra hari’ames ture. Wellisa Hayiluu Disaasaa tokkicha qixxee kumaa bara 1963 waltajjiirratti bahee afaan oromoo afaan aartii afaan midiyaaf tolu kanittin sirbanii bashannan ta’u agarsiise. wagga 40 oromoo bakka bu’e tiyaatiran welluun diraamaan baandii agar fiqir keessa tajaajile xuratas bahe ture. yaa dhaloota qubee goota kanatu du’ee awwaalcha dhabe nurraa. uuuuuu….https://www.facebook.com/bilise.gadisa.7/posts/1852571331693986?pnref=story.unseen-section
አንጋፋው የኦሮሚኛ ሙዚቃ አቀንቃኝ ኃይሉ ዲሳሳ አረፈ
(ዘ-ሐበሻ) ከአንጋፋ የኦሮሚኛ ሙዚቃ አርቲስቶች መካከል አንዱ የሆነው አርቲስት ኃይሉ ዲሳሳ ትናንት ምሽት ጃንዋሪ 18, 2017 ማረፉ ተሰማ::
ድምጻዊ ሃይሉ ዲሳሳ በተለይ በሀገር ፍቅር ትያተር በኦሮሚኛ ዘፈኖች ዝነኛ ድምፃዊ ነበረ:: ኃይሉ በ61 አመቱ ህይወቱ ሲያልፍ የ1 ልጅ አባት እንደነበር የሕይወት ታሪኩ ያስረዳል::
Oromo music legend artist Hayluu Disaasaa died 18 January 2017, age 61. He is survived by his only son.
The following are some of Hayluu Disaasaa’s popular music works:- Yaa damma koo, geerarsa, na fuute, shaggee tiyya, amma yaa marii.
Ammayyaa Bulloo Boshee
Bareedduu xiqqoo rosee.
Manaa hin baatu jedhanii
Gabaa hin baatuu jedhanii
Koo yaa hintaloo,
Kan si eegu gutuntumaa
Namaa hin naatu jedhanii
Maal wayyaa koo
Kan odeessan dhuguma moo
Sifan kophaa gunguma anoo.
Arjoo fi Begii Naqamtee,
Shaambuu fi Horroon imaltee,
Waan ofii koo maaloo,
Lafa qeerroon dhaadatuu,
Waan barbadde si bitaa,
Wanta feete si bitaa,
Ati tiiyya taanaan isa yaanni jaallatuu.
Ichilbee daarii Gobbuu,
Maroolee koo maaloo,
Ya sinnaara sararaa,
Sitti obsee kee na godhuu,
Waan ofii koo maaloo,
Jaarsi sawwan yaafatee,
Dirreetti ooffatee dheechisaa,
Wayi nama wal jaallatee,
Waan ofii koo maaloo,
Ija irratti beeksisaa.
Ammayyaa Bulloo Boshee
Bareedduu xiqqoo rosee.
Maal wayya magaaltittii,
Najjoo irraa moo Ginbitti si eegaa,
Eessatti naaf dhuftaa,
Barrisii na koottuu,
Yoo tiyya taatee,
Maaliif na dhibsitaa………..
Amensisa Ifa producer of “Maalan Jiraa?” and many other movies & TV Series, wins Best Director at the first Tom Film Awards! Amensisa Ifa have been working with TVO & ETV(EBC) as an Editor. Currently He is working with BBC Media Action and editing a TV series drama DHEEBUU, which is about of 80 episodes, broadcast on TVO.
I’m excited to win Best Director at the first Tom Film Awards! Thank you everyone for your continued support! Amensisa Ifa
Aadaafi Aartiin Oromoo yeroo ammaa maalirra jira, garamittis arreedaa jira? Guddina amma irra ga’eef artistoota keenya gameeyyii kan akka Alii Birraafi Admaasuu (Abbaa Lataa) fa’aa yoo kaasne, dhaloota keenya har’ammoo eenyuunfaa haa jennu?. Isinumti ofiif itti guuttadhaa…! Guddina Aartii keenyaa dudduubas daarekteerotaafi gulaaltota(editors) fiilmii immoo milkaa’ina aartii keenya kanaaf gumaacha olaanaa taasisaa jiranis qabna.
Sirbi kun ga’umsa ogummaasaan ummanni Oromoo baddaa hanga gammoojjiitti beekamtii itti kenneef isa duraa haa ta’u malee, fiilmiiwwan dokumenterii hedduufi diraamawwan TV kannen akka DHEEBUU editarummaan ykn gulaaluudhaan hirmaachaa jira. Ogummaan daarekterummaa (qajeelchuu) yaaddawwan barreessitonniifi weellistootni qopheessanii lubbuu itti godhanitti foon horuun/ijaaruun argaa dhageettii daawwattootaa qalbii fuudhudha. Ogummaan kun artistoota Oromoo hedduu qabnu keessatti baay’inaan kan hin mul’anneedha. Gama kanaan Amansiisaa Ifaa dargaggoo onnataa jabana kanaa Waaqni Oromoof kaase.
Dhabbanni leenjii Vidiyoogiraafiifi Footoogiraafii Toomii sanbata darbe badhasa ‘Tom Film Awards’ jedhamu yeroo jalqabatiif sadarkaa biyyaatti qopheessee ture. Sirna kanarratti fiilmiwwaan 12 ol ta’an akka biyyaatti filatamanii gosoota dorgommii 7 morkatameera.Badhaasa kanas bu’aa dhaloota qubee kan ta’e dargaggeessi qaroo Oromoo Amansiisaa Ifaa mo’achuu danda’eera. Dorgommii kanarratti Amansiisaan Daayirekteera Cimaa bara 2015 ta’uudhaan filatameera. Kana keessaa eegaa daayirekteera cimaa bara 2015 jedhuun ilmi Oromiyaan miixuu cimaan deesse, gadadoo fi rakkina cimaan dadhabdee asiin geesifatte Amansiisaan 1ffaa ta’uudhaan badhaasa qophaa’eef olaantummaan fudhachuu kan danda’e.
Sirni badhaasaa kun Bitootessa 5, 2016 magaalaa Finfinnee galma tiyaatira Biyyoolessaatti kan raawwatame yoo ta’u, keessummoonni ogummaa filmii adda addaa qaban biyyitti keessaa jiran filmiwwan dhiyaatan irratti guyyoota dheeraaf gamaagama erga geggeesanii boodee guyyaa dhumaas ammoo vidiyoo gabaabaa filmiwwanii erga dawwatanii kana irrattis yaadni kennamee booda ture Amansiisaan ummata sana hundumaa amansiisee mo’achuu kan danda’ee uummata Oromoof ammoo ilma ittin boonan ta’e.
Amansiisaan mallattoo qulqullina aartii Oromooti, sababiinsaa hojiiwwan hanga ammaatti hojjetee ummataan ga’e keessatti xiyyeeffannoo guddaa kennudhaan qulqulliinaa fi injifannoodhaan xumureera. Amansiisaan sirba Hacaaluu “Maalan Jiraa?” jedhu irratti yaadaa fi qalbiii uummataa Oromoo seenee; itti aansuun sirba weellisaa angafaa fi beekamaa Zarihun Wadaajoo “Hin Oolu” jedhu irratti ammoo dhama aartii isaa lammaffaa nu dhandhamachiise. Itti aansuudhaan hojii weellisaa Kamaal Ibraahim fi Shukurii Jamaal “Dubbii Lafaa…” jedhuun ammoo ogummaa isaa deebisee mirkaneesse.
Katabbii koo kanaan hojiiwwan Amansiisaan aartii Oromoo keessatti gumacheefi gumaachaa jiru isiniif himuuf utuu hin taane, injifannoon kun kan uummata Oromoo ta’uusaa isin hubachiisuufi. Oromoo marti dargaggoo kanaan boonuu qaba. Dargaggoonni dhaloonni qubee ammoo qeerransa keenya kanaa faana dha’uun kallattii irratti bobba’ee hojjechaa jirurratti cichee qeerransa ta’uu qaba.
Anaaf Amansiisaan Qeerransa!
Horaa Bulaa Deebanaa
Gadaan Gadaa Bilisummaatti
Dirree armaa gadii tuqaatii wallistuu Motuma Mahdi Mohamediif ‘VOTE’ godhaaf. Oromummaan haa calaqqisu adunyaa irratti.
Egaa sichi nyaannaa yoom nyaanne foon maddii
Galma ga’uf jiraa kan yaanne iddoo qabdii
Saartuu, the daughter of the late Oromo artist Usmayyoo Muussaa in her debut music song ‘Abbaa koo’.
Selfless Oromo Artist Usmayyoo Muussaa was in jail for 8 years in a harsh Woyyaane prison. He sustained severe torture and contracted all deadly diseases in jail. He was released from prison only when the regime was sure that he won’t survive. Usmayyoo died on November 18, 2006 in Ciro town and his funeral took place on November 19, 2006 in Ciro with a large crowd with Oromo tradition.
Though an Oromo nationalist and artist Usmaayyoo Muusaa is rest in peace, his legacy is beyond his grave and he passed on the torch of freedom to be pursued by millions of Oromo, including his children.
Like Usmayo Oromo citizens have fallen as the result of victim of torture of TPLF; many are fallen silent in the hands of this murderer’s government agents.
Usmayo’s daughter, Artist Saartuu Usmayoo, has release the first song dedicated to her father, “Abaa Koo”.
Usmayyoo Muussaa: Dukkana bara dheeraa:-
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Tafarii Salaalee: “Ayyaana Waggaa” [Oromo Music; August 19 Marks the Beginning of Irreechaa Birraa 2015]
Artistoonni Oromoo Aadaa naannoolee Oromiyaa kaabaa hanga kibbaa tti, bahaa hanga lixaa tti, wal-simachiisanii dagaagsan, walaleessanii weellisan, geerrarsaan kan rafe dadammaqsanii sabboonummaa dagaagsan, faarsanii maqaa goototaa ol-kaasan, Qabsoo Oromoo daangaa hanga daangaa tti sosochoosanii harka duwwaa rasaasa dura dhaabbatan. Oromummaaf jecha mana hidhaa tti dararaman, kaan lubbuun wareegaman, kaanis lubbuu oolfachuuf biyyaa baqatan. Waggoottan 23 darbaniif dararaan Artistoota Oromoo’rra gahaa jiru hagana jedhamee waan akka laayyoo tti ibsamu miti. Artsitoota Oromoo Eebbisaa Addunyaa, Usmaayyoo Muusaa, Yooseef Gammachuu, Maaramee Harqaasaa fi kabiroo miidhaa diinaa tiin hardha lubbuun uf cinaa isaan dhabnu’llee dalagaan isaanii Utubaa seenaa ta’ee ilmaan Oromoo waliin jiraata. Dararamnii fi miidhaan heddummatu’llee Artistoonni Oromoo kaleessas, hardhas gocha diinaa tiif hin jilbeeffanne, borus hin jilbeefatan!
Kallattii sochii fi qooda Artistoonni Oromoo saba isaan tiif gochaa jiran’rraa maqsuuf jecha torban darbe leenjiin haangawwan OPDO tiin Artistoota Oromoo tiif kennamuuf yaalame “abjuu dhaabachisoo” akka ta’e Artsitoonni leenjii dhuma sa’a’rra tti dubbatanii jiru. Artistoonni leenjii sana’rra tti hirmaatan “Isin garuu onnee Oromummaa ni qabduu?” jechuu dhaan OPDOn dantaa mootummaa Wayyaanee jajjabbessuun ala danta saba Oromoo tiif kan hin dhaabbanne, miidhaa fi dararama saba Oromoo’rraa gahaa jiru hambisuu ykn mormuuf’llee waa takka akka tattaafachaa hin jirre Artistootaan ibsanii jiru.
Egaa “bara Xaalyinaani weerartoota biyya alaga’rraa dhufan, Faranjoota jala hiriiranii kan biyya gabroomsisa turan ‘Baandaa’jedhamu turan, Baandaa jechuun nama lammii irraa dhalate lammii gane jechuu dha. Haata’u malee sirna koloneefataa Xaaliyaanii sana biyya Itoopiyaa’rraa ykn Oromiyaa’rraa kaasuuf sochi taasifame keessatti warri Baandaa ta’anii turan sun walii galanii gooftota isaani tti garagalan, Uummata isaanii cina dhaabbachuu dhaan koloneefatoota seeraan ala Uummata koranii ta’ani tti fincilan, duula itti banan, gabrummaa koloneefatoota alagaa jalaa biyyi akka bilisa ba’uuf qooda guddaa gumaachanii” jedhama. Egaa OPDO n“Birillee ke neqa ayhonem eqa” mamaksa jedhamu sana dhagayii, Bilillee dhuma dhugaa sana “Ye mayneqa eqa!” ta’anii afu moo “tokko dhuufuun dhiirummaa dha, lama dhuufuun gadhummaa” jedhanii Seenaa jijjiru laata?
Bu’aa ba’ii Artistoota Oromoo
Dararamni sirna bulchiinsa mootummaa Wayyaanee akkuma jirutti ta’ee, Artistoonni Oromoo bu’aa ba’ii akkamii keessa darbanii hojii muuziqaa hojjataa akka jiran Uummanni Oromoo sirrii tti hubatee jiraa laata? Bu’aa ba’ii jiru mee obsaan armaan gadii dubbisaa.
Kaasseetta (CD) tokko gurra ummata tiin ga’uu dhaaf, akkuma yeroo mana cidhaa ykn guyyaa ayyaana waggaa namuu ol-ka’ee weellisu sana salphaa miti. Bu’aa bayii hagana hin jedhamne keessa darbameetu kaasseettiin (CD)n sirbaa tokko maxxanfama. Artsitiin Oromoo tokko “Albumii muuziqaaa” tokko maxxansuuf walaloo fi yaadaloo qopheesseetuma sirbuun qofaa gahaa miti, irra deddebiyee baatii dheeraaf (waggoottaniif) sagalee qarachuu, shaakkala gahaa taé gochuu feesisa. Kana malees Artistoota meeshaa muuziqaa xabatan, “digital audio mixing” qindeessan, kan weelluu jalaa qaban, “studio” muziqaan itti qindeeffamu, kana hundaa walitti haanjessuu feesisa. Waan kana hundumaa guuttachuuf maallaqa barbaachisa. Yeroo amma kana tti sagalee qofaan weelluu caqasuun gahaa ta’uu dhiisuu mala. “Video clip” qopheessoofis bu’aa bayii kabiraa guddaa qaba. Namoota “Video”waraabanii gulaalan, nama “script” barreessee “director” ta’ee hojjachiisu, namoota shubbisan fi uffannaa adda addaa qopheessuutu artisticha’rraa eeggama. Kun hundumtuu horii feesisa, qarshii guddaa barbaachisa. Kana qofaa mitii yeroo “studio” keessatti muziqaan hojjatamu, Buna fi shayii, nyaata fi dhugaatii wanta heddutu bitama, kunis maallaqumaani. Yeroo dheeraaf (waggoottaniif) hojiilee qindaa’uu qaban kana qindeessuuf geejibaan asii achi deddebiyan, bibila bibilbiluun tola miti, kunis maallaquma barbaachisa.
Dalagaaleen armaan olitti caqafaman martinuu “original master recording” kaasseetta/CD/DVD tokko qofaatti cuunfamee ba’a. Erga muziqaan bifa kanaan qindaa’ee hojjatamee, cuunfamee ba’een booda heddummeessanii gurra Uummataa tiin ga’uuf tattaffiin itti fufa. “Poster, Cover, Sticker fi blank CD” heddumina qabu bituu fi maxxansuuf dirqamu. Akkasumas kaassetta/CD/DVD heddummeessuu (duplicate) gochuu qabu. Egaa waan kana hundaa qopheessuuf qarshii guddaa barbaachisa.
Haala hunda keessa darbanii hojiidhuma xumuurame kana raabsuu dhaan gurra Uummataa tiin ga’uuf mana muuziqaa kaassetta/CD isaaniif raabsu argachuun heddu dadhabsiisaa dha. Manni muziqaa Oromoo Finfinne keessaa jiran (kanneen kaasseetta muuziqaa raabsuu dandayan) lakkoofsaan heddu xiqqaa dha. Heddumminaan kan jiran kan sab-lammoota kabiraati.Kanaafuu artistoonni Oromoo qarshii liqeeffatanii, fira itti kadhatanii gidiraa heddu arganii kaassetta/CD qopheessanillee, mana muuziqaa isaan harkaa fuudhee Ummataaf raabsuu argachuuf bu’aa bayii guddaa heddu seenu, mana muuziqaa ‘tole’jedhee isaaniif raabsu hin aragamu, kun rakkoo isa kabiraa dha.Tarii akka carraa manni muuziqaa kaassetta/CD qophaa’e harkaa fuudhee raabsu yoo argame’llee manneen muziqaa warra alagaa wanna ta’aniif itti dhimmanii sirnaan hin raabsaniif, beeksisa barbaachisaa ta’e sirnaan hin raawwataniif. Gurguramee dhiisee, Aartiin Oromoo dagaagee dhiisee dantaa warra mana muuziqaa alagaa miti. Yoo tolee gurgurame waan raabsani’rraa bu’uu argachuu, yoo hin gurguramnes kisaaraan isaan mudatu wanta hin jirreef hojii Artistoota Oromoo tiif warri abbaa qabeenyaa mana muuziqaa alagaa waanti isaan dhiphisu gonkumaa hin jiru.
Artsitoonni Oromoo ijoollee iyyeessa tti, ijoollee Qonnaan bulaati, qarshii hojii kanaaf oolu argachuuf heddu dhiphatu, hojii umnaa hojjatanii, hiriyaa’rraa liqeefatanii, fira’rraa kadhatanii qarshii argataniin aarsaa guddaa kafalaa jiru. Bifa kanaan bu’aa bayii heddu keessa darbanii Artii, Aadaa, Seenaa, Afaan, Siyaasaa fi Sabboonummaa Oromoo kan dagaagsaa jiran.
“Egaa Kaasseettiin/CD/DVD”n bifa kanaan bu’aa bayii hedduun qophaa’ee booda hoo Ummanni keenya orijinaala qofaa bitatee obboleeyyan keenya jajjabeessaa jiraa?” gaaffiin jedhu yoo ka’e, “hagas maraa miti”n deebii ta’a, sadarkaa barbaadamu tti bifa gahaa ta’een Uummanni keenya originaala bitataa hin jiru, hagi tokko waraabbii bitata. Waraabbii bitachuun cuunfaa dafaqa Artistoota keenyaa itti fayyadamuu yoo taé malee baasii fi rakkina Artistoonni keenya keessa jiraniif wanna tokkoo’llee hin fayyadu. Yoo xiqqaatee xiqqaate waggaa tti “Albumiin muuziqaa” Oromoo dhibbi tokko tti lakkawwaman ni maxxanfamu. Garuu achi keessaa rabbi gargaaree waan hunda sirnaan injifatee baldhinaan, sirnaan gurra Uummataa kan qaqqabu sirboota Artiistoota 3 hin caalu. Kana jechuun “Albumiin muuziqaa Oromoo bu’aa bayii hedduun hojjatamu’llee waggaa tti harka 100 keessaa haki 97 otoo sirnaan gurra Uummata baldhaa hin qaqqabiin hukamfamee afaa jechuu dha. Egaa haala kanaan kan ka’e sabboontonni Artistoota Oromoo kasaaraa maallaqaa fi hamilee cabiinsi kan isaan mudate hedduu dha. Jiruu fi jireenya ulfaataa taé jalatti kufanii jiraachuuf haalli isaan dirqee jira.
Otoo abbaan qabeenyaa Oromoo mana muuziqaa ciccimaa adda addaa qaabatanii rakkinni hagana ulfaaataa ta’e Artsitoota Oromoo hin mudatu ture. Otoo Uummanni keenya kaasseetta/CD/DVD originaala Artistoota keenya’rraa sirnaan bitatee dararamni hagana ga’u Artistoota keenya hin mudatu ture. Otoo Artistiin Oromoo tokko biyya alaa kana keessa keessummummaf mana namoota Oromoo deddeeme namni martinuu gammachuun isa simata, affeerraa nyataa fi dhugaatii guyyaa tokkoo qofaa tti shakkii tokko malee “dollar ykn Euro” 100 (dhibba tokko) inuma baasuuf. Egaa affeerraa guyyaa tokkoof haga kana baasuun ni dandayama yoo ta’ee kaassetta originaala Dolaara/euro 10 (kudhaniin) bitachuun maaf nutti ulfaatee? Jennee of gaafachuun gaarii ta’a. Kana qofaa miti, yeroo adda addaa “concert iin muuziqaa” bakka adda addaa tti sirnaan maaf hin qophoofnee? Otoo kunis sirnaan hojiirra oolee rakkoo Artistoonni keenya qaban furuun wanti hin dandayamneef hin jiru ture.
“Otoo, otoo, otoo”jechun hin fayyadu. Kan fayyadu wanna ta’uu qabu, wanta Lammiin Oromoo gochuu danda’u tokko raawwachuutu rakkoo hiika, furmaata fida malee. Kanaafuu Artistoonni Oromoo “Artii, Aadaa, Seenaa, Afaan, Siyaasaa fi Sabboonummaa Oromoo dagaagsaa jiru” jennee yoo itti amanne Artistoonni keenya gootota keenya wanna ta’aniif faarsuu qabna. Faarsuun keenya erga Artistiin tokko lubbuu dhaan darbee/darbiteen booda qofaa ta’uu hin qabu, otuma lubbuun jiranii isaan haa faarsinu, ha jajjabbeessinu, dalagaa isaanii orijinaala haa bitannu, diingdee fi beekkumsa qabnuun isaan cina haa dhaabbannu. Keessattuu yeroo ammaa kana tti Artistoota keenya dibeen dararamaa jiraniif Uummanni keenya ariitiin, gargaarsa barbaachisaa ta’e abbomuu qaba.
Waan Bayeessa haa hojjannu!
Bu’uuressaa Oromummaa Founadtion fi
Ishoo yaa kannisaa!
Dandii fi dirree marsii coradhu nadhii dammaa
Daraaraa mara irraa dhamdhamadhu dhama;
Dhugaa fi fiigi ati saafaan hin dhorkamin
Yookaas bokkaa gannaa tasa hin sodaatin!
Yoo dirreen manca’e ce’ii deemi lagaa
Goblaan barrisi adda baasi dhugaa!
Nadhii coruun kan kee hamaatti herregame
Damma fi booka naquun dhiphina jedhame;
Jibbaan yoo reebamte ilbisa haqa hin beekneen
Sariitii fi tisiisaan waranamtee albeen.
Shira dangaa hin qabneen suuqatti gatamtee
Hamilee kee doomsuuf lammii irra adda baatee;
Kan si keessa jiru lubbuu du’u miti
Isa dhugaa seeneessu kan bara-baraa ti!
Ishoo yaa kannisaa! Suubiin ka’ii fiigi
Tisisaan hin ooliin, somoddoo irraa maqi.
Bakka garii olii qulqullaa’ii hafi
Haqaan deemaa oli qaanii malee rafi!
Marsaa sariitii tiin marfamtee utuu jirtu
Ati haqaan deemta balaa illee hin sodaattu.
Tisisatti ni himta, sariitiitti ni baanta
Dhugaa lammii keetii bookeetti ni dubbatta.
Amaaketa fi yeyyii sodaattee hin calliftu
Summii buutii fi bofaa tasuma hin dheessitu!
Ishoo yaa kannisaa, uumama akka uumaa
Soortuu qaamaa fi lubbuu tokkittii akka kumaa
Haadha ogummaa gaarii haadhoo qulqullinaa
Uggum! Yaa kannisaa mallattoo jabinaa!
Bu’aa kee lakkaa’ee yeroon si yaadadhu
Booka kee unadhee damma kee cuubadhu
Lammii koo ta’uu kee tu qirqirsee na boonsa
Akka kee sab-boonuu tu haalaan na si’eessa!
Baaruu Baayisaa Daaqaa: firstname.lastname@example.org
Perverted Development: What role for Institutions
By Temesgen M. Erena (DPhil), Economist
The ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influence, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist.
JEL: B13, D2, D6, O1
The force of human reductionism that had assaulted on Oromia’s history, civilisation, politics and economy for many centuries in the last three Christian millenniums and particularly of the last two centuries has continued in the new millennium to enfeeble the endeavours of its people towards progress and development.
Oromia is not the poorest of the nations of the world in resources but it is one of the most underdeveloped, characterized by thwarted advancement, declined progress and cataclysm.
In Oromia today immense agricultural potential, mineral wealth and human capital coexist with some of the lowest standards of living in the world. Part of the problem lies in the nature of the economic change the Abyssinian colonialism fostered in Oromia. The Oromo economy has been distorted to serve the Abyss interest and needs.
Oromos are the most brutalised and humiliated in modern history. The genocidal treatments, which Oromos have received from Abyssinians, have been as gruesome as anything experienced by Jews, Native American and native Australians and the Armenians received from the Nazi, Europeans, white Americans, and the Ottoman Turkey respectively. Oromos have also been humiliated in history in ways that range from the level of slavery, segregation and treated as second-class citizens in part of their own country to the present day in spite of being numerically the majority and geographically the largest territory.
In the early 1990s the old Amhara settler colonialism (Nafxanyaa system) was substituted by Tigrean ‘federal colonialism’ (neo- nafxanyaa system) the facet of exploitation seemed to take on new dimensions. In fact, the pattern of colonisation and domination has remained the same since it instated century ago with the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885, which had approved the scramble for Africa among European colonial powers. It was a time when the cruel Abyssinian Empire was given an ordinance of Christianising and ‘civilizing’ the Oromos; though it is a historic derision how a backward and barbaric empire was to ‘civilize’ the society of prime civilisation, high culture and social structure, the ‘natives’, whose development levels and potentials were diverse and by far advanced.
The very idea of Christianising and civilizing was an external imposition often upheld by external protagonists. In the pre 1974 Ethiopia, this took the form of substantial military and economic aid from the US America and Europe. During the Cold War era, the mission of oppression of the Oromos maintained and supported by fresh military and economic aid from the then Soviet Union scheme of spreading its sphere of dominion and its ideology to Africa. In the contemporary ‘new world disorder’, the support has got new momentum in which the old Christian missionaries are replaced by an army of western neo-classical economists who peddle a ‘free market’ ideology, which they hope, will take care of the imprisoned market agents, in this case the Oromos.
According to the new Gospel, the Tigrean colonizers are given the mandate and the necessary financial backing to pursue ‘economic liberalization’ while keeping strict control that Oromia remains the Abyssinian colony. The liberalization agenda has served as a precursor of the making of Tigrean version of crony capitalism or more appropriately advanced feudalism in the age of economic globalisation. It is alien to Adam Smith’s invisible hand, social justice and the free-market ideals of relying on legal contracts, property rights, impartial regulations and transparency. It is no wonder that the political and economic prescriptions that the Ethiopian colonial rules implemented and or pretend to implement are in line with the advice of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and The US administration’s The Horn of Africa Initiative all of which have exacerbated the problem of the Oromo nation. It has also betrayed the ideals of free market, social justice, self-determination and human rights.
The sorrowing fact is that shared interest and solidarity between the West and the Abyssinian colonizers are impoverishing the people. Pretentious and ill-conceived measures are being taken in the name of free market and above all development. Currently, there are a number of regime-sponsored ‘associations’ of this or that ‘Region/State’s Development’ anti-terrorism, poverty alleviation, renewal process, revolutionary democracy, etc. Given this, the people’s last resort is to defend their own interests is the exit option or to retreat from the colonizers. What has become more apparent than ever is the need to rely on the Oromo initiatives to solve the problems of the Oromo. The Oromo poor need to defend themselves from the bogus free market invaders and their phoney local allies. This is necessary, since, in the absence of property rights, social justice, and individual and social freedom and democracy, no free market economic gimmickry is able to reserve the tragedy of the oppressed. It is within this context, that we discuss, how the Ethiopian colonial rules, in collaboration once with international socialism and now with the global capitalism has impoverished and underdeveloped one particular community in Africa, the Oromo nation.
Sclerotic to development: The Abyssinian Colonial Occupation and Its Alliances
Economists are inspired to point out the weight of political factors, captured by the term ‘governance’ and its role in economic development. Concerns about political factors in economic development is revitalized because of the dearth of economic development reform and structural adjustment programs to yield definite success and prosperity, particularly, in Africa. The main problem pointed out is ‘poor governance’ (World Bank, 1989; Moore, 1992). There are three different aspects to the notion of governance that can be identified as:
The form of political regime (independent, colonial government, multi-party democracy, authoritarian, etc.),
The process by which authorities exercised in the management of the country’s economic and social resource; and’
The willingness, the competence and the capacity of the government to design, formulate, and implement genuine development policies, and, in general to discharge development and government functions.
As there is no antithesis concerning the conviction that ‘good’ governance is an important and desirable ingredient of development, scholars are cautious not to attach specific regime type and political reforms to good governance. Broadly, however, good governance is legitimated by developmentalist ideology while poor governance is characterized by ‘state elite enrichment ‘ (Jackson and Rosberg, 1984), the ‘rent seeking society’ (Krueger, 1974) or ‘politics of the belly’ (Bayart, 1993;Tolesa, 1995) such as Ethiopia, Nigeria and Zaire). The latter in fact are characterized by sclerotic behaviours and are obstacles to development.
The Oromia’s underdevelopment (negative development) and its associated problems are never going to be understandable to us, much less contain it, as long as we persist to ponder it as a mere as an economic enigma. What is before us momentarily is in essence an enigma of political colonialism whose economic after-effects are severe.
Not only the problem is basically political and colonial in character. It arose largely from Abyssinian imperial conquest and its associated colonial disposition, which is characterized by reliance on sheer force, state terror, genocide, plunder, authoritarianism and violence.
The story goes back to the days of the Abyssinians crossed the Red Sea and seized the territory and resources of the Cushites ( Bibilical Ethiopia, the present Horn of Africa and Oromia) making concerted aggression on the latter’s history and culture in the name of settlement and civilizing the ‘non-believers.’
As it is discussed above and elsewhere, in the first millennium BC the Abyssinian group crossed the Red Sea from South Arabia (source: the debtras’ records and memories of Abyssinian high school history text book) to the present North East Africa to conquer and resettle the land occupied by endogenous Oromo and the other Cushitic people. Recent research recognises that the Semitic culture of the Abyssinian empire’s northern highlands was built on the Cushitic base for which not genuine credit has been given, and the Axum obelisks which were attributed to the (Sabeans Abyssinians) do not have corresponding existence on the Arabian peninsula while they are abundant in the Nile valley stretching from Egypt to ancient Kush in today’s Sudan. This most probably indicates that the earlier phase of Axum civilization was predating the Sabean infiltration/invasion.
Cleansing as a policy was initiated to conquer the Cushite territories. The territory they conquered was divided among numerous Abyss chiefdoms that were as often at war with each other as with Oromo and the entire Cushite. The population of conquered territories were considered as dangerous thus; Abyssinian cleansing, up rooting, forced labour and killings of the vanquished were conducted as the means of crushing resistance, securing the conquered territories and even to expand their occupation further. Though the Abyssinian gained some territories and resettled in the northern highlands of the Oromo and other Cushitic regions among others Afar, Agau, etc., their expansion was checked for a long time in history by wars of resistance and liberation they encountered by the endogenous people. These wars of resistance led to a decisive victory for Oromo, Afar and Somali nations particularly from 12th to the second half of 19th century. As a result of such a defeat Abyssinians started to wage particularly anti-Oromo propaganda battles to alert themselves and attract foreign support against the Oromo. The derogative name ‘Galla’ and the ‘16 century Oromo migration’ were all the Abyssinian fabrications and to serve the war against Oromo. In fact, the Oromo oral history shows that the 16th century was a massive Abyssinian further southward migration and intensive campaign to entirely control Oromia and other territories. For the Oromo this period was characterized by political and military dynamism and at the same time it was a period of victory, massive dislocations, rehabilitation and displaced communities returning home.
According to M. Bulcha (see Oromo Commentary), it was only during the second part of the 19th century that the Abyssinians ultimately succeeded to make significant in roads into the Oromo territory. Tewodros (also known in different names Hailu, Kassa, Dejazmach, Ras, etc., as other Abyssinian shiftas and present Woynes, is on record for his brutish hostility towards the Oromo nation. He was not the first or the last of his kind. They were many before and after him, for concrete evidence even today, this time and this second. All of them have been gangsters of very abnormal characters and Abyssinian detested figures. The Abyssinians remembered Tewodros and his type not only as the romanticized hero figures but also portrayed them as a modernises. Tewodros the lunatic and bandit declared and conducted a war of extermination against the Oromo. In order to help them to bargain for the western support, he and all his type including Yohannes, Menelik, Haile Sellasie, Mengistu and currently Meles declared anti-Islam and anti-Muslim nations. They mobilized all their resources and the entire Abyssinia (Amhara &Tigre) against the Oromo to achieve their goal. Tewodros made every effort to obtain the European military support claiming his fictions of Christian identity and ideology (the then dominant political ideology though he had not any biblical ethics and values, not at all). Tewodros is a symbol and an element of Abyssinian barbarism that was conducted at particular historical stage (1850-1868). Such barbarism has been conducted since the Axumite period (3000 years) but has never achieved its ultimate goal of elimination of the entire endogenous people of the North-East Africa. But it eliminated millions of and it thwarted the civilisations of Cushite people. They have used all the devastating means the: Christian civilizing ideology, European army, settler colonialism, Soviet Socialism, Stalin collectivisation, Mengistu’s villegisation, and America’s structural adjustment, terrorism, etc. They have always tried to change names after names for the same ugly & old expansionism, feudalism and empire (the legendary land of Sheba, Ethiopia, Ethiopia first, socialist Ethiopia, republic, mother land, federal etc.). The very name Ethiopia is Hellenistic Greece. It was the name used in the ancient Greece occupation (before Romans) of North Africa people and southward expansion. This name was colonialism from the beginning and it has been, it is and it will be. It is not African in origin as the people who invented it. This name was adopted and maintained to conquer the entire Cush and then the entire Africa in the shadow of christianisation. It is a sinister name that has no boundary and ethnic identity. It is not only the conquered people of North-East Africa but also all Africanists that must understand, including its sinister philosophy. It was designed and adopted to deconstruct an endogenous African identity.
One implication of the doctrine of Abyssinian ‘civilizing mission’ was that the Oromos needed to be ruled by Abyssinians and could not responsibly be granted civil liberties. Authoritarian as it has always been, the Abyssinian colonial rule in Oromia whether under Menelik II, Haile Selassie, Mengistu and currently under Meles has been characterized by the ‘politics of the belly.’ The underlying ethos remains self-aggrandizement and those elites are alien to growth whereas corruption, brutality, inefficiency and grotesque incompetence have tainted their politics. Time and again, they siphoned off Oromia’s wealth and indulged in conspicuous consumption and stashing millions of dollars in remote secret accounts in Europe, America and Asia. Scholars understand that development is about the future. However, the Abyssinian elites are living for the present. They came for quick self enrichment. The Oromos have no opportunity to invest in their country. They disowned everything.
While the Abyssinian colonial settlers in Oromia do no want and support policies that promote development, they find military and other forms of support abroad to stay in power. In more than one time, this force of underdevelopment has been strongly reinforced by external forces (Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990). Despite generous foreign assistance, this hardly commanded legitimacy to mobilize the colonized masses behind their rule. To the contrary, people who have waged legitimate struggle to reclaim their freedom, cultures and history has fiercely resisted their rule.
As it has been discussed elsewhere, Oromos have their own political power, which was fully operational before they were colonized and occupied by Abyssinians put under the strict control of Ethiopian empire state. Their political system is based on the Gadaa (Gada) system. The Gadaa system has been the foundation of Oromo civilization, culture and worldview (Jalata, 1996). The Gadaa political practices manifested the idea of real representative democracy with checks and balance, the rule of law, social justice, egalitarianism, local and regional autonomy, the peaceful transfer of democratic power, etc. (Jalata, 1966). The Gadaa political system also facilitated property rights, stability, and the expansion of free trade, commerce, improved farm techniques and permanent settlements, gradual diversification of division of labour. The Gada state was non-taxing state. Military was not the focal point, only defensive which is democratic. It was the opposite of expansionist, imperial, genocide or conquering state, e.g. Roman, Sparta, Abyssinian and Serbia, etc.
One of the distinctive virtues of Gadaa state was the weight of civilian power as compared to military power, military aristocracy was practically absent and in normal times, the army executed only an inconspicuous, if not nonexistent, political function. The military aristocracy was not the focal point of society. War had rather a defensive mission.
Nonetheless, particularly since the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Abyssinian colonial rule and its state disallowed the Gadaa political system and expropriated the Oromo basic means of subsistence, such as land cattle while it established an Ethiopian system of rule over Oromia. The Oromo commerce and industrious activities were not only discouraged but also ridiculed and obtained the lowest social status. Productive relations were imposed through the process of commodity production and extraction between those who control or own the means of production, the state, and those who do not. Those who control the means of coercion had the opportunity to reorganize productive relations through dispossession of the colonized Oromos in order to expedite more product extraction.
The process of dispossession is multi-faceted and far-reaching. As the result of it, the Oromos have been denied power and access to education, cultural, economic and political fields while at the extremes, the Abyssinian colonialism has been practiced through violence, mass killings, mutilations, cultural destruction, enslavement and property confiscation.
Apart from the splendid crop farm and animal husbandry, in his 1896-1898 travels in Oromia Bulatovich (2000, pp 60-61) described the Oromian industrial and commercial economy as the most vibrant with conducive endogenous institution as follows:
“Artisans such as blacksmiths and weavers are found among the [Oromo]. Blacksmiths forge knives and spears from iron, which is mined in the country. Weavers weave rough shammas from local cotton. The loom is set up very simple. … There is also the production of earthenware from unbaked clay. Craftsmen who make excellent morocco; harness makers who make the most intricate riding gear’ artisan who make shields; weavers of straw hats (all [Oromo] know how to weave parasols and baskets), aromers who make steel sabers; weavers who weave delicate shammas, etc.
Bulatovich Observed that commerce in Oromo was both barter and monetary based. The monetary unit was the Austrian taller and salt. The former was rather little in quantity and was concentrated in the hands of merchants. He witnessed that Oromos have great love for commerce and exchange economy. According to Bulatovich (2000, pp, 61-63):
“In each little area there is at least one market place, where they gather once a week, and there is hardly an area which is relatively larger and populated which does not have marketplace strewn throughout. Usually the marketplace is a clearing near a big road in the centre of [Oromo] settlements…. Rarely does any [Oromo] man or women skip market day. They come, even with empty arms or with a handful of barely or peas, with a few coffee beans or little bundles of cotton, in order to chat, to hear news, to visit with neighbours and to smoke a pipe in their company. But besides, this petty bargaining, the main commerce of the country is in the hands of the [Oromo], and they retain it despite the rivalry of the Abyssinians. Almost all the merchants are Mohammedan. They export coffee, gold, musk, ivory, and leather; and they import salt, paper materials, and small manufactured articles. They are very enterprising and have commercial relations with the Sudan, Kaffa, and the Negro tribes.”
The Oromos have also valued both the collective and personal independence and freedom very much. Their peaceful and independent way of life was broken and their freedom lost with the coming of the utterly vicious and sever authority and hard school of surrender and obedience of the Abyssinian conquerors. As Bulatovich (2000, p.65) further described:
“The main character of trait of the [Oromo] is love of complete independence and freedom. Having settled on any piece of land, having built him a hut, the [Oromo] does not want to acknowledge the authority of anyone, except his personal will. Their former government system was the embodiment of this basic trait of their character- a great number of small independent states with figurehead kings or with a republican form of government. Side with such independence, the [Oromo] has preserved a great respect for the head of the family, for the elders of the tribe, and for customs, but only insofar as it does not restrain him too much.”
Jalata (1993) sees the Ethiopian colonial domination as the negation of the historical process of structural and technological transformation. This is the case where the Abyssinian colonial class occupies an intermediate status in the global political economy serving its own interest and that of imperialists. The Oromos have been targeted to provide raw materials for local and foreign markets. Inside the empire, wherever they go, the Abyssinian colonial settlers built garrison towns as their political centres for practicing colonial domination through the monopoly of the means of compulsion and wealth extraction.
The Abyssinian colonial system was more cognated to a tributary system whereby the rulers extract tribute and labour from colonized lands. The Abyssinian peasants supported their households, the state and the church from what they produced. After its colonial expansion, Abyssinians maintained their tributary nature and established colonial political economy in Oromia and in the Southern nations. Although the colonial state intensified land expropriation and produce extraction from colonized peoples, capitalist productive relations did not emerge. Gradually with the further integration of the Ethiopian empire into the capitalist world economy, semi-capitalist farms seemed to emerge by extracting their fruits mainly through tenancy, sharecropping and the use of forced-labour systems.
The colonial exploitation has been maintained under Mengistu’s so-called socialist collectivisation/ villegisation campaigns and in the current Meles’ regime under the mask of structural adjustment and ‘free’ market economic system.
It should also mentioned that in addition to authoritarian and coercive rule, the Ethiopian colonialism depended on an Oromo collaborationist agents that were essential to enforce Ethiopian colonialism. This second rate clique is merely an expandable appendage which devotes most of its energy to the scramble for the spoils of slavery, picking up the leftover in economic and political advantages. The main task of this class is to ensure the continuous supply of products and labour for the settlers. Of course this class was not always loyal to the Ethiopian colonial state (Jalata, 1993). Broadly speaking, the state itself is a battlefield for two exclusive claims to rule and political competition among the Ethiopian colonizers, the Amharas and Tigreans. In effect, this makes the Abyssinian colonizer politics effectively a zero-sum game and the very practice of politics become a negation of politics, i.e. politics are practiced with the inert ending of politics.
The Abyssinian rulers, who have inherited power used to believe that their interests were well served by depoliticising, muting and suppressing the Oromos and the Southern peoples’ quest for national-self determination under the guise of maintaining the unity of the Ethiopian empire. So they convinced themselves and tried to convince others that there were no serious socio-political differences and no basis for political opposition. Apoliticism has been elevated to the level of ideology while the political structures become ever more monolithic and authoritarian.
The political structures and political ideologies, which have been used to effect depoliticization and suppression, are all too familiar. The process entailed political repression, which the Oromos endured and suffered for more than a century. The implication of depoliticization is to deny the existence of differences, to disallow their legitimate expression and, therefore, to deny collective negotiation. Whatever the degree of repression, the process did not remove the differences. The ensuing popular frustration and resistance has led to even more repression. That is how political repression has become the most characteristic feature of the colonial political life and domination as its salient political relationship. All this means that political power becomes particularly important; so the struggle for it gets singularly intense.
In Abyssinian Colonial regime and psyche Seize power is supernatural and a magical axiom and power itself does not mean influence on policies but it means license over their colonial subjects. People have been so frightened and constricted by fear and indoctrination. Besides, they have been overwhelmed by deceptive rhetoric, crude, systematic misinformation, and hypocrisy, which made it virtually impossible to see through the situation and to form an intelligent judgement. The Abyssinian rulers including Tewodros, Menelik, Yohannes, Hailessilassie, Mengistu and Meles in resemble wanted an absolute power both on earth and heaven. All mobilised Abyssinian myth to enhance their cults. Loyalty and submission to them was being shrouded in an illusive appeal to be a good citizen. We heard and observed, childhoods dominated by a miasma of poverty, misery, starvation, with no shoes, slavery, slave soldier, premature and painful deaths. The power of the Abyssinian colonial empire has been not only absolute but also arbitrary, extraordinarily statist and hostile. It tightly controls every aspects of its subject’s economy. In the state where politics is driven by the calculus of power, everyone in arena only focused in the accumulation of power. Politics has been reduced to a singular issue of domination. It has never afloat restraint and dispensation. There have been regime changes within the empire but the new has accustomed to reproduce and reinforce the past. None of the the Ethiopian rulers including the present regime fundamentally had any firm interest in transformation , and all of them were only too alert that they could afford to broaden the social base of the state power. Power has been maintained by politicising and manipulating the Abyssinian myth and chauvinistic nationalism and depoliticisation of the occupied. In doing so, they engaged in weakening. They produced not only fanatical divisions within their own echelon but antagonism and exclusivity in society and . the solidarity of the oppressed at any price. It is so clear that such political condition has been profoundly hostile to development. The struggle for power within itself and to sustain the occupation of the oppressed majority has been so engrossing that everything else, including development must be sacrificed
The oppressed are exposed to all kinds of onslaught by state that is hardly subject to any constitutional or institutional fetters. The colonial power barred Oromos from engaging in their own industrial enterprises, export trade, domestic commercial venture, modern and relatively productive farm, private, free media, education and philanthropy etc. Unlike the Hobbes’s state, it is so backward, uncivil sing, further underdeveloping and essentially a military institution that imposes subordination and maintains colonial condition. In this context, it is more colonial and barbaric by the standard of other colonial experiences observed elsewhere in the Americas, Asia and other parts of Africa.
There are two major aspects in which this situation has severely thwarted Oromia’s development. The first enigma lies in the incompatibility between the pursuit of development and the crusade for survival, reproduction of the existing forms of social control and domination. The deleterious after-effect of this animosity is that it leads to misuse of human resources, inefficiency and corruption. Unquestionably, appointments into the positions of power, even when they are positions, which demand specialized knowledge, tend to be made by political criteria, particularly by regarding these appointments as part of survival strategy. Each time such appointment is being made, the friction between political survivals, economic efficiency and development crops up. The ruination to efficiency and development derives not only from the performance criteria and likely incompetence of the persons so assigned but also from the general demoralization of the technically qualified and competent people purveying under them who are often repressed and frustrated by their subjection to the surveillance and regulations of people who are powerful but inapt. Here lies the role of Ethiopian ministers and parastatals: incompetent personnel used to obstruct productive use of resources. Wasted are also competent people. They lose at both ends. In the midst of waste, the Oromos have been denied basic civil and political rights and the right to development. Alien leaders who channel the meagre resources into unproductive uses imposed the related economic problem, the very rights over which the people are fiercely struggling.
Development projects were initiated for wrong reasons; they may, on account of political considerations, be located in places where they are least beneficial both economically and socially. One could site familiar cases where important contracts and licenses have been given to politically significant people. Higher positions are created and new rule and regulations are established just to benefit people whose political support is considered important. Oromia pays for all these disservice. The Ethio-crats are overpaid and creating demoralizing disparities between reward and effort. That is how; the persistence of Ethiopian imperial and colonial domination is imperilling to the integral tenets of development.
Abyssinian academics and international development agencies offer many factors for the apparent failures and crises of development industry in the Abyssinian empire: lack of capital, lack of technology, entreprenuerial skills, corruption, poor planning and management, socialist system, lack of infrustracture, falling commodity prices, cyclical drought, unfavourable international terms of trade, low level of saving and investment. These factors and the long lists of related factor are undeniably crucial factors in development. However, we have to address the misleading assumption that has commonly been taken that there has been development failures and crises. The Oromia experience exhibits the terrible realites that development has never been on the agenda. The business of the politics of occupation has prevented the pursuit of development and the emergence of relevant and effective development paragims and programs.
The burning question is, can the people of Oromia try to trade, farm, imitate and innovate then develop their economy in this state of siege? The question is vital and congruous; but the answer is doubtful, as it is impractical. Development strategies as such are comprehensive programs of social transformation. They call for a great deal of ingenious management, confidence in the leadership and commitment. They require clarity of purpose for a society at large; they need social consensus especially on the legitimacy of the leadership. Yet these are not common features of an institution, which does not represent the society. Besides, development is about change and that change may not work to the survival of the colonial rulers. In this sense it runs against the instincts of the rulers whose preoccupation is to survive and maintain its dominant position. One of the most amazing things about development discourse in Ethiopian empire is how readily it is assumed that the rulers are interested in development particularly when they profess commitment to development and negotiate with international aid organizations for economic assistance. People making this assumption forget the primacy of maintaining colonial power and its conflict with other social and economic goals.
Why the Ethiopian rulers embark on a course of societal transformation just because it is good for the nations under its empire like Oromos if it is bad for their own survival?
The ideology of development has been adopted to grapping resources from external aid agencies. In the name of development people are forced to obedience and conformity. Billions of dollars was looted by tolitarian regime and its cliques. Structural adjustment, privatisation, liberalisation, investment, rural development, fertiliser for farmers and democratisation have been the slogans of Mele’s regime for the last 20 years. There have not been: appropriate political structure and practices, administrative system, institutional framework to conduct development in Abyssinian empire. There have been also failures by international development agencies that have taken the responsibilities of financing development and transferring resources ignoring the specificity and historicity of the Abyssinian empire. This has also exhibited the mounting anarchy of development studies and development practices that has been based on modernising paragim.
The Abysinian rulers and their elites, especially the Amharas regard the ideal characters of themselves as the end of evolution. The application of this evolutionary schema meant advancement is a matter of assimilating to Abysinian culture. Abyysinians have established the negative view of the Cushite people, institutions and their culture. The colonial regime discourages any belief in the integrity and validity of the Oromo society and have offered the notion that Oromos can find validity only in their total transformation, that is, in their total self-alienation. On practical level , the result has been frustrating.They have assaulted on Oromo governance (Gadaa), Oromo culture, Oromo religion (Waqeffannaa) and Oromo names.They have changed Oromo names to Amharic (e.g. Finfinnee changed to Addis Ababa). They assaulted on the use of Oromo language. They evicted Oromos from cities and towns. They instituted the negative image of the Cushite and the superiority of the Abyssinians. How people in such state of mind, behaviour and attitude pursue development? According to Claude Ake “Development requires changes on a revolutionary scale; it is in every sense a heroic enterprise calling for consummate confidence. It is not for people who do not know who they are and where they are coming from , for such people are unlikely to know where they are going,”(Ake, 1996, p. 16).
When we think of development, it is about society at large and the paradox is that it is often the leader who is not in a position to think of the objective interests of the society. For thinking in this way entails profound democratic commitment, which cannot usually be expected of such leaders. By virtue of their position, colonial rulers suffer the disadvantage of confusing what maintains the existing social order, which they dominate, and they are tendentiously suspicious of change; it is all the more so when it comes to fundamental changes.
Finally, we need to remember some of the implications of development with respect to alien colonial rulers. As it has already been mentioned, they have been more interested in taking advantage of the social order inherited from their predecessors rather than in transforming it. To all appearances, they are colonial rulers. Oromos have been oppressed and humiliated for over a century. The political history of the last hundred years of colonial rule of Oromia has vividly indicted that the Oromos lacked freedom; it means that they did not have control over the products of their labour, it means that their natural resources and environment were tarnished by others; and eventually it means that they witnessed chronic poverty, destitution, killing forces, the forces of abuse & alienation, human misery and less and less of humane life.
In these circumstances, it is not surprising that where development is pursued in Oromia, if at all, it is full of ambiguities and contradictions and it is just a mere posture. Even taking these postures on the face value, in so far as we are critical of development strategies in Oromia, our criticism runs in the direction of their sloppy conception and hence their failure to come to grips with sclerotic of imperial domination. If we raise the question of the contradiction between political survival and social transformation, we commence to behold that it is doubtful and equivocal where development is, or it has ever been, on the colonizers’ list for Oromia.
The other aspect of economic consequences of colonial domination has been militarism, which is but the outcome of over-valuing of political power. Associated with it is the intense struggle to obtain and keep it. Therefore, the politics of the empire is sustained by warfare and force than by consent. In this atmosphere, force is mobilized and deployed: the winners are anxious to take absolute power into their hands while the losers forgo not only power but also lose liberty and even life. As politics relies solely on force, the vocabulary and organization advocates coercion. For that matter, the Ethiopian empire is a political formation of armies in action and this is in itself a serious development problem. In an institution in which the political formations are organized as warring armies, differences are too wide and far, the scope for co-operation too limited; there is too much distrust; and life is too raw to nature commerce and industry in subject nations like Oromia. Currently, the militarism of life in general and politics in particular has reached its logical culmination in Ethiopian military rule and its negative consequences have wider regional implications. This too hinders the course of development not only in Oromia but also in entire North East Africa.
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