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Why a National Dialogue in Ethiopia Would Fail & Why it Would Succeed in a Sovereign Oromia September 26, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Why a National Dialogue in Ethiopia Would Fail & Why it Would Succeed in a Sovereign Oromia

by Soretti Kadir – a storyteller, facilitator, and activist

Originally published by Media Ko: https://mediako.tv/opinion-pieces/

Find Media Ko on all social media @mediaoneko

A national dialogue or nationwide community dialogue is often promoted as the most productive path when a society is divided by beliefs, experiences, desires and destinies. In the case of Ethiopia, a national dialogue does not have the capacity to bridge the divides that exist in perceptions of history and its impact on current power and societal dynamics. However, a nationwide community dialogue convened in a sovereign Oromia republic could see this divide finally healed. I argue so for three key reasons. 

Firstly, for dialogue to create a story that can open opposing sides to the common humanity of the other, there needs to be an acceptance of one or more foundational truths. The foundational truth of the Oromo as it relates to the construction of the Ethiopian state is one that contradicts what promoters of Ethiopian nationalism believe is an uncompromisable truth of the founding of the Ethiopian state – that all people living within the boundaries of Ethiopia take a singular national expression as an intimate and personal identity. This truth is perceived as strengthening the Ethiopian national body politic and the rejection of this is seen as an effort to destabilize this same political construct.

Secondly, the Ethiopian state, from its inception until this very moment in time, has actively participated in emboldening the normalisation of anti-Oromo sentiment. This is in contradiction to the spirit of a constitution recognizing that Ethiopia is a multinational federation. The state has demonized high profile and grassroots leaders who promote a multinational agenda.

This leads to the final reason as to why national dialogue convened within the framework of the Ethiopian state will fail. Despite the right of people to identify more or less strongly with the national identity of their choosing within a multinational country, all attempts at dialogue happening now will center the Ethiopian identity as the common and most important denominator, dismissing that for many, identifying as “Ethiopian” is neither a priority, a need, or a part of any genuine process of healing.

In a sovereign Oromia, the state’s conceptual and practical power will take the truth of the Oromo from the margins and establish it as a common narrative in a way that takes diverse people through its narration educationally, compassionately, and authentically. By nature of something new being born, a sovereign Oromia has the opportunity to create a new community narrative that, backed by legitimization of the state, can build common ground without compromising on the Oromo’s, or any other people’s, right to be who they are. 

Creating Ethiopia was not a benevolent process. It did not involve willing parties sitting at a table and deciding that they would now like to come together under the Ethiopian umbrella. It was a brutal process of colonisation and displacement brought upon diverse and sovereign people in the southern, eastern, and western directions of the horn of Africa region. One of these peoples, the largest people in terms of population size, was the Oromo. Since monarchical rulers like Tedrows and Menelik II colonised the Oromo, there have been many forms of organized resistance against this imposed rule. The initial resistance to the earlier Abyssinian rulers did not subside because the Oromo mass saw that it was in their benefit to join the colonizing people in their nation-building project. Instead, it began to subside (only to resume with the next generation) because, despite fierce resistance, the onslaught was costing too much life. This is important to understand because there has never been a moment where the Oromo mass accepted that the Ethiopian nation-building project belonged to or served them until the rise of PM Abiy Ahmed

Abiy represented the opportunity that perhaps, despite the project of Ethiopia never seeing the Oromo mass as more than it could subject, things could change with Abiy, who was put in power by a grassroots movement led by Oromo youth and farmers and eventually joined by people in other regions in Ethiopia. That hope disappeared once Abiy’s idea of reconciliation revealed itself to be a regurgitation of the same story: forget what happened, you’re Ethiopian now, and the people who massacred your people to bring you Ethiopia should exist in our memory as a singular reality – as heroes.

Dialogue is predicated on the hope that when multiple truths emerge, a negotiation of emotional realities takes place to find a relationship between experiences that can honor all. It requires letting go of the old and creating something new, together. As one person, I believed that we could let go of our old imagination of Ethiopia and bring forth something entirely novel. I invested time and energy in manufacturing a dialogue framework of my own and pitching to anybody that would listen in Finfinnee, the country’s capital. I believed that once others understood how the founding of Ethiopia resonated with such a large portion of the people within its borders, our negotiations would surely lead us to desire the formation of new collective memories, to wanting genuine safety and justice for each other, and to the putting aside of the centralization of figures that could never be celebrated by your average Oromo, Sidama, or Somali household. It is not that Ethiopia can not eventually get there. It’s that in the context of how much people need a narrative that does not afford the Oromo a dignified place in the story of Ethiopia, the deep systemic – and community-level transformation needed will take generations. In that process, the Oromo who advocate for themselves as unapologetically Oromo, those who defend their lands and even those who do not show up with this vocality or visibility, will experience displacement, killing, torture, and marginalization. 

I just can’t imagine, considering the costs, that waiting it out could possibly be worth it. If the Oromo were to secure sovereignty over their lands, they would be in a systemic position to rewrite the story of who they are. I do not underestimate that this too will be a delicate process as there are millions of people of other ethnicities who call Oromia home. However, I believe that a story that is unapologetic about who the Oromo are, what they experienced in becoming assimilated into Ethiopia, and how that has led to the need of uncompromisable sovereignty is possible in a way that takes others on an authentic journey about the truth of the lands that they now call home.

If the state tells a different story, then the power dynamics can hold space for a new narrative to emerge and if that happens, I believe that the quality of the relationship between people of different language groups and ethnicities may have a real chance of being strengthened upon values of egalitarianism and humanity. What we have to realize in considering the value of this argument is that on the part of the Oromo, it is not, nor has it ever been, a finding of common humanity in the Ethiopian national identity that has kept peace between the Oromo and non-Oromos, as Ethiopianists and the state would like the world to believe. It has been the Oromo’s binding reverence of Safuu – the belief that in all moments is the need to protect and uphold a universal balance. This is what has made co-existence in Oromia possible. It is this same reverence of Safuu that requires us to now rectify one of the most significant imbalances that exists within the reality of the Oromo – the displacement from our lands, resources and Oromoness. 

The assassination by the Ethiopian state of popular Oromo artist and activist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa in late June 2020, the politically motivated arrest of Oromo politicians, journalists, activists and the extrajudicial killing, imprisonment and torture of politically active and non-politically active Oromo people across Oromia is a part of Ethiopian state culture. In an attempt to find a mechanism that could open up the national project of Ethiopia to people of diverse national identities, the 1995 constitution articulated a multinational framework and governance model for the Ethiopian state. In theory, this should have levelled the playing field and cultivated respect for regional sovereignty. The federal apparatus would have become a sort of roundtable where regions participated in shared rule and the genuine representation and negotiation of regional interests within this political centre. The multinational structure is an unrealised dream and the opportunity for this hope to be revived has been dangerously depleted by the systemic effort of the Ethiopian state to create an image of the Oromo as a whole, and in particular, of those protective of the Oromo national interest, as sub-human and unthinking.

This kind of assault is not something that one bounces back from. Its impact transcends generations and leaves a people and story stuck in a resistant position. In the case of the Oromo lands and people in Ethiopia, this narrative makes the ungoverned and unchecked exploitation of Oromo land and resources possible. If advocating the Oromo national interest is seen as borderline demonic and the saving grace is the further assimilation of the Oromo into the unitary Ethiopian state, then there is nobody to protect the agricultural and small business community in Oromia. There is no frame of reference that recognizes that cultural and economic sovereignty that matters.

When I look at other struggles against cultural and economic imperialism around the world, I wonder if other oppressed peoples had the chance to free themselves entirely from governance and storytelling frameworks that see them as collateral, would they wait? I don’t know, because it is also the best of human nature to remain patient on the course of collective transformation, but I think that it is equally beautiful to stand upright and say, enough is enough, I deserve to live free now, not tomorrow, not with the dream of freedom, but I deserve to live in the reality of freedom, now. Stories are compelling, and the story that has permeated the Ethiopian consciousness over the last 60 days and, in different forms, the last 100+ years, is a story that protects the idea that Ethiopianism in Ethiopia equals the best of humanity and anything competing equals the worst of humanity. This is the primary story of the state and its various apparatuses. No genuine dialogue can occur within such a  framework.

If national dialogue were to occur in the sovereign Republic of Oromia tomorrow, I think that the goal would not be to create a subversive or overt path for non-Oromo people to find and define themselves in the Oromo national identity. Instead, it would be purposed to, at a grassroots level, resolve dehumanizing and othering representations of people to each other to enable individual and collective healing and to create measures that act as organic barriers between communities and violence, in the future. Ideally, we would know of the success of this dialogue, not by the extent of the assimilation of identities, but by the successful integration of new dominant truths and stories, creating an opportunity for a nationalistic comradeship and solidarity over assimilation or submission. If national dialogue were to happen in Ethiopia tomorrow, it would hold no water because of the political persecution of Oromo political leaders, the ten thousand plus Oromo people currently being held illegally, and the extrajudicial killings in Oromia that, instead of being held to account, have been rationalized by the state.

But let us imagine that a national dialogue was still to be convened in Ethiopia despite all of the above. The goal would not be to create space for the acceptance of a multinational framework. It would hold the Ethiopian identity at the center, as the common ground, and success would be predicated on the strengthening of the ongoing assimilation process. The ends, in this context, immobilize and make valueless the means. The functionality of dialogue depends on the readiness of the conveners of this dialogue, and all of its participants, to embrace new truths. With the Oromo still experiencing the state as a colonial body, resistance politics feel essential to survival. And with the colonial body uninterested in relinquishing its exploitatory status over the Oromo and other nations, how can it arrive at a dialogue with the capacity to take from it, direction for the kind of deep-seated transformation that is required for Ethiopia to become an entity free of its violent past, and belonging anew to all that live within its borders? It can not. To wait another decade or so for it to be ready to, is not a price that I think the Oromo, or any other nation in Ethiopia, should have to pay. 

The Oromo concept of Safuu sees true togetherness as possible only when true sovereignty is honoured. It makes sense: how can I be connected to you when there is no whole me? Only I can tell you of my wholeness, that which gives me dignity and strength, this can not be decided for me. The conversation about self-determination is often considered politically, but it is first and foremost a matter of humanity. For dialogue to be productive for everyone, people must arrive within their power, and that power should never be formed at the expense of weakening others that come to the table. The goal should not be maintaining something old, but creating something new, and that only works if each party is as interested in the maintenance of the other’s humanity as they are in maintaining their own. None of these pre-conditions can be fulfilled in the Ethiopia we know today, nor, in reading all political activities indicating the direction in which Ethiopia is growing, should we expect it, at least without extreme loss of life in the next decade. In the new Republic of Oromia, the hope for this conversation to contribute to the initial nation-building efforts is more realistic. With the right dialogue practitioners, planning and nuanced execution, a national spirit that is honest about the past, respectful of diversity and collaborative in its future-making is possible to nurture. Oromo values exist not just to serve Oromo’s, but when they flourish, they will create a society of equal standing for all who respect these values. In the context where the Oromo interest over land and livelihood is less compromised (we still have work to do in protecting against vicious capitalist interest), the Oromo identity no longer living on the margins and under subjugation, and this new governmental paradigm protecting against any other identity ever experiencing the same marginalisation, we can imagine a political environment less in need of ethnic-based nationalism. With this kind of freedom, who knows what kind of political thought and vision may emerge from within communities? But before we can talk about building national consensus via dialogue, we have got to get free from the colonial empire that has tried and failed to fashion itself as a democracy. 

Ethiopia: Abiy Ahmed is a Security Threat in the extremely volatile region of the Horn of Africa! September 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Abiy Ahmed is a Security Threat!

By Dr. Tsegaye Ararsa

Abiy Ahmed is the number 1 security threat in this extremely volatile region of the Horn of Africa. Peace has long been suspended in the entire region ever since he came to power and drove Ethiopia into chaos. Ethiopia has truly gone from crisis to crisis and a deeper and multifaceted set of crises.

Everywhere, across the country, the level of insecurity has risen. In most parts of the country, people live under the shadow of:

a) extra-judicial killings;

b) massacre of civilians;

c) political assassinations;

d) tortures;e) political rape;

f) arbitrary arrests;g) mass detentions;

h) evictions; and

i) various other acts of state terror.

Societal militarization through arming of vigilante groups has risen. Urban violence is rampant. Lawlessness and banditry has become the norm in some of the regions.

Abiy goes to the extent of randomly authorizing soldiers to “serve themselves” by confiscating money from people if people are seen with an amount that is above the legal limit.

Land grab, illegal settlement, an outright scramble for farmers’ land has been done before the watching eyes of officials who act as patrons to the criminals.

Virtually all the important opposition political leaders are in jail.Selected media outlets are targeted for arbitrary persecution. OMN is a case in point.

In the last two years alone, as per a conservative estimaate of the dead, over 3000 persons have been killed, and countless people have been subjected to enforced disappearance.

Millions have been internally displaced.

Victims of natural disaster such as flood, wild locusts, drought, environmental pollution, the global pandemic, and other local epidemics have all been left unattended to and unassisted by the government.

Development projects have been stalled.

Foreign relations, and treaties thereof, have been terribly mismanaged.

Foreign interferences that has compromised the national security architecture and has exposed strategic economic, military, and geopolitical, interests to risk has also been witnessed.

Constitutional institutions and their procedures are utterly undermined.

The defense forces’ constitutional responsibility is trivialized, and the army is threatened with the risk of being disbanded. They are publucly told that, unless they support Abiy’s personal right of rule (with or wothout election), they will soon be replaced by his ‘republican guards’ and ‘special forces’.

The Regional States’ constitutional authority is usurped or severely undermined. Those states which insisted on self-rule (eg. Tigray) are threatened with war.

Each nation’s sovereignty has been trampled upon and several times violently repressed.

Unconstitutional and unbridled use of power by the executive (treaty power, war power, emergency power, power over fiscal decisions, etc) has become the new normal.

The country’s international reputation and standing is at its lowest ebb. Our neighbours and strategic allies cannot trust Ethiopia anymore.

The internal instability, much of which is caused single handedly by Abiy’s political (and arguably psychological) insanity has thrown the country’s peace and security into chaos. This instability–especially the ebb in trust in Ethiopia’s leader–has now started to spill over to the countries in the region all of whom are currently unsure of how things unfold. The distant and not so distant superpowers who have a stake in the region are now openly looking for another reliable partner in the region.

Abiy is radiating peacelessness and insecurity to to the entire region. By default, he is exporting Ethiopia’s instability.

Internally, the country and its peoples are going through hell. Thankfully, though, it will end soon. In fact, it should end soon. And then, there will be a respite before hurrying on to start afresh. A respite is nigh. የእፎይታ ጊዜ ቅርብ ነው።

And then, … we will start again.

Yes, we will restore peace. We will free the oppressed. We will restore agency to the people. We will thereby restore sanity to public offices, and dignity and integrity to public service.And then, we will be “ready to run, to win, and to serve, in style”–again!

#Abiy_must_be_removed because #Abiy_is_a_security_threat! #Abiy_is_the_past!

Ethiopia: The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power” September 22, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power”

Dr. Awol Kassim Allo

I just finished reading the 25 pages of terrorism and other charges against Jawar Mohammed and 23 other Oromo politicians. It is incredulous just how duplicitous this neo-Neftegna regime really is. The same PM who denounced TPLF’s use of “terrorist methods to stay in power”, who told us he is different and committed to democratic transition, the rule of law and justice, and so much more … is now using the anti-terrorism legislation and the political narrative that go with it, against his political opponents. This PM betrayed the Oromo cause (by embracing the Ethiopia First neo-Neftegna cause), betrayed his colleagues, and abandoned the transition, and turned into a typical dictator. I will write about the charge over the next days but a couple of quick thoughts:

(1) It is highly likely that the narrative structure for the case was set by the PM himself. At the core of the allegation is his government’s discomfort with the use of the term Neftegna to refer to his regime … something similar to a desperate letter released by his office to discredit claims that he is Neftegna and that his regime is a Neftegna regime.

(2) The prosecutors under the AG’s office furnished the legal framework for the repressive political agenda the PM wanted to advance by legal means – they assembled a concatenation of some of the most outrageous charades that would make even Stalin, the progenitor of contemporary show trials, proud.

(3) The Attorney General, the country’s top law enforcement officer and a pretty competent and decent human being (or used to be), will oversee this and other political prosecutions. How are folks like the AG come to defend the practices they denounced in the past and flies in the face of the liberal worldview they say they are committed to? Do people who advice the government on specific policy issues (eg. justice or monetary police) have any agency at all even within the narrow confines that fall within their authority? What does this say about our society writ large?

Message from Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa to Ato Abiy Ahmed September 20, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Message from Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa to Ato Abiy Ahmed

This is a message directed personally to #Abiy_Ahmed.

Never mind your bogus charges. After all, it has been long coming. Your henchmen have long been calling for it, and in fact, they have been calling for our assassination and for attacking our families, somehow hoping that they will silence us. In your shamelessness, you went as far as directly speaking to the management of Facebook to disable my accounts–as if that will save you from your inevitable demise. You have done worse. (We will leave those to history–which is already knocking on your door.) All that, my friend, is nothing in the light of what our people endured under your madness. በየቀኑ ስንገደል ለኖርን ለኛ፣ ይሄ ሁሉ ምንም ትርጉም የለውም።But now that it came, it will last only for days. Trust me: we will outlast you. In fact, we will outlive you. We will render justice–even to you.And then, we will have the last laugh!Fare thee well, mad man. Fare thee well.With you gone, surely, the worst of our times shall have been gone! #You_squandered_your_chances! #You_lost_it_big_time.#You_now_belong_to_the_past_officially! #People_power!

Ethiopia: Following the Prime Minister’s statement, looting by his security forces intensified in Oromia September 18, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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“Police are allowed to seize money from a person who has deposited more than one million birr in his house,” the prime minister said in a statement three days ago. Following this statement, looting intensified throughout Oromia. The regular police and special police forces are stopping public transport vehicles on the road, searching the passengers and looting their money. There is no difference in the amount of money the police is looting. A person with three thousand birr is robbed. Five thousand birr will be looted. Ten thousand birr will be looted. Twenty thousand birr will be looted. Fifty thousand birr will be looted. We are even hearing that someone has been robbed of a thousand birr. 1000 Birr = 27 US Dollar

The robbery does not take place in one place. Security forces in all Oromia zones and districts are looting the public in broad daylight. The government security forces are robbing people who drive public transport with a small amount of money for personal use.

Following the Prime Minister’s statement, looting intensified throughout Oromia. አስደንጋጭ ዝርፊያ በኦሮሚያ

አስደንጋጭ ዝርፊያ በኦሮሚያ

—አፈንዲ ሙተቂ– Afendi Muteki

የሚካሄደው ነገር ሁሉ “የህግ ያለህ! የሀገር ያለህ! የመንግሥት ያለህ!” የሚያሰኝ ነው። “2013 እንደ 2012 እንደማይሆን ተስፋ እናደርጋለን” ብንልም ገና ከጅምሮ ተስፋ የሚያጨልም ዘረፋ ተፈጥሮብናል። ድሮ ዘረፋ የሚያካሄደው ሆን ብሎ በዚህ ተግባር ላይ የሚሰማራ የጥፋት ሃይል ነበር። አሁን ግን መንግሥት ራሱ ጸጥታን እንዲያስከብር ያሰማራው ሃይል የዘረፋ ፊት አውራሪ ሆኖ ተከስቷል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ከሶስት ቀን በፊት የብር ኖቶች እንደሚለወጡ ባስታወቁበት መግለጫቸው “ፖሊሶች ከአንድ ሚሊዮን ብር በላይ በቤቱ አስቀምጦ የተገኘን ሰው ገንዘብ እንዲወርሱት ተፈቅዶላቸዋል” ብለው ነበር። ታዲያ ይህንን ቃል ተከትሎ በመላው ኦሮሚያ ዝርፊያ ተጧጡፏል። መደበኛው ፖሊስ እና ልዩ ፖሊስ የሚባለው ሃይል በመንገድ ላይ የሚጓዙ የህዝብ ማመላለሻ መኪናዎችን እያስቆሙ ተሳፋሪውን ፈትሸው ያገኙትን ገንዘብ እየዘረፉ ይገኛሉ።ፖሊሶቹ የዘረፋ ዒላማ በሚያደርጉት ገንዘብ ላይ የመጠን ልዩነት የለም። ሶስት ሺህ ብር የያዘ ሰው ይዘረፋል። አምስት ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። አስር ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሃያ ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሃምሳ ሺህ ብር የያዘም ይዘረፋል። ሌላው ቀርቶ አንድ ሺህ ብር የተዘረፈ ሰው መኖሩንም እየሰማን ነው። የሚካሄደውን ዝርፊያ ያየ ሰው “ገንዘብ በእጅ መያዝ ተከልክሏል” የሚል አዋጅ የወጣ ነው የሚመስለው።ዝርፊያው በአንድ ቦታ ብቻ የሚካሄድ አይደለም። በመላው የኦሮሚያ ዞኖችና ወረዳዎች የጸጥታ ሃይሎች በጠራራ ጸሐይ የማኅበረሰቡን ገንዘብ እየቀሙት ነው። እርግጥ በህገ ወጥ መንገድ የሚንቀሳቀስ ገንዘብ መቆጣጠር በየትኛውም ሀገር የሚታወቅ አሰራር ነው። በተለይም ብዙ መጠን ያለው ገንዘብ ከቦታ ቦታ ሲዘዋወር ከሚያደርሰው የዋጋ ግሽበትና የኢኮኖሚ መደንበሽ አንጻር ቁጥጥር ሊደረግበት ይገባል። የውጪ ምንዛሬ ላይም ተመሳሳይ ቁጥጥር ይደረጋል።አሁን በኦሮሚያ የሚካሄደው ግን ከዚህ ፈጽሞ የተለየ ነው። ለግል መገልገያ የሚጠቅማቸውን መጠነኛ ገንዘብ ይዘው በህዝብ በመኪና የሚጓዙ ሰዎች ናቸው የዘረፋው ዒላማ እየሆኑ ያሉት። ሰሞኑን የወጣውን የብር ቅያሬ አዋጅ ተከትሎ ውስጥ ውስጡን “የወያኔዎችን የገንዘብ አቅም ለማዳከም የወጣ ውሳኔ ነው” የሚል ወሬ ሲሰማ ነበር። በእነዚህ ሁለት ቀናት ውስጥ የሚካሄደው ዝርፊያ ሲታይ ግን ብር የመቀየር ውሳኔውም ሆነ አፈጻጸሙ የኦሮሞን ሀብት ዘርፎ ህዝቡን ወደ ድህነት ለማስገባት ሲባል የወጡ ነው የሚመስሉት።—ገዥዎቻችን ህዝቡን ለመቆጣጠር ያስችለናል ያሉትን እርምጃ ሁሉ እንደሚወስዱ እናውቃለን። ሆኖም አንዳንዱ እርምጃ backfire አድርጎ ሀገሪቱን ወደ anarchy ሊያስገባ እንደሚችል የሚገነዘቡ አልሆኑም። አሁን በኦሮሚያ የምናየው የገንዘብ ዝርፊያ anarchy እንዲፈጠር አይነተኛ መንስኤ ሊሆን ይችላል። anarchy ከመጣ ደግሞ ከማንም ቀድመው የሚጠፉት ገዥዎቹ ራሳቸው ናቸው። ሀገሪቱም ትፈራርሳለች። ስለዚህ መንግሥት ነኝ የሚለው ሃይል ለራሱ ህልውና ሲል ይህንን ዝርፊያ በአስቸኳይ ሊያስቆመው ይገባል።

—-ግልባጭ — ለሀገር ውስጥና ለውጪ ሚዲያዎች

— ለኢትዮጵያ ሰብዓዊ መብት ኮሚሽን– ለኢትዮጵያ እምባ ጠባቂ ተቋም.

Oromia (Finfinnee): OLF Press Statement (13 September 2020): Ibsa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (Fulbaana 13, 2020) September 14, 2020

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OLF Press Statement[VOL – September 13,2020] The Oromo Liberation Front passionately believes that sustainable and permanent solution to Ethiopia’s complex political problems could only be attained with an All-Inclusive democracy and participation of all political forces. To this effect, OLF had been working with various political forces including those in power of ruling the country and opposition groups to create a national consensus to solve the political crises in Ethiopia.

Since, the OLF moved its leadership to the country on 15th September 2018 it committed itself to work with honesty and integrity for the success of the peace process that lead to inclusive true democracy. Although OLF was not happy on how the transition to democracy in Ethiopia was handled by PM Abiy Ahmed’s government from the very beginning, we patiently dealt with the situations with the hope that it would be improved; but not without price. However, the Political reform started in 2018 have faced huge challenges both internally within the ruling party as well as externally with the opposition groups. The situations are getting worse from time to time and currently it reached at stage where everything is out of control leading the government to collapse. Now there is very alarming instability and fractured political prospect in the country and the public have lost hope and trust from the ruling party.

We observed a clear ‘’constitutional crisis” in the country and the party in power has fallen short of its initial promises and has been using the government organs responsible to protect the Constitution towards its own political benefits. Detaining leaders and members of opposition political parties and gross human rights violations is a day to day job of the Government security forces. Despite the atrocities, OLF and other opposition parties have continued to express their willingness to support the reform, individually as well as jointly.In addition to our individual proposals, the OLF is involved in different fora of opposition parties to support the democratic transition. One of the fora was the Alliance for Multi-nation Federalism (Alliance) that aim to provide joint support to the transition and democratic process. In April 2020, this Alliance provided comprehensive recommendations to the government on the transitional process. The recommendations clearly set out how to continue with the reform towards political settlement based on consensus and spelled out how stable democratic governance could be formed through a step- by- step process.The recommendations were drafted within the framework of the Ethiopian constitution and considered the fallacies of the change process and the behavior of the ruling party; the current instability and security issues; and the human rights violations. In general, we analyzed the challenges of the reform system in both directions (the ruling party and the oppositions) and proposed workable recommendation that will be implemented jointly by the ruling party and the opposition groups. The proposed recommendations highlighted to have binding political convention that enables other political parties to take part and to ensure proper oversight of the change process in order to build genuine democracy and help create sustainable peace in the country and would ensure livelihood improvement of citizens in which the Alliance and its member organizations, as well as all other forces would play their part. The proposed binding political convention include the establishment of:

1. Council of Foreign Relation to inspire domestic trust and gain international legitimacy.

2. Coordinated National Security Council for monitoring the implementation of the Security arrangements in regions.

3. Democratic Building Institution to protect the autonomy and authority of independent judiciary, electoral board and independent media that could hold the executives accountable.

4. A body that resolve conflict and disparity between State building and Nation building to create national consensus on resolving outstanding political problems.

5. A body that would monitor the implementation of the convention to limit the quest of any further extension to the election and set out appropriate election date. We also indicated the implementation of the recommendations including the details of responsibilities, system, and mechanism by which these parties would operate.

We believe implementing these proposed recommendations will help to build democracy and help create sustainable peace in the country. It also addresses the security issues in regional states among themselves as well as the disparity between the government and opposition parties and differences among the oppositions themselves as well as address issue of contradictory stand on “State-Building” and “Nation-Building.

Therefore, we strongly suggest that the Ethiopian government should reconsider these recommendations as we believe it will resolve the current widespread crises. Also, we would like to reiterate our willingness to play our part in genuine democratic process if stakeholders discharge their responsibilities.

In this instance, we would like to appeal to the international community to take serious action to safe Ethiopia from constitutional crises and total chaos. Particularly, we strongly appeal to the African Union’s (AU), the UN bodies, EU, and other international community to urge the Ethiopian government to engage with negotiation with opposition parties and jointly set out a road map to all-inclusive democracy through power sharing transitional government that will prepare and implement free and fair elections.

We praise the African Union’s (AU) role in leading and promoting dialogue-centered approach to conflict prevention and resolution in many African countries to maintain peaceful and secure Africa. We believe that the current crises in Ethiopia demands, more than any other entity, serious attention from the AU. In accordance with the article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act of the AU the Union has a right to intervene in a member state to prevent grave violations of human rights.

The national and international evidence clearly shows the continuous gross violations of human rights are committed by Ethiopian Regime on Ethiopian civilians for the last 27 years and in unprecedented scale in the last two years. In addition, there are Organized and strong armed forces emerging in most regional states that threaten the general governance and bring about security crises throughout the country. Given the current crises and fast-moving potential conflicts and threats, the AU must intervene and excel its responsibility sooner than later. Also we would like to stress that the current situation in Ethiopia not only disintegrate the second largest country in Africa but also one of the biggest impediments to achieve AU Aspiration 4 of Agenda 2063 which aspires for “A peaceful and secure Africa”. Moreover, being Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) is the seat of FDRE, capital city of Oromia and the seat of AU headquarters, the security of the AU office and safety of more than 2000 employees working there must be taken into account in line with current peace and instability issues Ethiopia and in particular in Oromia.

We realize the role of UN in averting crises in the world and would like the UN bodies including UN Security Council (UNSC), the UN Human Rights Council, and others play their part in averting the current crises in Ethiopia. Particularly, the UNSC who has primary responsibility, under the UN Charter, for the maintenance of international peace and security, should not give a blind eye when one of the second largest country in Africa is encountered with political, social, human rights and economic crises and eventually collapse.

We appreciate the leading role the EU is playing in promoting economic integration, peace, and stability in Ethiopia, whilst supporting the implementation of national reform agenda and forming diversified development cooperation with Ethiopia. However, the Political reform started in 2018 have faced huge challenges, miss managed by PM Abiy and collapsed. This will halt the EU partnership and all the EU ambitions to Ethiopia. So, we believe that the EU will intervene with its capacities to avert the huge political crises that its key partners in the region is facing now. Therefore:

1. We call up on the AU to intervene into the crises in Ethiopia based on its constitutive right stated in article 4(h) and other supporting articles of the Union.

2. We call up on the UNSC to take appropriate measures in accordance with its obligations stated in Article 39 and 41 of the UN constitutive act as the threats to peace and security is clearly evidenced in Ethiopia. We also appeal to UNHRC to act accordingly to address gross human rights violations in Ethiopia.

3. We call upon the EU to give serious attention to the instability in Ethiopia, especially Oromia, as this is huge conflict of a century and immensely affect the peace and stability in the horn of Africa, and affect the diplomatic and development partnerships of European countries with Ethiopia.

4. We call upon all Political Parties in Ethiopia to seriously take our proposal and work with us to avert looming and eminent chaos. We hereby also call upon Independent Oromo Political Forces and the General Oromo people to prepare for Transitional Government of Oromia to avert any form of political and Security crisis. The OLF will continue to consult stakeholders on this position at both levels of government.

Victory to the Masses! Oromo Liberation Front Finfinnee September 13, 2020

Ibsa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (Fulbaana 13, 2020)[SBO – Fulbaana 13,2020] Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo rakkoo siyaasaa Itoophiyaa walxaxaadhaaf furmaanni amansiisaa fi waaraan, dimokraasii hunda hammatee fi hirmaannaa humnoota siyaasaa maraan qofa argama jedhee amana. Kana gochuufis, ABOn jeequmsa siyaasaa Itoophiyaa furuudhaaf kanneen aangoo biyya bulchuu qabani fi gareelee mormitootaa dabalatee humnoota siyaasaa garagaraa waliin waliigaltee biyyoolessaa uumuuf hojjetaa bahe.

ABOn erga Fulbaana 15, 2018 hogganni isaa ol’aanaan gara biyyaatti galee, adeemsa nagaa kan gara dimokraasii dhugaa hunda hammateetti geessu milkeessuuf haqaa fi amanamummaan hojjetuuf murteesse. Jalqabumarraa kaasee akkaataa qabiinsa jijjiirama dimokraasii Itoophiyaa keessaa mootummaa Muummee Ministeeraa Abiyyi Ahmadiin raawwatame irratti ABOn gammachuu kan hin qabne tahullee, ni fooyya’a abdii jedhuun haalicha obsaan eegne; garuu gatiin odoo itti hin kafalamini miti. Haa tahu malee, jijjiiramni siyaasaa bara 2018 eegale Paartii biyya bulchuu keessattis tahee alaan gareelee mormitootaa irraa didhaalee guddaan isa mudate. Haallan jiran yeroo irraa gara yerootti hammaataa deemuun, wayta ammaa kana sadarkaa wanti hundi tohannaan ala baherra gahuudhaan, mootummicha kufaatiitti oofaa jira.

Wayta ammaa kana biyyattii keessa tasgabbii dhabiinsa akkaan yaaddessaa tahee fi hegeree siyaasaa cabaatu mul’ata; ummanni paartii biyya bulchurraa abdii fi amantaa dhabeera. Biyyattii keessatti “Jeequmsi Heeraa” ifaa tahe mudachuu akkasumas paartiin aangoorra jiru waadaa jalqabarra seene dhugoomsuu hanqatuun dabrees qaamota mootummaa silaa heera tiksuuf gaafatama qaban bu’aa siyaasaa isaatiif itti fayyadamaa jiraachuu ifatti argaa jirra. Hidhaan hogganootaa fi miseensota paartilee mormitootaa fi dhiittaan mirgoota namoomaa suukaneessaan hojii guyyaa humnoota tikaa mootummaa taheera. Gochaaleen hammeenyaa jiraatanis, ABO fi paartileen mormitootaa kanneen biroo mata-mataani fi waloon jijjiiramicha deeggaruuf fedhii qaban ibsuu ittuma fufaniiru. Yaadota akka dhaabaatti qabnutti dabalee, ABOn jijjiirama dimokraatawaa deeggaruuf waltajjiilee paartilee mormitootaa hedduu irratti hirmaatee jira. Waltajjiilee kanneen keessaa cehumsichaa fi adeemsa dimokraasiif deeggarsa waloo gochuu kan akeekkate Tumsi Federaalizimii Dimokraatawaa Sab-daneessaa(Tumsa) isa tokko. Baatii Eblaa 2020 keessa tumsi kun adeemsa cehumsaa irratti mootummaaf yaadota furmaataa guutuu dhiyeesseera. Yaadni dhiyaate kunis furmaata siyaasaa walhubannoo irratti hundaa’eef akkaataa jijjiiramicha itti fufsiisuun danda’amuu fi bulchiinsi dimokraatawaan sabatiinsa qabu adeemsa gulantaa-gulantaatin ijaaramu ifatti kaa’ee jira. Yaadni furmaataa kun heera Itoophiyaa bu’ura godhachuun kan wixiname yoo tahu, dogoggoroota adeemsa jijjiiramichaa fi amala paartii biyya bulchuu, dhimmoota nageenyaaf tasgabbii dhabiinsaa amma jiruu fi dhiittaa mirgoota namoomaa hubannaa keessa kan galche dha. Waliigalatti, didhaalee sirna jijjiiramaa kallattii lachuu(Paartii biyya bulchaa jiruu fi mormitootaa) irraa xiinxaluudhaan, yaada furmaataa paartii biyya bulchaa jiruu fi gareelee mormitootaan waloodhaan hojiirra oolfamuu danda’u dhiyeessinee jirra. Yaadotni dhiyaatan, paartileen siyaasaa birootis akka irraa qooda fudhataniif waliigaltee siyaasaa dirqisiisaan akka jiraatuu fi biyyattii keessatti dimokraasii dhugaa ijaaruu fi nagaa waaraan akka bu’u gochuuf tohannaa sirnaa adeemsa jijjiiramicha mirkaneessuuf akkasumas wayyoomina jireenya lammiilee kan Tumsichii fi dhaabbileen miseensota ta’an darbees humnoonni biroo hundi qooda isaanii itti gumaachan mirkaneessa. Waliigalteen Siyaasaa dirqisiisaan hundarraa eegamu kunis kanneen asii gadii hammata:-

1. Gumii Hariiroo Alaa: amanamummaa biyya keessaa kakaasuu fi fudhatamummaa idil addunyaa akka argatu gochuuf,

2. Gumii Nageenya Biyyoolessaa Qindaa’e: naannolee keessatti raawwii caasaalee nageenyaa to’achuudhaaf,

3. Dhaabbilee Ijaarsa Dimokraasii: hoji-raawwachiiftota gaafatamoo kan taasisan sirna haqaa, boordii filannoo fi miidiyaa bilisaatiif walabummaa fi aangoo isaanii tiksuuf,

4. Qaama waldhibdee fi garaagarummaa biyya ijaaruu fi mootummaa ijaaruu jidduu jiru furu: rakkoolee siyaasaa cimoo furuurratti waliigaltee biyyaalessaa waloo uumuudhaaf,

5. Qaama hojiirra oolmaa waliigaltichaa to’atu: kan gaaffii bifa kamiinuu yeroon filannoo dabalataan akka dheereffamuuf dhiyaatu daangessuu fi guyyaa filannoo mijataa kaa’u,Kana malees gaafatamummaa, sirnaa fi tooftaa ittiin paartiileen kunniin hojjetan dabalatee akkaataa hojiirra oolmaa yaada furmaataa kanaa gadi fageenyaan akeeknee jirra. Yaada furmaataa dhiyeessine kana hojiirra oolchuun biyyattii keessatti dimokraasii ijaaruu fi nagaa waaraa buusuuf gargaara jennee amanna.

Dhimmoota nageenyaa bulchiinsotni naannoo walii isaanii jidduutti qabanii fi garaagarummaa mootummaa fi paartileen mormitootaa akkasumas paartileen mormitootaa walii isaanii jidduudhaa qabanii dabrees “Biyya ijaaruu” fi “Mootummaa Ijaaruu” irratti dhimmoota ejjennoo waliifaallaa qabaniif fala dhawa. Kanaafuu, jeequmsa wayta ammaa kana biyyattii keessatti babal’ateef furmaata ta’a jennee waan amannuun, mootummaan Itoophiyaa yaada furmaataa kana irra deebi’ee xiyyeeffannaa itti laachuun akka ilaalu gadi jabeessinee gaafanna. Kanuma waliin yoo qooda-fudhattoonni gaafatamummaa isaanii bahatan adeemsa dimokraasii dhugaa keessatti qooda keenya bahachuuf fedhii qabnu irra deebinee mirkaneessina. Hiree kanaan, hawaasni idil addunyaa Itoophiyaa jeequmsa siyaasaa fi balaa waliigalaa irraa baraaruuf tarkaanfii jabaa akka fudhatu gaafanna. Addatti, Gamtaa Afrikaa, Qaamota Dhaabbata Biyyoota Gamtoomanii, Gamtaa Awrooppaa fi hawaasni idil addunyaa kanneen birootis mootummaan Itoophiyaa paartilee mormitootaa waliin araaratti akka seenu fi filannoo bilisaa fi haqa-qabeessa qopheessuu fi dhugoomsuuf mootummaa cehumsaan aangoo walii qooduudhaan dimokraasii hunda hirmaachiseef karoora waloo akka baasaniif akka dhiibbaa irratti taasisu cimsinee gaafanna. Gamtaan Afrikaa biyyoota Ardittii hedduu keessatti waldhibdee ittisuu fi furuu irratti tooftaa marii jiddugaleessa godhateen nageenyaa fi tasgabbii Afrikaa mirkaneessuuf shoora gumaacheef guddoo galateeffanna. Jeequmsi Itoophiyaa keessaa kan ammaa, qaama kamiyyuu caalaa xiyyeeffannaa Gamtaa Afrikaa barbaada jennee amanna. Akkaataadhuma labsii Gamtaa Afrikaa Keeyyata 4(h) jalatti eerameen, Gamtichi biyyoota miseensa tahan keessatti dhiittaa mirgoota namoomaa suukaneessaa raawwatamu ittisuuf mirga jidduu galuu qaba. Dhiittaan mirgoota namoomaa ulfaataan sirna Itoophiyaatin siviilota biyyattii irratti waggoota 27n dabraniif raawwatamaa bahe waggoota lamaan dabranis itti fufiinsaan sadarkaa mul’atee hin beekneen raawwatamaa jiraachuu ragaaleen biyyaalessaa fi idil addunyaa ifatti agarsiisu. Dabalataan bulchiinsota naannolee hedduu keessatti humnoota hidhattootaa ijaaramanii fi jaboo bulchiinsa waliigalaa balaarra buusanii fi guutummaa biyyattiitti jeequmsa nageenyaa fidantu jira. Jeequmsa amma jiruu fi yaaddoo walitti bu’iinsaa fi balaa shaffisaan deemaa jirurraa, Gamtaan Afrikaa daddafiin dhimmicha jidduu seenuu fi gaafatama isaa raawwachuu qaba. Haalli Itoophiyaa keessaa kan ammaa biyyattii Afrikaa guddinaan 2ffaa taate tana diiguu qofa odoo hin taane, “Afrikaa nagaa-qabeettii fi amansiiftuu” kan hawwu Ajandaa 2063 hawwii Gamtaa Afrikaa 4 milkeessuuf gufuu guddaa tahuu cimsinee hubachiifna. Kanamalees, Finfinneen teessoo Mootummaa Itoophiyaa, magaalaa guddoo Oromiyaa fi teessoo waajjiraalee muummee Gamtaa Afrikaa tahuun ishee, nageenyi waajjiraalee Gamtichaa fi nagummaan hojjettoota isaa 2000 caalanii, dhimma nagaa fi tasgabbii-dhabiinsaa Itoophiyaa keessaa addattis Oromiyaa keessaa waliin xiyyeeffannaa keessa galuu qaba. Addunyaarratti jeequmsa hambisuudhaaf shoora Dhaabbatni Biyyoota Gamtoomanii kan hubanno yoo tahu, Golli Nageenyaa(UN Security Council) fi Gumiin Mirgoota Namoomaa(UN Human Rights Council) dabalatee qaamonni Dhaabbata Biyyoota Gamtoomanii fi kanneen biros jeequmsa Itoophiyaa keessaa kan ammaa hambisuuf qooda isaanii akka bahatan gaafanna. Addattis, akka Chaartara Dhaabbatichaatti nagaa fi sabatiinsa idil addunyaaf gaafatama ol’aanaa kan qabu Golli Nageenyaa, biyyi Afrikaa keessaa guddinaan 2ffaa irra jirtu wayta jeequmsa siyaasaa, hawaasummaa, diinagdee fi dhiittaa mirgoota namoomaa ishii mudatuu fi kufaatiitti deemtu ijaa-gurra irraa cufatuu hin qabu. Gamtaan Awrooppaa Itoophiyaa keessatti akkaataa hojiirra oolmaa ajandaa jijjiirama biyyoolessaa deeggaraa fi tumsa misoomaa adda addaa uumaa, qindoomina diinagdee cimsuurratti, nagaa fi tasgabbiin Itoophiyaa keessatti akka bu’uuf gahee dursitummaa bahataa jiruuf dinqisiifannaa qabnu ibsina. Haa tahu malee, jijjiiramni siyaasaa 2018 keessa eegale qabiinsa dogoggoraa Muummee Ministeeraa Abiyyiin didhaalee guguddoo mudatee gufateera. Kuni michoomaa fi hawwii Gamtaan Awrooppaa Itoophiyaadhaaf qabu hunda dhaaba. Kanaafuu, Gamtaan Awrooppaa jeequmsa siyaasaa guddaa waahillan isaa naannichaa furtuu tahan mudataa jiran hambsuuf dandeettii qabuun jidduu seena jennee amanna. Kanaafuu:

1. Gamtaan Afrikaa mirga Keeyyata 4(h) fi keeyyatoota deggaroo kan Gamtichaarra jiran irratti hundaa’uun jeequmsa Itoophiyaa jidduu akka seenu waamicha dhiyeessina.

2. Itoophiyaa keessatti balaan nagaa fi nagummaa ifatti waan mul’ateef, Golli Nageenyaa kan Dhaabbata Biyyoota Gamtoomanii, haaluma dirqamoota isaa Labsii Dhaabbatichaa Keeyyata 39 fi 41 jalatti eerameetin tarkaanfii malu akka fudhatu waamicha dhiyeessina. Gumiin Mirgoota Namoomaatis sarbamiinsa mirgoota namoomaa ulfaatoo Itoophiyaa keessaa hubachiisuu irratti akka tarkaanfii fudhatu waamicha goona.

3. Kuni rakkoo guddaa jaarraa lakkoofsise, nagaa fi sabatiinsa Gaanfa Afrikaa irrattis dhiibbaa ol’aanaa kan qabuu fi waahilummaa dippiloomaasii fi misoomaa Biyyoonni Awrooppaa Itoophiyaa waliin qaban kan tuqu waan taheef, Gamtaan Awrooppaa tasgabbii-dhabiinsa Itoophiyaa keessatti addattis Oromiyaatti uumameef xiyyeeffannaa ol’aanaa akka laatu gaafanna.

4. Paartileen Siyaasaa Itoophiyaa keessa jiran hundumtuu yaada dhiyeessine xiyyeeffannaa itti kennanii cimsanii ilaaluun, jeequmsa uumamee fi balaa as deemaa jiru hambisuuf akka nu waliin hojjetan waamicha keenya dhiyeessina. Humnoota siyaasaa Oromoo walabaa fi waliigala Ummanni Oromoo rakkoo siyaasaa fi nageenyaa dhabamsiisuuf mootummaa cehumsaa Oromiyaaf akka qophaawan waamicha dhiyeessina. Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo ejjennoo kanarratti sadarkaalee mootummaa lameenittuu qooda-fudhattoota mariisisuu itti fufa.

Injifannoo Ummata Bal’aaf!

Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo Finfinnee Fulbaana 13, 2020

የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባር መግለጫ (መስከረም 13, 2020ዓም)[SBO – Fulbaana 13,2020] የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር(ኦነግ) ለኢትዮጵያ ውስብስብ የፖለቲካ ችግሮች ኣስተማማኝና ዘላቂ መፍትሄ ሊገኝ የሚችለው ሁሉን በሚያካትት ዲሞክራሲና በሁሉም የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች ተሳትፎ ብቻ ነው የሚል ቅን እምነት ኣለው። ይህንንም ለማድረግ ኦነግ አገሪቱን የማስተዳደር ስልጣን ያላቸውን እና የተቃዋሚ ቡድኖችን ጨምሮ ከተለያዩ የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች ጋር በመሆን በኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ቀውሶችን ለመፍታት የጋር ብሔራዊ መግባባት ለመፍጠር ሲሠራ ቆይቷል። ኦነግ ከፍተኛ ኣመራሩን ወደ ሀገር ካዛወረ እ.ኤ.አ. ከመስከረም 15 ቀን 2018ዓም ወዲህ ወደ ሁሉን አቀፍ እውነተኛ ዴሞክራሲ የሚያመራውን የሰላም ሂደት ስኬታማ ለማድረግ በሐቀኝነትና በታማኝነት ለመስራት ወሰነ።ምንም እንኳን ከመጀመሪያው ጀምሮ በኢትዮጵያ የዴሞክራሲ ሽግግር ኣያያዝ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አህመድ መንግስት እንዴት እንደተከናወነ ኣስመልክቶ ኦነግ ደስተኛ ባይሆንም፣ ይሻሻላል ብለን ተስፋ በማድረግ ሁኔታዎችን በትዕግስት ተቋቁመናል፥ ያለ ዋጋ ግን አይደለም። ሆኖም እ.ኤ.አ. በ2018ዓም የተጀመረው የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ከውስጥ ከገዥው ፓርቲ እንዲሁም ከውጭ ከተቃዋሚ ቡድኖች ግዙፍ ተግዳሮቶች አጋጠመው። ሁኔታዎቹ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየተባባሱ በመሄድ በአሁኑ ወቅት ሁሉም ነገር ከቁጥጥር ውጭ ወደሆነበት ደረጃ በመድረስ መንግስትን ወደ ውድቀት እያመራው ይገኛል። አሁን በአገሪቱ ውስጥ በጣም እጅግ ኣሳሳቢ አለመረጋጋትና የተሰበረ ፖለቲካ ተስፋ ይስተዋላል፥ ህዝቡ ከገዢው ፓርቲ ተስፋና እምነት አጥቷል። በአገሪቱ ውስጥ ግልጽ ‘’የሕገ-መንግስታዊ ቀውስ’’ የተመለከትን ሲሆን፡ በስልጣን ላይ ያለው ፓርቲ መጀመሪያ ከገባቸው ቃላት ማሽቆለቆሉና ህገ-መንግስቱን የማስጠበቅ ሃላፊነት ያለባቸውን የመንግስት ኣካላት ለራሱ የፖለቲካ ጥቅም ሲገለገልባቸው ቆይቷል። የተቃዋሚ ፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች አመራሮችንና አባላትን ማሰርና ከፍተኛ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶች የመንግሥት የፀጥታ ኃይሎች የዕለት ተዕለት ሥራ ናቸው። ምንም እንኳን የጭካኔ ድርጊቶች ቢኖሩም፥ ኦነግ እና ሌሎች ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ለውጡን በተናጥል እንዲሁም በጋራ ለመደገፍ ያላቸውን ፍላጎት መግለፃቸውን ቀጥለዋል።በተናጠል ካለው የመፍትሄ ሀሳብ በተጨማሪ የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባር ዲሞክራሲያዊ ሽግግሩን ለመደገፍ በተለያዩ የተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች መድረክ ላይ ተሳትፏል። ከመድረኮቹ መካከል ለሽግግሩ እና ለዴሞክራሲያዊ ሂደቱ የጋራ ድጋፍ ለመስጠት ያለመው ትብብር ለህብረ-ብሔር ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፌዴራሊዝም (ትብብር) ኣንዱ ነበር። እ.ኤ.አ. በሚያዝያ 2020ዓም ይህ ትብብር በሽግግር ሂደት ላይ ለመንግስት ሁሉን ኣቀፍ የመፍትሔ ምክረ-ሃሳቦችን ኣቅርቧል። የመፍትሄ ምክረ-ሃሳቦቹ በመግባባት ላይ ለተመርኮዘ የፖለቲካ እልባት በለውጡ እንዴት መቀጠል እንደሚቻልና የተረጋጋ ዴሞክራሲያዊ አስተዳደር እንዴት በደረጃ-በደረጃ ሂደት ሊመሰረት እንደሚችል በግልጽ ኣስቀምጧል።የመፍትሄ ሃሳቦቹ በኢትዮጵያ ህገ-መንግስት ማዕቀፍ ውስጥ የተቀረፁ ሲሆን የለውጡ ሂደት ስህተቶችና የገዥው ፓርቲ ባህሪይ፥ አሁን ያሉ የአለመረጋጋትና የፀጥታ ጉዳዮች፥ እና የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ግምት ውስጥ ያስገባ ነው። በአጠቃላይ የለውጥ ስርዓቱን ተግዳሮቶች በሁለቱም አቅጣጫዎች (ገዥው ፓርቲ እና ተቃዋሚዎች) በመተንተን በገዥው ፓርቲና በተቃዋሚ ቡድኖች በጋራ የሚተገበር ተግባራዊ የመፍትሔ ምክረ-ሀሳብ አቅርበናል።የቀረቡት ሀሳቦች ሌሎች የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች እንዲሳተፉ የሚያስችላቸው አስገዳጅ የፖለቲካ ኮንቬንሽን እንዲኖርና እውነተኛ ዴሞክራሲን ለመገንባትና በሀገሪቱ ውስጥ ዘላቂ ሰላም እንዲሰፍን ለማድረግ የለውጡ ሂደት ትክክለኛ ቁጥጥርን ለማረጋገጥና ትብብሩና አባል ድርጅቶች እንዲሁም ሌሎች ሃይሎች ሁሉ የበኩላቸውን ሚና የሚጫወቱበትን የዜጎች ኑሮ መሻሻልን ያረጋግጣል።የታሰበው አስገዳጅ የፖለቲካ ኮንቬንሽን የሚከተሉትን ያካትታል፦1. የውጭ ግንኙነት ምክር ቤት፡ የአገር ውስጥ አመኔታን ለማነሳሳት እና ዓለምአቀፍ ተቀባይነት እንዲያገኝ ለማድረግ 2. የተቀናጀ ብሔራዊ ደህንነት ምክር ቤት፡ በክልሎች ውስጥ የፀጥታ አደረጃጀቶችን ትግበራ ለመከታተል።3. የዴሞክራሲ ግንባታ ተቋም፡ አስፈፃሚዎችን ተጠያቂ ሊያደርጉ የሚችሉ ገለልተኛ የፍትህ አካላት፣ የምርጫ ቦርድና ነጻ ሚዲያ ራስን ማስተዳደርና ስልጣንን ለመጠበቅ4. ከፍተኛ የፖለቲካ ችግሮችን ለመፍታት ብሔራዊ የጋራ መግባባት እንዲፈጠር መንግስት ግንባታና በአገር ግንባታ መካከል ያሉ አለመግባባቶችንና ልዩነቶችን የሚፈታ አካል።5. ማንኛውንም ለምርጫው የሚደረግ ሌላ የጊዜ ማራዘሚያ ጥያቄን ለመገደብና ኣመቺውን የምርጫ ቀን ለማስቀመጥ የኮንቬንሽኑን አፈፃፀም የሚከታተል አካልበተጨማሪም እነዚህ አካላት የሚሠሩበትን የኃላፊነት፣ የሥርዓትና የአሠራር ዘዴ ዝርዝርን ጨምሮ የመፍቲሔ ምክረ-ሃሳቦቹን ተግባራዊነት አመልክተናል። እነዚህን የመፍትሔ ሃሳቦች ተግባራዊ ማድረጉ ዲሞክራሲን ለመገንባትና በአገሪቱ ውስጥ ዘላቂ ሰላም ለመፍጠር ይረዳል ብለን እናምናለን። ከዚህም ሌላ በክልላዊ መንግስታት መካከል ያለውን የፀጥታ ጉዳዮች እንዲሁም በመንግስትና በተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች መካከልና በተቃዋሚዎች እርስ በርሳቸው መካከል ያሉ ልዩነቶችን እንዲሁም “በመንግስት ግንባታ” እና “በሃገር ግንባታ” ላይ ተቃራኒ አቋም ላላቸው ጉዳዮችም መፍትሄ ያቀርባል። ስለሆነም በአሁኑ ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ የተስፋፉ ቀውሶችን ይፈታል ብለን ስለምናምን የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት እነዚህን የመፍትሄ ምክረ-ሃሳቦች እንደገና እንዲያጤን በጥብቅ እናሳስባለን። እንዲሁም ባለድርሻ አካላት ኃላፊነታቸውን የሚወጡ ከሆነ በእውነተኛ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሂደት ውስጥ የበኩላችንን ለመወጣት ፈቃደኛ መሆናችንን በድጋሚ ለመግለጽ እንወዳለን።በዚህ አጋጣሚ ዓለምአቀፍ ማህበረሰብ ኢትዮጵያን ከህገ-መንግስታዊ ቀውሶች እና ከጠቅላላው ትርምስ ለመታደግ ጠንካራ እርምጃ እንዲወስድ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን። በተለይም የአፍሪካ ህብረት፣ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት አካላት፣ የአውሮፓ ህብረት እና ሌሎችም ዓለምአቀፍ ማህበረሰብ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ከተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ጋር ድርድር እንዲያደርግና ነፃና ፍትሃዊ ምርጫን የሚያዘጋጅና ተግባራዊ የሚያደርግ በሥልጣን መጋሪያ የሽግግር መንግሥት አማካይነት ሁሉን አካታች የዲሞክራሲ ፍኖተ-ካርታ በጋራ እንዲያስቀምጥ እንዲያሳስቡ ኣጥብቀን እንጠይቃለን። የአፍሪካን ሰላምና ፀጥታ ለማስጠበቅ በብዙ የአፍሪካ አገራት ግጭትን ለመከላከል እና መፍትሄ ለማምጣት ውይይትን ማዕከል ያደረገ አቀራረብን በመምራት እና በማስተዋወቅ የአፍሪካ ህብረት እየተጫወተ ያለውን ሚና እናደንቃለን። አሁን በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያለው ቀውስ ከማንኛውም አካል የበለጠ የአፍሪካ ህብረትን የላቀ ትኩረት ይጠይቃል ብለን እናምናለን። በአፍሪካ ህብረት አዋጅ አንቀጽ 4(ሸ) መሠረት ህብረቱ ከባድ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ለመከላከል በአባል ሀገር ውስጥ ጣልቃ የመግባት መብት አለው። ብሔራዊ እና ዓለምአቀፉ ማስረጃዎች የኢትዮጵያ ስርዓት ቀጣይነት ያለው የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ላለፉት 27 ዓመታት በሃገሪቱ ዜጎች ላይ መፈጸሙንና ባለፉት ሁለት ዓመታትም ታይቶ በማይታወቅ ሁኔታ እንደተፈፀመ በግልጽ ያሳያሉ። በተጨማሪም በአብዛኛዎቹ የክልል መንግስታት አጠቃላይ አስተዳደርን አደጋ ላይ የሚጥሉና በመላ ሀገሪቱ የፀጥታ ቀውስ የሚያመጡ የተደራጁ እና ጠንካራ የታጠቁ ኃይሎች አሉ። አሁን ካሉት ቀውሶች እና በፍጥነት ከሚጓዙ እምቅ ግጭቶች እና ስጋቶች አንጻር የአፍሪካ ህብረት በኣፋጣኝ ጣልቃ ገብቶ ኃላፊነቱን መወጣት አለበት።አሁን በኢትዮጵያ ያለው ሁኔታ በአፍሪካ ሁለተኛዋን ትልቅ ሀገር መበታተን ብቻ ሳይሆን “ሰላማዊና የተረጋጋች አፍሪካን” የሚመኝ አጀንዳ 2063 የተባለውን የአፍሪካ ህብረት ምኞት 4 ለማሳካት ካሉ ዋና እንቅፋቶች መካከል አንዱ መሆኑን ማሳሰብ እንወዳለን። በተጨማሪም ፊንፊኔ(አዲስ አበባ) የኢ.ፌ.ዲ.ሪ መቀመጫ፣ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማና የአፍሪካ ህብረት ዋና መስሪያ ቤት በመሆኗ የአፍሪካ ህብረት ጽ/ቤትና እዚያ የሚሰሩ ከ2000 በላይ ሰራተኞች ደህንነት አሁን በኢትዮጵያ በተለይም በኦሮሚያ ካለው የሰላምባ የኣለመረጋጋት ጉዳዮች ጋር ከግምት ውስጥ መግባት አለበት። የተባበሩት መንግስታት በዓለም ላይ የሚከሰቱ ቀውሶችን በማስወገድ ረገድ የተጫወተውን ሚና የምንገነዘብ ሲሆን የተባበሩት መንግስታት የፀጥታው ም/ቤት(UNSC)፣ የተባበሩት መንግስታት የሰብአዊ መብቶች ጉባዔ እና ሌሎችም በአሁኑ ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ የሚከሰቱ ቀውሶችን ለማስወገድ የድርሻቸውን እንዲወጡ እንጠይቃለን። በተለይም በዓለም አቀፍ ደረጃ ሰላምንና ፀጥታን ለማስጠበቅ በተባበሩት መንግስታት ቻርተር መሠረት ቀዳሚ ሃላፊነት ያለው የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት የጸጥታው ምክር ቤት በአፍሪካ ካሉ ትልልቅ ሀገሮች ሁለተኛ የሆነችዋ ኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ፣ ማህበራዊ፣ ሰብአዊ መብቶች እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ቀውሶች ሲያጋጥሟትና ወደ ውድቀት ስታመራ ጆሮ ዳባ ብሎ ማለፍ የለበትም። የኣውሮፓ ህብረት ብሄራዊ የለውጥ ኣጀንዳውን ለመደገፍና ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር ልዩ ልዩ የልማት ትብብሮችን በመፍጠር በኢትዮጵያ ኢኮኖሚያዊ ውህደት፣ ሰላምና መረጋጋት እንዲሰፍን እየተጫወተ ያለውን የመሪነት ሚና እናደንቃለን። ሆኖም እ.ኤ.አ. በ2018ዓም የተጀመረው የፖለቲካ ለውጥ በጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ በአግባቡ ባለመመራቱ ግዙፍ ፈተናዎች ገጥሞት፡ ወድቋል። ይህም የአውሮፓ ህብረት ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር ያለውን አጋርነትና ህብረት ለኢትዮጵያ ያለውን ሁሉንም ምኞት ይገታል። ስለዚህ የአውሮፓ ህብረት በቀጠናው ያሉ ቁልፍ ኣጋሮቹ ያጋጠማቸውን የፖለቲካ ቀውሶችን ለማስቀረት ባለው ኣቅም ጣልቃ እንደሚገባ እናምናለን።ስለሆነም፡ 1. በአፍሪካ ህብረት በአንቀጽ 4(ሸ) እና በሌሎች የህብረቱ ደጋፊ አንቀጾች ላይ በተቀመጠው መብቱ ላይ በመመስረት በኢትዮጵያ ቀውሶች ውስጥ ጣልቃ እንዲገባ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን።2. በኢትዮጵያ የሰላምና ደህንነት አደጋዎች በግልጽ የሚታዩ በመሆናቸው የጸጥታው ምክር ቤት በተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት አንቀፅ 39 እና 41 ላይ በተመለከቱት ግዴታዎች መሰረት ተገቢ እርምጃዎችን እንዲወስድ ጥሪ እናስተላልፋለን። የመንግስታቱ ድርጅት የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ጉባዔም(UNHRC) በኢትዮጵያ የተፈጸሙ ከባድ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ለመቅረፍ በዚሁ መሰረት እርምጃ እንዲወስድ እንጠይቃለን።3. ይህ የመቶ አመት ግዙፍ ግጭትና በአፍሪካ ቀንድ ሰላምና መረጋጋት ላይ የጎላ ጉዳት ስለሚያስከትልና የአውሮፓ ሃገራትና የኢትዮጵያና ዲፕሎማሲያዊ እና የልማት አጋርነት የሚነካ በመሆኑ ነው የኣውሮፓ ህብረት በኢትዮጵያ በተለይም በኦሮሚያ ለተፈጠረው አለመረጋጋት ከፍተኛ ትኩረት እንዲሰጥ ጥሪያችንን እናስተላልፋለን።4. በኢትዮጵያ ያሉ ሁሉም የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ያቀረብነውን የመፍትሄ ሀሳብ በቁም ነገር በመመልከት እየተቃረበ ያለውን ኣስከፊ ቀውስ ለማስቀረት ከኛ ጋር እንዲሰሩ ጥሪያችንን እናስተላልፋለን።ገለልተኛ የኦሮሞ የፖለቲካ ኃይሎችና መላው ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ማንኛውንም ዓይነት የፖለቲካና የፀጥታ ችግር ለማስወገድ ለኦሮሚያ የሽግግር መንግስት እንዲዘጋጁ ጥሪ እያቀረበ፡ የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባር በዚህ አቋም ላይ ባለድርሻ አካላትን በሁለቱም የመንግስት ደረጃዎች ማማከሩ እንደሚቀጥል ያሳውቃል።

ድል ለሰፊው ህዝብ!

የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባርፊንፊኔመስከረም 13, 2020ዓም

Minnesota Legislature: A Senate Resolution Expressing Support for the Minnesota Oromo Community September 11, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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ማለዳ Media ከጋዜጠኛ ቤተልሔም ታፈሰ ጋር ያደረግነው ቆይታ September 8, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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OGF letter to Project Syndicate objecting the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, Abiy Ahmed, as a speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020 September 6, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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OGF letter to Project Syndicate objecting the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, Abiy Ahmed, as a speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020

Project Syndicate

P.O. Box 670

Kings ParkNY 117 54,

USA

Telephone: +420 607 887 761;+420 602 633 1050

Dear Sir or Madam,

RE: Undeserving speaker at The Green Recovery virtual event, 16-17 September 2020

We, the undersigned member organizations of the Global Oromia Forum, consisting of 41 Oromo Civic, Human Rights, and Religious organizations, wish to congratulate and support the Project Syndicate for organizing this timely event focusing on the most important theme impacting the continued survival of our planet. Climate change is no longer science fiction but the most consequential human activity-caused episode challenging our very existence. If we fail to take drastic actions today to decelerate or reverse the deteriorating trend, it is no longer if, but when the continued survival of life on earth as we know it will cease to exist. We believe the Green Recovery initiative is a step in the right direction to this end, the reason why we believe the planned virtual event is both critical and timely.

We also note the list of distinguished luminaries and global leaders lined up to share their wisdom and experience as keynote speakers, but with one particular caveat. The caveat, in our humble opinion supported by hard facts and figures detailed below, is the inclusion of an undeserving speaker, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Dr. Abiy Ahmed. We strongly believe that his participation will bring unwanted scrutiny to the conference because of his records on gross human rights violations. Yes, the prime minister is a Nobel laureate, one of the criteria we understand the Project Syndicate considered to invite him as a keynote speaker at this event. However, there are so much compelling evidence that, in hindsight, suggests the most undeserving person got the most coveted prize in the first place. Don’t take our words on this, just ask the Nobel Peace Prize Committee if they would have bestowed the prestigious prize on Dr. Abiy had they known what they know today. They still are answering for the decision they made and have to defend it. He should not be honored once again by featuring him at this global event along with so many deserving and distinguished speakers.

In our view, here is why Dr. Abiy should not be rewarded with the honor of sharing the stage with these renowned world leaders and professionals with impeccable characters for, as we shall show below, he has reneged on his promise of transitioning Ethiopia to democracy, he is a shameless plagiarizer, and he is known to have changed his biography so often to fit what he believes his audiences would like to hear.

Dr. Abiy served as a senior member of the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated regime that terrorized Ethiopians for 27+years, with a record of hundreds of thousands of people killed, maimed, and disappeared during his tenure as Head of the Security Intelligence arm of the regime. In 2018, when the TPLF members of the regime were forced to retreat to Tigray, following sustained Oromo youth-led popular uprising for over 4+years, Mr. Abiy and his team came to power promising to transition the country into a genuine functional democracy, has officially apologized for the destruction of so many lives and squandering the wealth of the country. During the first year, he was indeed a trailblazer; signed a peace agreement with Eritrea, lifted so many draconian laws that stifled human rights and free speech, invited exiled opposition parties and leaders to return home and participate in a peaceful democratic process, promised to hold free and fair elections, open up the economy to allow increased private sector participation and the list goes on; actions that earned him unequivocal domestic and international support and a Nobel Prize for Peace and accolade of praises. Many believed that the Nobel Prize was a down payment for peace.

No sooner than he received the prize, however, Prime Minster realized that Ethiopians, especially Oromos he claimed to have represented as a blood relative resulting in his appointment as Prime Minister, unequivocally prefer opposition parties as their true leaders. With that realization, the Prime Minister and his team instantly halted in its tracks the so-called change they introduced and reneged on his promise to transition Ethiopia to democracy. They immediately launched a vicious war on unarmed individuals, organizations, and the grassroots that deposed the previous regime and paved the way for the Prime Minister and his team to come to power. His supporters assassinated a prominent Oromo artist, Hachaaluu Hundessa, who inspired and mobilized millions of Oromo youth against the previous tyrannical regime. During Oromia wide demonstrations that followed Hachaaluu’s assassination, the state security forces killed hundreds of demonstrators, jailed most opposition party leaders and activists, closed or destroyed opposition parties’ offices and properties, carried out extrajudicial killings of the Oromo public suspected of being supporters of the opposition, closed Oromo media houses, jailed their staff and management, and looted their properties.

As documented in multiple Amnesty International reports on Human rights status in Ethiopia (Amnesty International Report on Human Rights Violations, May 29, 2020; https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/africa/ethiopia/report-ethiopia/), the Prime Minister and the state he is presiding over are waging state-sanctioned terror on Oromos and oppressed nations and nationalities in Ethiopia; the reason why he doesn’t deserve nor should he be rewarded with the honor of sharing a stage with globally recognized world leaders and professionals. Moreover, Dr. Abiy is also intellectually dishonest, widely known as a prolific plagiarizer of other people’s works and speeches verbatim (https://somalilandchronicle.com/2018/08/26/dr-plagiarizer-ethiopian-prime-minister-plagiarizes-henry-kissinger/). He is an infamous impersonator, having repeatedly claimed varying versions of his parents’ ethnic background that seem to change depending on his audience’s prevalent ethnicity and his perception of what that audience wants to hear about his origin of ethnicity. According to BBC report published on October 11. 2019 (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-43567007), he claimed his father is a Muslim Oromo and his mother is a Christian Amhara (also quoted in the Nobel Prize Institute’s biography of the Prime Minister). He has repeatedly confirmed this claim in multiple interviews he gave to various media platforms available on YouTube. He is also on record, claiming both his father and mother are Oromos in an interview he granted to the Oromo Broadcasting Network TV as recent as July 15, 2020 (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fZATZ5Q-EyE&ab_channel=OBNOromiyaa%5BOromiaBroadcastingNetwork%5D). In our opinion, allowing Dr. Abiy to speak at this event risks tarnishing the good name and image of Project Syndicate, diminishes that stature of the event, and possibly disseminate plagiarized messages on this very important topic. We thus kindly request Project Syndicate urgently to rescind the invitation to Dr. Abiy Ahmed to prevent any detraction from the real issue of the conference and also because this could be construed as unwittingly enabling a murderous tyrant who did not and is not valuing human life.

Allowing Dr. Abiy to appear on this world stage, to speak to the environment, is tantamount to ignoring the death of those children, the old and young people, and hundreds of thousands incarcerated in COVID-19 infested jails, and those young girls being raped daily by his soldiers as a deterrent. All this ongoing death and destruction is due to Abiy’s official shoot-to-kill policy to deter any kind of protest from his tyranny. One must also examine the inconsistencies of this man’s educational records to know what a master manipulator he has been throughout his life. The fundamental question is this, what kind of wisdom about climate change can this despicable, intellectually bankrupt, and a profoundly flawed human being can offer at such a global forum? If this invitation stands, he will use it to polish his image that has been tarnished beyond any repair, regardless. We sincerely hope and passionately urge that in virtue of the above, Project Syndicate will reconsider its invitation and dissociate itself from a leader of one of the most murderous regimes the world has seen in recent years. If not for anything else, just to preserve the image and credibility of the organization. Attached is a graphic snapshot of the atrocities committed by Abiy’s security forces against innocent Oromo citizens.

Oromia Global Forum

Signatories:

1. Advocacy4Oromia

2. Bilal Oromo Dawa Center

3. Canaan Oromo Evangelical Church

4. Charismatic International Fellowship Church

5. DMV Oromo Islamic Center6. Gaadisa Sabboontottaa KP

7. Global Gumii Oromia

8. Global Oromo Advocacy Group

9. Global Waaqeffannaa Council

10. Horn of Africa Genocide Watch

11. Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa

12. International Oromo Lawyers Association

13. International Oromo Women’s Organization

14. International Qeerroo Support Group

15. Network of Oromo Studies

16. Mana Kiristaanaa Fayyisaa Addunyaa

17. Oromo Christ Evangelical Lutheran Church

18. Oromo Communities’ Association of North America

19. Oromo Community of Bergen

20. Oromo Community of Oslo

21. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Church of Los Angeles

22. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Church of Washington DC Metropolitan Area

23. Oromo Evangelical Lutheran Mission Society

24. Oromo Human Rights and Relief Organization

25. Oromo Legacy, Leadership and Advocacy Association

26. Oromo Lutheran Church of Baltimore

27. Oromo Relief Association in USA

28. Oromo Parliamentarians Council

29. Oromo Political Prisoners Association

30. Oromo Resurrection Evangelical Church

31. Oromo Scholars and Professinals

32. Oromia Support Group

33. Oromo Studies Association

34. Tawfiq Islamic Center

35. Tawhid Oromo Islamic Center in Minnesota

36. Union of Oromo Communities in Canada

37. United Oromo Chirstian Church in Australia

38. United Oromo Evangelical Church39. Wabii Maccaa Association

40. Washington DC Metropolitan Oromo SDA Church

Potential Macroeconomic Implication of World Bank Decline of USD 2 billion Loan to Ethiopia September 6, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Dábessá Gemelal

During such time as this, when the global economy is at the cross road and that of the LDCs’ economy including of Ethiopia is terribly impacted by multitudes of challenges such as conflicts, displacement, flooding, locust infestation, COVID-19 pandemic and others, the decline by WB to give a lone amounting to USD 2 billion will have multiple economic impacts. Here are some of the potential impacts:- Deteriorates Debt Repayment Capacity: Such soft loan from the WB/IMF/AfDB or similar financial institution usually improves nation’s capacity to pay their commercial debts to such country as China.

The inability to pay own debt will have global level credit worthiness impact;- Slowdown import dependent industrial operation: Ethiopia’s industries are largely import dependent, whereby the largest share of the row materials are imported. Hence, during this time when the country is suffering from foreign currency shortage, the lack of such loan will impact the industries significantly;- Decline in Importation of Essential Item: the country is already overheated by the shortage of foreign exchange to import essential times for domestic consumption.

As a result the price rice during the month of July 2020 has gotten closer to 23%. Hence, absence of loan will aggravate the situation and rate of inflation could further increase;- Challenge in the Completion of Mega projects: The country is said of implementing mega projects such as sugar factories, irrigation schemes, hydro power, infrastructural development and many other. Such projects heavily rely on loan from the big global financial institutions. The WB’s decline of this loan would then mean a big challenge for the country to progress in the implementation of this mega projects- Challenge to Maintain Sufficient National Reserve: in the absence of sufficient and affordable loans, the country might resort to the depletion of its national reserve to meet critical demands.

Whereas, the country’s national reserve is already at lower level, which barely covers 2.5 months need of the country;- Challenge to Attract FDI: in country where there is liquidity crunch in terms of foreign currency, the probability for FDI to comer to the country is very low. That is because the investors need sufficient foreign current for importation as well as maintaining portion of their earning oversea.

These are few of the macroeconomic impacts of the current WB’s decline of the $2 billion. As such, the impact will be on all sectors and also on individual to the national economy.

Related article:

Awol Kassim Allo

The political and economic costs of pursuing political opponents through the courts are far greater than the benefits**************************************************************

It has been more than two months since Jawar Mohammed and several other leading members of the Oromo opposition were detained based on bogus accusations. More than two months after the high profile arrests, the govt is yet to bring formal charges against them bc it as no case that serves the gov’t political agenda while also meeting the requirements of criminal law. The three people formally charged thus far – Dajanee Xaafaa, Mastawardii Tamam, and Mishaa Cirrii – were charged for a crime unrelated to the events used as a justification for the arrests.Weaponising the justice system to pursue political adversaries is is politically counter-productive and economically ruinous. Over the last two months, there have been anti-Abiy rallies in major cities across Europe, the USA, Canada and Australia. In Oromia, we have witnessed a groundswell of protests, particularly by Oromo women. These are extremely damaging to the image of the country and a PM that won the Nobel Peace Prize only a year ago. These protests are also economically ruinous both in the short and the long term. Detaining political opponents in a country that is tearing itself apart can only complicate its structural uncertainties and deepens its explosive national and subnational faultlines. Put simply, it would make eventual political settlement impossible.I believe the PM understands that the political and economic risks (costs) of pursuing political opponents through the courts are far greater than its benefits. No reasonable person can believe that the government can lock these individuals behind bars and ensure peace and stability while millions of Oromos are saying: “No Peace without Justice”. The anger that we see on the streets both in Ethiopia and abroad would only grow in scale and magnitude if the government persists with these trials and its anti-democratic move to impose a unilateral political settlement for the country. Abiy Ahmed can and must release all political prisoners and return to dialogue. It is the only way to save Ethiopia from the abyss.

መፍረስ? ያንተዋ ኢትዮጵያ የፈረሰችውስ፣ እኛ መብትና ፍትህ ስለጠየቅን ሳይሆን፣ የእኛን መብት በመግፋት፣ የእኛን የሕዝቦቿን ሰብዓዊ ክብር በመርገጥ፣ እኛን ለማፍረስ ተማምላ ከቤት የወጣች ዕለት ነው። September 6, 2020

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መፍረስ?

By Dr #Tsegaye_Ararssa

ለመሆኑ 150 ዓመት ሙሉ አገር እየፈረሰብን፣ ሕግና ሥርዓት እየፈረሰብን፣ ዕምነትና ልማድ እየተናደብን፣ ታሪክና ማንነት እየተሻረብን፣ ቤትና ቤተሰብ እየፈረሰብን፣ ሕዝብና ማህበረሰብ እየተደረመሰብን፣ ሕይወትና አካል እየጎደለብን፣ ዕለት ዕለት እየተገደልን ለኖርን ለእኛ፣ መብት ሲጠየቅ “ትፈርሳለች” የምትባለዋ አገር እንደምን ያለች ናት?

ወንድሜ፣ ያንተዋ ኢትዮጵያ የፈረሰችውስ፣ እኛ መብትና ፍትህ ስለጠየቅን ሳይሆን፣ የእኛን መብት በመግፋት፣ የእኛን የሕዝቦቿን ሰብዓዊ ክብር በመርገጥ፣ እኛን ለማፍረስ ተማምላ ከቤት የወጣች ዕለት ነው።

አብይና የወንጀለኛ ስብስብ የሆነው የብልጥግና ‘መንግሥቱም’ የፈረሱት፣ እኛን በማፍረስ “ኢትዮጵያን [ከእኛ ከሕዝቦቿ፣ በተለይ ከኦሮሞ] ለመታደግ” በሚል የእብድ መፈክር ዙሪያ መማማል የጀመረ ዕለት ነው።

እና መብት ስለተጠየቀ የሚፈርስ አገር የለም።የመብትና የፍትህ ጥያቄ የሚያፈርሰው ‘አገር’ ከሆነም፣ ድሮም አገር አልነበረም ማለት ነው። የመብትና የፍትህ ጥያቄን የማይቋቋምና የማይመልስ፣ አልፎም የሚፈራ አገር፣ አገር ሊባል የተገባ አይደለምና መኖርም የለበትም።አገር ምድር አይደለም። አገር ፖለቲካዊ ማህበረሰብ ነው። መብቶችንና ጥቅሞችን አሰባስቦ፣ አስማምቶ፣ አቻችሎ በጋራ የሚተዳደር፣ ሥርዓትና ተቋማት ያለው ነገር (entity) ነው። ለዚህ ነው “አገር ማለት ሕዝብ ነው፣ አገር ማለት ሰዉ ነው” የሚባለው።ሰው እያፈረስክ የምትገነባውም ሆነ የምታድነው አገር የለም።አንድ ሰው ስትገድል፣ የአንድ ዜጋን መብት አላግባብ ስትጥስ፣ አገራዊ መርሆዎችንና እሴቶችን ስታንኳስስ፣ ያኔ ነው አገር ማፍረስ የጀመርከው።ሕዝብን ስታፈርስ፣ ወይም ለማፍረስ አቅደህ ላይ ታች እያልክ ስትንከላወስ፣ ያኔ ነው እንደ አገር የፈረስከው።የሕዝብን ሰብዓዊ ክብር ስታዋርድ፣ ሕዝብን እንደ ሕዝብ ለመስደብ ተደራጅተህ በሚዲያ ደቦ ተቧድነህ ለፕሮፓጋንዳ የሚሆን የሥራ ክፍፍል አድርገህ ስትዘምት፣ ያኔ ነው እንደ አንድ ፖለቲካዊ ማሕበረሰብ አገራዊ ቁመናህን ያጣኸው።

That’s why we say #Abiy_is_the_past, and Ethiopia is the home that never was for us. And that’s why we say…#Abiy_must_be_removed!#ለእነ_መፍረስ_ብርቁ#ለእነ_አፍራሽ!

Ethiopia’s Political Show Trials & The Rights Of Detainees Under Ethiopian And International Law: Exploring International Accountability September 5, 2020

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Click here to watch on Facebook:Ethiopia’s Political Show Trials & The Rights Of Detainees Under Ethiopian And International Law: Exploring International Accountability

Ethiopia: Assimilation of the last centuries have failed and peoples are becoming self-conscious and demanding for restoration of their lost identity. September 5, 2020

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Assimilation of the last centuries have failed and peoples are becoming self-conscious and demanding for restoration of their lost identity

By Ibsaa Guutama

Bravo Tigray! You are setting example of defending human and peoples’ rights. At the moment Oromiyaa, her neighbors and Tigray are under attack by chauvinist Nafxanyaa system hopefuls. We all know united Oromiyaa is the Great Flood that no mountain kan hide. We have seen Tigray how it can turn into a thunderbolt for human rights violators when its rights are infringed. Assimilation of the last centuries have failed and peoples are becoming self-conscious and demanding for restoration of their lost identity. This is not the creation of TPLF as alleged but natural development of things. In short things are not as they were a hundred years ago. The great Agawu, Qimaant, Wayixoo, Shinaashaa etc. are awake. Therefore, a soul-searching is required from fans of the old order.

We wish peace and success for people of Tigray. There are no statutes of limitation for capital crime. But current issues have priority to be tackled. Oromo have issues with first generation TPLF/EPRDF. However, issues they have with OPDO/EPRDF is more current. TPLF is now far removed from Oromiyaa proper and therefore not of immediate threat. The real threat is neo-EPRDF, in the name of PP (Bilxiginnaa).

Bilxiginnaa has now taken Federal law into own hand and suspended functioning Federation. It is waging genocide on the Oromo people and the state of Oromiyaa is under military rule and is in chaos. On the other hand, TPLF and the people of Tigray are running election using their constitutional right; the right which was also given to Oromiyaa and other peoples by the constitution.

Therefore, Oromo have no reason to oppose TPLF for practicing legitimate right, which in principle they also cherish had their power not usurped by OPDO. As for issues Oromo have with first generation of TPLF for which the state of Tigray has to be accountable, it can be handled in civilized manner when dusts settle. If because of this Tigray election Nafxanyaa led by PP declares war, no Oromo or soldiers from old colonies should spill their blood to muffle constitutional rights of a people. It has to be settled between the northern neighbors which might have claims against each other if any? The election in Tigray should rather serve as a beacon for the rest of nations, nationalities and peoples.

Wound inflicted by current Nafxanyaa is fresh and has to be given more attention than the scar left from old wound. The attack on Tigray from any quarter because of the election is an attack on democracy, human rights and freedom. All freedom loving peoples ought to stand with the people of Tigray during this trying period of Federalism.

Let freedom and democracy flourish in Africa! Federalism or independence!

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

A choice without alternative left: Commitment to Kaayyoo Oromummaa and our determination to fulfil it without wavering is our only guarantee to independence. Our people’s persistence in the face of killings, tortures and imprisonment at present is the beginning of that determination. We follow true history or follow no history. Greek historians’ Aethiopia refers to all people different from their complexion, which for them looked like burned face. That seem nickname for the whole black race. The Ethiopia, Amaaraa elites brag about of forming is as they said their own creation; otherwise there is no country that called itself Ethiopia in history. The Amaaraa are entitled to their Ethiopia. Problem comes when they want to impose it on others with all the paraphernalia, designed by them. And when they claim history connected with that nickname. Many impliedly seem to have agreed to close file of old Amaaraa Ethiopia and open a new one for nations, nationalities and peoples’, new and different Ethiopia that could include all that were under old Ethiopia’s empire. That was what was meant by the Federal Constitution as starting point for unity with all its short comings. What matters is not who made the constitution but if it reflects forward looking dreams of the majority. But the way government forces came out committing genocide and Nafxanyaa system hopeful’s simultaneous tirade and demeaning insults to Oromo nation leave no space for cooperation. Oromo have broken out from vassalage of Nafxanyaa system by own struggle. They have only nations they live together as neighbors and have no one to carry on their head. Be it to live as independent or by creating relations with others will be based only on their own will. One who does not accept that is an enemy. An alternative to Federal constitution presented is the old obsolete chauvinistic reactionary Nafxanyaa colonial system in which superiority of one nation, one language, one religion, one flag alone is recognized. That is what descendants of old Nafxanyaa of all walks of life and level of education entertain. So far, no rational person among them has presented oneself to listen others viewpoints in decent civilized manner. Where are all those calling themselves progressives during the Ethiopian Revolution? Where are they when their people needed the right leadership, not Frankenstein Monsters? Now, it seems the chance of forming new Ethiopia with the Amaaraa is exhausted. Because for them the new means revising the old. The choice left is only to renew the struggle for independence and declare own freedom. Each nation and nationality are responsible for protecting of human rights in their territories. Volunteers believing in diversity, equality, freedom and respect for each other’s interest could form union fitting their desire. The continued killings and abuses of unarmed Oromo and all other peoples and harassment of nations and nationalities has to stop. Unconditionally release political prisoner. Those in power and their running dogs cannot escape being accountable for all the consequence of human rights abuse and genocide. The Oromo have no alternative other that taking the final step towards national self-determination which includes independence. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu

Oromia (Finfinnee): Excerpts from Jawar Mohammed’s speech in court 04 Sep 2020 September 5, 2020

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Excerpts from Jawar Mohammed’s speech in court 04 Sep 2020

Finfinne Intercept

What I find alarming even more so than the individual charges levelled against us is the state of the overall justice system in this country. Allow me to address this not just to the bench presiding over this case but also to the second-man in charge of the Attorney General’s Office who is present amongst us in this courtroom today. The justice system is under the total control of the ruling party and has utterly failed due to political interference by those in positions of power. I would like for you to understand this. It is evident from the prosecution’s request for the court to grant anonymity for witnesses so they can testify against us from behind-the-curtain that this is a political trial. And the fact one of the witnesses was dropped today and that four others were dropped the other day further demonstrates that the entire exercise is politically motivated. I am not saying this because I’m terrified of prison. When I made the decision to join politics, it’s with the full knowledge that such eventualities might arise and with the conviction to accept any consequences. Prison is an elementary challenge. I’m ready to die for my people and for the cause I believe in. If I die today, I go with a peace of mind and a smile on my face. I won’t have any regrets. I’m pleading with you not out of the personal desire to get a favourable ruling on this case but because I want the country’s judicial system to improve for the sake of future generations. This reminds me of the ordeals the earliest Oromo nationalist movement leaders had to go through inside the courtrooms of Imperial Ethiopia [and the death penalty they were given] 40 years ago; trailblazers such as Captain Mamo Mezemir who graduated with great honours from the then imperial military academy. What is happening to the current crop of leaders (potentially his grand children) today is no different. This is disgraceful. Political differences are resolved through dialogue, not in a litigation before a court of law. This exercise helps neither our politics nor the country’s judicial system. On the contrary, it will further worsen the political polarisation, courts will lose public trust and this will precipitate the disintegration of the country. All evidences indicate that that is where we’re heading. The current Prime Minister had apologised for putting freedom advocates through a reign of terror for 27 years in contravention of the constitution and the laws of the country, and had admitted that that was a wrong path to follow. However, what we’re witnessing is a continuation of the same old unlawful practice. I maintain that political differences cannot be resolved in a court of law and that no resolution will come out of such futile undertakings. I urge you to stop wasting the resources and energy of everyone involved. You can jail us as you please, free us as you please or hang us if you deem it necessary but I implore you to stop the blatant mockery of justice and the law. I thank you! –Translated from the Afaan Oromo version originally published by Oromo Political Prisoners Defence Team.

Oromia: Dr Birhanu Nega alone displaced and took the farmland of 217 Oromo farmers household. That means he alone displaced and grabbed the farmland of more than 1000 Oromos using the racist and anti Oromo regime. September 5, 2020

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/Directio/nአቅጣጫ

By Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

Dr Birhanu Nega alone displaced and took the farmland of 217 Oromo farmers household. That means he alone displaced and grabbed the farmland of more than 1000 Oromos using the racist and anti Oromo regime. Could these Oromo victims get justice from the racist Neftagna regime? Not at all. Over the last 15 years alone, Addis Ababa expanded three fold by displacing about 1,500,000 Oromo people. Literally, the racist and anti Oromo regime committed genocide on our people. Still, system driven, land grab and the genocidal mission against the Oromo people continued in the name of development, religion, business etc. It is forgone conclusion that the Oromo people cannot seek justice from the racist regime. Then, what type of political discourse could an Oromo hold with the racist system that calls an Oromo who speak about the equality of the Oromo people in that country an extremist, terrorist and so forth? None! From now on, the Oromo people should not fool themselves and wast any time by talking about democracy, election, law etc for there is none! Oromos who talk about these nonexistent things should also stop lying and giving false hope to the Oromo people. It is critically important to know that unless and until the racist Neftagna System is defeated, subdued and dismantled, let alone equality, the Oromo people will not be considered as human beings in Ethiopia. These dehumanization of the Oromo!? We have all seen it. We are all living it! Therefore, let all Oromos focus only on organizing and mobilizing the Oromo people to defeat, subdue and dismantle the racist Neftagna System!

ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ብቻ 217 የኦሮሞ ገበሬ አባወራዎችን (በትንሹ ከአንድ ሺህ ህዝብ በላይ) አፈናቅሎ መሬታቸውን ወስዷል። እነዚህ ኦሮሞዎች ከዘረኛው ነፍጠኛ ስረዓት ፍትህ መጠየቅ ይችላሉ? በጭራሽ! ይህ አሁን ያወቅነው አንድ ሰው ብቻ ስረዓቱን ተጠቅሞ የፈፀመው ግፍ ነው። ባለፉት 15 ዓመት ብቻ አዲስ አበባ አንድ ሚልዮን አምስት መቶ ሺህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ ጄኖሳይድ ፈፅማ በቆዳ ስፋት ሶስት እጥፍ ሰፈታለች! በልማት፣ በሃይማኖት፣ በንግድ፣ በተለያዩ የሌብነት ስልቶች የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መሬት መቀማቱን ቀጥሏል። ይህን የተደራጀ ስረዓታዊ ወረራ እና ጄኖሳይድ ለስረዓቱ ሌቦች አቤት በማለት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሚያገኘው አንዳች ፍትህ የለም። ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ እኩልነት የሚናገር ፅንፈኛ በሚባልበት ስረዓት ውስጥ የምን ፖለቲካ ነው ኦሮሞ የሚያካሄደው? የለም! የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከዚህ በኋላ ለአንድ ቀን እራሱን ዲሞክራሲ፣ህግ፣ ምርጫ፣ ቅርጫ እያለ ማታለል የለበትም። ይህን ውሸት መፍትሄ ብላችሁ የምታወሩ ኦሮሞዎችም አቁሙ! የነፍጠኛው ስረዓት ካልተሸነፈ እና ካልገበረ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ እንኳን እኩልነት፣ እንደሰውም አይቆጥርም። ውሸት ነው እንዳትሉ እያያችሁት እና እየኖራችሁት ነው። ስለዚህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቸኛ ግብ የነፍጠኛው ስረዓት ማፍረሰ እና ማስገበር ብቻ መሆኑን አውቃችሁ በሙሉ ኃይላችሁ ህዝቡን አንቁ እና አደራጁ!!

Related:

Azhar Kïa Abadir

Amhara businessmen Belayneh Kindie and Worku Aytenew took 250 hectares of land from the hearts of Addis through direct involvement of the retard. Haile G/S took free land from South, Oromia and Amhara in the name of building resort. These three Amhara looters are behind all of Addis land grab and why they are supporting this retard. Oromo businessmen Dinku Deyasa and Gemshu Beyene are chased away from their mother land. Gemshu is still in Oromia but Dinku was attacked by mafias several times. It is so sad that Oromo’s resources are looted by these crooked Amharas but Oromos are killed on their soil because they born Oromo. This madness must be stopped by the blood of Oromos. This struggle must be the binding one. You have well prepared leaders and there will be no risk of power sabotage afterwards. In this short time, peaceful struggle aimed at deteriorating the mafia’s economy must be strongly executed. This is a bitter struggle. Military is told to shoot anyone on the road so that direct confrontation is risky. However, self defense is legal whenever the military is attacking you while you are protesting peacefully. Military has no legal ground to kill peaceful protesters. It is beyond its mandate and should be taught a desirable lesson like of Tegarus. Military seems to be brave on Oromos because they knew that Oromos are peaceful. Effective road closure surrounding Addis will bring down this mafia. Never carry gun or other artileries. Just peacefully. You will definitely win and determine your fate. Amharas who did not support this mafia are just your families and protect them taking any respobsibilities. However, any nation and nationalities who support this mafia have to learn some lessons. All lessons should of economic deterioration.

Oromo is winning! Luel Henok

የኦሮሞን መሬት ለመቀማት እጅግ ቀላሉ መንገድ -ትናንት፣ ዛሬና ነገ-(The Easiest way to grab Oromo’s land)****************************

1. አንድ ጨረቃ ቤተ እምነት ይሰራል!

2. ከዚያ በዙሪያ የመጤ ሰፋሪዎች ጨረቃ ቤት ይሰራል!

3. እድርና ማህበር ይበዛል!

4. መብራት:ውሃና ስልክ በፊውዳል ሰንሰለት በፍጥነት ይገባላቸዋል!

5. ከፖሊስና ፀጥታ አካላት ሰንሰለት በመፍጠር አካባቢያችሁን ጠብቁ በሚል ያስታጥቋቸዋል!

6. ኦሮሞ ያለ ቤተ እምነት በራሱ መሬት ላይ መቀበር አልችልም ብሎ ስላመነ መቀበሪያ አገኘሁ ብሎ ይደሰታል:ተጨማሪ መሬቱን ይሰጣል;ንብረቱን ይሰጣል::

7.በአገልግሎትና በበአላት ስም የሚመጣ ፊውዳል እዚያው ቀርቶ ጨረቃ ቤት ይሰራል!

8. ኦሮሞ ምስጢራቸውን እንዳያይባቸው የትኛውም አገልግሎት ውስጥ አያስገቡትም!

9. ቆይቶ ኦሮሞና ኦሮሙማ ጠፍቶ….ባዶ እጁን ቀርቶ;ቤተሰቡን በትኖ; መቀበሪያ አገኘሁ ያለውንም ሳያገኝ ተሰዶ መንገድ ዳር ሞቶ ማዘጋጃ ይቀብረዋል::ይሄ ትናንት ነዉ። ዛሬም ይሄ እንዳለ ሆኖ ሌላ ሀይል ተጨምሯል። ሴቶችና ህፃናት ከየጎዳናዉ ተሰብስበዉ የደብተራዎች ሚዲያ በሆነዉ ESAT እና EBC ዜና ይሰራል። ለዶ/ር ምልኬሳም ይደወላል። በዚህ ስልት አንፎ አካባቢ የተጀመረዉ ቆሟል። ነገስ? ነገ ኦሮሞ ነቅቶባቸዋልና ቄሮ በራሱ መሬቱን ያፀዳል።=with Worku Bedada=

Oromia: Waamicha Qeerroo Marsaa 4ffaa #OromoProtests September 4, 2020

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#OromoProtests Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa September 4, 2020

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Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa

The Oromo Community of the Netherlands submit complaint to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) at the ICC asking for an investigation to be opened against the senior Ethiopian leaders for crimes against humanity committed against the Oromo and other nations in and outside Ethiopia September 4, 2020

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The Oromo Community of the Netherlands submit complaint to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) at the ICC asking for an investigation to be opened against the senior Ethiopian leaders for crimes against humanity committed against the Oromo and other nations in and outside Ethiopia.

Ethiopia: Do you want peace? Do these simple things September 2, 2020

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Modest Proposals ( Tsegaye Ararsa )

Do you want peace? Do these simple things:

1. Release all the political prisoners.

2. Stop the house arrest on Oromo leaders.

3. Stop the protracted state terror across Oromia.

4. Stop your divisive propaganda among religions, regions, and factions.

5. Free OMN.

6. Hands off Oromo media outlets.

7. Stop hate propaganda on Government media outlets and its affiliates.

8. Stop war-mongering on Tigray just because they are conducting elections.

9. Stop inciting violence and arming local vigilantes to perpetrate hate crimes.

10. Stop arming criminals and thugs against Oromos in cities such as Finfinnee. Stop terrorizing Oromos in Finfinnee and all the (garrison) towns. In particular, expose the ኢዜማ-ባልደራስ-ብልጥግና thugs who are organizing themselves “to launch urban guerrilla war” (የፈረንሳይ ሌጋሲዮን ሽምቅ ተዋጊዎች) and hold them to account.

11. Stop weaponizing the law to attack dissidents.

12. Arrest the land theft and the protracted invasion (through illegal settlements, or in the name of building churches).

13. Punish the assassins of #Haacaaluu_Hundeessaa, or take full responsibility for the assassination. Establish truth, render justice.

14. Remove the army from all civilian sites in Oromia.

15. Set up a provisional administration of Abbaa Gadaa Council in Oromia.

16. Address the demands of the numerous southern nations to self-rule. Stop the violence against the Wolaita people. Stop divisive politics to pit one against the other in the SNNPRS. Stop the near imperial (re)mapping procedure to cram groups into your arbitrary clusters

17. Remove senile generals who have overstayed their service long after their retirement age. (This includes the likes of Berhanu Julaa who are turning a segment of the military into a private attack squad of Abiy Ahmed.) Stop undermining the constitutional status, tasks, and responsibilities of the military by dragging them into your dirty (and insane) Bilxiginna politics.

18. Establish law and order in the ANRS. Stop the politics of banditry and brigandage.

19. Put institutional sanity to the organization, training, and operations of the police, the proliferating ‘Special Forces,” and other armed bodies. Secure peace and safety of the citizenry.

20. Remove Abiy Ahmed (and take him to a mental care institution to prevent self-harm as he is repeatedly vowing to commit suicide unless he has his way).

21. Launch an all-inclusive deliberation towards a comprehensive roadmap for democratic transition.—–Anything else, or anything less, is a joke. The struggle continues.

Oromia: EZEMA and PP: The clash over the Oromo land September 1, 2020

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EZEMA and Urban Land – Addis Ababa

By Faisal Roble, August 31, 2020,

EZEMA, a political party in Ethiopia that is birthed out of remnants of EPRP, All-Amhara Organization, Medhin led by a fascist individual known as Goshu Wolde, and remnants of former landlords once again betrayed the ongoing revolution; first it stood by when Oromo comrades were killed and jailed; and then it temporarily ended up forming what could be a short unholy alliance with PM Abiy’s Prosperity Party (PP). The two joined hips not because they love each other but because they want to break the Oromo spirit. Their unholy unification is based on the ever-elusive pan-Ethiopianims – a crude ideology that sacrifices regional and local histories in favor of a never substantiated Solomonic history – a history that is more of a myth than a real history based on the histories of the peoples of Ethiopia.

To cement its image as the guardian of a radical version of Ethiopianism negotiated on the concept of Andinet-fusuminet, a narrative that seeks to protect the left-over of an old oppressive system, EZEMA has hastily released what could be perceived as its land policy. In it, it falters on the question of urban land of Addis Ababa. Reading EZEMA’s 15-pages report, I understand that there is an attempt to delineate the distribution of about hundreds of thousands of acres of vacant suburban land and the distribution of 96,000 condominiums. It would have been a high toll if their study was not politically charged.

EZEMA makes an accusation without showing any proof that a large portion of the 96,000 condominium units are reserved for workers belonging to the Oromia regional state. It adds that the rest is distributed to Dr. Abiy’s cronies.There are some truths to EZEMA’s accusation, especially when it accuses the government of PP of handing keys of finished units to government bureaucrats. Such a practice is common even in the regions. It is customary for both federal and regional governments to give prime land to cronies. PP functionaries in the regions are as guilty of this accusation as they come. In the process, often legitimate owners of such lands are pushed aside.Having said that, the spirit of EZEMA’s August 2020 report is to express its philosophy on the land question pertaining to Addis Ababa. In the report, EZEMA saws the unprovable suspicion that Dr. Abiy’s government is illegally handing finished units to Oromo. In a clever way, it reinvigorates the debate on the question of Addis Ababa and comes to saying that urban land is grabbed by Oromo with the approval of Dr. Abiy’s government. But how does this accusation sit with the killings of Oromo politicians and Oromo activists by the same government? It is this argument that makes EZEMA’s August report nothing but a false pretext to cleverly revive the debate over Addis Ababa at this sensitive time when Oromo advocates are in jail and have no freedom of expression.

The thin thread that holds EZEMA and PP has always been to silence the Oromo and other nationality voices so that urban land of Addis Ababa is “managed” without resistance. In other words, the EZEMA report is the tool for a fight for the control of one of the most important resources that belongs to Oromo – LAND. And this fight is an affirmation that Ethiopia’s history in the last century has been the looting and defending of land by different forces. The urban land question finally saws a wedge between two wrong sides whose unholy alliance is unsustainable. The clash over Oromo land will soon foment open conflict between EZEMA and PP. A Somali adage says: a stolen she camel will never produce a legitimate calf. The original sin of stealing Oromo land must first be corrected before land is legalized to consumers. We need a serious and democratic land policy.

SHRC Statement on Gross Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia August 30, 2020

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SHRC Statement on Gross Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia

Sidama Human Rights Council (SHRC)

KMN:- August 28 | 2020 Ethiopia has witnessed a rapid deterioration in political stability, peace, and security since the change from elected government to a transitional government in April 2018. The initial promises of democratic reforms were quickly reversed and replaced with entrenched dictatorship. Violence against civilians and political actors demanding greater freedom escalated. In Sidama State, the recently formed 10th regional state, government security forces massacred over 153 civilians on 18 July 2019 and subsequent days to silence the demand for self-rule. Nearly 500 pro-democracy Sidama activists and prominent public figures – including former mayor of Hawassa City Tewdros Gabiba – are still languishing in Hawassa prison for simply demanding regional self-rule although this was achieved through a referendum conducted on 20 November 2019. Many of the prisoners have been infected by COVID-19 with some hospitalized for care and one person confirmed dead. More recently, following the assassination of the iconic Oromo artist and human rights activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessa, on 29 June 2020, violence against civilians intensified in Oromia State. Over 239 civilians lost their lives in the region in the week after Haacaalu’s assassination mostly due to excessive use of force by the police against the demonstrators protesting the targeted killing of the artist. This month dozens of civilians are reportedly killed in various parts of Oromia following the campaign of defiance and economic blockade by the Oromo youth movement, Qeerroo, who are demanding full degree of self-rule and an end to political and economic marginalization. In its May 2020 Report, Amnesty International documented extrajudicial killings of dozens of civilians and arbitrary arrests of over 10,000 civilians in Oromia State for allegedly supporting the Oromo Liberation Army, the splinter group from the Oromo Liberation Front, a legally operating opposition party in the country. In an unprecedented crackdown following the assassination of Haacaaluu Hundeessa, the government arressted prominent Oromo political leaders Jawar Mohamed and Bekele Gerba of the Oromo Federalist Congress – a legally operating Oromo opposition political party in the country – and their supporters. On government’s own admission, nearly 5000 civilians were arrested in Oromia State in July 2020 alone. Jawar Mohamed was credited for steering the 2014-2018 youth, Qeerroo, led revolution that brought the current government to power. Initially an ally, Jawar Mohamed became an ardent critique of the prime minister since recently as the government lacked policy directions on managing the transition and gravitated towards the restoration of an imperial Unitarian state in contravention to the federal constitution that upholds the rights of nations, nationalities and peoples to self-rule in a multinational federation. Lemma Megarssa – the ex-president of Oromia State and architect of the 2018 reform that paved the way for Abiy Ahmed’s ascension to power – has been removed from his ministerial position at the Ethiopian Ministry of Defense for rejecting Abiy’s “Medemer” philosophy and refusing to join the ruling Prosperity Party.Such massive gross human rights violations and crackdown on opposition political parties and marginalization of high-profile political figures such as Lemma Megerssa are indicative of a failed democratization and reform. The recent massacre by government security forces of more than two dozens of Wolayita civilians who demanded a regional self-rule proves the depth of political crisis gripping the country. The government has also shut down the only independent media outlet in Oromia State, the Oromia Media Network (OMN), which was the voice of over 95 million people from over 80 nations and nationalities in the country. The Oromia Media Network was targeted not only because Jawar Mohamed – the critique of the prime minister and now in jail – founded it but also because it provided unbiased, free and fair coverage to the hitherto marginalized minority nations, nationalities and peoples across the country. Access to information is a fundamental human right and the Ethiopian government flagrantly violated this right by closing down the OMN. Several journalists of OMN have also been arrested.On top of these all, the indefinite postponement of the 2020 election, and the unilateral decision by the ruling Prosperity Party to extend the constitutionally-mandated five-year term limit of the executive and the legislative on the basis of a flimsy constitutional interpretation has severely undermined the legitimacy of the transitional government deepening the constitutional crisis and political uncertainty beyond October 2020. On the other hand, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and the Government of Tigray State have decided to conduct election in September 2020 before the expiry of the constitutional term limit of the regional executive and legislative in October 2020. This is likely to deepen the confrontation between the federal government and the Tigray Regional State. The repeated call by the opposition political parties for all-inclusive dialogue has been rejected by the government deepening the constitutional crisis. Therefore, the Sidama Human Rights Council:1) Calls on the Ethiopian government to immediately release 500 Sidama political prisoners jailed for demanding a regional self-rule; the natural and democratic right of a nation;2) Calls on the government to immediately release OMN journalists and leaders of the Oromo opposition political parties including Jawar Mohamed, Bekele Gerba, Dr. Shiguxi Geleta, Hamza Borana and all other political prisoners in the country;3) Calls on the government to stop undue restriction on access to information and allow the Oromia Media Network to operate in Ethiopia and respect freedom to access information;4) Calls on the government to halt extrajudicial executions; rape; destruction of properties and arbitrary arrests and detentions of civilians in Oromia;5) Calls on the government to heed calls by the opposition political parties for all-inclusive political dialogue and reconciliation; 6) Expresses its deepest condolences to the family of iconic Oromo artist, Haacaaluu Hundeessa and the entire Oromo nation and calls on the Ethiopian government to set up an independent panel to investigate his targeted assassination;7) Calls on international human rights organizations, multilateral institutions and the international community to closely monitor the political crisis and the ongoing gross human and political rights violations in Ethiopia. 

Sidama Human Rights Council – SHRC

Oromia: #OromoProtests in Awwadaayii. Hiriirri Mormii Dubartootaan Awwadaayitti Godhame (August 30, 2020) August 30, 2020

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[SBO – Hagayya 30,2020] Hiriirri mormii, kan dhiittaa mirga dhala namaa raawwatamaa jiru mormu, kabajamuu mirgootaa gaafatuu fi gaaffilee adda addaa of keessaa qabu har’a Hagayya 30,2020 Baha Oromiyaa magaalaa Awwadaay keessatti haawwanii fi qarree Oromoo kumaantamaan lakka’amaniin geggeessamuun hubatameera. Humni waraanaa fi poolisootni mootummaa dubartootaa fi qarree Oromoo hiriira ba’an kana irratti akka dhukaasan maddeen oduu Awwadaay gabaasaniiru. Miidhaan dhaqqabuu fi dhiisuu ammatti waan adda ba’e akka hin jirre ibsameera.

The Observer: Ethiopia falls into violence a year after leader’s Nobel peace prize win August 30, 2020

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The Observer: Ethiopia falls into violence a year after leader’s Nobel peace prize win

Abiy Ahmed came to power promising radical reform, but 180 people have died amid ethnic unrest in Oromia state

Jason Burke, 29 August 2020

Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, centre, arrives at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa in July.
 Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, centre, arrives at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa in July. Photograph: AP

Ethiopia faces a dangerous cycle of intensifying internal political dissent, ethnic unrest and security crackdowns, observers have warned, after a series of protests in recent weeks highlighted growing discontent with the government of Abiy Ahmed, a Nobel peace prize winner.

Many western powers welcomed the new approach of Abiy, who took power in 2018 and promised a programme of radical reform after decades of repressive one-party rule, hoping for swift changes in an emerging economic power that plays a key strategic role in a region increasingly contested by Middle Eastern powers and China. He won the peace prize in 2019 for ending a conflict with neighbouring Eritrea.

The most vocal unrest was in the state of Oromia, where there have been waves of protests since the killing last month of a popular Oromo artist and activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, in Addis Ababa, the capital. An estimated 180 people have died in the violence, some murdered by mobs, others shot by security forces. Houses, factories, businesses, hotels, cars and government offices were set alight or damaged and several thousand people, including opposition leaders, were arrested.https://interactive.guim.co.uk/uploader/embed/2020/08/ethiopia-map/giv-3902E7Ml0LJ7Dfz7Ethiopia

Further protests last week prompted a new wave of repression and left at least 11 dead. “Oromia is still reeling from the grim weight of tragic killings this year. These grave patterns of abuse should never be allowed to continue,” said Aaron Maasho, a spokesperson for the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

The Oromo community have long felt excluded from power and the benefits of Ethiopia’s booming economy. The Oromo protest movement gained momentum from 2015 and contributed to the appointment of Abiy, an Oromo from the ruling party, who promised democracy and prosperity for all.

“We are seeing a continuation of that movement, and also signs that the government’s response will be equally forceful. Once people are shot and arrested then that becomes a rallying cry,” said William Davison, an analyst based in Addis Ababa for the International Crisis Group.

The decision to indefinitely delay elections due later this year because of coronavirus – which has caused 600 deaths in the country of 100 million so far – has also worried diplomats and other international observers.

The protests in Oromia last week began amid claims that Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo opposition politician and one of Abiy’s most outspoken critics, was being denied medical attention in prison.

Young protesters described being “hunted down, shot in the streets” in the Oromia town of Aweday.

“Soldiers shot at us so I ran as fast as I could. I witnessed people getting shot in the back as they fled,” said Kedir, who took part in a demonstration on Tuesday.

Haacaaluu Hundeessaa performing in Addis Ababa in July 2018.
 Haacaaluu Hundeessaa performing in Addis Ababa in July 2018. He was known for his activism and political lyrics. Photograph: EPA

Aliyyi Mohammed, a 22-year-old from Hirna, was taken to hospital after being shot in the thigh on Monday. Relatives said he had been “nowhere near” the protests when injured and now feared for his safety. “There are police waiting outside the hospital … We have heard that they want to arrest him as soon as he’s recovered. We can only pray they leave him alone,” said a member of the family who requested anonymity.

Relatives of Farhan Ali, 22, claimed he had been killed by security forces after leaving his home in Dire Dawa to visit a neighbour. “Soldiers killed him in cold blood,” said Bahar Omar, a cousin. “He didn’t break the law. They shot him multiple times in the back. He died right there and had no chance.”

Officials have denied such claims. “There has been violence, but we are yet to confirm reports of any killings by state forces,” said Getachew Balcha of the Oromia region’s communication affairs office.

But claims of mistreatment by security forces are fuelling the cycle of unrest in Oromia. Graphic images of 21-year-old Durassa Lolo were widely shared on social media after relatives claimed he had been tortured in the town of Asasa by soldiers who had asked him for his name.

“My brother did nothing wrong. When they heard an Oromo-sounding name, his fate was sealed. They took him to a military camp and inflicted on him unbelievable savagery. [He] is fighting for his life in hospital. This is why there are protests. The government sees us as expendable,” Durassa’s brother, Abdisa Lolo, said.

The government says Haacaaluu was murdered by Oromo nationalist militants as part of a wider plot to derail its reform agenda. The ruling party has also suggested that its rival in the northern region of Tigray, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), masterminded the conspiracy. The TPLF dominated the ruling coalition until Abiy took office. It has since joined the opposition, accusing the prime minister of planning to replace the ethnic-based federal system with a more centralised state.

The aftermath of angry protests in Shashamene after Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated.
 After Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated in July, there were angry protests in towns such as Shashamene. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

Both the TPLF and Oromo nationalist groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front deny involvement in either the murder or the unrest.

Government policy has also led to fallouts within the ruling party. The defence minister, Lemma Megersa, an ally turned critic of Abiy, was last week fired and placed under house arrest. State media reported Lemma’s dismissal from the ruling party being due to his “violating party discipline”.

Analysts say it was important to recognise that recent unrest has been limited to Oromia and that there was credible evidence suggesting violence over the previous months had not simply been inflicted on protesters by the security forces but also had occurred between ethnic communities.

The office of Ethiopia’s attorney general last week defended the government’s response to the unrest, saying in a statement that investigations would reflect a “commitment to human rights”.

Abel Abate Demissie, an Addis Ababa-based analyst with London’s Chatham House, said Ethiopia’s political polarisation has deep roots, with structural problems that have been insufficiently addressed under Abiy: conflicting narratives about Ethiopia’s history, an unfinished federal project and tensions over the division of power between the centre and the regions.

“Two years down the line [after his appointment], and you find every major political group is disappointed with Abiy,” he said.

The Conversation: Ethiopia’s political crisis plays out in the regions. Why it’s a federal problem August 28, 2020

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Ethiopia’s political crisis plays out in the regions. Why it’s a federal problem

By Mulugeta G Berhe (PhD)1, The Conversation, August 27, 2020

Members of the Oromo community in the United States march in protest after the killing of musician and revolutionary Hachalu Hundessa in June 2020. (Photo by Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

The political crisis in Ethiopia is not showing sings of abating. Ongoing riots in Oromia and Wolayta; state fragmentation in the Amhara region, and the standoff between the federal government and the Tigray region have put the survival of the government in question.

To address this crisis, the African Union has been called upon to mediate between prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Similar in tone, a US-based Ethiopian working group has urged Washington to play a more vocal role in the deepening crisis.

Most recently, some members of the US congress wrote a petition calling on the US secretary of state to encourage the Ethiopian government to engage in an open dialogue with the opposition for a peaceful transition.

These are all encouraging signs. But there needs to be greater clarity on the nature of the crisis for an informed and meaningful intervention.

It is my view that the crisis in Ethiopia today is not a conflict between the federal government in Addis Ababa and the regional government in Tigray. It is a crisis of the federal government manifest in Tigray and other regions. The governance of the federal government has become more of an exercise in seamanship (staying in power) and less of navigation (reaching a destination) falling short of coherent and democratic approaches to address the crisis.

Therefore, defining the problem as a disagreement between the federal government and Tigray is, to say the least, simplistic. There are concurrent crises in Oromia and the Southern regions that also need urgent attention. And to call for dialogue without taking some confidence building measures, such as the unconditional release of political prisoners, is a non-starter.

The ongoing unrest in Oromia

The killing of a popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundiessa in June sparked massive communal riots. Most parts of western and southern Oromia were engulfed in fighting between armed forces Oromo Liberation Front fighters and government forces. The opposition parties in Oromia – protesting the decision of the government to continue in power beyond its mandate at the end of September 2020 – began preparing for resistance. The killing of the artist occurred in the middle of this political crisis.

The protests engulfed much of the Oromia region where many businesses and shops were torched or looted. The government response to the riots left 178 people dead and a further 9,000 detained without due process of law . Curfews were imposed and a complete closure of the internet enforced.

The public mistrust of government grew amid inconsistent statements and its knee-jerk decision to arrest opposition political leaders. Its failure to set up an independent inquiry into the artiste’s killing further fuelled suspicion.

In reaction to the resistance of the Oromo elites, Abiy has gone about purging over 1,700 local administrators and civil servants. The dismissed officials included Lemma Megersa, the Defense Minister, a politician considered pivotal in prime minister’s rise to power.

But resistance in the Oromia region continues in different forms. With over 9,000 people in prison, including key Oromo political leaders, the crisis has immense potential for escalation.

The Wolayta crisis

The Wolayta people in the country’s south have long agitated for a regional state of their own. The claims have become louder since December 2018 when the neighbouring Sidama people secured a referendum to form their own regional state – breaking away from the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regional state.

The constitution recognises the right of any nation or nationality clustered in any of the regional states to form its own state. Following the steps required, the council of representatives of the Wolayta zone unanimously voted for a regional state, and presented its decision on December 19, 2018. But this has yet to be considered at regional or federal levels or referred to the Electoral Board.

In protest at the silence, the Wolayta organised a massive rally and the 38 representatives to the regional council declined to attend the council meeting. The federal government responded to these developments by detaining dozens of zonal officials, elected members of the Wolayta statehood council, political party leaders, and civil society actors.

The regime also acted violently against peaceful demonstrators demanding the release of those detained. The government also suspended a community radio station and shut down offices of civil society organisations.

A national crisis

Events in Oromia and Wolayta illustrate the point that the current Ethiopian problem is not limited to a dispute between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It is a national one.

The decision of the federal government to postpone the scheduled elections using the excuse of the COVID-19 pandemic was rejected by most substantive opposition political groups calling for a dialogue to avert the consequences of the constitutional crisis.

The best-organised of these groups, the TPLF, has the capacity to hold its regional elections on schedule. This has brought the crisis to a head. But the dispute with Tigray cannot be resolved with a simple compromise: there is much more at stake, and the TPLF leaders are unlikely to make a short-term bargain when they see the problem as more fundamental.

Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including leaders of the opposition, are in prison for political reasons. All media outlets, except those fully controlled by or affiliated to the Prosperity Party, are closed.

For a meaningful dialogue to start, the federal government should take some unilateral confidence building measures. All political prisoners should be released without condition and all media outlets closed by the government opened immediately. It should also end the unlimited and unlawful state of emergency.

This can then set the stage for a national dialogue with two main objectives. First is to agree an early date for elections and determine how the country transitions to an elected government. Second is a discussion on some of the fundamental questions on the political future of Ethiopia. This is currently obscured by a focus on the crisis of the moment.

Author

  1. Mulugeta G Berhe (PhD)Senior Fellow, World Peace Foundation, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts, Tufts University

FP: U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan August 27, 2020

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EXCLUSIVE

U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan

Some U.S. officials fear the move will harm Washington’s relationship with Addis Ababa.

BY ROBBIE GRAMER | FP, AUGUST 27, 2020

Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country’s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River.

The decision, made this week, could affect up to nearly $130 million in U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia and fuel new tensions in the relationship between Washington and Addis Ababa as it carries out plans to fill the dam, according to U.S. officials and congressional aides familiar with the matter. Officials cautioned that the details of the cuts are not yet set in stone and the finalized number could amount to less than $130 million. 

Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance, counterterrorism and military education and training, anti-human trafficking programs, and broader development assistance funding, officials and congressional aides said. The cuts would not impact U.S. funding for emergency humanitarian relief, food assistance, or health programs aimed at addressing COVID-19 and HIV/AIDS, officials said.

The move is meant to address the standoff between Ethiopia and other countries that rely on the Nile River downstream that have opposed the construction of the massive dam project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Egypt sees the dam’s construction as a core security issue given the country’s heavy reliance on the river for fresh water and agriculture, and in the past Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has hinted his country could use military force to halt the dam’s construction. 

Some Ethiopian officials have said they believe the Trump administration is taking Egypt’s side in the dispute. President Donald Trump has shown a fondness for Sisi, reportedly calling him his “favorite dictator” during a G-7 summit last year. Officials familiar with negotiations said the Trump administration has not approved parallel cuts in foreign assistance to Egypt. 

Administration officials have repeatedly assured all sides that Washington is an impartial mediator in the negotiations, which mark one of the few diplomatic initiatives in Africa that the president has played a personal and active role in. These officials pointed out that Egypt has accused the United States of taking Ethiopia’s side in the dispute as well. 

“There’s still progress being made, we still see a viable path forward here,” said one U.S. official. “The U.S. role is to do everything it can to help facilitate an agreement between the three countries that balance their interests. At the end of the day it has to be an agreement that works for these three countries.”

But the move is likely to face sharp pushback on Capitol Hill, according to Congressional aides familiar with the matter. State Department officials briefed Congressional staff on the decision on Thursday, the aides said, and during the briefing insisted that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship would remain strong despite a cutback in aid because the United States can have tough conversations “with friends.”

“This is a really fucking illogical way to show a ‘friend’ you really care,” one Congressional aide told Foreign Policy in response. 

The administration’s mediation efforts started last year, when Sisi asked Trump for assistance during a visit to the United States. While the State Department handles diplomatic issues, Trump asked Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to lead the mediation. That arrangement has caused friction within the administration, with some State Department officials privately venting that the administration is mishandling its role in the negotiations by putting Treasury in the lead. 

The construction of an Ethiopian dam on the Nile river is seen.

Trump Mulls Withholding Aid to Ethiopia Over Controversial Dam

The massive Ethiopian dam is a flash point for tensions in Africa—and is now sowing confusion and discord within the U.S. government, with many officials concerned Washington is too much in Egypt’s corner.EXCLUSIVE ROBBIE GRAMER

The State Department and Treasury Department did not respond to requests for comment. 

On Tuesday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited Khartoum to discuss the dam issue with his Sudanese counterparts. Pompeo was in Khartoum on the same day to meet with Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, but the two leaders notably did not cross paths. “The Secretary and Prime Minister agreed that achieving mutually beneficial agreement among Sudan, Ethiopia, and Egypt on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is crucial to regional stability,” the State Department said in a statement issued after Pompeo’s meeting with Hamdok.

Following Abiy’s visit, the Ethiopian and Sudanese governments issued a joint statement saying that two sides “would make every possible effort to reach a successful conclusion to the current tripartite negotiations.”

The concept for the massive dam project was first conceived of by Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1960s, though the country did not break ground until 2011. Ethiopian citizens have helped bankroll the $4.6 billion dam project with small individual donations, making it an important point of national pride in addition to being a massive infrastructure project.

Some U.S. officials have raised doubts about whether U.S. funding cuts to Ethiopia could alter the country’s negotiating position, given the dam’s political and cultural significance. The Trump administration first began considering withholding foreign assistance to Ethiopia over the dam discussions in July. In fiscal year 2019, the United States provided a total of $824.3 million in assistance to Ethiopia, of which $497.3 million was humanitarian aid, according to State Department data.

Egypt and Sudan demanded that Ethiopia not begin filling the dam until the countries reached a legally binding deal that would address how to manage water flows during droughts or dryer rainy seasons, and established a mechanism to resolve disputes regarding the dam.

But in July, following an unusually wet rainy season, Ethiopia announced it finalized the first phase of filling the 74 billion-cubic-meter dam, sparking a backlash from Cairo and Khartoum.

Update, Aug. 27, 2020: This article was update to include additional details about Pompeo’s trip to Sudan and Congressional reactions to the decision to cut aid to Ethiopia.


Oromo Women in UK #OromoProtests Solidarity Rally in London: Hiriira Mormii Dubartootaan (London, UK) 27 August 2020 August 27, 2020

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In London and other countries main cities, Oromo civil youth activists engulfing Ethiopian Embassies around the world August 27, 2020

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In London and other countries, Afaan Oromo speakers made use of Ethiopian Embassies for the first time in their history, albeit in protests.

By Dr Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

In London and other countries, Afaan Oromo speakers made use of Ethiopian Embassies for the first time in their history, albeit in protests. The screenshot below shows BBC Amharic reporting on “London Qeerroo”, London Oromo Youth in solidarity with the #OromoProtests by Oromia Qeerroo, hoisting Oromo resistance flag on the Ethiopian Embassy in London protesting the mass political killings and mass political detention of the Oromo people by the repressive Neftagna Regime in Ethiopia. Similar #OccupyEthiopianEmbassies protests are being Organized around the World by global Oromo Qeerroos networks. In Minnesota, the Ethiopian Consulate General in Saint Paul has been occupied by the Oromo Qeerros there for weeks, shutting down the Consulate, in one of the most sustained protests by the Oromo people around the world protesting the assassination of Artist Hachalu Hundessa, extrajudicial execution of hundreds, and the detention of tens of thousands of Oromos, including Jawar Mohammed in Ethiopia. It is also important to note that the anger and grievances of the Oromo people run deep, since, the Ethiopian Embassies around the World are funded by the resources extracted and exploited from Afaan Oromo speaking areas while serving only Amharic speaking minority. The Amharic speaking minority regime’s legitimacy in Ethiopia is crumbling before our very eyes as the Oromo and other nations and nationalities in Ethiopia are mounting their resistance, in unison, against the racist regime’s political, economic and cultural exclusion and discrimination. No wonder, the Amharic speaking media outlets, the mouthpiece of the regime in Addis Ababa in the Amharic speaking Diaspora, are crying foul by complaining of the occupation of “their embassies”, meaning: the Amharic speakers Embassies, as Afaan Oromo speaking Oromo Ethiopians and others challenge the exclusive and racist privileged status quo of the Amharic speakers by “occupying their Embassies”, wanting to make it ‘theirs too’ , and make their presence felt. Ethiopian government officials in Addis Ababa and in these respective embassies with an inclusive mindset should be proud of these developments around the world as long marginalized Afaan Oromo speakers stood up to take their rightful place by #OccupyingEthiopianEmbassies. The Ethiopian foreign ministry, therefore, should thank, not complain, about the Western Countries, particularly the United Kingdom, for respecting the rights of the Afaan Oromo speaking Diaspora to peacefully protests, and for allowing them to resist peacefully the racist practices of the Neftagna Regime against the Oromo people by occupying “their Embassies”. On a related note, reports coming from Washington DC indicates that handful of Amharic speaking Diaspora went to Ethiopian Ambassador’s residence there to do their own #Occupy, and get chased away after being showered by water hoses by the Ambassador’s young son who happens to be at home. Although the Amharic speaking extremist media outlets in Washington DC did report on this incident, handful of Amharic speaking Diaspora went to the Ambassador’s residence to ask for the release of certain detainees.

Ethiopia: Abiy Ahmed Doubling Down on a Failed Governance Model, Conversation with the Elephant TV August 26, 2020

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Ayantu Ayana, PhD student at the University of California, unpackages recent events in Ethiopia and explores the history and prospects for Ethiopia under PM Abiy Ahmed. She discusses the history of internal colonisation in Ethiopia that continues to be worked out to this day.

A brave #Wola’ita nation: Dedicated to peaceful means of struggle for their self-determination and boycotting Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahemd fascist party, PP. August 26, 2020

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Minnesota congressional delegate press release: Jawar Mohammed and Misha Chiri August 26, 2020

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OMN: (August 25, 2020) U.S. Senators Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and Tina Smith (D-MN) released the following statements on the detention of two members of the Oromo community from Minnesota, Misha Chiri and Jawar Mohammed, who are still in police custody as part of the government’s response to protests in Ethiopia.“Misha Chiri’s ongoing detention and treatment, along with that of Jawar Mohammed’s, are unacceptable and I will continue to fight for justice on their behalf,” said Smith.

BLAINE, Minn. (FOX 9) – As the unrest in Ethiopia continues, both Minnesota senators are sending a joint letter to the U.S. Department of State in an effort to help free two Minnesotans detained there.

The two friends went to Ethiopia a couple years ago to expand the Oromo Media Network they started in Minnesota. At that time, they had high hopes for the new prime minister, but now everything for them has changed. 

Arfasse Gemeda, the wife of Jawar Mohammed and mother of his child, has been in agony since he was arrested and detained in Ethiopia seven weeks ago. Protests both in Ethiopia and in the Twin Cities metro reignited after the killing of an outspoken activist and singer, Hachalu Hundessa. 

“It’s agonizing on a personal level, but even as an Oromo, it’s a very, very tough time for our community,” said Gemeda.

Mohammed is also a critic of the current prime minister. He was arrested the day after his friend’s murder, but was never charged. 

“He hasn’t committed any crimes, he’s a political prisoner,” said Gemeda. “They are holding him for his political beliefs.”

Ethiopia Insight: An imperial narrative gets recycled August 25, 2020

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An imperial narrative gets recycled

by Trevor Trueman August 24, 2020

More understanding and less blaming are key to a solution for the self-determination crisis of the Oromo and other Ethiopian communitiesA powerful and disturbing narrative is gaining traction among reporting on Ethiopia, its bias reflecting the connections of the current and past political and business elites with national and international media, NGOs, and foreign governments.

Most see Ethiopia through the eyes of what has long been Ethiopia’s dominant culture, the Amharic language, script, and calendar, and the Orthodox Church. Subconsciously, most outsiders absorb the sense of entitlement and superiority of those who practise and belong to this culture over the other— majority—peoples of Ethiopia who do not.

Institutional and institutionalized racism against Oromo and against the smaller nationalities in Ethiopia is enabled and empowered by zero-sum politics and its associated societal and domestic authoritarianism. Prejudice against people not represented in the dominant culture portrayed abroad as Ethiopia is rubbing off on journalists and power brokers.

Some commentators believe Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party plans to dismantle the limited regional autonomy guaranteed in the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution and claim that those who oppose this plan are violent ethno-nationalists who threaten Ethiopia’s democracy. That is the narrative gaining traction. It is as false as it is dangerous and it is a narrative that is driving a response.

In 1991, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) participated in the overthrow of the military regime, and participated for a year in the Transitional Government of Ethiopia organized by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), before it withdrew from the 1992 elections and its troops, encamped by agreement with U.S. and Eritrean mediators, were overrun.

Amid blackout, western Oromia plunges deeper into chaos and confusionBy Ermias Tasfaye

In that year, the Minister of Education, Ibsa Gutama (one of four OLF Ministers), ensured primary education was to be carried out in Afaan Oromo in Oromia and in relevant languages in other regions. Indeed, under the federal system created after 1991 by the TPLF, for the first time Oromo people were governed, taught and were heard in court in their own language. To use the word ‘Oromia’, to use the better-suited Latin script for the Oromo language and to see it written down were each huge steps forward for the recognition of Oromo culture.

Those who promoted anything else Oromo, however, were persecuted.

After 2014, driven by the taking of land from Oromo farmers around Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and by continuing political and economic marginalization, Oromo students, the Qeerroo/Qarree, launched a series of increasing protests. When these spread to other regions, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was propelled to power in April 2018, launching a series of reforms, including his declaration that political harassment is gone for good, releasing political prisoners, pardoning opposition parties and inviting exiled leaders to return and participate in a peaceful democratic process, declaring freedom of speech and press and ending a 20-year conflict with neighboring Eritrea, which earned him the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

In September 2018, the return of the OLF leadership to Finfinnee was celebrated by millions. There was talk of truth and reconciliation, mass education about human rights, and real representative democracy. Hope and confidence in progress, prosperity and equality was almost tangible.

It did not last.

Oromia Support Group reports have detailed how extrajudicial killings and large-scale detention have continued and accelerated. Since the assassination of singer Hachalu Hundessa on 29 June, many more have died in violent protests and many properties have been destroyed. Detentions, rape, burning of property and crops—an old-fashioned scorched earth policy—is under way in areas perceived to be supportive of the OLF. In February, many top officials of the OLF were arrested; leader, Dawud Ibsa, is now under house arrest

Qeerroo: A regimented organization or a spontaneous movement?By Mosisa Aga

There is now a media campaign against the OLF and anything Oromo and the Ethiopian government is working hard to persuade the outside world that Oromo journalists and supporters of the OLF and Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) are all terrorists. The similarities to 1992 and the subsequent crackdown on Oromo organisations that were also then labelled as terrorists are depressing.

The killing of Hachalu immediately reminded me of the killing of singer Ebbisa Addunya on 30 August 1996. Like Hachalu, he was inspirational to a generation of young Oromo. Today, just as in the 1990s, national and international media echo government claims of atrocities instigated by organised Oromo groups, amplified by biased social media. Internet and media closures are ensuring that the government version of events, aided by anti-Oromo national outlets, becomes received wisdom in the outside world; just as it did in 1992.

The man difference of the current repression with that of its predecessor is ominous.

The broad consensus among Oromo is that any degree of autonomy enjoyed under the 1995 Constitution is under threat. This would mean one step forward and two steps back: not the other way around. Not back to 1992, but back to 1974, the time of a highly unitary state; of one language, one culture, one religion, and Amhara identity, under the cover of Ethiopian nationalism. Oromo people are being forced against their will to belong to a country in which they feel disempowered and unrepresented. Again, their desire for at least a degree of autonomy is ignored and not taken seriously, as though they don’t matter. This is a recipe for disaster.

It is also necessary to understand that the authoritarian nature of northern Ethiopian society, regional zero-sum politics, and the assumption of rights over and above the conquered peoples of Ethiopia is based on racism. And only when this racism is acknowledged can Ethiopia progress toward a multicultural, rich, resource-abundant state with enough for all its peoples. But there must be equality; no domination of one culture over another. Dismantling the current federal structure of Ethiopia, whatever superficial guarantees of fairness and equality are given, will result in more marginalization of all cultures, except that of the Amhara, which is the lens through which almost all outsiders view Ethiopia.

Guji Oromo need freedom from liberatorsBy Nagessa Dube

Acceptance and agreement of the events and facts concerning the expansion of Abyssinia in the late 19th century is a much-needed foundation stone for a stable future Ethiopia. With an agreed history and a degree of regional autonomy, it is possible for all the peoples of Ethiopia to live their own culture with respect for the rights of others, with inclusivity in decision-making at an appropriate level, and respect for natural resources.

More violence and suppression, however, will eventually lead to the breaking up of Ethiopia, with most of the people in the southern two-thirds leaving the original Abyssinia as a rump state in the northwest. If the country of Ethiopia can only be maintained by state violence against its people, resentment will build until it fragments, like Yugoslavia. Far better to establish a mutually agreeable state structure.

The greater and more ingrained a prejudice is, the harder it is to be aware of it and tackle it. It is time for the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia to be treated equally and fairly. To deny people self-determination, to label those who wish to exercise this right as terrorists, and to force an unwilling population to belong to any geographic, political or cultural moiety is as dangerous as it is short-sighted. Equally, it could be so easily avoided if only the two sides of the self-determination debate, which has become ethnicized whether we like it or not, consider, understand and accommodate each other’s point of view. This can be settled in a civilized manner, without coercion or bloodshed.

Finally I am #free YassinJuma: Kenya Journalist Yassin Juma after he was released from Ethiopian prison he wrote this letter while in the hospital fighting COVID! August 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Yassin Juma, Independent Journalist,Filmmaker,Fixer, Media-Consultant

Greetings,

I, Kenyan Journalist and Documentary Filmmaker Yassin Juma would like to take this opportunity to express my utmost gratitude to the Oromo community in Africa and the Diaspora for the support extended to me while I was incarcerated.

This is also to confirm that I have been released from detention and I’m currently under isolation at a Covid-19 government facility in Finfine.

According to a statement by the Ethiopian government the reason for my release after horrendous and endless 48 days (and a re-arrest) was that they realised I had been “wrongfully detained” because of “Language barrier”.

I was touched when I called my family for the first time in 50 days and they all again and again would mention the support extended by numerous Oromo people who called from the diaspora or visited them at the family home in Nairobi to find out how they were doing. That really touched me. I can’t thank you enough. I needed that support while in detention as I was overwhelmed by responsibilities taking care of a large extended family, a paralysed hospitalised brother’s medical bills and two orphans. You made it easier for them by having my back and holding their hands.

I cant talk much as am still in Ethiopia and all my focus is exerted on my current battle i.e fighting Corona. Kindly remember me in your prayers. The Oromo community offered 4 brilliant Lawyers to represent me in court at zero fee. I cannot thank you enough for this selfless act. Many thanks to Lawyer Kedir Bolli, Lawyer Abdelatef Elemo and the rest of the team. Lawyer Kedir, a formidable lawyer, would always say this before our court proceedings….”Rabbi Jira,” and yes indeed Rabbi Jira!I also have a message sent to the Oromo community from the detainees I left behind which I will officially share with you once once I’m back on social media.

Galatoomaa.

Yassin Juma, Kenyan Journalist

Partial list of Oromo nationals murdered by Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Ali’s security forces since 17 August 2020 August 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Partial list Oromo nationals murdered by Ethiopia’s fascist dictator, PM Abiy Ahmed Ali’s military forces just in one week, 15-23 August 2020.

Awash Post: Abiy’s security forces brutally murdered over 100 innocent civilians within days. Many have sustained bullet injuries and some of them may not survive. Sheiks, children and teachers were victims of cold-blooded murder. Those people were not armed and did no harm to anybody (property).Abiy has sworn to silence and suppress Oromos using AK47. Literally, Oromia is under siege. Though horrified and traumatized by Aby’s actions, Oromos’ determination and spirit to end another round of oppression and injustice are stronger than ever before.

Ajjeechaan Oromoo irratti raawwatame madaallii kamiinuu suukkaneessaadha. Xiqqaa fi guddaan, sheekaa fi barsiisaan hin hafne. Ijoollee woggaa 10 odoo hin hafin mataa dhayaa kuffisan. Garajabeenna seenaan hin dagannetu humna Abiyyi bobbaaseen Oromoo irratti raawwatame.Amma, gummaa kan du’ee baasuun, isa hidhame hiiksisuun dirqama Oromoo hundaati. Aaarsaa dabalataas yoo kan nu kaffalchiisu ta’e, dhiigni dhangala’e bu’aa malee akka hin hafne godhuuf, qabsoo sabaa sadarkaa itti aanutti ceesisuuf qabsoo keessaa fi alaan finiisuudha falli.~ Nesru Hassen

Related:

The Africa Optics: Sheik Omar and his wife were killed at their home by government security forces. Their three-months old infant who sustained an injury at the time also died the next day.

Red Terror again! Inhuman criminal Terror Killings are currently taking place in Oromiyaa. Youngsters are taken out of prison and their homes and summarily executed. Examples are that in Ijaajjii West, Muneessaa South and Dirree Xayyaaraa East. Dirribaa Ingidaa, Baaburee Magarsaa, and Bayyaan Alii respectively were reported as taken out and killed summarily and thrown into the wilderness and refused honorable burial. These are samples of hundreds of victims of terror being reported. Red terror of 70s we experienced was between two parties, Darg and cronies they named Red on one part and EPRP they called White. The present one is Government Colorless Terrorist, against Oromo people. It is typical genocide. War that started in the last two years led by Kolonel Abiy and supported by Nafxanyaa system hopefuls is now escalating to an extent that soon great ratio of Oromo population is going to be wiped out and chaos reign. The government is now managed by amateur incapable for pacifying the situation but can kill without distinguishing, age, gender and health situations. Rape and arsenal are rampant. In self-defense Oromo have launched peaceful protest, which is being met by life bullet. That discredits peaceful struggle and may push many to armed struggle for survival. All peace-loving people have to rally for help. Send to the world in writing, audio and pictures what is going on under Abiy. In that way you can make stop to extinction of a civilization. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu! ~ Ibsaa Guutama

OMN: Turtii Prof Mararaa waliin Tamsaasa Kallattii (Hag 23, 2020) & በማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ August 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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ማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ

መረራ ጉዲና (ፕሮፌሴር)ለብሔራዊ መግባባት ውይይት የቀረበ ጥናት

ነሐሴ 2012/August 2020

አብዛኛዎቹ የሀገራችን የታሪክ ምሁራን የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ከክርስቶስ ልደት በፊት፤ በአስረኛው ምዕተ ዓመት የንግስት ሳባ እና የንጉስ ሰለሞን ግንኙነት በሚባለው ጊዜ ይጀምራል ይላሉ፡፡

ይህ ለአንዳንዶቹ የሚታመን ታሪክ ተደርጎ የሚወሰደው፤ ለሌሎች ደግሞ ተረት እንደነበረ የሚነገረው ክስተት የማስመሳያ ትርክቱ የእስራኤል አምላክ የቀባቸው ገዥዎች ተብሎ በሺዎች ለሚቆጠሩ ዓመታት ንጉሦቹ ቅቡልነትን አግኝተውበታል፡፡ በትርክቱም ሀገሪቷን እስከ 1966 ሕዝባዊ አብዮት ድረስ ያለ ብዙ ጭንቀት ገዝተውበታል፡፡

የዛሬይቱ ሰፊዋ ኢትዮጵያ እንደ ሕብረ ብሔራዊ የነገስታት መንግስት (multi-ethnic empire state) የተፈጠረችው በ2ኛው የ19ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ግማሽ፤ የዘመነ መሳፍንት ከሚባለው ዘመን በኋላ ስለሆነና ዛሬም በጣም ሰፊ ቀውስ ውስጥ የከተተን ታሪካዊ ዳራም ከዚሁ ጊዜ ጀምሮ ስለሆነ፤ ጽሑፌም ከዘመናዊ ኢትዮጵያ መፈጠር ጋር በተፈጠሩ ችግሮች ላይ ያተኩራል፡፡

የዘመነ መሳፍንትን ክስተት በመለወጥ የተጀመረው የዛሬዋን ሰሜናዊ ኢትዮጵያን አንድ የማድረግ ሕልም በግማሽ ምዕተ ዓመት ውስጥ ከሦስት እጥፍ በላይ የሰፋች ኢትዮጵያን መፍጠር ችሎዋል፡፡ ይህ የታሪክ ክስተት የሦስት ምኞቶች ዉጤት ነበር፡፡ እነዚህም፡-

1ኛ/ ተበታትና የነበረችውን የዛሬዋን ሰሜናዊ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ለማሰባሰብ የታለመ ምኞት፣

2ኛ/ የኦሮሞና የሶማሌ ሕዝቦችን ጨምሮ ሰፊውን የደቡብ ክፍል የማስገበር ምኞት፣

3ኛ/ አፍሪካን ለመቀራመት የመጡትን የአውሮፓ ሀገሮች ጋር የመፎካከር ምኞት ነበሩ፡፡

እነዚህን ሦስት ምኞቶች ለማሳካት የመጀመሪያ የሆነውን ሙከራ የጀመሩት እንደሚታውቁት፤ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ ነበሩ፡፡

ቴዎድሮስ ሕልሞቹን ለማሳካት ጠንካራና ሰፊ ሠራዊት ማደራጀት ነበረባቸው፡፡ ለዚህም ሰፊ መሬት የያዙትን ቄሶች መሬት መቀማትና፣ ዘመናዊ መሳሪያን ከክርስቲያን አውሮፓ ለማግኘት ጥረት ማድረግ ነበር፤የአዉሮፓ መሪዎችን ማሳመን ሲያቅታቸው ደግሞ፤ ሙያውን የሌላቸውን አውሮፓዊያንን ሳይቀር በቤተመንግስታቸው ሰብስበው ከባድ የጦር መሳሪያ ውለዱ እስከ ማለት ደርሰዋል፡፡

ይህም ምኞታቸዉ ይሳካ ዘንድ በነበራቸዉ የጦር መሣሪያ የአካባቢ ገዥዎችንም ለማንበርከክ ተንቀሳቅሰዋል፡፡

ቄሶችን ለመግፋት ያደረጉት ሙከራ እግዚአብሔርን የካዱ ንጉሥ ተብሎ ተሰባከባቸዉ፡፡የአውሮፓዊያንን ዘመናዊ መሳሪያ ለማግኘት ገደብ ያለፈ ጉጉታቸው ከእንግሊዘኞች ጋር ያለጊዜ አላተማቸው፡፡

የየአከባቢውን ገዥዎች በጉልበት ለማንበርከክ እጅና አንገት በመቁረጥ የገፉበት ሙከራ ከእንግሊዞች ጋር ለመዋጋት የቁርጥ ቀን ሲመጣ፤ የትግራይ፣ የወሎ፤ የጎጃም፣ የሸዋ፣ የጎንደር ገዥዎች ሁሉም በሚባልበት ደረጃ ካዷቸው፡፡

በአጭሩ የየአከባቢዉ ገዥዎች በእንግሊዞች እጅ መሞታቸውን ሲሰሙ ከማዘን ይልቅ፤ ተገላገልን ያሉ ይመስላል፡፡ ለዚህም ይመስለኛል፤ ዕውቁ የታሪክ ምሑር ፕሮፌሴር ባህሩ ዘውዴ የቴዎድሮስን ሚና በተሻለ የታሪክ ሚዛን ላይ ለማስቀመጥ ሲሞክር፤ “የተወናበዱ የላዉጥ ነቢይ” (confused prophet of change) ያላቸዉ፡፡ በዚህ የቴዎድሮስ የታሪክ ሚና ላይ ብዙ ሰው ልብ የማያደርገውን የታሪክ ማስታወሻ አስቀምጬ ልለፍ፡፡ ይኼውም ቴዎድሮስ በጊዜው ለነበሩ የአውሮፓ ኃያላን መንግስታት በፃፉት ደብዳቤ ውስጥ፤ “አባቶቼ በሰሩት ኃጥአት ምክንያት እግዚአብሔር “ጋሎችን” በሀገሬ ላይ ለቆ፤ እነሱ ጌቶች ሆነው፤ እኛ የእስራኤል ልጆች የነሱ አሽከሮች ሆነን እንኖር ነበር፡፡ አሁን እግዚአብሔር ከትቢያ አንስቶኝ የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ አድርጎኛል፡፡ እናንተ ከረዳችሁኝ በጋራ እየሩሳሌምንም ነፃ ልናወጣ እንችላለን” ማለታቸዉ ነዉ፡፡ (ትርጉም የኔ ነው)፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ነገሮችን ልብ በሉ፡፡ “ጋሎቹ” የሚባሉት በዘመነ መሳፍንት የጎንደርን ቤተመንግስት በበላይነት ሲቆጣጠሩ የነበሩ የየጁ ኦሮሞዎች መሆናቸውና እየሩሳሌም በጊዜው በእስላሞች እጅ የነበረች መሆንዋን ነው፡፡ ከዚህ አንጻር ማስታወስ የሚያስፈልገው ትልቁ ጉዳይ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ የብሔረሰብ (የዘር) ፖለቲካን በግልፅ የተናገሩ የመጀመሪያዉ የኢትዮጵያ መሪ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡

ከቴዎድሮስ ሞት በኋላ ለሦስት ዓመታት በተክለጊዮርግስና ካሣ (አማቾች የነበሩ ይመስለኛል) ከተካሄደው የሥልጣን ትግል ቦኃላ፤ በአሸናፊነት የወጡት አፄ ዮሐንስ (ካሣ ምርጫ) ነበሩ፡፡ አፄ ዮሐንስ ከሀገር ውስጥ ከወሎ፣ ከጎጃም፣ ከጎንደር፣ ከሸዋ ገዥዎች ጋር እየተጋጩ፤ ከውጭ ደግሞ ከጣሊያኖች፣ ከግብፆችና ከሱዳን መሐዲስቶች ጋር ሲዋጉ በመጨረሻ በመሐድስቶች እጅ ወድቋዋል፡፡ በአጭሩ ዮሐንስ ለትግራይ ሊሂቃን የኢትዮጵያ ማዕከል ነበርን፤ የአክሱም ሐቀኛ ወራሾች እኛ ነን የሚለውን የፖለቲካ ስሜት መፍጠር ቢችሉም፤ በኢትዮጵያ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ታሪክ ውስጥ የተለየ ሚና መጨወት አልቻሉም፡፡

በማያሻማ ቋንቋ :- የዛሬዋ ኢትዮጵያ በዋናነት የተፈጠረችውና የዛሬው የታሪክ ጣጣችንም በዋናነት የተፈጠረው በአፄ ምኒልክ ነው፡፡ ምኒልክ ንጉሰ ነገስት ዮሐንስን የሱዳን መሐድስቶች እስክገድሉላቸው ድረስ ከአውሮፓ መንግስታት በተለይም፤ ከጣሊያን በገፍ ባገኙት የጦር መሳሪያ እነራስ ጎበና የመሳሰሉ የኦሮሞ የጦር መሪዎችን በመጠቀም በጊዜው ጠንካራ የሚባል ግዙፍ ሠራዊት መገንበት ችሎዋል፡፡ ይዚህንን ግዙፍ ሠራዊትን ከዮሐንስ ጋር በመዋጋት ከማድከም ይልቅ፡- በአንድ በኩል ዮሐንስን እየገበሩ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ያኔ የነበረችውን ኢትዮጵያ ሦስት እጅ ዕጥፍ የሆነ ሰፊ ግዛት መፍጠር ችሎዋል፡፡ በዚህም መጀመሪያ ሳይጠቀለሉ የቀሩትን የሸዋ ኦሮሞዎችን ጠቅልለው ያዙ፡፡ ከዚያ እአአ በ1876 ጉራጌን ብዙ ሕይወት ከጠየቀ ጦርነት በኋላ አስገበሩ፡፡ ብዙ ዝርዝር ውስጥ ሳይገባ የምኒልክን የመስፋፋት ጦርነቶች እንደሚከተለው ማጠቃለል ይቻላል፡፡

ይኼውም በምኒልክና ጀኔራሎቹ ብዙ የግዛት መስፋፋት ጦርነቶችን ቢወጉም ሦስቱ ወሳኝ ጦርነቶች ነበሩ፡፡ አንደኛው በምዕራብ በኩል በእማባቦ (ዛሬ ሆሮ ጉዱሩ በሚባለው ላይ በጎበና መሪነት እአአ በ1882 የተዋጉት ጦርነት ነበር፡፡ ይህ ጦርነት ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ የምዕራብ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ዕድልና የጎጃም መሪዎች ከሸዋ ጋር የነበራቸውን ፉክክር ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ የወሰነና የሸዋንም የበላይነት ያረጋገጠ ነበር፡፡

ሌላው የምኒልክ ጦርነት በአርሲ ላይ እአአ በ1886 የተደመደመዉ ነው፡፡ አርሲዎች ከሌሎች የኦሮሞ አከባቢዎች በተለየ መንገድ ለአምስት ዓመታት በጀግንነት ተዋግተዋል፡፡ በመጨረሻም፤ በራሳቸው በምኒልክ በተመራ ጦር የአውሮፓ መሳሪያ በፈጠረው ልዩነት ሊሸንፉ ችለዋል፡፡ ተመሳሳይ የመከላከል ጦርነት እንዳይገጥማቸው ይመስላል፤ ምኒልክ፡- ዛሬ አለ፤ የለም የሚባለውን የአኖሌ ዓይነት የጭካኔ በትር በአርሲዎች ላይ አሳርፈዋል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ዛሬ እየተነጋገርንበት ላለው የብሔራዊ መግባባት መሳካት፤ የለም ከሚለው አጉል ክርክር ወጥተን የትናንትናውን የታሪክ ቁስላችንን በሚያክም መልኩ እንድናስተካክል መምከርን እወዳለሁ፡፡

ሦስተኛው የምኒልክ ትልቁ ጦርነት አሁንም በእሳቸው የተመራውና እአአ በ1887 የተካሄደው የጨለንቆ ጦርነት ነበር፡፡ የዚህ ጦርነት ውጤት በጊዜው የሀብታሟ የሐረር ከተማ መንግስት (the Harari city-state) ጨምሮ ምስራቅ ኢትዮጵያ ያለ ደረሰኝ ምኒልክ እጅ የገባበት ሁኔታን ፈጥሯል፡፡ ከዚህም በኋላ ከፋን፣ ወላይታን፣ ወዘተ ለመያዝ ብዙ ደም የፈሰሰባቸው ጦርነቶች ነበሩ፡፡

እንደሚባለው፤ በእንግሊዝ ተስፋፊዎችና በምኒልክ ኢትዮጵያ መካከል የመምረጥ ዕድል የገጠማቸው የቦረና ኦሮሞዎች – ማንን ትመርጣላችሁ ሲባሉ፤ የፊታወራሪ ኃብተጊዮርግስ ፊትን አይተው፤ የእኛኑ ፊት የሚመስለው ይሻላል ብለው በሬፍሬንዴም እየሰፋ በመጣው የኢትዮጵያ መንግስታዊ ግዛት ውስጥ የተቀላቀሉበት ሁኔታም እንዳለ ይነገራል፡፡ እአአ በ1889 አፄ ዮሐንስ በመሐድስቶች ሲገደሉ፤ ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ አብዛኛው ደቡብን የተቆጣጠሩት ምኒልክ ለሰሜኑ ወንድም መሪዎች ፈረንጆች እንደሚሉት “ካሮትና ዱላን” ማስመረጥ ብቻ በቂ ነበር፡፡ የሰሜኑ መሪዎች ምርጫም በማያሻማ መንገድ ካሮት ነበር፡፡ ስለ ካሮቱም በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ፤ የኦሮሞ አከባቢዎችን ጨምሮ በደቡብ የተገኘውን እጅግ በጣም ሰፊ ግዛት ዉስጥ በታናሽ ወንድምነት ሹማቶችን መቀረመት ነበር፡፡

በብሔራዊ መግባባታችን ውይይት አንፃር በምኒልክ በተፈጠረው ሰፊ አፄያዊ ግዛት ጋር የተፈጠሩ ችግሮችን ወደ ማንሳቱ ልለፍ፡፡

አንደኛው ችግር፤ እላይ እንዳነሳሁኝ፤ በጉልበት የግዛት ፈጠራ ላይ አኖሌን የመሳሰሉ የታሪክ ጠባሳዎች መፈጠራቸው፤ ሁለተኛውና ዋናው ነገር ግን ከማቅናቱ ጋር የተፈጠረው የፖለቲካል ኤኮኖሚው ነው፡፡ ይህም በነፍጥ ላይ የተመሰረተዉ የፖለቲካ ኤኮኖሚ ዛሬም እያወዛገበን ያለው የነፍጠኛ ሥርአት በሚባለው ላይ የተመሰረተዉ ነዉ፡፡ ለማቅናት የተሰማራው የፊውዳሉ ሥርአት ሰራዊት የገባር ሕዝቦችን ነፃነት ቀምተዋል፡፡ መሬታቸዉን ዘርፈዋል፡፡ ሕዝቦችን በገዛ መሬታቸው ላይ ጭሰኛና አሽከር አድርገዋል፡፡ ቋንቋቸውን አፍነው “በስማ በለው” ገዝቶቸዋል፡፡ በአጭሩ እጅግ በጣም ዘግናኝና ጨካኝ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ሥርአት ጭነውባቸዋል፡፡ አንዳንዱ ነፍጠኛ በሃያ ሺዎች የሚቆጠር ጋሻ መሬትም ነበረው፡፡ ወረ-ገኑ የመሰሰሉ የቤተመንግሥት መሬቶች እጅግ ባጠም ብዙ ነበሩ፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ማስታወስ የሚያስፈልገው የሰሜንና የደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ የመሬት ይዞታም በፍጹም የተለያዩ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡ አነሰም በዛ የሰሜኑ ገበሬ የዘር ግንዱን ቆጥሮ መሬት ያገኛል፡፡ መሬት አያያዙም የወል ነበር፡፡ ሌላው ቢቀር የሚገዛውም በራሱ ቋንቋ ነበር፡፡ በደቡቡ ያለው ግን የመሬት ሥርቱ የግል ሆኖ፤ ጭሰኝነት እጅግ የተንሰራፋበት ነበር፡፡ ሲሶ ለነጋሽ፣ ሲሶ ለቀዳሽ፤ ሲሶ ለአራሽ የሚባለው የኢትዮጵያ ነገስታት የመሬት ፖሊሲ እጅግ በጣም ዘግናኝ በሆነ ሁኔታ ሥራ ላይ የዋለው በደቡቡ የአገራችን ክፍል ላይ ነው፡፡ በ1960ዎቹ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዘመን “መሬት ላራሹና የብሔረሰቦች እኩልነት” የተባሉ ሕዝባዊ መፈክሮች የተወለዱት ከዚሁ ጨቋኝ ሥርአት ነበር፡፡ ዛሬ የታሪክ ክለሳ ውስጥ ብንገባም፤ በዕውነቱ ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብራክ የወጡ ወጣቶች፤ እንዳውም በወቅቱ አማራ ከሚባለው ክፍል የሚበዙ ይመስለኛል፤ መፈክሮቹን በጋራ አስተጋብተዋል፡፡ ለማንኛውም ከብሔራዊ መግባባታችን አንፃር አንድ ነገር ግልፅ ላድርግ፡፡

በ1960ዎቹ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዘመን “መሬት ላራሹና የብሔረሰቦች እኩልነት” የተባሉ ሕዝባዊ መፈክሮች የተወለዱት ከዚሁ ጨቋኝ ሥርአት ነበር፡፡ ዛሬ የታሪክ ክለሳ ውስጥ ብንገባም፤ በዕውነቱ ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብራክ የወጡ ወጣቶች፤ እንዳውም በወቅቱ አማራ ከሚባለው ክፍል የሚበዙ ይመስለኛል፤ መፈክሮቹን በጋራ አስተጋብተዋል፡፡

ለማንኛውም ከብሔራዊ መግባባታችን አንፃር አንድ ነገር ግልፅ ላድርግ፡፡ ነፍጠኛ የሚባለው ሥርአት ገዝፎ የነበረ ሥርአት መሆኑና፤ ይህም ሥርአት ከደቡቡ አርሶ አደር የተሻለ ኑሮ የማይኖሩትን፤ ቢፈልጉ እንኳን የደቡቡን ገበሬ ለመዝረፍ አቅሙም ሆነ ዕድሉን ያልነበራቸውን የአማራ አርሶ-አደርን አይጨምርም፡፡መጨመሩም ጩቡ ነው፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ዘሬ አንዳንድ የአማራ ሊሂቃን “እኔም ነፍጠኛ ነኝ” የሚለውን መፈክር ሲያሰሙ፤ ጥቅሙ ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ የደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ከአማራ ሕዝብ ጋር ከማጋጨት የዘለለ የፖለቲካ ትርፍ የሚኖረው አይመስለኝም፡፡ ስለሆነም የምንችለውን ያክል ሁላችንም ከሁለቱም ጩቡዎች እንጠንቀቅ ዘንድ አደራ እላለሁ፡፡

ወደ ሌሎች ነጥቦች ከማለፌ በፊት በዋናናት በምኒልክ የተፈጠረችዉ ኢትዮጵያን ለማስተካከል ያቃታቸዉና መሪዎች ማለፍ ያልቻሉት የታሪክ ፈተና ምንድን ነው? የሚለውን ጥያቄ በንፅፅር እንደ ታሪክ ቁጭት ማንሳትን እወዳለሁ፡፡ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ የሞቱት እአአ በ1868 ነበር፡፡ ጃፓንን ከታላላቅ የዓለም መንግስታት ተርታ ያሰለፉአት ማጅ የሚባሉ የንጉሳዊያን ቤተሰብ ወደ ሥልጣን የተመለሱት (The Meiji Restoration) በዚሁ ዓመተ ምህረት ነበር፡፡ የጃፓን ንጉሳዊ ቤተሰቦች በሰላሳ ዓመታት ውስጥ በኤኮኖሚ የበለፀገች ታላቋ ጃፓንን ፈጠሩ፡፡ የጃፓኖች የሀገር ፍቅር ግንባተቻውም ባዶ አልነበረም፡፡ ትዝ እስከሚለኝ ድረስ አንድ የጃፓን ወታደር፤ ንጉሤ የጃፓንን በሁለተኛው የዓለም ጦርነት መሸነፍ አልነገሩኝም ብሎ ከሃምሳ ዓመታት በኋላ በፊሊፕንስ ይሁን፤ በኢንዲኔዢያ ጫካ ውስጥ ተገኝቷል፡፡ ለሀገር ፍቅር ሲባል እራስን በራስ መጥፋት በሁለተኛው የዓለም ጦርነት በትናንሽ አይሮፕላኖችን የአሜሪካን መርከቦች ውሰጥ እየጠለቁ አጥፍቶ መጥፋትን የጀመሩት የጃፓን ካሚከዞች የሚበሉ ነበሩ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች ግን በተመሳሳይ ጊዜ (እአአ1868-1900) ድረስ ሀገሪቷን ከዓለም ጭራነት አላላቀቋትም፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ ጃፓንና ኢትዮጵያ በ1868 ላይ ተመሳሳይ የዕድገት ደረጃ ላይ ነበሩ፡፡ሌላው ንፅፅሬና የታሪክ ቁጭታችን መሆን ያለበት፤ ታላቋ ጀርመንን የፈጠሩት ቢስማርክና ምኒልክ የአንድ ዘመን ሰዎች ነበሩ፡፡ ምንም ይሁን ምን፤ እነ ቢስማርክ ዓለምን ሁለት ጊዜ ጦርነት ውስጥ መክተት የቻለች ኃያሏን ጀርመን ሲፈጥሩ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ገዥዎች ግን ኋላቀር ኢትዮጵያን ትተውልን ሄደዋል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ ሀገር ትፈርሳለች ተብሎ ስለተሰጋ፤ የምኒልክ ሞት ለሕዝብ ይፋ የሆነው ከዓመታት በኋላ ነበር ይበላል፡፡በአጠቃላይ ከብሔራዊ መግባባት ፈጠራችን አንፃር መረሳት የሌለበት ቁመነገር፤ በምኒልክና ጣይቱ የተመራው የአድዋው የጋራ ድል እንኳ ያልፈቱት የሚጋጩ ሦስት አመለካከቶች ዛሬም ከኛ ጋር መኖራቸዉ ነዉ፡፡

አንደኛው፤ የሀገራችን ሀገረ-መንግሰት ግንባታ፣ አንድ የነበሩና የተበታተኑ ሕዝቦችን አንድ ላይ መልሶ ያመጣ ነዉ የሚላዉ አመላካከት (reunification)፤

ሁለተኛው፤ በአንድ ላይ ያልነበሩ ሕዝቦችን ወደ አንድ ማምጣት ነዉ የሚለዉ አመላካከት (unification and/or expansion)፤

ሦስተኛው፤ ነፃ ሕዝቦችን ጨፍልቆ በኃይል ማቅናት ነዉ የሚላዉ አመላካከት (colonial thesis) ነቸው፡፡ የበለጠ ግልፅ ለማድረግ፤ የኢትዮጵያ አንድነት አጥባቂዎች ነን የሚሉ፤ በዋናነት የምኒልክን ኃጥያቶች አይቀበሉም፡፡ እንደሚሉት እምዬ ምኒልክ በዓለም ከተደረጉት የሀገር ግንባታዎች ምን የተለየ ነገር ሰራ የሚለውን ሐሳብ ያራምዳሉ፡፡ ከዚያም አልፈዉ ምኒልክ የሠራዉ ሥራ ተላይተዉ የነበሩትን የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶችን መመለሰ ነበር ይላሉ፡፡ በአንፃሩ የኢትዮጵያ አንድነትን የማያጠብቁ ብሔረተኞች ደግሞ፤ የአቶ ሌንጮ ለታን አባባል ለመጠቀም (አሁን አቋማቸዉ ያ መሆኑን አላዉቅም)፤ ሲያንስ “ኢትዮጵያዊ ለመሆን እንደራደራለን”፤ ሲበዛ ደግሞ ነፃ መንግስታትን እስከ መፍጠር ድረስ እንሄደለን የሚሉ ናቸው፡፡በጥቅሉ እነዚህ አመለካከቶች በፖለቲካችን ለሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻችን መሠረት የሆኑና ካልተገደቡ የሥልጣን ሕልሞች ጋር ተደምሮ የብሔራዊ መግባባት ጥረታችንን የሚያወሳስቡ አመለካከቶች መሆናቸውን በውል መገንዘብ ያስፈልጋል፡፡

በነምኒልክ የተፈጠረችዉን ኢትዮጵያን ለማስተካከል የተደረጉ ሙከራዎችና ያመለጡን ዕድሎች፡

-1) የልጅ እያሱ ሙከራ፡- ልጅ እያሱ የምኒልክ ልጅ ልጅ ሲሆን፤ በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሰረተች ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ልዩ ዕድል የነበረውና ያንንም ልዩ ዕድል አውቀው ለመጠቀም ሲሞክር በወጣትነት ዕድሜው ላይ የተቀጨ መሪ ነበር፡፡ በብሔር ግንዱ ኦሮሞና አማራ የነበረ፤ በሃይማኖት ጀርባዉ ክርስቲያንና ሙስሊም የነበረ ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡ ከወሎም በመወለዱ፤ ትግራይንና ሸዋን ለማገናኘት የተሸለ ድልድይ ለመሆን ይችል ነበር፡፡ የሚገርመው ግን የልጅ ኢያሱ ወንጀሎች የሚመነጩት እነዚህኑ አዎንታዊ እሴቶችን ለሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ለመጠቀም መሞከሩ ነበር፡፡ ለምሳሌ አንዳንድ የታሪክ ማሰታወሸዎች እንደሚያስረዱት፤ አርሲዎች እንደልጃቸው ይመለከቱት ነበር ይባላል፡፡ ከሱማሌዎችና ከአፋሮች ጋር ጥብቅ ግንኙነት እንደነበረው በቂ የሆነ የታሪክ ማስረጃ አለ፡፡ ከጎጃሙ ራስ ኃይሉና ከወለጋው ደጃዝማች ጆቴ ቱሉ ጋር የጋብቻ ዝምድና እንደነበረው ይታወቃል፡፡ ቤተክርስቲያንን ለማሰራት የሚጥረውን ያክል (ለምሳሌ የቀጨኔውን መድሐኔ ዓለምን እሱ ነው ያሰራው ይባላል) መስግዶችን ያሰራ ነበር፡፡ ከሥልጣን ላወረዱት የሸዋ ሊሂቃን ግን፤ አንዱና ትልቁ የልጅ ኢያሱ ወንጀል መስጊዶችን ማሰራቱ ነበር፡፡ የመጨረሻው ትልቁ ወንጀል ደግሞ ኢትዮጵያን ለመቀራመት ያንዣበቡ የቅኝ ገዥ ኃይሎች ከሰሜንና ምስራቅ ጣሊያን፣ በምዕራብ፣ በደቡብና በምስራቅ እንግሊዝ፣ በምስራቅ ፈረንሳይ የሦስትዮሽ ስምምነት (tripartite treaty) የሚባለውን እአአ በ1903 ፈርሞ የምኒልክን ሞት ይጠብቁ ከነበሩት መራቅና በአንደኛው የዓለም ጦርነት በአከባቢያችን ግዛት ካልነበራቸው ከነ ጀርመንና ቱርክ ጋር ለመደጋገፍ መሞከሩ ነበር፡፡ በጥቅሉ ከሁሉም በላይ ወንጀሎቹ ሰፊዋን ኢትዮጵያን የፈጠርን እኛ ነን የሚሉትን የሸዋ ሊሂቃንን መጋፋቱ ነበር፡፡ በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ – የኢያሱ ወንጀሎች የሸዋ ልጅ አለመሆኑ (የኢያሱ አባት ወሎ ነው)፣ ሐቀኛ የክርስቲያን ልጅ አለመሆኑ (አባቱ የግድ ክርስቲያን ከመሆናቸው በፊት መሐመድ ዓሊ ነበሩና) እንዲሁም የአውሮፓ የቅኝ ገዥ ኃይሎችን ማስቀየሙ ናቸው፡፡ እአአ በ1916፤ በመስቀል ቀን ኢያሱን ለማውረድ ሁሉም መሳሪያዎቻቸውን ይዘው ተሰለፉ፡፡ ቄሶቹ ኢያሱ ሐቀኛ የክርስቲያን ልጅ አይደለም በማለት በማውገዝ፤ የሸዋ ሊሂቃን ሠራዊታቸውን በመሳለፍ፤ የአውሮፓዊያኑ መንግስታት ምክርና ጥበባቸውን ይዘው ተሰለፉ፡፡ የአውሮፓዊያኑ ጥበብ የሚገርም ነበር፤ ኢያሱ በኢትዮጵያ ባንድራ ላይ የእስልምና ምልክት የሆነውን ግማሽ ጨረቃ ለጥፎ ለቱርኮች ዲፕሎማት ሲሰጥ የሚያሳይ ፎቶ ሾፕ የሆነ ሥዕል (ፎቶ ሾፕም፤ የባንድራ ፖለቲካም በልጅ ኢያሱ ዘመንም ነበር) መፈንቅለ መንግስት እንድያከሄዱ የሸዋ ሊሂቃንን መርደት ነበር፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ለታሪክ ትዝብት አንድ ነገር ልብ በሉልኝ፡፡ በአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ የኢትዮጵያን ፖለቲካ ሳስተምር፤ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ችግሮቻችንን በሚመለከት ፈተናም ፈትኜበታለሁ፤ የሸዋው ጦር መሪ የነበሩት ፊታወራሪ ሀብተጊዮርግስ ድናግዴ፤ የመፈንቅለ መንግስቱም መሪ ነበሩ፤ ልጅ ኢያሱን ሲያወርዱ ባስተላለፉት መልዕክት ውስጥ የሚከተለው ይገኝበታል፡፡ “He claims that he eats flesh of cattle slain by Muslims in order to extend frontiers and to win hearts. But these Somali and Muslims have already been brought to heel [and do not need such diplomacy] በጥሬው ሲተረጎም፤ ግዛትን ለማስፋፋትና ልቦችን ለማሰብ ብዬ በሙስልማን የታረደውን የከብት ሥጋ እባላለሁ ይላል፡፡ ነገር ግን እነዚህን ሱማሌዎችና ሙስሊሞችን ቀድሞውኑ ስላንበረከክን እንዲህ ዓይነቱ ዲፕሎማሲ አያስፈልጋቸውም፡፡ይህንን የሀብተጊዮርግስን ንግግር በሚመለከት ሰፊውን ትንተና ለናንተ ትቼ፤ በዚህ ዓይነት የተዛባ አመለካከት ላይ የተገነባችውን ኢትዮጵያን አስተካክሎ በሰፊ መሠረት ላይ የተገነባችውን ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር የተደረገው የመጀመሪያ ሙከራ፤ ልጅ ኢያሱን ለሥልጣን ተብሎ በተጠነሰሰው ሤራ መውረዱን እንዳትረሱት አደራ ማለት እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ ያመለጠንን ዕድል ትርጉም ግን ለታሪክ መተውን አመርጣለሁ፡፡

2. ኢያሱን በወሳኝነት የተኩት ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ፤ የአገራችንን ሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታን በተሻለ መሠረት ላይ ለመገንባት ረጅም ጊዜ (ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ አገሪቷን መርተዋል) በልጅነታቸው የተሻለ የፈረንጅ ዕውቀት የቀመሱና ከማንም የበለጠ ተደጋጋሚ ዕድል ያገኙ ነበሩ፡፡ ነገር ግን በእኔ ግምት፤ ታሪክ የሰጠቸዉን ዕድል አልተጠቃሙበትም፡፡ ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴን የተለያዩ ሰዎች በተለያዩ የታሪክ ሚዛን ላይ ቢያስቀጣቸውምና እኔም ቢሆን በዘመናዊ ትምህርትና በመሳሰሉት ላይ የነበራቸውን አሻራ ቀላል ነው ብዬ ባላስብም፤ ንጉሱ ሕይወት ዘመናቸውን በሙሉ የግል ዝናንና ሥልጣንን ማዕከል ማድረጋቸው ኢትዮጵያዉያንን የ20ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ሕዝቦች ማድረግ አልተቻላቸውም፡፡ ስለዘር ግንዳቸው ሀሜቱ እንዳለ ሆኖ፤ ከኢያሱ በተሻለ ደረጃ ኦሮሞም፣ ጉራጌም አማራም ነበሩ፡፡ ይህንን ስሬ ግንድ አልተጠቀሙም፡፡ በተለይ ኦሮሞ ከሚባል ሕዝብ ሲሸሹ እንደኖሩ ብዙ ማስረጃዎች አሉ፡፡ ለማንኛዉም፤ አንድንድ ወሳኝ ነገሮችን እንመልከት፡፡ አምቦ 2ኛ ደረጃ ተማሪ በነበርኩበት ጊዜ የሰማሁኝ ይመስለኛል፤ አንድ ጋዜጠኛ ካነበቡት መጽሐፍት ዉስጥ የትኛውን እንደሚያደንቁ ሲጠይቃቸው፤ ቀልባቸውን በጣም የሳበውና ብዙ ጊዜ ደጋግመው ያነበቡት በኒኮሎ ማኪያቬሊ የተፃፈውን “The Prince” የተባለውን እንደነበረ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ንጉሱ አብዘኛዉን የሕይወት ዘመናቸዉን የተመሩት በማኪያቬሊ ምክር ነበር ብዬ እጠረጥራለሁ፡፡ በማክያቬሊ ትምህርት በመመራትም፤ የሥልጣን ተቀናቃኞቻቸውን አንድ በአንድ አስወግደው ከአስራ አራት ዓመታት በኋላ እአአ በ1930 ጥቁር ማክያቬሊ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ ንጉስ ሆነው ወጡ፡፡ እንደ ሀብተጊዮርግስ ዓይነቱን እግዚአብሔር በጊዜ ሲገላገልላቸው፤እንዳ ጎንደሩ ራስ ጉግሳና ባለቤታቸው፤ ንግስት ዘዉድቱን ያስወገዱበት የፖለቲካ ጥበብ፤ በጊዜው በርግጥም አስደናቂ ነበር፡፡ ይህ የንጉሱ ጥበብ፤ አርባ ዓመታትን ቆጥራ የአድዋን ሽንፈት ለመበቀል የመጣቸውን ጣሊያንን ለመከላከል አልረደም፡፡ መንግስታቸዉንም፤ ሀገሪቷንም ለክፉ ቀን አላዘጋጁም፡፡ አድዋ ላይ ታሪካዊ ድል ያስገኙ ጀግኖችም የሉም፡፡ አንድ ለታሪክ የተረፉት ደጀዝማች ባልቻ ሣፎም በንጉሱ ዉሰኔ እስር ቤት ነበሩ፡፡ እዚህም ላይ አንድ የታሪክ ትዝብት አስቀምጬ ማለፍ እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ለሥልጣናቸዉ ብሎ የገፉአቸው ብዙ የአከባቢ መሪዎች፤ ከትግራዩ ደጃዝማች ኃይለሥላሴ ጉግሳ ጀምሮ የጎንደር፣ የጎጃም፣ የሸዋ፣ የጅማ፣ የወለጋ ገዥዎች የጣሊያን ባንዳ ሆኑ፡፡ ከሚታወቁት ውስጥ፤ ለታሪክ ተፈሪ ሌላ፤ ሀገር ሌላ ብለው ሲዋጉ የሞቱት ደጃዝማች ባልቻ ብቻ ነበሩ፡፡ በንጉሱ ስህተት ሀገሪቷ ውድ ዋጋ ከፍላለች፡፡ ለዚህ ነው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴሩን ጨምሮ የብልፅግና ፓርቲ ባለሥልጣናት ጥዋትና ማታ ባንዳ፣ ባንዳ ሲሉ፤ ግብፅ ሱዳንን ይዛ የምር ከመጣች፤ ሰው ያላሰበውን አሳስበው ለኪሳራ እንዳይዳርጉን የሚፈራው፡፡ ያም ሆነ ይህ፤ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ለጦርነት ያላዘጋጇትን ሀገር በክፉ ቀን ጥለው ሸሹ፡፡ ሐረርጌ ላይም የጂቡቲን ባቡር ሲሳፈሩ ከጦር ሜዳ መሸሻቸውን ለመሸፈን፤ የት ይሄደሉ ብሎ ለጠያቀቸዉ የፈንሳይ ጋዜጠኛ፡ Je ne Suis Pas Soldat (ወታደር አይደለሁም) ብለው ያለፉት፡፡ ለሳቸዉም ፍሕታዊ ለመሆን፤ የአውሮፓ ዲፕሎማቶች ቢከዱአቸውም በዓለም መንግስታት ማህባር ላይ የሚያስመካ ሥራ ሰርተዋል፡፡ ü ሆኖም ከጦር ሜዳ የመሸሻቸው ጉዳይ እስከ መንግስታቸው ፍፃሜ ድረስ እንደ ጥቁር ነጥብ ስትከታላቸዉ ኖራለች፡፡ የአርበኞችም ሆነ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዋናው የተቃውሞ መፈክርም ይህች የሽሸት ጉዳይ ነበረች፡፡ከጣሊያን ወረራ በኋላም ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ በሁለት መሠረታዊ ነገሮች ምክንያት፤ ጋዜጣቸውን አዲስ ዘመን ብለው እንደሰየሙ:- በእርግጥም አዲስ ዘመን፤ ለአዲስቷ ኢትዮጵያ ይፈጠራሉ ብሎ የጠበቁ ብዙ መሆናቸውን ብሎ መገመት አስቸጋሪ አይመስለኝም፡፡ ለአምስት ዓመታት በእንግሊዝ ሀገር በስደት ሲኖሩ፤ ስለራሳቸው ስህተትም ሆነ የሰለጠነው ዓለም ንጉሶች፤ እንዴት ሕዝቦቻቸውን እንደሚመሩና በዛም ምክንያት በሕዝቦቻቸው ዘንድ ተከብረው እንዴት እንደሚኖሩ ተምረዋል ብሎ መጠበቅ ይቻል ነበር፡፡ ከሁሉም በላይ በጣሊያን ወረራ ምክንያት እሳቸውንም ሆነ አገራቸውን ከገጠመው ውርደትና ኪሳራ ይማራሉ ተብሎ ይጠበቅም ነበር፡፡ ከሁሉም አልተማሩም፡፡ በባሰ ሁኔታነና ፍጥነት ወደ ድሮአቸው ተመለሱ፡፡ ለአቢነት፤ አስተዳደራቸውን የተቃወሙ የራያ ገበሬዎችን (ቀዳማይ ወያኔ የሚበለዉ ነዉ) ከየመን በመጡ የእንግሊዝ አይሮፕላኖች አስደበደቡ፡፡ የሪፑቢሊካን አስተሳሰብ ነበራቸው የሚባሉትን አርበኛ ደጃዝማች ታከለን አሰሩ፡፡ እኚህ ሰው ከተደጋጋሚ እስር በኋላ በመጨረሻም ሊይዙአቸው ከተላኩ የንጉሱ ወታደሮች ጋር ሲዋጉ ሞቱ፡፡ ሌላው ስማጥር አርበኛ የነበሩ በላይ ዘለቀንም ያለርህራሄ ሰቀሉ፡፡ የአምባሳደር ብርሃኑ ድንቄ ግልፅ ደብዳቤ እንኳን (አምበሰደር ብርሃኑ፤ በአሜሪካ አምበሰዳር የነበሩና ንጉሱ የገፉበት መንገድ፤ ዉሎ አድሮ ንጉሱንም ሆነ ሀገሪትዋን ለዉርደት እንደሚያበቃ የመጀመሪያ የማስጠንቃቂያ ደወል በአደባባይ የሰጡ በላስልጠን ነበሩ)፣ አሰራራቸውን አላሰለወጠቸዉም፡፡ በፖለቲካ ሥርአታቸው ላይ በተከታታይ ቦንቦች ፈነዱ፡፡ የመጀመሪያዉ ትልቁ ቦንብ በራሳቸው ቤተመንግስት ውስጥ የፈነዳው የነመንግስቱ ንዋይ፤ ያውም የእሳቸውን ክብርና ሞገስ ለመጠበቅ ከፈጠሩት የክብር ዘበኛ ጦር ነበር፡፡ ንጉሱ ከክስተቱ ከመማር ይልቅ ጀኔራል መንግስቱ ናዋይን በሞት ቀጡ፤ የታናሽ ወንድማቸውን ሬሳ፤ እኔን ያየህ ተቀጣ በሚመስል መንገድ በስቅላት ቀጡ፡፡ የበሉበትን ሰባሪዎች ናቸው ብለውም በአዝማሪ አዘለፏቸው፡፡ማን እንደመከራቸው ባይታወቅም ትልቁን የመንግስታቸውን የዲፕሎማሲ ውጤትን ያበላሸውና ለትልቅ ኪሳራ ያበቃንን የኤርትራን ፌዴሬሽንን አፈረሱ፡፡ ውጤቱም ሁላችንም እንደምናውቀው፤ የኤርትራ ነፃ አውጪ ግንባር መፈጠር ሆነ፡፡ ትንሽ ቆይቶ ደግሞ ኦሮሞዎች የሜጫና ቱላማ ልማት ማህበር በመፍጠራቸው፤ ጠገቡ ተብሎ መሪዎቹ እነ መቶ አለቃ ማሞ መዘምር ተሰቀሉ፡- ኃይለማርያም ገመዳ እስር ቤት ውስጥ በተፈፀመበት ድብዳባ ሞተ፡፡ ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ሞት ተፈርዶባቸው በአማላጅ ወደ ሐረርጌ በግዞት ተላኩ፡፡ እኔ እስከ ማውቀው ድረስ ሁሉም በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ጥያቄ አልነበራቸውም፡፡ ውጤቱ የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦነግ)ን መፍጠር ሆነ፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ በነኤሌሞ ቅልጡ በኦነግ ስም የመጀመሪያዋ ጥይት የተተኮሰችው ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ የታሰሩበት ሥፍራ ሐራርጌ ዉስጥ ነበር፡፡ü በዚሁ ጊዜ ሰፋፊ ማህበራዊ ፍትህን የሚጠይቁ ተከታታይ ጥያቄችም መቅረብ ጀመሩ፡፡ እአአ በ1965 የንጉሱ ፍዉደለዊ ሥርአት የተመሠረተበት ላይ በመሬት ላራሹ ሰልፍ ድንገተኛ የፖለቲካ ቦንብ ፈነዳ፡፡ ከአራት ዓመት በኋላ ደግሞ እስከዛሬ ኢትዮጵያን እያመሰ ያለው፤ በነዋለልኝ መኮንን የብሔረሰቦች ጥያቄ ታወጀ፡፡ ይህችኛውን ንጉሱና ሥርአቱ በቀላሉ የተመለከቱዋት አይመስልም፡፡ ንጉሱ የቀ.ኃ.ሥ ዩኒቬርሲቲ፤ የአሁኑ አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ ተማሪዎች ማህበር ፕሬዝዳንት የነበረውን፤ ጥላሁን ግዛዉንን በማሰገደል “ልጆቼ ” ከሚሏቸው ተማሪዎች ጋር ደም መቃባት ዉስጥ ገቡ፡፡ በዚህም የታሪክ ጎማው ወደፊት እንዳይሽከረከር ጣሩ፡፡ü አሰዘኙ ጉዳይ መካሪዎቻቸውም ሆኑ እሳቸው አስተዳደራቸው ለሃኛዉ ክፍለ ዘመን የማይመጥን መሆኑን፤ በጣም እወዳታለሁ የሚሉዋትም ኢትዮጵያ በታሪክ ፍራሽ ላይ ተኝታ የምትሸሞነሞን ሀገር መሆንዋን አልተረዱም፡፡ የኤርትራ ግንባሮች ጥይትም ከረጅም ዘመን እንቅልፋቸው አላነቁአቸውም፡፡ ü የባሌና የጎጃም ሕዝብ አመፅም አልቃሳቀሰቸውም፡፡ ለዓመታት የቆየው የተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ጩሀትም አላነቃቸውም፡፡ ከኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ በቀጥታ የወጡ የመኢሶንና የኢህአፓ የሶሻሊስት አብዮት ደወልም አላነቃቸውም፡፡ በመጨረሻም በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠረው የወሎ ሕዝብ እልቂት እንኳን ከእንቅልፋቸዉ አላባነናቸውም፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ ብልጡ ደርግ በጠዋቱ ሊያወርዳቸው ፣ ማታ ያሳየው የወሎ ሕዝብ እልቂት፤ በአንድ በኩል የንጉሱ ውሻ በጮማ ሥጋ ሲጫወት፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ በረሃብ በተረፈረፈ ሕዝብ ውስጥ ሕፃን ልጅ የሞታች እናቷን ጡት ሲትጠባ የሚያሳየዉን የጆናታን ድንብልብይ ፊልም ነበር፡፡ ያንን ፊልም ደርግ በቅድሚያ ንጉሱና የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብን እንዲያዩ ስለጋበዘ ቴሌቪዥን ያልነበረን የዩኒቬርሲቲ ተማሪዎች በስድስት ኪሎና አራት ኪሎ አከባቢዎች ያሉትን ቡና ቤቶችን አጣብበን ስንመለከት ነበር፡፡ የንጉሱ ደጋፊዎች እንከዋ፤ ጃኖሆይ እንዲህ ጨካኝ ነበሩ እንዴ? የሚሉትን ይዘን ወደ ዶርማችን እንደገባን ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምናልባት ከእንቅልፋቸው የነቁት በማግስቱ የደርግ አባላቱ በኩምቢ ቮልስዋገን ከቤተመንግስታቸው ወደ አራተኛ ክፍለ ጦር ሲወስዷቸው በሰሩባቸው ድራማ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ብልጣብልጦቹ ደርጎች የተጠቀሙት ቮልስ መጀመሪያ መስኮቷ ዝግ ነበር ይባላል ፡፡ü ንጉሱ ከውጭ ብዙ ሰው ሲጮህ ተመልክተው “እናንተ ልጆች” የምወደን ሕዝባችን ንጉሴን የት እየወሰዳችሁ ነው እያለ ነዉ ሲሉ፤ ብልጦቹ ደርጎችም መስኮቱን ከፍተው የሕዝቡን ድምፅ ሲያሰሟቸው ጩኼቱ “ተፈሪ ሌባ፤ ተፈሪ ሌባ” የሚለውን ሰምተው “አይ ኢትዮጵያ ይኼን ያክል በድዬሻለሁ እንዴ?” አሉ ይባላል፡፡ ü በዚህ ሽኝታቸው ድሮ ቤተክርስቲያን ሲሄዱ ዳቦ የሚጥሉላት ለማኝ ዳቦዋን ሲትጠብቅ ንጉሱ ወረዱ፤ ንጉሱ ወረዱ ሲባል ሰምታ፣ ለዚህ ያበቃኼኝ አንተ ነህ ብላ በቮልሷ አቅጣጫ የወረወረችው ዳቦ ብቻ ነበር ይባላል፡፡ የንጉሱ ሬሳም ከ17 ዓመታት በኋላ ከመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ሽንት ቤት ሥር ተቆፍሮ እንደተገኘ ይታወቃል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ልብ አድርገን ማለፍ ያለብን የፖለቲካ ቁም ነገር ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ (የአምስት ዓመቱ የጣሊያን ወረራ እንዳለ ሆኖ) በፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ኢትዮጵያን ሲገዙ የሀገረ መንግስታቸው ግንባታ ፕሮጀክት በአጉል ምክርም ይሁን በራሳቸው ገታራ አቋም ከሽፎ ሽኝታቸው በለማኟ ዳቦ፣ ቀብራቸው ደግሞ በአሳደጉአቸው ወታደሮች ሽንት ቤት ሥር መሆኑ ነው፡፡

3. አብዮቱ እና የደርግ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ፡-ü አዲስቷን ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ሕዝባዊ አብዮቱ ልዩ ዕድል ፈጥሮ ነበር፡፡ አብዮቱ ከተለያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ማህበረሰቦች የመጡ የአዲሱ ትዉልድ ምሁራን ድጋፍና ተሳትፎ ነበረው፡፡ እንደ አብዮቱ መሪ ወደፊት የመጣውን መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያምም ቪቫ መንግስቱ፣ ቪቫ መንግስቱ ብለን ተቀብለን ነበር፡፡ü የኢትዮጵያ አብዮትን አብዮት ያደረገው የጭሰኝነት ሥርአትን ያስወገደውና የደርግ እርምጃ (ውለታው የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ቢሆንም) እስከዛሬ በኢትዮጵያ የሕዝቦች የትግል ታሪክ ውስጥ ልዩ ሥፍራ አለው ብዬ ባምንም ነገሮችን በቶሎ የሚያዩ ወጣቶች “ተፈሪ ማረኝ፣ የደርጉ ነገር አላማረኝ ” ማለት የጀመሩት ብዙዉም ሳይቆዩ ነበር፡፡ በአጭሩ ለማስቀመጥ የደርግ ሥልጣን ፍቅር፣ የመኢሶንና የኢህአፓ አሳዛኝ ክፍፍል፤ የኤርትራ ግንባሮችና የሕወሓት የተናጠል የፖለቲካ ፕሮጀክቶች በአብዮቱ መፈንዳት የተፈጠረውን ልዩ ታሪካዊ ዕድል አምክኖታል፡፡ደርግ መሃይምነትና የሥልጣን ፍቅር ስለተደባለቀበት፤ የሶሻሊስት አብዮቱን እንደሰው ማሰርና መግደል ወሰደው፡፡ በዚህ ሶቭዬት ህብረት ድረስ ሄዶ የሌኒን ሐውልት አይተው የመጡት በለሥልጣኖቹ ስለሶሻሊዝም የተማርነው ከበሰበሰ ከቡርዧ ቤተ መፃሕፍት ሳይሆን፤ ከምንጩ ከሌኒን ሀገር ነው እያሉ ተዘባበቱ፡፡ ካደሬዎቻቸው ድንቅ የሶሻሊስት ዕውቀታቸውን ከፍተኛነት ለማሰየት በሚመስል መንገድ የእስታሊን ቀይ በትር ሥራ ላይ ይዋል አሉ፡፡ ደርግ የሱማሌ ወረራን፣ የኤርትራ ግንባሮችና የህወሓት እንቅስቃሴዎች በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት እንዲነግድ ልዩ ሁኔታ ስለፈጠሩለት “ አብዮታዊት እናት ሀገር ወይም ሞት ” አለ፡፡ ከኤርትራ ግንባሮች እስከ ኢህአፓ እና መኢሶን (ኢጭአት/ኦነግን ጨምሮ ሌሎች ድርጅቶች እዚህ መሃል ናቸው) የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች የአንድነትና የአብዮት ጠላቶች ሆነው ልዩ ልዩ ስሞች ተለጣፈበቸው፡፡ በአጭሩ የኢህአፓና መኢሶን መከፋፈልም ደርግን ብቻኛ የሀገር አንድነትና የአብዮት ተወካይ አደረገው፡፡ሌሎች ዝርዝሮችን ትቼ ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነትና አብዮት ግንባታ ወሳኝ የሆኑ ዕርምጃዎችን ላንሳ፡፡ የደርግ የመጀመሪያው ሊቀ መንበር፣ አማን አንዶም የሚባሉ ኤርትራዊ ጀኔራል ነበሩ፡፡ የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር ተብሎ ከደርግ ውጭ የተመረጠትም ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ብሎ እስከ ሞቃዲሾ ድረስ ሄዶ ካልተዋጋሁ ብሎ ንጉሱን ያስቸገሩ መኮንን ስለነበሩ ነዉ፡፡o በወታደሮቹ ዘንድም ተወዳጅ ስለነበረ በራሳቸው በደርግ አባሎቹ ጥያቄ መጀመሪያ መከላከያ ሚኒስቴር፤ ከዚያም ከደርግ ውጭ የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር የሆነው የተመረጡትና በአደባባይ እስከሚታወቀውም በኢትዮጵያ አንደነት ላይም (መቼም በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ልዩ ፍቅር አለን የሚሉ ብዙ ቢኖሩም፤ ፍቅራቸውን የሚለካልን መሳሪያ በሜዲካል ሳይንስ እስካሁን አልተፈጠረልንም) ምንም ዓይነት ጥያቄ ያልነበራቸውና የኤርትራን ችግር በሠላም ለመፍታት አስመራ ድረስ ሄዶ ሕዝቡን ያወያዩ ነበሩ፡፡ ለኢትዮጵያ ልዩ ፍቅር አለኝ የሚሉ እነሻለቃ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ግን ጠረጠሩዋቸዉ፤በታንክ እቤታቸው ውስጥ ገደሉት፡፡ በእኔ ግምት ውጤቱ የኤርትራና የኢትዮጵያን አንድነት መግደል ነበር፡፡ በዚህም ኤርትራ የደም ምድር ሆነች፡፡ ዛሬ እንዲህ ልንሆን የፈሰሰው የሰው ደም ዋጋም ሆነ ለጠፋው ሀብትና ንብረት ሂሳብ ለፈረደበት ታሪክ መተው ይመረጣል፡፡ü የብሔራዊ አንድነት መንግስትን ሊታመጡብኝ ብሎ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ሁለተኛውን የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር የነበሩትን ጀኔራል ተፈሪ በንቲን ከደጋፊዎቻቸው የደርግ አባላት ጋር ረሸናቸው፡፡ ኮሎኔል አጥናፉ አባተንም ቅይጥ ኤኮኖሚ ሊታመጣብን ነው ብሎ መንግሥቱ ኃይለመሪም በፀረ-አብዮታዊነት ረሸነዉ፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ የመጨረሻ ጭንቅ ሲመጣ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም የአጥናፉን ቅይጥ ኤኮኖሚ ላይ ለመንጠላጠል ሞክሮ ነበር፡፡4. በዛሬው የኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ ልዩ ሥፍራ ያላቸው ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ሞት ተፈርዶባቸው ተረሸኑ፡፡ እኔ መከታተል እስከቻልኩ ድረስ ታደሰ ብሩ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ፍጹም ጥያቄ ያልነበራቸው፤ ለኢትዮጵያ ብሎ ከሰላሌ ጫካ እሰካ ሞቃዲሾ ድረስ ተወስደው የታሰሩ እንግሊዞች ኢትዮጵያ ነፃ እናወጣለን ብለው ሲመጡ ከነሱ ጋር እየተወጉ የመጡ አርበኛ ነበሩ፡፡ ከተራ ወታደርነት እስከ ጀኔራል ማዕረግ ድረስ ሀገራቸውን ያገለገሉም ነበሩ፡፡ እግር ጥሏቸው አብዮቱ ውስጥ የገቡት መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ያላርህራሄ ገደሏዋቸዉ፡፤ በነገራችን ላይ ከጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ጋር በፀረ አንድነት ክስ የተገደለ፤ ብዙ ሰው የማያስታውሰው፤ መለስ ተክሌ የሚባል በቀ.ኃ.ሥ ዩኒቬርሲቲ ከተማሪ መሪዎች አንዱ የሆነ የትግራይ ተወላጅ ነበር (በግዜዉ ከነበረዉ አቋም ተነስቼ፤ ይህ ሰው ቢቆይ ኖሮ የትኛው ድርጅት ውስጥ ሊገባ እንደሚችል ዶክተር አረጋዊን ደግሜ መጠየቄን አስታውሳለሁ)፡፡ ይህ ሰዉ፤ ሌላ ተከታይ ቢያጣ ለሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት አከባቢ የምኒልክ ቤተመንግስትን ተቆጣጥሮ በፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ሀገሪቷን የገዛው ለገሠ ዜናዊ ስሙን አንስቶ ትግራይ በረሃ ገብቷል፡፡ ይህም ደርግ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ስም ያመጣብን የታሪክ ዕዳ ነው፡፡ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ምንም ዓይነት ጥያቄ እንዳልነበራቸው በተሻለ የማውቃቸውን የመኢሶን መሪዎችን ላንሳ፡፡ ለሥልጣን ተብሎ በደርግና ብዙ የፖለቲካ ተቀናቃኞቹ ዘንድ እንደ ኦሮሞ ድርጅት፤ በኦሮሞ ደግሞ እንደነፍጠኛ ድርጅት የሚታየው መኢሶን በዘመኑ በየትኛውም ሚዛን የተሻለ ትምህርት የነበራቸው መሪዎች ነበሩት በስብጥራቸውም ኤርትራዊ የዘር ግንድ አላቸው ከሚባሉት ኅሩይ ተድላ እና አበራ የማነአብ እስከ ሲዳማው እሼቱ አራርሶ የነበሩበት ነው ፡፡ ሹኩሪ የሚባል አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ አብረን የነበርነው ልጅ በስተቀር ሰፊ ተሳትፎ እንደልነበራቸዉ የማዉቀዉ የሱማሌ ምሁራንን ብቻ ነበር ፡፡ የመጀመሪያዉ የመኢሶን ሊቀ መንበር የሰሜን ሸዋ አማራ ከሚባለው የተወለዱ፤ ዶ/ር ወርቁ ፈረደ፤ ሁለተኛው ኃይሌ ፊዳ፤ ሦስተኛው የወሎ አማራ ከሚባለው የመጡ፤ ዶ/ር ከበደ መንገሻ ነበሩ፡፡ ሕብረ ብሔር ነን፣ ለሀገረ- መንግስት ግንባታው የተሻለ ግንዛቤም እዉቀትም አለን ለሚሉ የመኢሶን ምሁራንም ደርጎች ርህራሄ አላደረጉም፡፡ü በተለይ የመጀመሪያው የኦሮሞ የምሁር ትዉልድ የሚባሉት ኃይሌ ፊዳን ጨምሮ አብዱላህ ዩሱፍ፣ ዶ/ር ከድር መሀመድ፣ ዶ/ር ተረፈ ወልዴፃዲቅ፤ ደ/ር መኮንን ጆቴ የመሳሰሉት ሕበረ ብሔር በሚበለው መኢሶን ውስጥ አልቀዋል፡፡ በኔ እምነት፡ ብዙዎች ሊቀየሙኝ ቢችሉም፤ እንደስማቸው በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ሕብረ ብሔር የነበሩ ድርጅቶች መኢሶንና ኢህአፓ ብቻ ነበሩ፡፡ አላስፈላጊ ክርክር ዉስጥ ሳልገባ፤ እኔ እስከ ማምነው ድረስ ኢሠፓ የወታደሮች ፓርቲ ነበር፡፡ የኢህአዴግን ምንነት ለብልፅግና አበለት እተዋለሁ፡፡ የብልፅግናን ምንነት ደግሞ የታሪክ ፈተናዉን ሲያልፍ ብንነጋገርበት የተሻለ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ደርግ ሕበረ ብሔር ድርጅቶችን በቀላሉ አንድ በአንድ ቀርጥፎ በላቸው፡፡ ኢህአፓን ቁርስ አደረገ፤ መኢሶንን ምሳ አደረገ:: ብሔር ሆኖ ለመውጣት ገና ዳዴ የሚሉትን ወዝሊግንና ማሌሪድን እራት አደረጋቸው፡፡ ከደርግ ዱላ የተረፉት በደርግ አስተዋጽኦ ጭምር በተሸለ ሁኔታ ኃይል ሆነዉ የወጡት የብሔር ንቅናቄዎች ናቸው፡፡ ü ኢጭአት ወደ ኦነግ ተጠቃልሎ ገብቶ ዛሬ የምናውቀው ኦነግን ፈጠረ፡፡ የሱማሌ ድርጅቶች ኦብነግ ዓይነትን ፈጠሩ፡፡ የሲዳማ አርነት ንቅናቄ ቢያንስ ዋናው ክንፍ ዛሬ ሲአን የሚለው ሆነ፡፡ አፋሮችም የአፋር ግራ ክንፍ አርዱፍ እያሉ በሕይወት ያሉ ድርጅቶች አሏቸው፡፡ በጣም የተሳካላቸው የብሔር ንቅናቄዎች በኢትዮጵያና ኤርትራ ላይ ደርግን ለሁለት ቀብረው መንግስታት ሆኑ፡፡ የደረግ ዘመንን ስናጠቃልል መረሳት የሌለባቸው ሦስት ዋና ዋና ጉዳዮች፣ ለሥልጣን ብሎ ደረግ ባካሄዳቸው ጦርነቶች፡-ü የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታውን የበለጠ አወሳስቦ መሄዱን፣ ሻለቃ ዳዊት ወልዴጊዮርግስ በፃፉት መጽሐፍ በትክክል እንዳስቀመጡት ደርግ ትቶት የሄደው በደም እምባ የታጠበች ሀገር መሆንዋን፣ü በሀገር አንድነት ስም ባካሄደው ትርጉም የለሽ ጦርነት የባከነው የሀገር ሀብት ብቻ ሳይሆን በዓለም ትልቋ ወደብ አልባ አገር ኢትዮጵያን ትቶ መሄዱን ነዉ፡፡ደርግ ለ17 ዓመታት የተጨወተዉ የአጥፍቶ መጥፋት ፖለቲካን፤ እንደ ኑዛዜም፤ እንደቁጭትም የደርግ ከፍተኛ ባለሥልጣን የነበሩት ኮሎኔል ፍስሃ ደስታ (ኮ/ል መንግስቱ ኃይለማርምም ሆነ ሻምበል ፍቅረ ሥላሴ ወግደረስ እዳፋቸውን ከታጠቡበት በጣም ይሻላል) በፃፉት መጽሐፍ ልዝጋ፡፡ የኢህአፓ ወጣቶችን የትግል ስሜት፤ የመኢሶን መሪዎች ዕውቀትና የእኛን የወታደሮቹን የአገር ወዳድነት ብንጠቀምበት ኖሮ ሀገራችን እንዲህ አትሆንም ማለታቸውን እስር ቤት ሆኜ ማንበቤ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምክራቸው ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቢይም የሚሆን ይመስለኛል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ወደ አስር ወሮች ገደማ በኢህአዴግ እስር ቤት የተኛሁበት አልጋ ኮ/ል ፍስሃ ደስታ ይተኙበት እንደነበረ ሰምቻለሁ፡፡

4. የኢህአዴግ ዘመን የሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ፡- ለአራተኛ ጊዜ የሀገራችን ፖለቲካን ማሰልጠንና የተሻለ የሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ ዕድል ያመለጠን የኢህአዴጉ ዘመን ነው (ይህ የመለስ እና የኃይለማርያም ዘመንን ይጨምራል)፡፡ü የኢህአዴግ ዘመን፤ ሌላው ቢቀር የብሔረሰቦች ጥያቄን ለሁሉም ሕዝቦች ተቀባይነት ባለው መንገድ ይመልሰል ብሎ (እኔን ጨምሮ) የጠበቁ ብዙ ናቸው፡፡ ይህም ለሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ የተሻለ ዕድል ይፈጠራል ተብሎም ተገምቶ ነበር፡፡ ገና የሽግግር መንግስቱ ሲመሠረት የኢህአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት እንደግል ሠርጋቸው የፈለጉትን ጠርተው፤ ያልፈለጉትን በመተው የሰሩት የፖለቲካ ቲያትር ጫካ ሆነው ስደግፋቸው ከነበሩት የኢህአዴግ መሪዎች ተለየሁ፡፡ü እኔም ብቻ ሳልሆን ብዙ የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ መምህራን ጓደኞቼ በዚህ ጊዜ የተለዩዋቸዉ ይመስለኛል፡፡ü ኢሀአዴግ መጀመሪያ በጦርኛነት፤ ቀጥሎ ደግሞ በዘመኑ ቋንቋ የሽብርተኝነት ታርጋ እየለጠፈ ለ27 ዓመታት ሕዝብና ሀገርን አመሰ፡፡ ዝርዝር ነገሮች ውስጥ ሳልገባ፤ በኦሮሚያ እና በሱማሌ ክልሎች፤ በሲዳማ፣ በሀዲያ፤ በወላይታ፣ በጋምቤላ፣ በአፋር፣ ቁጥራቸውን የኢህአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት እንኳ የማያውቁት ሕይወት ጠፋ፡፡ü የአፍሪካ መዲና የምትባለው አዲስ አበባ/ፊንፊኔም ሆነች የኢህአፓን ጠበል በቀመሱ ብአዴኖች የሚመራው የአማራ ክልልም ውሎ አድሮ ከኢህአዴግ ዱላ አልተረፉም፡፡ ü በአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ርዕዮተ ዓለም (ነገርየው መሬት ላይ ሲፈተሸ፤ የአብዮታዊነትም የዴሞክራሲያዊነትም ባህርይ አልነበረውም) የተተበተበው የሞግዚት አስተዳደር ዕውነተኛ የፌዴራል ሥርአት ሊሆን አልቻለም፡፡ü የሕዝቦችን እራስን በራስ ማስተዳደር ጋር ምንም ግንኙነት ያልነበረው፤ ጆርጅ ኦርዌል፤ የእንስሳት እርሻ በሚለዉ መጽሐፉ ላይ፤ ሁሉም እንስሶች እኩል ናቸው፤ አንዳንድ እንስሶች የበለጠ እኩል ናቸው “All animals are equal, some are more equal than others” ከሚለው ያለፈ የፖለቲካ ፋይዳ አልነበረውም፡፡ ü ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫ ተብዬዎቹም ከ97ቱ በስተቀር ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርአት መፍጠር ይቅርና ቅርጫ እንኳ ልሆኑ አልቻሉም፡፡ ዉጤቱም ዴሞክራሲያዊ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ዕድል መጨናገፉ ብቻም ሳይሆን ለ27 ዓመታት ውድ የሕይወት ዋጋ ጭምር ሲያስከፍለን ኖሯል ፡፡ ü በዚህም ምክንያት የታሪክ ጣጣችንን አስተካክለን በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሠረተ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፌዴራሊዝም የመፍጠር ተስፋችን ሕልም ሆኖ ቀርቷል፡፡

5. በማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ፡- አሁን እየገጠመን ያለውን የታሪክ ፈተናን ለመለፍ፤ ጨክነን በቁርጠኝኘት ብሔራዊ መግባባት ውስጥ መግባት ወይም ኢትዮጵያን እንደ ሀገረ-መንግስት የምታበቃበት የሚጨምር ቀውስ ውስጥ መግባት ይመስለኛል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ የሌሎች ሀገሮችን ፖለቲካ በድህረ ቅኝ ግዛት ዘመን ብቻ እንኳን በመቀኛት ብጀምር፤ ችግሮቻቸውን ለመፍታት በቁርጠኝነት የሰሩት ተሳክቶላቸዋል፡፡ ያንን ያልቻሉት ወይ ፈርሰዋል ወይም አሁንም በቀውስ ውስጥ እየደከሩ ነዉ፡፡ ቅኝታችንን በላቲን አሜሪካ ብንጀምር፤ቃዉስ ገጥሙዋቸዉ አነ አርጀንቲና፣ ችሌ፣ ፔሩ፣ ኒካራጉዋ፣ ኮሎምቢያ የመሰሰሉ ሀገሮች፣ በተለያየ ደረጃ ፖለቲካቸውን ያስተካከሉ ሀገሮች ናቸው፡፡ ከ60 ዓመታት በላይ ለልዕለ ኃያሏ አሜሪካ ሳትበገር በአሜሪካ አፍንጫ ሥር የኖረችው አስደናቂዋ ሶሻሊስት ኩባና በአሜሪካ ጣልቃ ገብነት ምክንያት አሁን በሁለት ፕሬዝዳንቶች የምትገዛዋ ሶሻሊስት ቬኔዙዌላም በዚሁ ክፍለ ዓለም ይገኛሉ፡፡ በአውሮፓ ፖርቹጋል፣ ስፓኝ፣ ግሪክ፣ ፖለቲካቸዉን ማስተካከል ችለዋል፡፡ ዩጎዚላቪያ ውድ ዋጋ ቢትከፍልም ከመፍረሰ አልደነችም፡፡ ሶቭዬት ህበረትና (ግማሽ አውሮፓ ነች) ቼኮዚላቫኪያ በሰላማዊ መንገድ ፈርሷል፡፡ በኤሽያ፤ ኔፓል የፓለቲካ ችግረዋን በብሕራዊ መግባባት ስትፈታ፤ ፓክስታን፤ ቬየትናም፤ ካምቦዲያና ላኦስ ደግሞ ችግሮቻቸውን በጦርነት ፈተዋል፡፤ አፍጋንስታን፣ ኢራቅ፣ ሶሪያና የመን አሁንም እየቀወሱ ነው፡፡ ወደ አፍሪካችን ስንመጣ፡ ደቡብ አፍሪካና ጋና ከመሳሰሉት በስተቀር አብዘኛዎቹ በይስሙላ ምርጫ ላይ የተመሠረቱ አምባገነን መንግስታት ሲሆኑ፤ የአፍሪካ ሕብረትም የዲክታተሮች ማህበር (trade union of dictators) ከመሆን አላለፈም (በኢህአዴግ ጊዜ የተከሰስኩበት አንዱ ወንጀሌ የአፍሪካ መሪዎችን ተሰደብክ የሚል ነበር)፡፡ ሱማሊያና ሊቢያ፤ ፈረንጆች የወደቁ መንግታስት (failed states) የሚሉት ሲሆኑ፤ ሩዋንዳ ጊዜውን ጠብቆ የሚፈነዳ ሌላ ቦንብ የምትጠብቅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ በዚህ የአፍሪካ ፖለቲካ ምስቅልቅል ጉዞ ውስጥ አንዱ የሚገርመኝ ላለፉት 60 ዓመታት ፖለቲካቸውን ማስተካከል አቅቷቸው በቀውስ ሲናጡ የኖሩ ሁለት ሀገሮች፤ በተፈጥሮ ፀጋ እጅግ ሀብታሟ የኮንጎ ዲሞክራቲክ ሪፑቢሊክና የሦስት ሺህ ዓመታት ዕድሜ አለኝ የምትለዋ ድሃዋ ኢትዮጵያ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡ ከንጉሱ ዘመን ጀምሮ ይህንኑ የሀገራችንን የፖለቲካ እንቆቅልሾችን የተከታተለ፣ ያጠና፣ ያስተማረና ብዙ ጽሑፎችን የፃፈበት ጆን ማርካከስ የሚባል ፈረንጅ፤ የታሪክና ፖለቲካ ሳይንስ ፕሮፌሴር “Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers” (የኢትዮጵያ የመጨረሻዎቹ ሁለት ድንበሮች) ብሎ ፅፎአል፡፡ ምሳ ጋብዞኝ መፅሐፉን ለዶ/ር አቢይ ስጥልኝ ብሎኝ፤ ዶ/ር አቢይ ያንብበው አያንብበው ባላውቅም፤ እሳቸውን ማግኘት ለሚችል ለኦፒድኦ ባለሥልጣን ልኬላቸዋለሁ እንደነበርም አሰታዉሰለሁ፡፡ መፅሐፉ በአጭሩ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ፤ የንጉሶቹ ሞዴል (the Imperial model) የደርግ የሶሻሊስት ሞዴልና የኢህአዴጉ ፌዴራሊስት ሞዴል በሙሉ ከሽፈዋል ይላል፡፡ የከሸፉበትም ዋናዉ ምክንያት፤ የባለጊዜ ገዥዎችን ሥልጣን ለማሳካት የተገፋበት መንገድ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን እኩልነት ያላጎናፀፈና የልማት ጥማታቸውንም ያላረካ በመሆኑ ነው ይላል፡፡ ይህ የፈረንጅ ምሁር እንዳለው፤ ፖለቲካችንን ማሰልጠን ባለመቻላችን ሚሊየኖች ሕይወታቸውን አጥተዋል፤ ሚሊዮኖች ከቄዬያቸው ተፈናቅለዋል፤ ሚሊዮኖችም ተሰደዋል፡፡እኔም ከላይ ባነሳሁት ከዚሁ ምሑር ዕይታ ተነስቼ ሀገራችን ስለገባችበት የፖለቲካ ቅርቃርና በብሔራዊ መግባባት አንፃር ከቅርቃሩ ለማውጣት በሌኒን ቋንቋ ምን መደረግ አለበት (What is to Be Done?) የሚለውን መሠረታዊ ጥያቄ የሀገራችን ፖለቲካ እስከገባኝ ድረስ ልመልስ፡፡

1. መሠረታዊ ችግራችን በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ሥልጣን ላይ የወጡ መሪዎቻችን ሀገርን የመምራት ሕልማቸው፤ ሥልጣንን ጨምዲዶ ከመቆየት ሕልማቸው ጋር ሁሌ ስለሚጋጭባቸው ነው፡፡ ለሕዝብ አለን ከሚሉት ፍቅር የሥልጣን ፍቅራቸው ስለሚበልጥባቸው ነው፡፡ o ለዚህ ነው ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ የምወደንና (ሕዝቡ ምን ያከል እንደሚወደቸዉ እንዴት እነዳወቁ ባናዉቅም) የምንወደው ሕዝባችን ሲሉ ኖረው ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ የገዟትን ኢትዮጵያ ለ20ኛዉ ክፍለ ዘመን ሳያበቁ፤ ከዓለም ሀገሮች ጭራ ደረጃ ትተዋት የሄዱት፡፡ የሕዝብ ፍቅራቸውንም ደረጃ በረሃብ በመቶ ሺህዎች ያለቀው የወሎ ሕዝብ ይመሰክራል፡፡ ይህን የመሳሰሉ የመሪዎቻችን ባዶ የሕዝብና የሀገር ፍቅር፤ የንጉሱ ሕይወቴና የኢትዮጵያ እርምጃ፣ የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም አብዮታዊት እናት ሀገር ወይም ሞት የመለስ ዘናዊ በቀን ሦስት ጊዜ የሚመገቡ ዜጎችን እፈጠራለሁ ወ.ዘ.ተ መሸፈን አይችልም፡፡o ለዚህ አሁን ያሉ መሪዎቻችንም ሆኑ ተስፈኛ መሪዎች ይህንን የታሪክ እውነታ በውል እንዲገነዘቡት እፈልጋለሁ፡፡

2. የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ መሪዎችና የተቀሩት ሊሂቃን፣ በተለያየ ደረጃ የሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻቸውን ይዘው መጓዛቸው ነው፡፡o ከመኢሶንና ኢህአፓ ዘመን እስከዛሬ ያሉ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶቻችንና መሪዎቻቸው ይህንን እውነታ በውል መገንዘብ ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡ የሕልሟን ጉዳይ በፈንጆቹ አባባል ከዜሮ ድምር ፖለቲካ (Zero-Sum game Politics) የመውጣቱን ጉዳይና የፖለቲካ ፍላጎቶቻቸዉን በገደብ የማድረጉን ነገር በጥብቅ እንዲያስቡበት እመክራለሁ፡፡ ዋና ጉዳያችን ሥልጣን ሆኖ ከፊንፊኔ እስከ መቀሌ ባንዳ፤ ባንዳ እየተባባሉ መካሰሱ ሕዝባችንን ከማደናገር በላይ ብዙ የፖለቲካ ትርፍ የለውም፡፡o ዛሬ በአሜሪካና በአውሮፓ በሚደረጉ ሰልፎች ላይ በአንድ እጅ እስክንድር ነጋ ይፈታ፣ በሌላ እጅ ጃዋር ሽብርተኛ ነው የሚሉት መፈክር ዓይነቶቹ ለሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባችንም ሆነ ለብሔራዊ መግባባት ሥራችን ብዙ የሚጠቅሙ አይመስሉኝም፡፡ በኔ በኩል እንዲህ ዓይነቱ ጉዳይ ስላስቸገረኝ ነበር፤ በ2008 በፃፍኩት መፅሐፍ ላይ ለቡዳ ፖለቲካችን መላ እንፈልግ ብቻ ሳይሆን የሚጋጩ ሕልሞች ሊታረቁ ወይስ ኢትዮጵያን ሊያፈርሱ በሚል ግልፅ ጥያቄ የደመደምኩኝ፡፡ o ለኔ መፍትኼው ለአዲስቷ ኢትዮጵያ ፈጠራ የሚሆን አዲስ ማህበራዊ ውል (New Social Contract) ከመፈራረም ውጭ የተሻለ የማጂክ ፎርሙላ ያለን አይመስለኝም፡፡ o ይህንን እውነታ የምኒልክ ቤተመንግሰት ያሉ የብልፅግና ወንድሞቻችንም ሆኑ ከአዲስ አበባ/ፍንፍኔም እስከ አውሮፓና አሜሪካ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን ግፋ በለው የሚሉ ሁሉ እንዲረዱልኝ አደራ እላለሁ፡፡o በቅርብ ጊዜ በተፈጠረው ቀውስ በሁሉም በኩል ላለቁትም የተሻለ የሐዘን መግለጫ የሚሆነውና ዕንባቸውን የሚያብሰው የችግሮቻችን ምንጭ አዉቀን ዘለቂ መፍትኼ ስንፈልግ ይመስለኛል፡፡3. እላይ ካነሳሁኝ ሁለት ነጥቦች ጋር ተያይዞ፤ ሺህ ጊዜ ነፃና ፍትሐዊ ምርጫ እየተባለ በሕዝብ ላይ የሚሰራዉ የፖለቲካ ትያትር መቆም አለበት፡፡o የንጉሱ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች፣ የደርግ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች፣ የኢህአዴግ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ፤ ሲያንሱ በዴሞክራሲ ስም የተቀለዱ ቀልዶች፤ ሲበዙ ደግሞ በኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ላይ የተሰሩና ታሪክ ይቅር የማይላቸው ወንጀሎች ነበሩ፡፡ በሰለጠነው ዓለም የሕዝብን ድምፅ ከመስረቅ በላይ ወንጀል የለም፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ነገሮችን አስታውሼ ልለፈው፡፡ በኢህአዴግ -1- ዘመን አቶ በረከት፤ ኢህአዴግ ከስድስት ሚሊዮን በላይ አባላት አሉትና በዝረራ ያሸንፋል ብሎ ሲያስቸግረኝ፤ አቶ በረከት፤ ኢህአዴግ ሁለት ምኩዞች አሉት፤ አንደኛው ምርጫ ቦርድ ነው፡፡ ሁለተኛው ጠመንጃችሁ ነው፡፡ ሁለቱን ምርኩዞቻችሁን አስቀምጣችሁ ተቃዋሚዎችን ካሸነፋችሁ፤ እኔ በግሌ እናንተ የሚትሉትን 20 ና 30 ዓመታት ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ ለሃምሳ ዓመታት እንዲትገዙን እፈርምልሀለሁ እንዳልኩት አሰታዉሰለሁ፡፡ በኢህአዴግ -2- ጊዜ ደግሞ ዶ/ር አቢይ በጠሩት ድንገተኛ ስብሰባ ላይ ገለልተኛ የሆነው ጠቋሚ ኮሚቴ ስምንት ሰዎች አጣርቶ ስላቀረበ አራት ሰዎች መመረጥ ስላለባቸው በተጠቆሙት ሰዎች ላይ አስተያየት ስጡ አሉን፡፡o ሌሎች ስብሰባው ላይ የተገኙ የየድርጅት መሪዎች ያሉትን ብሎዋል፤ እኔ ጨዋታው ስላላማረኝ፤ አብዛኛዎቹን ዕጩዎች ብዙዎቻችን አናዉቃቸውምና ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳ ለማወቅ የ24 ሰዓት ጊዜ ስጡኝ ብዬ አጥብቄ ጠየኩኝ፡፡ ዶ/ር አቢይ አይቻልም አሉ፡፡ ነገ የምናገረው እንዳይጠፋኝና ለታሪክም ቢሆን ተአቅቦ (reservation) መዝግቡልኝ ማለቴ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምስክሮችም አሉኝ፡፡o የኮሮና ቫይረስ ወረርሽኝ መጥቶ የምርጫ ቦርድ ኃላፊዎች፤ የምርጫ ጊዜውን ሰሌዳ ለማስተላለፍ በጠሩት የምክክር ስብሰባ ላይ እንደተናገርኩኝ፤ መለኮታዊ ጣልቃ ገብነት (devine intervention) ነው እንዳልኩኝ ምርጫው ባይተላለፍ ኖሮ የአዲሱ ምርጫ ቦርድ አካሄድ ሌላ ከበድ ቀውስ ሊያስከትል ይችል እንደነበረ ዛሬ ላይ ሆኜ በእርግጠኝነት መናገር እችላለሁ፡፡ ይህንኑ ዳግም ብዙ ጊዜ በታጋይነቷ ለምናውቃት ክብርት ብርቱኳንም ጭምር መናገሬን አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ስለሆነም የሚመጣውን ምርጫ አዲስቷን ዴሞክራትክ ኢትዮጵያ እንድትወለድበት ካላደረግን፤ የንጉስ የማክያቬሊ ምክር፣ የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም፣ የጆሴፍ ስታሊን ቀይ በትር፣ የመለስ ዜናዊ፣ የሊቀ መንበር ማኦ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ውሰት፤ ኢትዮጵያን ለመለወጥ የታሪክ ፈተናውን ለማለፍ እንዳለስቻለቸዉ፤ የዶ/ር አቢይም የመደመር የፖለቲካ ቀመር አዛውንቱ የፈረንጅ ምሑር የሚለውን የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ የመጨረሻ ሁለት ድንበሮችን የሚያሻግረን አይመስለኝም፡፡ እሱን ካልተሻገርን ደግሞ ሁሌም እንደምለው ለሁላችንም የሚትሆን ዴሞክራትክ ኢትዮጵያ የምትፈጠር አይመሰልኝም፡፡ከማጠቃለሌ በፊት፤የብሔረታዊ መግባባቱ የፖለቲካ ጥራታችን ይሳካ ዘንድ መፍትኼ የሚሹ ቁልፍ ጉዳዮች ላስቀምጥ፡

1. ያለ ሀገራዊ ስምምነት በዋናነት በአንድ ቡድን ሕልምና ፍላጎት (በተለይ የአንድ ቡድን ፍኖተ ካርታ (road map) የመመረቱ ጉዳይ ለዉጡን አጣብቂኝ ዉስጥ ማስገበቱን የማወቅ ጉዳይ፤2. ለውጡን ለማምጣት በዋናነት የላቀ አስተዋጽኦ ያላቸው ኃይሎች (ለምሳሌ እንደ ኦሮሞ ቄሮ ዓይነቶቹ) ወደ ዳር የመገፋታቸው ጉደይ፣

3. ለውጡን እየመራ ያለው ከራሱ ከኢህአዴግ የወጣ ቡድን ቢሆንም፤ በለውጡ ምንነት፤ ፍጥነት፣ ስፋትና ጥልቀት ላይ የተለያዩ የኢህአዴግ ክንፎች ስምምነት ማጣታቸውና በዚህም ምክንያት እያመጣ ያለው አደገኛ ሁኔታ፣

4. በሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻችን ምክንያት ላለፉት 50 ዓመታት መፍትኼ ያለገኘንለት የመከፋፈል ፖለቲካችን (political polarization) ጉዳይ፤

5. ዴሞክራሲያዊ ለውጡ ለአብዘኛዉ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችና የፓለቲካ ሃይሎች ተቀበይነት ያለዉ፤ ሠላማዊና የተሳካ እንዲሆን የጋራ ፍኖተ ካርታ (road map) የመቀየስ አስፈለጊነት ጉደይና፤ የተቀየሰዉን በጋራ ሥራ ላይ የማወል ጉደይ፤

6. ነፃና ፍህታዊ ምርጫ ማለት በእርግጥም በሕዝቦች ይሁንታ ላይ የተመሰረተ የፓለቲካ ጨወታ መሆኑን የመረደት ጉዳይ፤

7. ሀገራችን እዉነተኛ ዲሞክራሲያዊ የፈድራል ሥርዐት ያስልጋታል ስንል፤ ከሕልሞቻችን በሻገር በሕዝቦቻችን ፍላጎት ለይ የተመሰረተ የፖሊቲካ ሥርዓት መሆኑን የማረጋገጥ ጉዳይ፡

8. ብሔራዊ መግባባቱ በተሻለ መንገድ የሚሳካው፤ በደቡብ አፍሪካ እና ኮሎምቢያ በመሰሰሉት

9. ሀገሮች እንዳየነው የፖለቲካ እስረኞችንና የጫካ አማፅያንን መጨመርን የማስፈለጉ ጉዳይ፤

10. የተሰካ ብሔራዊ እርቅን ለመምጠት ከሥልጠን በሻገር የምር የፖለቲካ ቁረጠኝነት (political will)

11. የማስፈለጉ ጉዳይ፤

12. ስለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ያለን ግንዘቤ ከፊታዉራሪ ሀብተጊዮጊስ እይታ የሳፋና ለሀገርትዋ ያለን ፍቅርም ገደብ የማድረጉ ጉደይ ናቸዉ፡፡በመደምደሚያዬም እዚህ ያደረሰንን ያገራችንን ፖለቲካ ጉዞ ታሪክ ወደኋላ እያየሁ፤ የወደፊቱን የሀገራችንን ዕጣ ፋንታንም እያማተርኩ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩም፣ ለሁላችንም የታሪክ የግርጌ ማስታወሻ ልተዉ፡፡ በቅርብ ቀን ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ኢትዮጵያ አትፈርስም፤ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያፈርሷት እኛን ቀድሞ ሲያፈርሱ ነው፤ ኢትዮጵያን ለማፍረስ አይፈቀድላቸውም ሲሉ አዳምጫለሁ፡፡ ሀገርን ለመፍረስ የሚፈልጉ ሃይሎች መጀመሪያኑ ፈቃድ ይጠይቃሉ፤ አይጠይቁም የሚለዉን ክርክር ውስጥ ሳልገባ፤ በጨዋ ቋንቋ ንግግራቸውን አልወደድኩላቸውም፡፡ ንግግራቸውንም ተከትሎ የኢሳት ቴሌቪዥን የፖለቲካ ተንታኞች የሚታወቁ የአዛውንት ምሁርን በመጥቀስ (ይህኑን ምሁር መንግስቱ ሀይለማርያምም ያዉቃል ብለን ስለተሰሩ የንጉሱ በለስልጠኖች ምክር ጠይቀነዉ፤ ጠመንጃዉ በእናንተ እጅ ነዉ፤ የምን ምክር ትጠይቁናላችሁ ብሎኛል ማላቱን አንብበለሁ) ዶ/ር አቢይ ጥሩ ይዘዋል፤ ሕጉንም ሰይፉንም እየተጠቀሙ ነው ያሉት የበለጠ ሥጋት ፈጥሮብኛል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን ጨምሮ ሁላችንም ደጋግመን ማሰብ ያለብን ጨዋታው ከተበላሸ አብዛኛው ዓለምን በሰዓታት ውስጥ ወደ አመድነት የሚለወጥ ወይም ሕይወት አልባ ሊያደርግ የሚችል የኑክለየር መሳርያ የታጠቀ፤ ነፍሷን ይማርና የሶቭዬት ህብረት ሠራዊት ዓይኑ እያየ አገራቸው መበቷን ነው፡፡የሀገራችንን ፖለቲካ በጋራ አስተካክለን ሁላችንንም በእኩልነት የምስታስተናግድ ዴሞክራቲክ ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር እግዚአብሔር ይርዳን እላለሁ፡

ዋቢ መፃሕፍት:

1. Bahiru Zewde (1991) A History of Modern Ethiopia, 1885 -1991.

2. Gebru Tareke (1996) Ethiopia: Power and Protest, Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century.

3. John Markakis, (2011) Ethiopia: The Last Two Fronties.4. Merera Gudina, (2002) Ethiopia: Competing Ethnic Nationalisms and the Quest for Democracy, 1960-2000.5. Teshale Tibebu, (1995), The Making of Modern Ethio896-1974.

Ethiopia: Talk of the town: The Meaningless Change of Abiy Ahmed Ali August 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Talk of the town: The Meaningless Change of Dr. Abiy

By Faisal Roble

As far back as June 2018, I gave an interview to the BBC Somali Section and critically appraised Abiy and his change. While most people and commentators were enamored by Dr. Abiy’s oratory, sermon-like speeches, and pan-Ethiopian patriotism, I saw then a dark side of Dr. Abiy.

How did you see that, you may ask? Just a quick context: throughout the 1990s, while writing essays and columns for the now defunct Ethiopian Review based then at Los Angeles, l used to spend quarrelling time with a lot of Ethiopians. We used to have heated debates. Most of the time, I will be the only Somali and lowlander. It was then that I picked and learned code words for greater Ethiopia and the politics of pan-Ethiopian nationalism, or even chauvinism.

Words like the soul of Ethiopia (ya Itiyobiya li olawinet), the absolute unity of Ethiopia (ya Itiyobiya andenet fisuminat) are some of the code phrases you could hear uttered by the likes of the late Dr. Asarat (former leader of the All Amhara Party), Goshu Wolde (Leader of Madhin Party), and one Dr. Taye who in the 1980s headed Ethiopia’s teacher’s trade union.

The first time I heard Dr. Abiy speak, I was able to easily pick these highly charged phrases from his otherwise well-orchestrated speeches in Amharic. Also, my long-time residence in the US sensitised me to all the cleverly ways evangelists and priests use religious sermons for sending political messages, especially by right wing evangelists. I saw both attributes in Dr. Abiy’s speeches. He was invoking nationalist sentiments by often delivering them in a sermon style. This combination mesmerised and disarmed people in need for a heavenly deliverance.More than any group, Somalis fell for him.

Somalis both inside the Ethiopian empire as well as those in the Federal Somali Republic gave in to the charms of Dr. Abiy. Often people like me were small minorities. Today, the reality on the ground is different. I feel exonerated but not happy for all the hardship we have to again face.

The world is almost about to abandon Dr. Abiy. Traces of facts are emerging from key EU members who are thinking of cutting him lose. Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, and several other EU countries are already letting managed leaks go out regarding their disappointment with their earlier infatuation with Dr. Abiy. Also, some key US congressional members are speaking out publicly (see attachment bellow).

Not only did he lose the Oromo, but he is killing, torturing, and evicting them from their lands. Almost 2/3 of the OLF leadership is in jail. Other key Oromo leaders such as Jawar Mohamed, Dr. Bakale Garba, and many more are in jail. The most vocal Amhara critic (Lidatu) is not only in jail but tortured severely.

According to one account, schools, community centres and even centres that used to deliver social services in Oromia region are converted into jails.

The level of mayhem taking place in Oromo region within a short period of time is unprecedented in Ethiopia.Is this something that should worry other groups, particularly Somalis? Where does the current reality place the pact between ONLF and OLF? These are not normal times in Ethiopia and as such, no one should put their eggs in one basket. The Somali region is still singing praise songs for the Prime Minister and his phantom “Prosperity Party.” They need to stop that. What prosperity can one talk about when the soil of the countryside that used to give seeds and sustenance to the multitude is burning?

There is a need for the Somalis to do several small but decisive things that would help them sail through this tough time:

(1) Do not let Somali Liyo police be used in the current ongoing mayhem against Oromo.

(2) Distance yourself from Arat Killo (Palace) as much as possible and reclaim your federal status. You are primarily responsible for the welfare of your constituency.

(3) Strengthen internal cohesion and institutionalize your collaboration with all groups in the region while showing sympathy to those in the fire. Don’t make the theory of “history repeats itself” play out here where lack of unity pits one against another.

Ethiopia: HLHA Strongly condemns government security forces brutality in Oromia August 22, 2020

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A letter written by 20 members of the United States Congress to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ‘expressed serious concerns about the recent unrest in Ethiopia’ August 22, 2020

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War biopic, political history and family memoir frame ‘Oromo Witness’ August 21, 2020

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War biopic, political history and family memoir frame ‘Oromo Witness’

“My people are getting killed in Ethiopia–mothers, fathers, children. That makes me cry,” said Samira Ahmed who wipes her eyes while listening to a speaker at a rally of the Oromo community in Minnesota at the State Capitol Friday May 9, 2014. They are against the Ethiopian government for the killing and imprisonment of peaceful Oromo protesters during a peaceful rally the week before. (Pioneer Press: Jean Pieri)

By FREDERICK MELO | fmelo@pioneerpress.com | Pioneer Press August 21, 2020

In the opening pages of “Oromo Witness,” author Abdul Dire drives from engineering classes at the University of Minnesota to a restaurant on Minneapolis’ Lake Street to pick up his uncle, Hangasu Wako Lugo, who is busy mopping floors at his second job.

The humble setting is an unlikely new battlefield for the St. Paul Public Schools food service worker and grandfather of 12. Hangasu Wako Lugo, a former rebel strategist, is better known in some circles for playing no small role in the Ethiopian Civil War of 1974-1991.

It’s a path his father and uncle forged before him when they engineered a peasant uprising against Ethiopia’s feudal government in the 1960s from the country’s Oromia region in the south.

Hangasu Wako Lugo was still a child during the Bale Revolt of 1963-1970, one in a long line of frustrated attempts to win new freedoms for the nation’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo people. By the time the emperor is jailed in a military coup, he’s already come of age in the capital city of Addis Ababa, educated in military academies and ready to help lead a movement of his own through the Oromo Liberation Front — a movement he would later part with in anger and frustration.

(Courtesy of Flexible Press)

Hangasu Wako Lugo’s harrowing personal story frames the first book-length nonfiction work to roll out from Minneapolis-based Flexible Press (flexiblepub.com), which has been publishing Minnesota-centric novellas, short stories, essays and poetry since 2017.

“I think it’s an important story,” said publisher William Burleson. “Here’s a guy pushing a broom in a Minneapolis restaurant, but look at the life he’s led.”

Part ethno-political history, part war biopic, part family memoir, “Oromo Witness” reads like a love letter to both the Oromo people and to a beloved mentor whose resourcefulness is built on that of generations of tribal leaders before him.

Dire, a Woodbury resident and technical service specialist at 3M, relied heavily on interviews with his uncle and other Oromo refugees in their 70s, 80s and 90s to paint a compelling ethnic and political biography of Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous nation after Nigeria, told from the perspective of its suppressed ethnic majority.

“Our community is really invisible to most Minnesotans,” said Dire, who came to the U.S. as a teen and frequently participates in mission trips back in his homeland. “I was hoping this book would provide a little glimpse on who the Oromo people are to our friends and neighbors.”https://ba86f6bee9c2edb1a131ceec139bc9aa.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-37/html/container.html

The Bale Revolt would span seven years of fighting, forming an important precursor to a student movement that continues to this day. It would also be a close precursor to the Cold War-era civil war, which combined with Ethiopia’s infamous famine would kill more than 1 million Ethiopians and force many ethnic Oromo to flee the country.

With the Soviet-backed Communist Derg and later the Tigray running the government, thousands of Oromo refugees, including Hangasu Wako Lugo, would eventually land in the Twin Cities, many of them in and around St. Paul. The metro is now believed to be home to as many as 40,000 Oromo, the largest concentration outside Ethiopia.

While “Oromo Witness” revolves largely around the Bale Revolt and Oromo efforts to regroup in Somalia during the civil war, Dire traverses at least 120 years of history — from imperial rule to the bittersweet freedom represented by his uncle’s mop bucket in 2006 — with conversational ease.

Abdul Dire (Courtesy of Flexible Press)

“My uncle comes from an oral tradition, where history is primarily passed on through stories,” Dire said. “But now in Minnesota, there’s a language gap. He really sees this book as bridging that gap.”

That’s not to say the details are pleasant. One story has it that after subjugating the southern tribes of the Oromia region in the 1890s, a northern emperor made an example of those who resisted his rule by mutilating the hands of the men and the breasts of the women.

Fast forward more than a century, and the book’s cautiously optimistic epilogue takes the reader through 2018, when Ethiopia greeted the arrival of its first Oromo prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, to oversee a nation still beset by political corruption and ethnic strife.

Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize last year for ending a two-decade border conflict with neighboring Eritrea, but the past few weeks have been more turbulent. In late June, an unknown assailant shot and killed acclaimed Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa in the capital city, setting off violent riots that have in turn left dozens dead.

A TIMELINE:

— 1890s: Using colonial weapons, Emperor Menelik and the Tigre and Amhara ethnic communities invade the Oromo region to their south, incorporating the nation’s largest region into modern Ethiopia as a feudal society.

— 1895-1896: After a treaty dispute erupts in fighting, Ethiopia’s emperor defeats Italian forces and Ethiopia remains a sovereign nation.

— 1890s and 1900s: Oromo language is banned in official state transactions, and the Oromo become pastoral tenants to their northern landlords, the Tigre and Amhara. The Oromo to this day remain the nation’s largest single ethnic group, representing 40 percent or more of the nation’s population.

— 1930 to 1974: Emperor Haile Selassie rules Ethiopia, though his reign is interrupted for five years by Italian conquest prior to World War II.

— 1936: Italy invades Ethiopia. Emperor Selassie flees to England. The Arsi Oromo in southern Ethiopia side with the Italians. Despite sham local elections under Italian governors, the Oromo briefly regain the freedom to use their traditional language in court, on the radio and in other aspects of civil society.

— April 6, 1941: During World War II, British and Ethiopian troops drive Italian forces out of Ethiopia’s capital city of Addis Ababa, traditionally known as Finfinne. Emperor Selassie is restored to power.

— 1943: Oromo leader Muhammad Gada Quaallu, the people’s representative in the Bale region during Italian rule, organizes 60 to 70 men to block the Ethiopian army’s return to the Bale city of Dello. The national army returns days later to reoccupy Dello. The uprising is crushed.

— 1960: After a decade in the Goba prison, Muhammad Gada Quaallu and his allies are executed by hanging at the order of the emperor. Dire Irressa, the author’s grandfather, dies among them.

— 1960: While Emperor Selassie is visiting Brazil, military leaders seize the capital city of Addis Ababa and hold the prince hostage. The military coup fails when the emperor returns.

— 1963-1970: The Bale Revolt. With weapons provided by the Somali government, ethnic Oromo guerrilla rebels from the Bale region combat the larger Ethiopian Army, keeping the emperor’s military forces from dominating the tribes along the Genale River.

— 1974: Led by military forces, the Derg coalition overthrows Emperor Selassie in 1974, abolishing feudalism. Rather than usher in a new era of political stability, the coup marks the beginning of the Ethiopian Civil War, during which at least 1.4 million die from famine and violence.

— 1974-1991: Rebels from a variety of ideologies rise up against the Soviet-backed Derg in a civil war that ropes in neighboring Eritrea, which had fought its own war of independence against Ethiopia. The Soviet Union withdraws its support from the Derg in the late 1980s.

— 1977-1978: With Soviet and Cuban help, Ethiopia defeats Somalia’s efforts to invade the disputed Ogaden region and claim it for its own. The Ogaden War, which greatly weakens Somalia’s military, is a precursor to the Somali Civil War.

— 1980: The Oromo Liberation Front moves its base of operations to Somalia, an on-again, off-again ally.

— June 1991: The left-wing Tigray People’s Liberation Front end the civil war and establish a transitional government. One governing party dominates Ethiopian politics to this day.

— 2014: Amnesty International documents rampant discrimination in a report entitled, “Because I Am Oromo: Sweeping Repression in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia.” The report finds that 5,000 Oromo were jailed by the Tigray-dominated government from 2011 to 2014 on suspicion of planning protests. Many were jailed without charges.

— 2015-2016: Protests in Minnesota and around the world call attention to the plight of the Oromo people, who have been shut out of top jobs in Ethiopian industry and government. Highlighted are government efforts to displace Oromo farmers by annexing farmlands around the capital city of Addis Ababa.

— April 2018: Abiy Ahmed, the first Oromo chairman of Ethiopia’s ruling party, becomes national prime minister. He will go on to end a border war with Eritrea and win the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

The Ethiopia watchdog said it is “deeply alarmed by the loss of life amid protests in Oromia,” calling on authorities to prevent security forces from using excessive force. August 21, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission on Thursday said it is “deeply alarmed by the loss of life amid protests in Oromia,” calling on authorities to prevent security forces from using excessive force.

The statement comes in the wake of unrest in various localities in Ethiopia’s most populous Oromia regional state.

People are demanding the release of Oromo politicians, including Jawas Mohammed, who are being held in connection with violence that erupted after the killing of singer Hatchalu Hundesa on June 29.

“Authorities should ensure that the right to peaceful protest can be exercised, and law enforcement measures against anything beyond that does not exceed proportion,” the press release quoted Aaron Maasho, senior adviser and spokesperson of the commission, as saying.

Koomishinni Mirga Namoomaa Itiyoophiyaa tarkaanfiin humnoonni nageenyaa dhiheenya Oromiyaa keessatti fudhatan ka gitaa oliiti jedhe. https://www.voaafaanoromoo.com/a/tarkaanfiin-humnoonni-nageenyaa-oromiyaa-keessatti-fudhatan-ka-gitaa-oliiti-/5551419.html Bulchiinsi mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa gama isaatiin wantoonni diriqisiisoon humnaa ol ta’anii tarikaanifiin itti fudhatame jiraatanis, hanqinni jiru qoratamee adda bahaa jedha.

Ethiopia is being led by dictator Abiy Ahmed, here is how!! #OromoProtests August 20, 2020

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Source: see #OromoProtests