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Oromia: Jubilation in Finfinnee to welcome ABO/OLF September 15, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

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Millions converged at    Hulluuqoo Kormaa,  Dirree Masqalaa (Meskel Square) in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) from all corners of Oromia to welcome OLF/ OLA top leader. 15th September 2018. Former rebels in triumphant return to Ethiopia

 Ethiopians hail return of once-banned Oromo group
Oromo Liberation Front given a hero’s welcome in Addis Ababa

Thousands of flag-waving supporters were out on the streets to welcome the returning OLF 

The awesome Oromo horseman (Obbo Siidaa Dabalee) is the picture of the day  on this very jubilation and victory day for freedom, democracy, unity in diversity and multinationalism for the oppressed nations in Ethiopia.

Oromoo fi firooni saba Oromoo miliyoona hedduun lakkaawaman Finfinnee,  Hulluuqoo Kormaatti walga’un ABO/WBO gammachuun simatan. Fulbaana 15 Bara 2018.

Oromo Horseman in Finfinnee, Hulluuqoo Kormaa, at the event ABO (OLF) leaders welcome, 15th September 2018, victory day..png

7 million strong freedom-loving #Oromo have converged onHulluuqoo Kormaa,  Dirree Masqalaa (Meskel Square) in Finfinnee  to welcom OLF leaders, 15 sept. 2018.png

Oromia, FInfinnee, Hulluuqoo Kormaa, Dirree Masqalaa, the Oromo moment celebrating, victory, OLF.  15  September 2018.png

 

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Finfinnee (Hulluuqo Kormaa): Oromia: Simannaa ABO / WBO Fulbaana 15 Bara 2018 Ilaalchisee Ergaa Kana Walii Dabarsaa September 12, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Haala Simannaa ABO / WBO Ilaalchisee (via Lammii Beenyaa’s FaceBook)

Haala Simannaa Ilaalchisee!

1. Namni hundumtuu alaabaa ABO ykn mallattoo saba oromoo ibsu kan isatti tole qabatee haa dhufu.

2. Namoonni konkolaataa humnaan itti hin fe’aminaa balan tasa qaqqabee namni tokko illee lubbuun isaa darbuun irra hin jiru.

3. Jeequmsi akka hin uumamneef Qeerroon poolisiis ta’ee qaama nagaa Eegsisuuf tumsa godhaa.

4. Maanguddoota, Ijoollee fi haadholii Ulfaaf gargaarsaa fi tumsa dursaa godhaa. Yoo jiraatan.

5. Bishaanii fi Wanta sasalphaa nyaataaf malu harkatti qabadhaa! Fayyaa keessan eeggachuuf.

6. Namni yoo isin biraa kufe qabaa bakka Ambulance tti geessaa qophaa’ee jira waan ta’eef.

7. Tokkummaa mul’isaa, suuraan fi Vidiyoon guyyaa sana waraabamu sabaahimaalee Addunyaa hedduu irratti waan darbuuf Wanta saba oromoo Qeeqsisu hin hojjetinaa.

8. Kanneen farda Gulufsiistanii fi konkolaachistoonni warra lafoof Eegumsa godhaa.

9. Wal dhaggeeffadhaa Abba Abbaan hin fiiginaa. Suuta socho’aa.

10. ABO dhaaba Qabsoo Ganamaa jaallatamaa fi sabi oromoo yoo itti hirkate shakkii irraa hin qabne ta’uusaa mul’isaa.

ERGAA KANA YOO XIQQAATE NAMA 20F QOODI. SABASAAF MEDIA TIIN KAN QINDAA’E. YAADI FI ODEEFFANNOON KAN ROOGEYYII FI SABAAHIMAALEE GARAAGARAA IRRAA WALITTI QABAME.

GALATOOMAA!
GADAAN GADAA XUMURA GARBUMMAATI!

 

via Haala Simannaa ABO / WBO Ilaalchisee (via Lammii Beenyaa’s FaceBook)


 

Oromia: Ibsa Koongirasii Feederalawaa Oromoo (KFO) fi Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) iraa kenname September 9, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

OLF and OFC

Ibsa Koongirasii Feederaalawaa Oromoo (KFO) fi Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) irraa kenname



Addi Bilissummaa Oromoo (ABO)n qabsoo hidhannoo fi siyaasaa geggessaa turee qabsoo karaa nagaa geggeessuuf mootummaa Ityoophiyaa waliin waliigaltee uumeen booda Kongirasa Federaalawaa Oromoo duraanu qabsoo karaa nagaa gaggeessaa ture waliin egeree
siyaasaa ummata Oromoo irratti marii jalqabaa geggeessee jira.

Marii kana keessattis Sirna ijaarsa dimookiraasii, federaalizimii dhugaa fi olaantumaa seeraa kabachiisuu keessatti dhaabileen lamaan karaa itti dantaa ummata Oromoo fi Oromiyaa dursuu fi kabajchiisuu irratti yaada
wal jijjiiruun hubannoota irra gahameera.

Uummanni keenya yaroo adda addaa wal-taanee akka itti dhiyaanu nu gaafachaa jiru hubtuun bu’uuruma kanaan Addi Bilissummaa Oromoo (ABO) fi Kongirasiin Federaalawaa Oromoo (KFO)n marii gaafa 24/12/2010 gaggeesinneen akkaataa garaagarummaa jiru dhiphisuun waliin hojjatuun danda’amu irratti wal hubachuun waamicha armaan gadii waloon dabarsina.

1. Koongireesii Feederaalawaa Oromoo (KFO) fi Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO)n biyya kana keessatti federaalizimiin dhugaa akka dhufu, mirgi hiree murteeffannaa ummatootaa fi olaantummaan seeraa
kabajamee nageenyii amansiisaa itti fufiinsaan akka lafa qabatuuf qabsoo uummatni keenya taasisu keessatti sagaleen uummatta keenyaa akka addaan hin hiramneef karaa danda’ame hunda hojjatana.

2. Uummanni keenyas wal hubannoo irra gahame kana beekuun qabsoo nuyi waliin gaggeessaa jirru kana nuuf beekuun akuuma kana duraa nu cina dhaabbachuun qabsoo bilisummaa milkeessuu keessatti qooda keessan akka gumaachitan waamicha seena qabeessa kana dabarsina.

3. Jaarmootni siyaasaa, Beektootni, Dargaggotni abbaa qabsoo Barratootni,Hojjatootni, Daldaaltotni, Abboottiin Gadaa fi Abboottiin Amantaa Oromoo kana beekuun itita aangoo siyaasaa uummata Oromoo amma argamee kana gara fuulduraatti tarkaanfachiisuuf qabsoo KFO fi ABOn taasisan kana akka cimsitan, utubdanii fi deegartaniif waamicha keenya isinii dabarsina.

4. Dhumarratti uummatootni Itiyoophiyaa qabsoo
uummanni Oromoo kabajamuu mirga dimokraasii, mirga hiree murteeffatanaa, olaanttumaa seeraa, guddina federaalizimii dhugaa fi nageenya waaraa dhugoomsuuf warraaqu kana keessatti akka nucinaa dhaabbattan kabajaan waammicha isinii goona.

Injifannoon uummata dhugaan qabsaa’uuf haata’u !!!

Fulbaana 5, bara 2018
Finfinnee
KFO fi ABO irraa



Oromia: Dhugaan Maseenaaree!! Keekiyyaa Badhaadhaa, New Oromo Music 2018 September 8, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

 

Ethiopia: Abdi Iley, TPLF’s Liyu Police Militia head who killed tens of thousands and displaced millions in the Somali and Oromia has been officially arrested. August 27, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

tplf-ethiopias-federal-army-abbay-tsehaye-and-samora-yunus-are-architects-of-the-ongoing-ethnic-cleansing-against-oromo-in-south-and-eastern-oromia

Head of the mass killer militia, Ethiopia Liyu Police, Abdi Illey has been officially arrested.png

Abdi Iley,  the notorious TPLF’s Liyu Police Militia head who killed tens of thousands and displaced millions in the Somali and Oromia  states has been officially arrested. Click here to read Ethiopia’s Liyyu Police – Devils on Armored Vehicles.

Ethiopia arrests ex-Somali region head over rights abuses

Abdi Mohamed Omar arrested on charges of human rights abuses and stoking deadly ethnic clashes in restive region. Click here to read Aljazeera news


 

 

Akka maddeen amanamoon jedhanitti Abdi Ileen kan toyannoo jala oole tureera, garuu labsuun hin barbaachifne. Walgahii EPRDF dheengaddaatu eegamaa ture. Warri TPLF walgahii sana fayyadamanii dhiibbaa gochuudhaan Abdi Ilee hiiksisuu fi immunity isaa eegsisuuf hidhatanii falmaa turaniif. Yoo Abdi Ileen tuqame naannoo san tasgabbeessuun hin danda’amu, inumaa naannochi Itoopyiyaa irraa akka fottoqu godhama olola jedhuun warri Wayyaanee dachii balleessaa turani. Garuu walgahicha irratti yaadni gama kaanii waan moohateef hireen Abdi Ilees seeratti dhihaachuu taate. Har’a akka hidhamuun isaa labsamu kan godhames eega haalli naannoo Soomaalee toyannaa jala ooluun mirkanaawee booda.

Miidiyaan Sagalee Wayyaanee kan dur yoo titiifni illee Abdi Ilee irratti teesse akkam tuqama jedhee dheekkamu har’a gab jedhee jira. Rogeeyyiin Wayyaanees akka dur xaxxaaxa’aa hin jiran. Hanga ammaatti yaada hin kennanne. Dhugaan oolee bulee akkasumatti injifanta. Kan itti aanus walumaan laaluuf umrii nuuf haa kennu.


Akka maddeen amanamoon jedhanitti Abdi Ileen kan toyannoo jala oole tureera, garuu labsuun hin barbaachifne. Walgahii EPRDF dheengaddaatu eegamaa ture. Warri TPLF walgahii sana fayyadamanii dhiibbaa gochuudhaan Abdi Ilee hiiksisuu fi immunity isaa eegsisuuf hidhatanii falmaa turaniif. Yoo Abdi Ileen tuqame naannoo san tasgabbeessuun hin danda’amu, inumaa naannochi Itoopyiyaa irraa akka fottoqu godhama olola jedhuun warri Wayyaanee dachii balleessaa turani. Garuu walgahicha irratti yaadni gama kaanii waan moohateef hireen Abdi Ilees seeratti dhihaachuu taate. Har’a akka hidhamuun isaa labsamu kan godhames eega haalli naannoo Soomaalee toyannaa jala ooluun mirkanaawee booda.

Miidiyaan Sagalee Wayyaanee kan dur yoo titiifni illee Abdi Ilee irratti teesse akkam tuqama jedhee dheekkamu har’a gab jedhee jira. Rogeeyyiin Wayyaanees akka dur xaxxaaxa’aa hin jiran. Hanga ammaatti yaada hin kennanne. Dhugaan oolee bulee akkasumatti injifanta. Kan itti aanus walumaan laaluuf umrii nuuf haa kennu.

 

የቀድሞ የኢትዮጵያ ሱማሌ ክልል ርዕሰ መስተዳድር አቶ አብዲ መሐመድ ኦማር በቁጥጥር ስር ዋሉ


ግለሰቡ አዲስ አበባ አትላስ ከሚገኛው መኖሪያ ቤታቸው ነው ዛሬ በፌደራል ፖሊስ ቁጥጥር ስር የዋሉት፡፡

እንደ ፌደራል ጠቅላይ አቃቤ ሕግ ገለጻ አቶ አብዲ በሕግ ጥላ ስር እንዲውሉ ካደረጓቸው የወንጀል ተግባራት መካከል የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰት፣ የብሔር ግጭት፣ በሃይማኖት መካከል ግጭት እንዲፈጠር ማድረግ የሚሉት ተጠቅሰዋል፡፡

ፖሊስ እሳቸውን ጨምሮ በድርጊቱ ተሳትፈዋል የተባሉ ሌሎች አካላትን በቁጥጥር ስር እያዋለ ነው፡፡

በአቶ አብዲ መኖሪያ ቤት 5 ክላንሽኮቭ እና 4 ሽጉጦች በቁጥጥር ስር ውሏል፡፡

መኖሪያ ቤታቸው በፖሊስ ቁጥጥር ስር መዋሉንም ለማወቅ ተችሏል፡፡

ፖሊስ እርሳቸውን ጨምሮ በድርጊቱ ተሳትፈዋል የተባሉ ሌሎች አካላትን በቁጥጥር ስር እያወለ መሆኑን ጠቅላይ አቃቤ ሕግ መግለጹን ሪፖርተራችን ጥላሁን ካሳ ዘግቧል፡፡ – EBC

 

Oromia: Ethiopia must end its political, economic and social exclusion and marginalization of Afaan Oromo speakers from federal institutions and the Addis Ababa city administration August 26, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistThe six widely spoken languages in Africa

There is no law or policy that prohibits the Federal Government from conducting its business in Afaan Oromo!


Ethiopia must end its political, economic and social exclusion and marginalization of Afaan Oromo speakers from federal institutions and the Addis Ababa city administration claiming non-existing language laws and language policies as the basis of these exclusions.

Ethiopia never had formal language laws and language policy in its history to exclude the use of Afaan Oromo. The so-called language related provision in the federal constitution is not self-executing law. It needs language policy and language law for it to be legally enforced in the court of law or followed by any government institutions.

Alternatively, even if one claims that there is constitutional self-executing law, it does not bar the use of Afaan Oromo by federal institutions and Addis Ababa City Administration.

More importantly, Addis Ababa city administration does not need any federal authorization to adopt right away Afaan Oromo as its working language on equal footing with Amharic.

There are many Ethiopia’s own language use practices that will enable the federal government to adopt Afaan Oromo as its working language without needing any law or policy.

For instance, there is no law or language policy that says Ethiopia will use English in its international communication. Yet, the country is using English in its international communication in spite of the absence of language law or language policy.

Similarly, if we look at Ethiopia’s medium of instruction both at secondary and university levels, there is no language law or language policy issued to mandate Ethiopian academic institutions to teach in English.

If we look at the past practices of the Ministry of Education, there is no law that mandated the inclusion of Geez, a language used in church liturgy with zero living speakers, on Ethiopian School Leaving Certificate Exam(ESLCE) while willfully excluding Afaan Oromo or other languages with tens of millions of speakers from ESLCE.

If there is any legal basis for all these unregulated language uses, the only document one may find is the educational curriculum prepared by the Ethiopian Ministry of Education. That means, all these messes were done at the free will of unelected and unauthorized experts at the Ministry of Education whom the Ethiopian people have zero knowledge even about their existence.

Similarly, there is no clearly drawn language use policy that regulates the Ethiopian federal media outlets to broadcast in any given languages including in Afaan Oromo. It is pretty much the discretionary decision of these entities.

If unelected, unauthorized and obscure curriculum developing experts at the Ministry of Education or media companies were given so much power in deciding on what languages our educational system or media uses or not uses; we expect our elected, legally authorized and publically known officials including the Ethiopian federal parliament, the federal judicial and executive organs to use Afaan Oromo in conducting their business.

Afaan Oromo speakers who constitute more than 50% of the Ethiopian population cannot wait until the constitution is amended or language use laws or policies are issued to get services from the federal government and Addis Ababa city administration.

The degree of exclusion and marginalization of the Oromo people in Ethiopia is unbearable. The Oromo people cannot remain excluded from their own country. All cities, religious institutions, media outlets and federal government entities in Oromia, including in Addis Ababa, must serve the Oromo people in Afaan Oromo.

Furthermore, since both the federal government institutions and Addis Ababa City Administration are exclusively located in the Oromia National Regional Government where the working language is legally Afaan Oromo, there is no federal law or policy that prohibits the federal government and the Addis Ababa City Administration from conducting their Business in Afaan Oromo.

In fact, both the federal institutions and the Addis Ababa City Administration must use Afaan Oromo, the official working language in Oromia, to conduct their business in Oromia Region according to the Ethiopian federal constitution which recognizes the rights of regional governments to use the language of their choosing as their working language.



ጠ/ሚ ዶ/ር አብይ አህመድ በዛሬው መግለጫቸው የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ቅስም ሰብረውታል ::

በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘንድ አንደኛ ደረጃ የሚባለው የህዝብ ጥያቄ የቋንቋ ጥያቄ ነው :: ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የፌደራሉ የስራ ቋንቋ እስካልሆነ ድረስ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በዕውቀት በኢኮኖሚ እና በማንኛውም የማህበራዊ ህይወቱ ዝቅተኛ ነው :: እንዲህ ያፈጠጠ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ችግርን ጠ/ሚ ዶ/ር አብይ ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የፌደራል የስራ ቋንቋ አሁኑኑ ይሁን ማለት አግባብ አይደለም ማለታቸው ደሙን የገበረውን የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ቅስም የሰበረ ሆኖ አግኝቼዋለው :: ጠቅላይ ሚንስተሩ ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የፌደራሉ የስራ ቋንቋ አሁኑኑ ይሁን የሚለውን ጥያቄ አግባብ አይደለም ብለው ያስቀመጡበት ምክንያት የህግ ማሻሻያ የሚፈልግ ስለሆነ ብለዋል :: ነገር ግን ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የፌደራሉ የስራ ቋንቋ ለማድረግ የህግ ማሻሻያ ሳይሆን ተጨማሪ ህግ ብቻ ነው የሚያስፈልገው ::
በአጠቃላይ በመግለጫቸው ኦሮምኛ ቋንቋ የፌደራሉ የስራ ቋንቋ እንደማይሆን ነው እጅግ በጣም ያሳዝናል ::

ጠ/ሚ ዶ/ር አብይ አህመድ አሁንም የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ሊሰሙት እና ጥይቄዎቹን በአፋጣኝ ሊመልሱለት ይገባል ::

አሁንም ታስረናል


JT: China’s creditor imperialism. #Africa August 26, 2018

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 Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

“Unlike International Monetary Fund and World Bank lending, Chinese loans are collateralized by strategically important natural assets with high long-term value (even if they lack short-term commercial viability). Hambantota, for example, straddles Indian Ocean trade routes linking Europe, Africa and the Middle East to Asia. In exchange for financing and building the infrastructure that poorer countries need, China demands favorable access to their natural assets, from mineral resources to ports.”


China’s creditor imperialism

BY BRAHMA CHELLANEY,  The Japan Times, 21 December 2017
China’s creditor imperialism
Police in Sri Lanka use water cannon to disperse people protesting a government plan to grant a 99-year lease of Hambantota port to a Chinese company on Jan. 7. Nations caught in debt bondage to China risk losing both their most valuable natural assets and their very sovereignty. | AP

This month, Sri Lanka, unable to pay the onerous debt to China it has accumulated, formally handed over its strategically located Hambantota port to the Asian giant. It was a major acquisition for China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) — which President Xi Jinping calls the “project of the century” — and proof of just how effective China’s debt-trap diplomacy can be.

Unlike International Monetary Fund and World Bank lending, Chinese loans are collateralized by strategically important natural assets with high long-term value (even if they lack short-term commercial viability). Hambantota, for example, straddles Indian Ocean trade routes linking Europe, Africa and the Middle East to Asia. In exchange for financing and building the infrastructure that poorer countries need, China demands favorable access to their natural assets, from mineral resources to ports.

Moreover, as Sri Lanka’s experience starkly illustrates, Chinese financing can shackle its “partner” countries. Rather than offering grants or concessionary loans, China provides huge project-related loans at market-based rates, without transparency, much less environmental or social impact assessments. As U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson put it recently, with the BRI China is aiming to define “its own rules and norms.”

To strengthen its position further, China has encouraged its companies to bid for outright purchase of strategic ports where possible. The Mediterranean port of Piraeus, which a Chinese firm acquired for $436 million from cash-strapped Greece last year, will serve as the BRI’s “dragon head” in Europe.

By wielding its financial clout in this manner, China seeks to kill two birds with one stone.

First, it wants to address overcapacity at home by boosting exports. Second, it hopes to advance its strategic interests, including expanding its diplomatic influence, securing natural resources, promoting the international use of its currency and gaining a relative advantage over other powers.

China’s predatory approach — and its gloating over securing Hambantota — is ironic, to say the least. In its relationships with smaller countries like Sri Lanka, China is replicating the practices used against it in the European-colonial period, which began with the 1839-1860 Opium Wars and ended with the 1949 communist takeover — a period that China bitterly refers to as its “century of humiliation.”

China portrayed the 1997 restoration of its sovereignty over Hong Kong, following more than a century of British administration, as righting a historic injustice. Yet, as Hambantota shows, China is now establishing its own Hong Kong-style neocolonial arrangements. Apparently Xi’s promise of the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” is inextricable from the erosion of smaller states’ sovereignty.

Just as European imperial powers employed gunboat diplomacy to open new markets and colonial outposts, China uses sovereign debt to bend other states to its will, without having to fire a single shot. Like the opium the British exported to China, the easy loans China offers are addictive. And, because China chooses its projects according to their long-term strategic value, they may yield short-term returns that are insufficient for countries to repay their debts. This gives China added leverage, which it can use, say, to force borrowers to swap debt for equity, thereby expanding China’s global footprint by trapping a growing number of countries in debt servitude.

Even the terms of the 99-year Hambantota port lease echo those used to force China to lease its own ports to Western colonial powers. Britain leased the New Territories from China for 99 years in 1898, causing Hong Kong’s landmass to expand by 90 percent. Yet the 99-year term was fixed merely to help China’s ethnic-Manchu Qing Dynasty save face; the reality was that all acquisitions were believed to be permanent.

Now, China is applying the imperial 99-year lease concept in distant lands. China’s lease agreement over Hambantota, concluded this summer, included a promise that China would shave $1.1 billion off Sri Lanka’s debt. In 2015, a Chinese firm took out a 99-year lease on Australia’s deep-water port of Darwin — home to more than 1,000 U.S. Marines — for $388 million.

Similarly, after lending billions of dollars to heavily indebted Djibouti, China established its first overseas military base this year in that tiny but strategic state, just a few kilometers from a U.S. naval base — the only permanent American military facility in Africa. Trapped in a debt crisis, Djibouti had no choice but to lease land to China for $20 million per year. China has also used its leverage over Turkmenistan to secure natural gas by pipeline largely on Chinese terms.

Several other countries, from Argentina to Namibia to Laos, have been ensnared in a Chinese debt trap, forcing them to confront agonizing choices in order to stave off default. Kenya’s crushing debt to China now threatens to turn its busy port of Mombasa — the gateway to East Africa — into another Hambantota.

These experiences should serve as a warning that the BRI is essentially an imperial project that aims to bring to fruition the mythical Middle Kingdom. States caught in debt bondage to China risk losing both their most valuable natural assets and their very sovereignty. The new imperial giant’s velvet glove cloaks an iron fist — one with the strength to squeeze the vitality out of smaller countries.


Brahma Chellaney, a professor of strategic studies at the New Delhi-based Center for Policy Research and a fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin, is the author of nine books, including “Asian Juggernaut,” “Water: Asia’s New Battleground,” and “Water, Peace, and War: Confronting the Global Water Crisis.” © Project Syndicate, 2017


Related article from Financial Times:

The Chinese model is failing Africa

Beijing’s plans for Africa do not stop there. President Xi Jinping is keen for China to serve as an economic and political model for the developing world. He hopes that China’s infrastructure finance and manufacturing investment in Africa will spur industrialisation and development. But to be productive and contribute to economic development, infrastructure needs to be high-quality and high-performing. And the evidence shows that China’s infrastructure-driven economic model has been far from efficient and is one to avoid rather than emulate. Over half of China’s infrastructure projects are under-performing, damaging rather than fuelling growth and leaving an enormous debt burden for the domestic economy.

Shira habashaan Afaan Oromoo irratti xaxamaa jiru hayyootni Oromummaa qaban mormaniiru August 20, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

 

#Oolmaa Har’aa: on the Roadmap and Afaan Oromoo issue


“Shira habashaan xaxamaa jiru, hayyootni Oromummaa qaban mormaniiru. Shirri ‘education road map’ haaraatiin xaxamee, “Afaan dhalootaan barachuun hanga kutaa 6tti ga’aadha, Afaan Amaaraa immoo kutaa 1 eegalee kennamuu qaba” jedhu, sabboontota Oromoo, pirezedaantota yuunivarsiitiitiin mormii guddaan irratti ka’eera. Gaaffileen ka’aa turanis:
1. Dhuguma Afaan dhalootaan barachuun qulqullina barnootaa miidheeraa?
2. Qorataan tokko akkamittiin mirga heeraan naannoleef kenname diiguu danda’a?
3. Afaan Oromoo ol guddataa deema jennee utuu abdannuu, isin akkamittiin hanga 6 qofaatti murteessitu?
4. Abbaan dhimmaa Afaanii, warra afaan Sana dubbatu ta’ee utuu jiruu, akkamittiin qaamni afaanicha hin beekiin murtee dabarsuu danda’a?
5. Qorannoon kun haaromsaan dura waan eegaleef, akkamittiin amanamuu danda’a?
6. Compositioniin qorattootaa sirriidha?
7. Dookumentii kana erga waggaa 3 dura eegaltanii maaliif hanga ammaa dhoksitan? fi gaaffilee kanneen biroo gaafataa oolaniiru. Pirezedaantota yuunivarsiitilee Oromiyaa keessaa dhufanii dhimma Oromoo miidhu balaaleffataniifi kan habashota gammachiisuuf dubbatan adda baasuun saaxilaa deemuunis dirqama. Kanaaf, gantoota akka Dr Saamu’eel Kiflee(kan ministeera barnootaa keessaa hojjetu), Silashii Geetahuun(kan dhiyeenya koree giddugaleessaa DHDUO keessaa ari’ame) fi Dr Jeyluun Umar(itti aanaa pirezedaantii yuunivarsiitii Finfinnee), namoota akka qorannoon kun guutummaatti hojiirra ooluuf hirmaattota walga’ii har’aa sossobaa oolanidha. Kanaaf, dhimma Oromoo keessa galanii murteessaa waan jiraniif akka irraa of qusatan jenna. Dr Abiyi immoo rakkoon qulqullina barnootaa jiraachuu malee Shira habashoonni xaxuuf deeman kana Waan hubate hin fakkaatu. BBO immoo dhimma qorannoo kana quba akka hin qabne odeeffanneerra. Walumaagalatti, hayyuun Oromoo, qorannoo Oromoo miidhu xiinxalee yoo hin mormine, Oromoof hayyuu ta’uu hin danda’u.
Galatoomaa.
FB irratti share taasisuun Oromoo nuuf dhageessisi maaloo.”

The Guardian: Jawar Mohammed’s red-carpet return signals Ethiopia’s political sea change #Qeerroo August 20, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Jawar Mohammed’s red-carpet return signals Ethiopia’s political sea change

Two years ago, the state branded him a terrorist. Now, after years in exile, activist Jawar Mohammed is back – and determined to see democracy in his country

A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed
 A man holds an Oromo Liberation Front flag as people in Addis Ababa celebrate the triumphant return of Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters


Jawar Mohammed never travels alone. When the US-based Ethiopian activist returned to his home country on 5 August, he was treated like royalty. A posse of sharply suited young men hovered by him at all times. Jeeps carrying security guards patrolled his hotel in central Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital. Supporters from the provinces arrived in droves to pay their respects. Over the course of a two-week visit he held about 25 to 30 meetings a day, according to an exhausted aide.

After meeting with the Guardian in his hotel suite he rushed off to give a lecture at the capital’s main university, entourage in tow.

Nothing demonstrated the breathtaking transformation in Ethiopian politics over the past four months quite like the red-carpeted return of a figure who was once the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) most wanted man.

From a studio in Minneapolis, where he founded the controversial Oromia Media Network, Jawar has spent the past decade agitating over social media for political change back home in Ethiopia, which he left as a scholarship student in 2003. This was his first time in Ethiopia since 2008.

Jawar Mohammed, U.S.-based Oromo activist and leader of the Oromo Protest, addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia August 5, 2018. REUTERS/Tiksa Negeri
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 Jawar Mohammed addresses a news conference upon arriving in Addis Ababa in August. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters


So effective was he as an activist that by late 2016, as anti-government protests billowed across the country compelling the EPRDF to impose a state of emergency, the Oromia Media Network was banned and Mohammed declared a terrorist.

By early 2018 the revolutionary fervour had grown so loud that Hailemariam Desalegn was forced to resign as prime minister, paving the way for his enormously popular successor Abiy Ahmed, a young reformist from Oromia, Jawar’s home and the country’s largest and most populous region.

The Oromia Media Network, along with some smaller outlets and activists, has used social media to devastating effect over the past few years, coordinating boycotts and demonstrations and bringing Ethiopia’s large and often brutal security apparatus close to its knees.

“We used social media and formal media so effectively that the state was completely overwhelmed,” Jawar says. “The only option they had was to face reform or accept full revolution.”

During the course of a triumphant homecoming, the former terrorist (charges were dropped in May) toured the country, mostly around Oromia, where he was welcomed by vast and jubilant crowds. On his first day he led a tub-thumping rally in the capital’s main concert hall.

Later he travelled to Ambo, the epicentre of the Oromo protest movement – a struggle for political freedom and for greater ethnic representation in federal structures, which Jawar played a main role in orchestrating. Tens of thousands arrived to greet him, more than when Abiy visited the town shortly after his inauguration in April.

As Jawar had promised his supporters – mostly young, politically active Oromo men known as the Qeerroo – he took off his shoes and walked prophet-like through the streets of the city. He then planted a tree at the site where a young man was killed by security forces nearly 15 years ago, long before the rise of the movement that threw him into the national spotlight.

“They used to make me so happy and proud with what they did,” he said of Ambo’s Qeerroo. “So I told them: ‘One day I will come to your city and show my respect by walking barefoot.’ That day came and I had to deliver.”

Few doubt the importance of Jawar in recent Ethiopian history. Perhaps more than any other single individual, he took the once-marginal politics of Oromo nationalism and made it mainstream. Today, Oromos – the country’s largest ethnic group – dominate the highest offices of state, and Jawar enjoys significant personal influence over the country’s new leaders, including Abiy himself.

In a recent interview with local media he claimed – to the dismay of many Ethiopians – that the country now effectively has two governments: one led by Abiy, the other by the Qeerroo. This puts him in a position of extraordinary responsibility, since he is “one of the Qeerroo” and “a significant portion of the country listens to me”, he admits.

Many are uncomfortable with the whiff of demagoguery that accompanies Jawar. One Ethiopian journalist (who asked to remain anonymous) notes his “Trumpian sense of truth when inconvenient facts surface”.

He has been accused of inflating the numbers of protesters killed by security forces and, infamously, telling his followers (73,000 on Twitter and more than 1.4m on Facebook) that army helicopters fired live bullets at civilians during the tragic stampede that occurred during an Oromo cultural festival in October 2016. Independent journalists present confirmed this did not happen. He has a history of smearing journalists he disagrees with as government “agents”.

He has also been accused of inciting ethnic and religious violence. In a 2013 video, for example, he is heard saying: “My village is 99% Muslim. If someone speaks against us, we cut his throat with a machete.”

In recent years, he has whipped up his supporters against the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, the once dominant ethnic Tigrayan wing of the ruling coalition, which critics argue led to attacks against Tigrayan civilians as well as those of other ethnic groups. Jawar says that he has long sought to steer his supporters towards “non-violent resistance”, and adds that “even when TPLF was in power and actively killing our civilians we ensured Tigrayan civilians were not subject to attacks”.

These days, Jawar comes across as a more moderate and conciliatory figure. He says he plans for the Oromia Media Network to set up offices across Ethiopia and become a professionalised outfit. He points to the BBC and NPR as models. He insists he has no intention to enter formal politics, preferring to remain an activist.

“I want to help us in the next couple of years transition to democracy. And for that I want to use my influence over the population so that they can calm down, contain themselves, and ensure peace while the political leadership works out arrangements for transition,” Jawar says.

The last point is especially significant. In recent weeks instability across Ethiopia has escalated sharply, especially in his own region. The day after his interview with the Guardian a rally in the town of Shashamene turned violent, as a crowd of Jawar followers publicly hung a man they suspected of carrying a bomb. Two more died in the carnage that followed. Many Ethiopians blame him for the unrest, and he was compelled to cancel the rest of his tour.

Jawar nonetheless remains optimistic about the country’s future, and about the prospect of a peaceful politics free from violent expressions of ethnic identity. “I do believe if we democratise the Ethiopian state – allowing people of all ethnicities to participate in the political process and to get a fair share of power and wealth – there is a possibility the next generation will be proud Oromo and proud Ethiopian at the same time. I think that is possible.”

 


 

Ethiopia Violence A Concern Despite Reform Promises, – Human Rights Watch August 16, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Ethiopia Violence A Concern Despite Reform Promises

Government Should Address Killings in Somali and Oromia Regions



Read Related Articles from Oromian Economist  sources:

Ethiopia: Abusive police unit must be stopped, – Amnesty  International

The spectre haunting Ethiopia: Unbridled torture, impunity in Somali region,– The East African

 

Ethiopia: At least 37 people killed and more than 44 wounded after attack by the Liyu police in at least three separate localities in Eastern Hararghe zone of the Oromia State. Over 30,000 Oromos displaced from Djibouti.August 13, 2018,  Oromian Economist

HARARHGE :
This week at least 50 people have been killed and tens of thousands are displaced and are once again facing catastrophic situations in East Hararghe zone. They need different humanitarian support. Among these a top urgent is medical support. I demand Federal Ministry of Health and Oromia Regional Health Bureau to provide immediate medical assistance to those injured and internally displaced in different districts of East Hararghe Zone of Oromia National Regional State. – Oromo Federalist Congress

Ethiopia: At least 37 people killed and more than 44 wounded after attack by the Liyu police in at least three separate localities in Eastern Hararghe zone of the Oromia State. Over 30,000 Oromos displaced from Djibouti. August 13, 2018

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Six people have also died in Shashemene city and in East Wellega zone of the Oromia regional state on Sunday and Saturday respectively. See the scoop below. 


The number of people killed after attack by the Liyu police in at least three separate localities in Eastern Hararghe zone of the Oromia regional state has climbed to 37, according to Tizita Abay, communication officer of the Mayu Muluke Wereda where more than 30 of the causalities were from. More than 44 have been wounded.  Abdulahi Ahmedi Kawo, another official from Mayu Muluke Wereda also told the BBC News Afaan Oromo service that ten of the wounded were currently receiving treatment at Gara Muleta hospital, in Gara Muleta town while some 36 are being treated at a local clinic.

The attacks happened on Sunday from 10 AM to late afternoon and Sunday to Monday night, in what Mohammed Aliyi, a police officer in the Mayu Muluke town said were a military assault by members of Ethiopia’s controversial Liyu Police “for reasons we are not clear with yet,” he told Addis Standard by phone. However, Taye Dendea, the region’s justice bureau communication head wrote on facebook page yesterday that 31 people were killed, of whom five were women. Children and the elderly were among the victims. Negeri Lencho, Oromia region communication bureau head, confirmed to OBN this afternoon the number of victims and said the attack was in line with the larger pattern of the Liyu Police’s track record in attacking civilians. But the government was working to bring a lasting solution, he said.

Ibsa Abdella, a nurse who is currently coordinating the emergency section for the wounded, told Addis Standard that eight of the victims were admitted yesterday and two were admitted on various times since Friday afternoon. According to Ibsa, sixteen people were also treated for light injuries. “All of them have sustained bullet wounds; of the ten currently being treated at the hospital two are in critical condition: one who is shot is his genitalia area and a second who was shot in his chest area,” Ibsa said by phone from Gara Muleta hospital.  “The second who was hit in his chest is Sergent Mustefa Jamal, a member of the Oromia region riot police.”  Three more of the wounded are also police officers, he said.


ADDIS ABABA (Reuters 13 August 2018) – At least 40 people were killed by security forces in eastern Ethiopia at the weekend, a senior regional official said on Monday.

“The victims were all ethnic Oromos. The perpetrators were members of a paramilitary force,” said Negeri Lencho, spokesman for the Oromiya state administration.

The area has been plagued by instability.

Reporting by Aaron Maasho; editing by John Stonestreet


At least 37 people were killed in a Sunday morning raid in Ethiopia’s eastern Oromia region by the Somali special paramilitary force known as Liyu police, a local official has told the BBC.

More than 40 others were injured, the head of communication for Mayu Mulukke district, Tizita Abay, said.

Women, children under a year and blind elders are among the dead, officials say.

A witness, who survived several shots and a cut on his ear, said the paramilitary troops left him, thinking he was dead.

‘‘While we were sleeping they opened the door and killed my wife, son and neighbour’s child [who was sleeping at his house],’’ he added.

Somali officials have not yet commented on the allegations.

Human Right groups have long accused the special paramilitary force of killings, rapes and other abuses.

The border conflict between the Somali and Oromia region has left thousands of people dead and has forced more than one million to flee their homes in the past year.

Federal government troops have set up a base in the region as they carry out operations to curb the conflict.



Ethiopia: Paramilitaries ‘kill at least 40’ in Oromia region,  Aljazeera

Officials say paramilitary forces from the Somali region carried out cross-border attacks in Oromia’s East Hararghe.


Humna Poolisii Addaa Naannoo Somalee Meeshaa Hikkachiisuf Murteeffame

Oromia: Simannaa Jawar Mohammed: Amboo fi Shashamannee August 12, 2018

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ህወሀት አጥምዶ መቀሌ ላይ በመቀመጥ የሚችለውን እያደረገ ነው:: በእጅ አዙር የእርስ በእርስ ግጭት የጥፋት ተልዕኮን ማራመድና የተዛቡና ሀሰተኛ መረጃዎችን በስፋት በማስራጨት ህዝቡ ላይ የስነልቦና ቀውስ መፍጠር ነው August 11, 2018

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ህወሃት ሁለት ግንባሮችን ከፍቶ በሰፊው እየሰራበት ነው (መሳይ መኮንን)

 

Abraha Desat of Arena Tigray and Abay Tsehaye, Debretsion Gebremichael of TPLF.

ህወሀት ከቤተመንግስት ተባሮ መቀሌ ከመሸገ ወዲህ ሁለት ግንባሮችን ከፍቶ በሰፊው እየሰራበት ነው። አንደኛው ግንባር የቀድሞውን መዋቅር በመጠቀም ከፍተኛ ገንዘብ ውጪ አድርጎ በየአከባቢው አለመረጋጋትን መፍጠር ነው። ሁለተኛ ደግሞ በማህበራዊ መገናኛ መድረኮች የተዛቡ፡ ሀሰተኛና ህዝብን ሰላም የሚነሱ መረጃዎችን የሚያሰራጩ ወደ 100ሺህ የሚጠጉ አካውንቶችን በዘመቻ ከፍቶ መረበሽ ነው። በቅርቡ መቀሌ የመከሩት የህወሀት ”ምሁራን” ላይ አንዱ የፌስ ቡክ አዛማቻቸው ቃል በቃል ያለውም ይሀው ነው። ” በ100ሺዎች ሆነን መረጃው ላይ መዋጋት አለብን” ያለው ልጅ አሁን አሜሪካ መጥቶ ምን እያደረገ እንዳለ ግልጽ ነው። በይፋ ኤታ ማዦር ሹሙ ጄነራል ሳዐረ መኮንን ለዶ/ር አብይ እንዳይታዘዙ አደገኛ መልዕክት እያሰተላለፈ ነው።

አዎን! ህወሀት በሁለቱም ግንባሮች እረፍት አጥቶ በመስራት ላይ ነው። የምንዋጋው ሁለቱንም ግንባሮች መሆን አለበት። ሁለቱ ግንባሮች ተደጋጋፊ ናቸው። አንደኛው ለአንደኛው እንደፍግ፡ ማዳበሪያ ሆኖ እያገለገለ ነው።

ህወሀት የሚከተለው የቀውስ አመራር ነበር። ህዝብ ከህዝብ ጋር ካልተጋጨ በስልጣን የመቆየት እድል እንደሌለው ስለሚያምን የአመራር ስልቱን ማጋጨት ላይ አተኩሯል። ባይዘልቅበትም ለተወሰኑ ዓመታት ዕድሜን አግኝቷል። አሁን ያለው አመራር በተቃራኒው የቆመ ነው። ከግጭት ይልቅ ሰላምን የሚመርጥ አስተዳደር ነው። ህወሀት የማወከ ስትራቴጂ ነድፎ፡ በግልጽ ጦርነት እያወጀ እንኳን የሚታገስ አመራር ነው ቤተመንግስት ያለው። በእርግጥ ትዕግስት ድንበር አለው። ሀገርን ወደ ለየለት ቀውስ ለመክተት ሁለት ግንባሮችን የከፈተ አጥፊ ቡድንን መታገሱ እስከመቼ ሊዘልቅ ይችል ይሆን? እነአብይ የመረጡት መንገድ ህወሀትን ከጥፋት ጉዞው ያስቆመዋልን?

ጠ/ሚር አብይ ህወሀትን እያፈራረሱት መሆኑ ግልጽ ነው። በጥበብና በድፍረት በፌደራል መንግስቱ ያሉትን የህወሀትን መዋቅሮች በማወላለቅ በአጭር ጊዜ ከመንግስትነት ወደተራ ሽፍታ ቡድን እንዲቀየር ማድረጋቸው አስደማሚ ነው። በዚህ ፍጥነት ህወሀት ተሰባብሮ ከነጥቁር ታሪኩ ወደ መፈጠሪያ ዋሻው ደደቢት እንዲጠጋ የተደረገበት ድምጽ አልባው መፈንቅለ መንግስት በሆሊውድ መንደር ቢሆን ጥሩ ፊልም የሚወጣው ታሪክ ነው። ህወሀት ከእንግዲህ ወደ አራት ኪሎ ቤተመንግስት የሚመመለስበት አንድም እድል የለውም። በምርጫ አይችልም። ለምርጫ የሚያበቃ ተፈጥሮአዊ ባህሪ የለውም። ሌላው መንገዱ ሃይል ነው። ሞትን የማይፈራው ትውልድ በእነዶ/ር አብይ እየተመራ ህወሀት በሀይል ልሞክር ቢል ትርፉ እስከወዲያኛው መጥፋት ነው። አጉል አሟሟት ነው። ቢሞክሯት ጥሩ ነበር።

ህወሀት ለጊዜው ያለው ምርጫ መረበሽ ነው። ማወክ ነው። የስነልቦና ጦርነት ማወጅ ነው። በዝርፊያ በተከማቸ ገንዘብ በየአቅጣጫው ብጥብጥ መፍጠር ነው። ለዚህም ሁለት ግንባሮችን በይፋ ከፍቷል። ሁለቱ ግንባሮች ጊዜያዊ ሰላም መደፍረስን እያስከተሉ ነው። ለሰላም፡ እርቅና እድገት የሚውለውን ጊዜና ገንዘብ መብላት ጀምረዋል። እናም ነቅተንና አስምረን የተከፈቱትን ግንባሮች ልንዋጋቸው ይገባል። ከምንጊዜውም በላይ ጥንቃቄ የሚፈልግ ዘመን ላይ ነን። ከስሜት ግልቢያ ወጥተን፡ በዕውቀትና በእርጋታ፡ ከአንድ ሰሞን ዘመቻ ተላቀን በራዕይና ተልዕኮ በተቀረጸ የተግባር እርምጃ ላይ እናተኩር ዘንድ የሁላችን ቅን ልቦናና ዝግጁነት የሚጠይቅበት ወቅት ላይ ነን።

ህወሀት በአንደኛው ግንባሩ የሚችለውን እያደረገ ነው። በሶማሌ ክልል በእጅ አዙር የከፈተበትን የእርስ በእርስ ግጭት እንደተፈራው ሀገርን የሚገነጣጥል ባይሆንም ጠባሳ አሳርፎብናል። በቅማንት አከባቢ የቀበረው ፈንጂም በአግባቡ ካልተነቀለ የፈነዳ ዕለት ጥፋቱ አደገኛ ሊሆን ይችላል። በሌሎች አከባቢዎችም ተመሳሳይ የልዩነት ቦምቦችን አጥምዶ መቀሌ ላይ በመቀመጥ የሚፈነዱበትን ሰዓት እየጠበቀ ነው። የዶ/ር አብይ አስተዳደር ይህን ግንባር ብቻውን አይመክተውም። የኢትዮጵያውያን ድጋፍና ደጀንነት ለጥያቄ የሚቀርብ አይደለም። የህወሀትን የጥፋት ተልዕኮ ማሳካትም፡ ማምከንም የሚችለው ህዝባችን ነው። እነዶ/ር አብይ በጥበብ የሚያደርጉትን የማረጋጋት ሀገራዊ ስራ ትንሽ ፍጥነት ጨምረውበት ከቀጠሉና የህዝባቸውን ድጋፍ ካገኙ የህወሀት አንደኛው ግንባር ድባቅ መመታቱ አይቀርም።

ሁለተኛው ግንባር የተዛቡና ሀሰተኛ መረጃዎችን በስፋት በማስራጨት ህዝቡ ላይ የስነልቦና ቀውስ መፍጠር ነው። ጦር ከፈታው ወሬ የፈታው እንዲሉ በተባራሪ፡ አፍና ጭራ በሌላቸው ሀሰተኛ ወሬዎች ህዝባችን ምን ያህል እንደሚደናገጥ የሰሞኑን ”የአብይ የመግደል ሙከራ” ወሬ አይነተኛ ማሳያ ይሆናል። ዶ/ር አብይ ዛሬ በቴሌቪዥን መስኮት ቀርበው ”ህዝባችን ሰምቶ ከሚወስን ለምን አይመርምርም?” ዓይነት ወሳኝ ነጥብ አንስተዋል። ግጭቶች የሚከሰቱት እውነት ላይ ተመስርተው እንዳልሆነና በስማ በለው በሚሰራጭ ሀሰተኛ መረጃዎች መሆኑን ጠ/ሚር አብይ ጠቆም አድርገዋል። እውነት ለመናገር የሚቀርበን የምንሰማው እንጂ የምናየው አይደለም። በገሀድ ከሚታየው ይልቅ በሹክሹክታ የምንሰማው ቀልባችንን ይገዛዋል። ህወሀት ይህችን ደካማ ጎናችንን ጠንቅቆ አውቆታል። በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ የፌስቡክና የቲውተር አካውንቶችን በመክፈት ካለፈው ሳምንት መጀመሪያ አንስቶ በሰፊው የተሰማራበትን ግንባር ከፍቷል።

የህወሀት የፌስ ቡክ ሰራዊት በብዛት የገባበት በተሳሳተ መረጃ የስነልቦና ሽብር የመፍጠር ጦርነት የሰሞኑ ግርግርና ብዥታን አስከትሏል። የፌስቡክ ሰራዊቱ አባላት ማለያ እየቀያየሩ፡ የብሄር ታፔላ እየያዙ ህዝብን ከህዝብ የሚያጋጩ፡ አንዱን ብሄር የሚያጥላሉ፡ በሌላው ብሄር ማለያ ተከስተው የሚያነግሱ፡ ፍጹም ሃላፊነት በጎደለው መልኩ ሀገርን በሀሰተኛ መርጃዎች በማጥለቅለቅ ደረቱን ለጥይት ያልሳሳውን ትውልድ በወሬ ለማንበርከክ በሰፊው ተሰማርተዋል። በአማራና በኦሮሞ ስም በተከፈቱት እነዚህ አካውንቶች ስር የመሸጉት የህወሀት የጥፋት ሃይሎች ሰርግና ምላሽ ሆኖላቸዋል። በቀላሉ በፈጠራና አሉባልታ ወሬዎች የሚሸበር ህዝብ አግኝተዋል። ከመጀመሪያ ግንባር የበለጠ አደጋ ሊፈጥር የሚችለው ሁለተኛው ግንባር ነው። በህወሀት የስነልቦና ጦርነት እጅ ሰጥቶ መሸበርን የመሰለ ሽንፈት የለም።


Related:

TPLF: Stabbing Ethiopians in the Back

Furthermore, using their former influence, strong ties with security and police agents and other groups, they will spare no efforts to bring chaos and upset peace and order in Ethiopia (for example the present instability in Somali region) by instigating protests, killings, riots and stirring up street politics, to say the least.

Finally, holding all the aces of Ethiopia enabled the nefarious group of the TPLF to feather their nest quite comfortably. In addition to this, they are now attempting to destabilize Ethiopia by sponsoring and financing violence in many parts of the country to create another Yugoslavia in the Horn of Africa. … Click  here to read more


 

Oromia: Mootummaan Itoophiyaa fi Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo Waliigalan August 7, 2018

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SBO: Ibsa Waloo Waliigalatee Mootummaa Itoophiyaa fi Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo

Jila Mootummaa Itoophiyaa Pireezdaantii Naannoo Oromiyaa Dr. Lammaa Magarsaan durfamuu fi Ministeerri Haajaa Alaa Itoophiyaa Dr. Warqinee Gabayyoo keessatti argamu, Jila ABO Hayyu-duree Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo Jaal Daawud Ibsaatin durfamu Jaal Ibsaa Nagawoo, Jaal Atoomsaa Kumsaa, Jaal Toleeraa Adabaa fi Jaal Gammachuu Ayyaanaa keessatti argaman Hagayya 7 bara 2018 Asmaraa Eertiraatti wal arguun marii araaraa kan hafuurri obbolummaa irraa calaqqise, wal amantaa guutuun gaggeeffameen wal tahiinsaa fi wal hubannoota armaan gadii irra gahame.

Gareen lameenuu dhimma Oromoo fi Oromiyaa akkasumas dhimma Itoophiyaa kan ilaalu irratti mariin waliin hojjechuuf wal tahan.

Lolli waggoota dheeraaf ABO fi Mootummaa Itoophiyaa jidduu ture dhaabbatee armaan booda haalli Itoophiyaa keessatti uumame ABOn biyya keessatti ifatti hojjechuu kan dandeessisu tahuu hubatamee, qabsoo isaa karaa nagaa akka itti fufu waliigalame.

Dhumarratti, dhimmoota irratti waliigalaman hojiirra oolchaa kanneen qormaataa fi yeroo gaafatan dhawaataan fixachuuf koreen itti fufee xumura itti godhu shaffisaan akka dhaabbatu wal tahan.


የኢትዮጵያ መንግስትና የኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባር ስምምነት የጋራ መግለጫ

በኦሮሚያ ክልላዊ መንግስት ፕሬዝዳንት ዶር. ለማ መገርሳ የሚመራውና የኢትዮጵያ የውጪ ጉዳይ ሚኒስትር ዶር. ወርቅነህ ገበየሁ የሚገኙበት የልዑካን ቡድን፣
በኦሮሞ ነጻነት ግንባር ሊቀ-መንበር ኣቶ ዳውድ ኢብሳ ከሚመራውና ኣቶ ኢብሳ ነገዎ፣ ኣቶ ኣቶምሳ ኩምሳ፣ ኣቶ ቶሌራ ኣደባና ኣቶ ገመቹ ኣያና የሚገኙበት የልዑካን ቡድን ነሃሴ 7 ቀን 2018ዓም በኣስመራ ኤርትራ በመገናኘት ወንድማዊ መንፈስ በተንጸባረቀበትና በሙሉ መተማመን በተካሄደ የእርቅ ውይይት ከዚህ በታች ያሉ ስምምነቶችና መግባባቶች ላይ ተደርሷል።

ሁለቱም ቡድን ስለኦሮሞና ኦሮሚያ እንዲሁም ኢትዮጵያን በሚመለከቱ ጉዳዮች ላይ በውይይት ኣብረው ለመስራት ተስማምተዋል።

ለረዥም ዓመታት በኦነግና በኢትዮጵያ መንግስት መካከል የነበረው ጦርነት ተገትቶ፡ ካሁን በኋላ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተፈጠረው ሁኔታ ኦነግ በሃገር ውስጥ በግልጽ ሊሰራ የሚያስችለው መሆኑ ከግንዛቤ ገብቶ፡ ትግሉን በሰላማዊ መንገድ እንዲቀጥል ከስምምነት ተደርሷል።

በመጨረሻም ከስምምነት የተደረሰባቸውን ጉዳዮች ስራ ላይ እያዋሉ ምርመራና ጊዜ የሚጠይቁትን ቀስ በቀስ ለመጨረስ በቀጣይነት ከፍጻሜ የሚያደርስ ኮሚቴ በኣስቸኳይ እንዲቋቋም ተስማምተዋል።


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MX-MCHq2ZvQ

ABOfi Mootummaan Itoophiyaa waliigalan, BBC Afaan Oromoo

Oromia: Eebba OMN Finfinnee fi Simannaa Direektara Olaanaa OMN Obbo Jawaar Mohammad August 5, 2018

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistOromia Media Network

 

 

OMN:Hag-05/2018

Jilli Xiinxalaa Siyaasaa fi Daarektara OMN Obbo Jawaar Mohammed’n durfamu ganama har’aa barraaqaan Finfinnee seeneera.

Jilli kun waytii Oromiyaa Dirree Xayyaaraa Idil-Addunyaa Boolee gahanitti simannaan hoo’aan Qondaalota Mootummaa,Qeerroo,Qarree fi hawaasa bal’aan isaniif taasifameera.

Yeroo ammaa jilli kun Hoteela Ilillii International’tti Gaazexeessitoota biyya keessaa fi alaa kanneen achitti argamaniif ibsa kennaa jiru.

Akkuma asiin dura ibsamaa ture har’aa gara Saafayatti Eebbi Studio OMN Finfinnee ni gaggeeffama.

Sirni baniinsaa Galma Barkuummetti Hagayya 05/2018 galgaluma har’aa bakka Qondaalonni Mootummaa olaanoo fi Namoonni 25,000 ol argamanitti Obbo Jawaar Mohammed hawaasa bal’aan galma kanatti wal arguuf jiru.

Boru Hagayya 06/2018 Yaadannoo woreegamtoota fi gootota qabsoo fincila diddaa gabrummaa irratti dabraniif sagantaa qophaa’etu adeemsifama.

(Usmaan Baayyuu)

 

 

Click here for Africa News: Ethiopian activist Jawar Mohammad returns home from exile

 

Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria, New Telegraph August 1, 2018

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Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria


 


Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed: Lessons for Nigeria

Good governance exemplars in Africa continue to evolve, even if slowly. An African country, Ethiopia, has the youngest democratically elected Head of State on the continent; who happens also to be one of the 20 youngest Heads of State in the world. Africa should be proud. Yet it seems Africa failed to take sufficient notice.

In the past 18 months, Africa has seen 15 leadership changes averaging approximately one per month. One of the remarkable transition was in Ethiopia. Its run up was not seamless, but the end result is predictably remarkable. Ethiopia’s leadership evolution started with the former Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, who decided to step aside in the aftermath of mass protests on the streets of Ethiopia, and evident failure to quell the restiveness, despite deploying various drastic measures. In surrendering power, he yielded to the voice of reason and democratic dictates.

In stepping aside, Desalegn was cognizant that such gesture had the capacity to create the political and conciliatory space required to bring about new solutions and certainly stem the bloodletting and wanton killing of Ethiopian defenseless civilians from Oromo ethnic stock, who would not stop protesting.

By resigning, the former Prime Minister gave Ethiopia a new lease of life to move forward. In comparative terms and given African realities, he deserves credit. After all, when last did an African Head of State willingly resign from office. Robert Mugabe and Jacob Zuma remain very awkward examples. Desalegn leaving stoke the embers of effective succession planning amidst conflict.

Inevitably, the question became who will replace him? Who will the nation accept? And had the capacity and persona to quell turmoil and rally the nation to reconciliation and healing? The lot fell on Dr. Abiy Ahmed, who was chosen by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition, as its Chairman with 108 of 180 possible votes. Ethiopia’s ruling party is made up of four ethnic parties including Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation, (OPDO), Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM); the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Indisputably, with Abiy Ahmed’s emergence, Ethiopia struck the proverbial gold and netted four giant birds with one cage. First, Ahmed is of the Oromo ethnic stock, which has been at the root of the antigovernment protests.

The Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia constituting about 34% of the country’s 100 million population, but have never ruled the country. They have accused the government repeatedly of neglect and humiliation. Now, their son, who interestingly was the chairperson of the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organisation (OPDO), is now the Prime Minister. Psychologically, his emergence ought to solve at least half of the problem, or nothing else will.

Ahmed is a pacifist thrown up by conflict. He is also a paradox. In him, Ethiopia has her first Muslim Prime Minister who interestingly, hails from a home with a Muslim father and a Christian mother. Suffice to say that while he checks off on both boxes, he had consistently identified with his Muslim roots. This latter disposition underlines his broad acceptability. But there’s more to his bonafides.

Ahmed arrived at his new job, wellschooled and with the requisite expertise. He served as a former Minister of Science and Technology under Desalegn, he just completed his doctorate in peace and security from Addis Ababa University in 2017 and comes from a military/intelligence background where he last ranked as a colonel in the Ethiopian army. Add to that the fact that he speaks fluent English and three Ethiopian languages, you find sufficient expertise written all over him. He possesses the skill and grit that is of immediate need to Ethiopia. Also, you have a Prime Minister with all expertise at 42. He’s dynamic, energetic, thinking and the youngest in the continent. He is well-equipped to drive an already progressive Ethiopia to the next level. Ethiopians must be beating their chest in cheers to such a win.

There is much for Nigeria to learn if she truly yearns for a way forward. Hardly in our national history have we been as divided along ethnic lines as today. There are alleged cases of ethnic cleansing going on in some states including Benue, Taraba and Zamfara under the watch of the government, yet the troubling silence from quarters that should defend justifies Nigerians’ suspicion of conspiracy.

Nigeria is not officially at war, but the number of deaths recorded from the killing of the Fulani herdsmen in the last three years is more than enough casualties for most wars. In the face of these all, and with the latest killing in Plateau State, President Muhammadu Buhari continue to give credence to criticisms that he is incapable of finding solutions to Nigeria’s problems. Even changing cabinet members or appointees who have failed in their responsibility seems too arduous. Increasingly, there is pressure for the President to resign both from those who mean well and those who are purely politicking. However, if the President truly cares about Nigeria, he knows the choice to make.

For Nigerian youths who are getting ready to contest elective positions on the basis of the ‘Not Too Young To Run’ bill allowing them to do so now that the bill have been passed into law, becomes imperative. Age is not necessarily the problem. It’s about competence and experience. Look at Ahmed. He served previously as minister and led his own party before becoming the Prime Minister. He was close to power and understood the challenges; now his experience is evident in his reforms. He’s taking the bold step of putting a limit to the tenure of Prime Ministers, which was hitherto unchecked. There’s great optimism in Addis Ababa that the right man is on the saddle.

Look at Emmanuel Macron: he served first as minister; formed and led his own party with which he became the President. We witnessed his meetings with President Donald Trump a few weeks ago in the U.S. He bossed it despite being 32 years younger than Trump.

If you’re serious about taking back your country, chat little about age on Facebook and go to work. Form your party or join existing ones. Reform them to suit modern ideologies and lead them. Stay genuinely close to power. Fight for the Youth Minister position to be truly yours first. Fight for a percentage of National Assembly positions in your party. Slowly, you will take over. Nobody will hand you power, there’s no free lunch anywhere. Being young will never win you an election; there must be a story to your youth that stands you out, something that clearly defines you and that can easily predict what the future will be with you. You must be strategic fellow young people.

A look at Ethiopia’s party structure reveals something interesting. In all the parties, there are four ethnic/regional parties that form the coalition. Leaders of each party stand the chance of becoming the next Prime Minister. In the Nigerian context, that should mean there will be a leader for the Northern group in APC, PDP and all other parties, same for Middle Belt, South-East, South-South and the West. With the regional leaders, you already know who is likely to emerge as the President and begin to fight early if that choice will not do the country any good. It does look like a great example but it reminds us one thing, we can’t escape restructuring for Nigeria to become functional. Ethiopia looks set to continue in its development trajectory especially in infrastructure.

Despite the protest against the previous government and internet shut down, the country continued to implement her development plan building top infrastructure for its cities. Every visit to Ethiopia, offers one the chance of encountering incremental development, especially in infrastructure. Recently, Ethiopia opened Africa’s first energy plant that converts trash into electricity.

It will incinerate 80 per cent of Addis Ababa’s waste and supply electricity to 30 per cent of its household. It will also recover 30 million litres of water and averting the release of 1.2 million tons of carbon emissions. It was opened casually. The Prime Minister didn’t even attend. Such a project in Nigeria will leave the Presidency on the brink of inviting God to physically attend the lavish commissioning. Ethiopia is leading; Nigeria, when will you Arise?


 

•Udeh is a Research Associate at Selonnes Consult Ltd; Obaze is MD/CEO Selonnes Consult Ltd


 

OMN: Simannaa MM Dr. Abiy Ahmad fi Perz. Lammaa Magarsaa (Minnesota), Little Oromia. Welcoming H.E. PR. OF ETHIOPIA DR. ABIY AHMED AND H. E. PZ. OF OROMIA DR. LAMMAA MAGARSAA July 30, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

OMN: Welcoming H.E. PR. OF ETHIOPIA DR. ABIY AHMED AND H. E. PZ. OF OROMIA DR. LAMMAA MAGARSAA

Photos: Ethiopians turn up in thousands to meet PM in Minnesota

Thousands of Ethiopians in the United States’ city of Minnesota packed the Target Center to catch a glimpse of the Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

Clad in bright national and traditional colours, the crowd packed the center long before the arrival of the PM and his team. Abiy’s call for peace and unity of Ethiopians has been a common message on his tour and he was supposed to reiterate that message.

The PM and his entourage comprising the Foreign Affairs Minister, Information Minister and President of the Oromia regional state arrived in the state for the final leg of Abiy’s diaspora tour.

The tour took him first to Washington DC – where he held high-level political and economic meetings before addressing the Ethiopian diaspora. Next stop was in Los Angeles before arriving in Minnesota on Monday.

Photos courtesy TargetCenterMN and Opride [Mohammed Ademo, a pro-democracy activist]

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Tsedale Lemma@tselemma

If you can’t understand & try to accept the collective images coming out of as the image of , you will have failed the mini litmus test of understanding the Ethiopia to come; the Ethiopia we will be negotiating to build & the Ethiopia we will be settling for.

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Awol Allo@awolallo

So proud of Minnesota (aka little Oromia) right now. Thus far, it is looking like a showpiece of diversity, inclusion, and tolerance. I hope it ends that way – as an outstanding example of the type.

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Mohammed Ademo

@OPride

PM Abiy Ahmed and his delegation landed at Minneapolis International Airport for the final leg of a three-state diaspora tour. He was welcomed by members of the community and prominent individuals, inc. @Jawar_Mohammed

 


Daawwannaa Ameerikaa Kan Muummicha Ministeeraa Abiy Ahimed fi Dr. Lammaa Magarsaa

 

 

MPR News: Photos: Thousands welcome Ethiopian prime minister to Minneapolis

 

Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed cheer.
Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed wave Ethiopian and American flags while waiting for him to speak inside Target Center in Minneapolis on Monday, July 30, 2018. Evan Frost | MPR News
Yusuf Ahmed lowers his glasses to peer at the stage.
2Yusuf Ahmed lowers his glasses to peer at the stage before Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed speaks. Evan Frost | MPR News
Supporters of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed wave flags.
3Supporters of the prime minister wave flags from the VIP section as he takes the stage. Evan Frost | MPR News
The floor of Target Center in Minneapolis is filled.
4The floor of Target Center in Minneapolis is filled with supporters. Prime Minister Ahmed was scheduled to appear at 2:30 p.m. but did not show up until nearly 5 p.m. Evan Frost | MPR News
Two attendees dance with the flag of the Oromo people.
5Two attendees dance with the flag of the Oromo people in the crowded arena. Evan Frost | MPR News
People carry giant Ethiopian and Oromo flags around.
6People carry giant Ethiopian and Oromo flags around the floor of Target Center. Evan Frost | MPR News
Rado Ali cheers for the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
7Rado Ali cheers for Prime Minister Ahmed during his speech. Evan Frost | MPR News
Attendees wave flags before Abiy Ahmed's speech.
8Attendees of a speech by Prime Minister Ahmed wave flags and cheer before he takes the stage. Evan Frost | MPR News
Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
9Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and other government officials look out at the crowd inside Target Center. Evan Frost | MPR News
Dancers perform on stage for Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
10Dancers perform on stage for Ethiopian Prime Minister Ahmed. Evan Frost | MPR Newshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fyPz89iAAtshttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kbXFMPM3qJI

Oromo do not want to be called Ethiopia but Oromiyaa. But they value peace and stability more than anything else July 29, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Oromo revolution is primarily to have free and stable Oromiyaa

Obbo Ibsaa Guutamaa


Secularism is Oromo political culture and tradition: Up until Haile Sillaasee, one church and government used to share power, economy and social practices. Darg and Wayyaanee did not have legal share in church affairs. But just like the emperor they appointed head of the Orthodox Church. Though it is said religion does not interfere in state matters both did not abandon heritage. PM Abiy is reverting to the past and eulogizing the two religions. He claimed everything fell apart because they lost credibility. Gadaa system believed in separation of state and religion. Abbaa Gadaa did not have power over faith of the high priest (Qaalluu) Abbaa Muudaa. It is the same for Abbaa Muudaa over politics. Just like, political culture, economy and social affairs all practices of Ethiopian government and that of Oromiyaa are different. The eldest religion “Waaqeffannaa” belongs to the Oromo, that will be an answer for those that ask why PM did not mention them like he did the others. Secularism should not be expected from Ethiopian state. Looked from principles of human rights country and governance belongs to all that live in it. Those that believe and do not believe have equal claims. Faith is private. That is why creating conditions in which all live without discrimination are necessary. The PM, when he talked about Ethiopia from the time it was called Abyssinia did not mention about the “Oromo Question”, which is thorn in Ethiopia ‘s hind. It seems he has forgotten that that was the cause for coming about of the change. That is why Nafxanyaa remnants and underlings say, “Racist, ethnic federalism, demarcations by language, separatist, etc. and badmouth Oromo nationalists. But Oromo are not spoiled culture and they do not return insult for insult. However, Nafxanyaa system will never again reign over Oromiyaa until the last Oromo with liberated mind remains. They have to know that there is nothing wrong with ethnic independence or federalism rather than braying as if they got something out of the ordinary. Peoples of the region worry about peace, freedom, equality and stability not about names of countries like Oromiyaa or Ethiopia. Some persons speaking in Amharic always want to impose their own thinking with a voice that seem that of feudalism from beyond its grave. They never ask what the others want. Oromo do not want to be called Ethiopia but Oromiyaa. But they value peace and stability more than anything else. How do anti-people elements reconcile their archaic thinking with that position? Oromo wish the people of the world respect each other’s differences and live in peace and develop together. Oromo revolution is primarily to have free and stable Oromiyaa. Saying Oromo is sovereign over Oromia does not mean Oromo revolution is out to destroy peace stability and development of the region. Just like it brought the present change with blood and sweat, it is duty bound to strengthen unity and prosperity of the region by cooperating in bringing about free and equal African people to the stage. No one can deny them this right or make Oromiyaa their fiefdom without their will. But first the Oromo nation have to establish its own identity and strong rear. Even if he is leaning towards Ethiopia Dr. Abiy is the first ruler of Ethiopia to promise stablishing supremacy of the law and a system of fair and free elections. As long as that is his objective and making effort to implement it supporting him is to one’s own advantage. Without fear or threat, like he said to raise arms on each other when it is possible to discuss peacefully is absurd. At an era when the strong are preparing on how to conduct war from the outer space and raise its standard, saying armed struggle is out of fashion may be true for the oppressor; for the oppressed it would remain as current as ever. On this we go separate ways with the Doctor. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu! Unless he gives priority to his blessed objectives of supremacy of the law fast, with present conditions there is much to be worrisome for all. For issues concerning peoples’ rights he has to be supported in every possible way. Otherwise, saying give him time only, could mean denying oneself time. It has to be thought over.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!


 

Related:

I found this comment by @Guma Teressa on my Timeline worth bringing to the front door.

“It’s shocking to hear PM Dr. Abiy declare that there should only be Ethiopian diaspora community and diaspora soccer federation organized under the banner of “Ethiopia”, and implicitly dismisses Oromo communities and soccer federation.
Is that why he snubbed OSA’s invitation?
He will pay dearly, politically speaking, for this embarrassing statement. He should know better! No one ought to explain to him the reason why Oromos had to establish their own communities and soccer federation. The irony of all this is he belongs to “Oromo People’s Democratic Organization”. Why the hell he joined OPDO if he is so averse to ethnicity?
If he continues to make this kind of nonsensical attack on the social and academic spaces Oromo people created for self-preservation, his base will soon crumble and the hyenas will devour him for dinner.
Do not patronize Oromo institutions, Dr. Abiy!!!!”

 

 

Actually very annoying, still in 21st century the Oromo people are being forced or seduced to give up themselves and be something else. The PM’s idea of preaching Ethiopianism to everyone to bring all people together as its an identity in everyone’s blood and culture is wrong. Rather than part of people identity Ethiopism has been an artificial method of rule that imposed on the majority of nations nationalities in the empire. It is only to make occupation and exploitation simple and centralized. It is a good idea to bring people together on mutual interests. Rather than imposing his way of unity that has been adopted from the northern, he has to first speak to each nations and ask them how they think and wish to come together. He has to learn national self determination ideals. Free world is not like his Ethiopia’s federal government. People like the Oromo have got the advantage of living in free and democratic world and organized themselves not on Ethiopianism model but as Oromo nation. For Oromo people in diaspora, Ethiopian community around is practically an Amhara community. They respect the way others organizing themselves. They respect their own independent community as well. A call give yourself and join the assimilation is not acceptable. As a democratic leader, to reach to the Oromo people the pm has to go where communities of Oromo are and assure them what he can offer them. The pm to be successful in organizing diverse nations has to look at Euro zone nations (Common currency, common national bank, free movement of people with politically independent nations). Why is it a problem to have separate Oromo and other communities as far as it is the peoples will to do? In Britain, the 4 nations that make the United Kingdom: Scotland, Welsh, English and Irish do compete in world and European cups as independent countries. It has not reduced the Union. Actually reduced mistrust and increased the recognition of each other and cooperation. The best, functional and true form of unity is recognizing the nationhood and identity of the Oromo and the like as they are. The people have already recognized themselves in such way. Try to impose something which is not acceptable to them is disunity and finally the end of the empire. Ethiopia will join dead empires: Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Roman Empire, the Scramble for Africa,ect… The New Nation Oromia will play Germany and win World Cup like Croatia.

TPLF’s Grief: Kubler-Ross Model to Understand the Emotional State of TPLF Hardliners and the Old Guards July 28, 2018

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The emergence of Team Lema within the ranks of EPDRF and the appointment of new PM has marked an end of a reign for TPLF Hardliners and Old Guards. With the end of the era, exercises of excessive power, extraordinary lifestyle, massive wealth accumulation, prestige and sentimental privilege were all lost. This was an authority to hire or fire, arrest or release, feed or starve etc…; and a splendid life full of extravaganza not just in the country but around the world. Also it is an ability to erect multiple story buildings in Addis Ababa overnight, embezzlement of billions of public dollars with impunity and entitlement to nation’s services and other resources by virtue of ethnic background. The loss is a blow of gargantuan proportion, by far more earth-shattering than a loss of the loved ones by death. Any significant loss of this magnitude would incur predictable and progressive emotional experience best known as grief process, effectively modeled by Elisabeth Kubler-Ross in 1969 [1].

According to Kubler-Ross, Swiss psychiatrist, people’s grief process undergo through 5 phases, namely: denial, anger, bargain, depression and acceptance. This article applies the model to help understanding the current and future emotional state and dynamics of TPLF Hardliners and Old Guards following the loss.

by Tekleab Shibru (PhD, Associate Prof. of Geomatics, Chicago State University)

Read more via TPLF’s Grief: Kubler-Ross Model to Understand the Emotional State of TPLF Hardliners and the Old Guards — Ethiopian Think Thank Group

ሉዓላዊነት የቡድንም የግለሰብም ሥልጣን ነው፤ አታምታቱ!!! July 25, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist


ሉዓላዊነት የቡድንም የግለሰብም ሥልጣን ነው፤ አታምታቱ!!!

Dr. Tsegaye Ararsa


ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ “የቡድን (የብሔር-ብሔረሰቦች) እንጂ የግል መብት አይከበርም፤ የቡድኖች ሉዓላዊነት እንጂ የግለሰብ ሉዓላዊነት አይታወቅም” የሚል አምታች የቀማኛ ፖለቲከኞችና ፖለቲካ ተንታኞች ብሂል በተደጋጋሚ ይሰማል። ይሄ ትልቅ ስህተት ስህተት ብቻ ሳይሆን አውቆ ተሳስቶ ሰውን ማሳሳት ነው።

እውነቱ ግን ይህ ነው፦

1. ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በኢሕአዴግ የአፈና ሥርዓት ምክንያት አይተግበር እንጂ፣ በሕግ እውቅና ያልተሰጠው አንድም የግለሰቦች መብት የለም። የሕገ-መንግሥቱ ምዕራፍ 3 ከአንቀጽ 39 በቀር 30ው አንቀፆቹ የግለሰብን መብት ለማስከበር ተዘርዝረው የተቀመጡ ናቸው።

2. በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔር ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች አባል ያልሆኑ ግለሰቦች ችግር ውስጥ ይወድቃሉ ይባላል። ሃቁ ግን፣ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ከኢትዮጵያውያን ወላጆች የተወለደ፣ የአንድ ወይም የሌላ ብሔር አባል ያልሆነ ግለሰብ የለም።

የብዙ ብሔር አባል ከሆኑ ቤተሰቦች የተወለደ ሊኖር ይችላል እንጂ ብሔር-የለሽ ግለሰብ ሊኖር አይችልም፤ የለምም።

አንድ ግለሰብ፣ የብሔር አባል መሆን ስላልፈለገ የሚያጣው አንዳችም የግለሰብ መብት የለም፣ አይኖርምም። የብሔሮችን የቡድን መብት አለመጠቀም ይችላል። ለምሳሌ የቋንቋ፥ የባህል፥ የራስን ዕድል በራስ መወሰን መብትን ካልፈለገ አለመጠቀም መብቱ ነው። ይህንን አለመፈለጉንም፣ ድምፅ በሚሰጥበት ጊዜ በድምፁ የመግለፅ ሙሉ መብት አለው። ይኸም ግላዊ የራስን እድል በራስ የመወሰን መብትን (individual self-determination) ማስከበሪያ መንገድ ነው።

3. ብሔር ብሔረሰቦችና ሕዝቦች የሉዓላዊነት ሥልጣን አላቸው (ቁ 8)። ይኼ ማለት፥

ሀ) በራሳቸው ገዳይ ላይ የመጨረሻ የመወሰን ሥልጣን የራሳቸው ነው ፤

ለ) ሌላ ማንም ኅይል በእነርሱ ጉዳይ ላይ አይወስንም (እነርሱ exclusive jurisdiction አላቸው) ማለት ነው።

ከዚህ ባሻገር እንደሉዓላዊነታቸው መጠን ከሌሎች የአገሪቱ ብሔሮች ጋር የአገረ-መንግሥቱ አቋቋሚና መስራች (co-founding) አእማድ (pillars) ናቸው ማለት ነው። የአገረ-መንግሥቱ ሉዓላዊ ሥልጣን ማህደር (local repositories) ናቸው ማለት ነው። ይህም በመሆኑ ሁሉም ቡድኖች በእኩል ደረጃ የሚገለፅ የአገረ-መንግሥቱ ባለቤትነት መብት (co-equal ownership of the state) አላቸው ማለት ነው።

ነገር ግን ይህ ስለሆነ በዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርዓት ውስጥ ሊኖር የሚገባው የግለሰቦች መንግሥታቸውን የማቆም፥ የመምራት፥ የመቆጣጠርና ሲበድላቸውም የማፍረስ ሥልጣን የላቸውም ማለት አይደለም።

ግለሰቦች በድምፃቸው (በምርጫ ጊዜም ይሁን በሬፈሬንደም ወቅት) ይህንን ግላዊ የሆነ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ሰጭነት ሥልጣን (sovereignty) ይጠቀማሉ። ይኼም፣ ግለሰቦች እንደ ዜጎች ያላቸውን ‘ግለሰባዊ ሉዓላዊነት’ እና ከዚህ የመነጨ የአገር ባለቤትነት መብት ያሳያል፤ ያረጋግጣል።

አንድ ሰው በድምፁ መንግሥትን መርጦ ከማቆም፣ ሲጠላውም ከመሻር የበለጠ ምን ዓይነት የሉዓላዊነት ሥልጣን እንዲኖረው ነው የሚፈለገው? ከዚህ ውጭ የሆነ ብሔር ዘለል ብሔርተኝነትስ (civic nationalism) ምን ዓይነት ነው? ይዘቱስ ምንድነው?

የእነዚህ ፖለቲከኞችና የፖለቲካ ተንታኞች ‘civic nationalism’፣ ይዘቱ civic nationalism ሳይሆን የቡድን መብቶችን ለመካድ፣ ቢቻል ደግሞ ለመሻር ከመፈለግ የመነጨ፣ ጉዳዩን የማድበስበስና የማምታታት ንግግር ነው። በተለይ ስለፊንፊኔ ባለቤትነት ጉዳይ በሰፋሪ ልሂቃን ሲቀነቀን፣ ዓላማው የኦሮሞን የባለቤትነት ጥያቄ ለመካድ የሚደረግ የብልጣብልጦች ዘመናዊ ተረት መሆኑን ልብ ይሏል።

Oromo nationalists have vision not only for those who are under the Ethiopian empire but also for unity of all African peoples July 23, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomistfb367-alaabaanewOromia in the African Union


Oromo nationalists have vision not only for those who are under the Ethiopian empire but also for unity of all African peoples


Obbo Ibsaa Gutamaa


Remnants of old Nafxanyaa system are taking Habashaa people as idiots when they presented crime committed somewhere in Africa as if Oromo were massacring their compatriots. But the people have shown them wisdom and forced them to apologize. These Nafxanyaa system hopefuls are running around spreading rabies to contaminate people to people relations. Therefore, it is advised to distinguish those from the true Habashaa folks. Oromo enemies also try to present Oromo liberation movement as if it does not have vision for other nations and nationalities after destruction of the Imperial Nafxanyaa system. Priority for the liberation movement is set as independence of the Oromo nation. But the vanguard of Oromo liberation movement had a proviso starting from its initial program; “It will work to bring about where possible political union with other nations on the basis of equality, respect for mutual interests and the principle of voluntary association.” Oromo, starting from their name are visionary people. Oromo means “People” or Orma. They believe that humanity is one, but each people is created with own culture and language and given a definite territory and natural wealth. However, those unsatisfied with their own nature want to change that natural order. That is how colonization (maaqnat) of Oromiyaa and other neighboring independent countries occurred. It was with heavy guns against spears, arrows and clubs that the Habashaa led force subdued nations found to the south of their kingdom. Those soldiers that wielded guns at that time were called “Nafxanyaa” irrespective of their national origin. “Nafxi” literally means ammunition; Nafxanyaa thus means man of ammunitions. Though it does not mean Amaaraa, Amaaraa and Tigraaway were the majority fighters and leaders of the colonial force. Nafxanyism is a system then established over Oromiyaa and others. There are their remnants that have still nostalgia for that system and remain problems to people to people relations. In a simple language the essence of Oromo revolution is no outside force will be ruler over them without their expressed will. Oromiyaa will not be the first country in which aliens live among natives. Let alone after declaration of human rights on international level, Oromo had lived respecting them before that from time immemorial with guidance of their Gadaa politico-social system. Law had been supreme for all times in Oromiyaa. Be the Oromo or non-Oromo everybody is expected to live by the constitution and laws of that nation. Be it what or where alien that came by force or guests will never be allowed to curve out an island in Oromiyaa for their own. Oromo nationalists have vision not only for those who are under the Ethiopian empire but also for unity of all African peoples. Founders of the OLF were youth under the spell of Pan-Africanists like W. E. Dubois, Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah and others. Though Ethiopian governments well know that the Oromo question is the greatest of problems in maintaining their empire are afraid to address it. All of them have Nafxanyaa mentality of dominating other nations by force without their consent for glory and exclusive benefits from resources of their colonies. The “Qeerroo/Qeerrantii movement” is a continuation of more than hundred years of struggle against this. Oromo and all oppressed struggle shall continue until their sovereign right over their land and resources is recognized. Dr, Abiy is the leader of the reformist faction of EPRDF. There are organization rules against which he rebelled but there are also those that he has to retain to be legitimate. For this reason, he is still the leader of the ruling Ethiopian party. The office he occupies is the same old Ethiopian office and demands from him to maintain the dominant position of Ethiopia over Oromiyaa and all other colonies. That is what he has asserted over and over. Therefore, considering his government as an Oromo one is a failure of understanding relations of the very building blocks of EPRDF and Ethiopianism. Anyways he could be good for Ethiopia and the world if he could maintain supremacy of the law. That will also be good for Oromo for it will enable peacefully presenting their case. Oromo revolutionaries will not be distracted by Nafxanyaa hopefuls trying to smear Oromo name with fake demonstration; or be it when Oromo people are being massacred in all corners and their efforts to silence Oromo artist at such a time when the Doctor is calling for peace, love and “maddamar”. Let it be known that Oromo will no more remain subservient to alien rule. Oromo youth has shown them that they are not afraid of death when it comes to their right and the potentials they have to stop any aggressor. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!



Harcaatuun sirna Nafxanyaa durii ummata Habashaa akka raatuutt fudhachuun yakka biyya Afrikaa tokkott tolfame akka waan Oromoon lammii saanii fixeett agarsiiste. Garuu umatni gamnummaa agarsiisuun akka dhiifamaa gaafatan isaan dirqeee jira. Abdattuun sirna Nafxanyaa kun olii gadi fiigaa nyaanyee facaasuun hariiroo ummataa fi ummata gidduu faaluu yaala jirti. Kanaaf isheef ummata Habashaa dhugaa addaan baasanii ilaaluutu gorfama. Diinoti Oromo kufaatii sirna Imperiyaal Nafxanyaa boodaa, sabootaa fi sabaawota empayerittiif sochiin qabsoo bilisummaa Oromo daaya (vision) hin qabu jedhanii dhiheessuu yaalu. Durfannoon sochii bilisummaa, walabummaa saba Oromo akka tahe lafa kaa’amee jira. haa tahu malee kallachi qabsoo Oromoo waan tahuu dandahu akka kaa’ett; “Bakka dandahamett sabaawota biraa waliin tokkumaa malbulchaa, walqixxummaa, fedha waliif kabajaa fi akeeka fedhaan waldaa ummachuun hundaawe irratt hojjeta” jedha. Oromoon maqaa saanii irra ka’ee ummata daaya qaban tahuun ifaa dha. Oromoo jechuun, ummata/Orma jechuu dha. Ilmaan namaa tokkuma jedhanii amanu. Garuu toko tokoon umataa aadaa fi afaan saa waliin uumamee, daangaa fi qabeenyi uumaa beekamaan kennameefii. Haa tahu malee kanneen uumaa saaniitt hin quufne sirna uumaa jijjiiruu barbaadu. Akkasitt koloneeffamuun Oromiyaa fi biyyoota ollaa walaba turan biro kan tahe. Qawwee gurguddaanitu humni Habashaa fi kan kalchaniif biyyoota walaba, Oromiyaa fi saboota kibba, eeboo, mancaa, xiyyaa fi shimala qofa hidhatan cabsuuf kan bobbahan. Loltooti yeros qawwee qabatanii itt duulan saba kam keessaayyuu haa dhufanii “Nafxanyaa” jedhamu turan. “Nafxii” jechuun rasaasa jechuu dha; kanaaf Nafxanyaa jechuun nama rasaasaa jechuu dha. Amaara jechuu yoo baateyyuu humna koloneeffataa sana keessatt heddumminaa loltummaa fi hogganummaan kan argaman Habashoota turan. Nafxanyumaan egaa, sirna koloneeffataa Oromoo fi kanneen biroo irra buufate. Harcaatuun saanii sirna sana yaadan, kan ummataa fi ummanni akka wal hin agarre rakko uuman jiru. Afaan salphaan, annisaan warraaqsa Oromoo, fedhaan ifsatan malee Oromiyaa irratt alaa dhufee bulchaa tahuu kan dandahu jiraachuu hin qabu jechuu dha. Oromiyaan kan halagooti abbaa biyyootaan walmakanii keessa jiraatan biyya isee jalqabaa miti. Sadarkaa sabgidduutt mirgi ilmaan namaa erga labsamee hafee isaan dura yeroo hin yaadatamneef masaka sirna Gadaa malbulchaaa fi hawaasomaan masakamanii kabajaani jiraatanii turanii. Bara hunda Oromiyaa keessatt seerrii olhaanaa tahee jiraate. Oromoo tahee Oromoomitiin heeraa fi seera sabichaa ulfeessanii jiraachuutu irra eegama. Waan fedhe, bakka fedhe haa tahu halagaa humnaan dhufe haa tahu kan keessummummaan dhufe Oromiyaa keessatt laaqii dhuunffaa Qoree baafachuun gonka hin hayyamamuufii. Sabboonoti Oromoo kanneen empayer jala jiraatan qofaaf utuu hin tahin tokkummaa ummatoota Afrikaaf daaya qabu. Dargaggoon Oromoo ABO bu’uursan kanneen irra marsa Pan Afrikessootaa akka, W. E. Dubois, Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah fi kanneen biroo jala turanii. Mootummaa saanii jiraachisuuf rakkinni guddaan qaban gaaffii Oromoo tahuu beekanuu, mootummooti Itophiyaa fala itt soquu ni sodaatu. Hundi saanii surraa fi bu’aa addatt argatanii jedhanii saboota biraa gad qabanii jiraachisuu kan fedhan sammuu nafxanyummaa kan qabani. Hamma lafa saanii irratt abbaan biyyuumaa saanii beekamutt Oromoo fi ummatooti cunqurfamoo hundi qabsoon saanii hin dhaabbatu. Dr. Abiy hogganaa murna haaromsaa EPRDF keessaati. Danbiileen dhaabaa inni irratt fincile jiru; garuu seerawaa tahuuf kan innii hambifates jiru. Kanaaf inni ammayyuu miseensa gola aangoo irra jirruu Itophiyaatii. Ergasuu, akeeki saa masakaa kan Itophiyaa dullattii, olhantummaa Itophiyaa, Oromiyaa fi fi kanneen biraa hunda irratt jabeessuu dha. Kanaaf motummaa saa akka mootummaa Oromoott fudhachun dhaabaa fi dagalee EPRDF qayyabachuu dadhabuu dha. Kan fedhe tahus olhaantummaa seeraa eegsisuu yoo dandahe Itophiyaaf dansa. Gaaffii saanii karaa nagaa dhiheeffachuu waan dandahaniif Oromofis gaarii dha. Yeroo Doktorichi nagaa, jaalala fi “maddamariif” waamicha godhaa jiru kana dogoggorsituun hedduu dha. Warraaqxoti Oromoo, yaalii abdattuun sirna Nafxanyaa, maqaa Oromoo balleessuun agarsiisa sobaa dhiheessuun; ummati Oromoo golee hallett halagaan itt rorrifamaa jiraachuu haa tahu, ogneessaa Oromoo ukkaamsuu yaaluu saaniitiin dagamanii karaa nagaa irra hin mittiqanii. Oromoon sii’achi hacuuccaa bulcha halagaa jala hin jiraatuu. Dargaggoon Oromoo waan mirga saanii ilaalu irratt soda du’aa akka hin qabnee fi buuba dhaabuuf humna riphaa qaban itt agarsiisanii jiru. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

Jirra, Jirtuu?: Hacaaluu Hundeessaa Geerarsa galma barkumeetti. ተወዳጁ ሀጫሉ ሁንዴሳ በድጋሚ ቀውጢ አደረገው The one & only Hacaaluu Hundessaa at Millennium Hall, Finfinnee July 17, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

 

Geerarsa Haacaaluu


Jirtuu?, Hin Dhagaahamu, hin dhagaahamu jechaa jiru warri
Ameerikaa.
Jirtuu?, Jirtuu?…
Ijoolleen Goojjam Jirtuu?
Goojjam Matakkal Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Raayyaa Jirtuu?
Raayyaa Raayituu Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Walloo Jirtuu?
Walloo Kamisee Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Wallaggaa Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Arsii Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Booranaa Jirtuu?
Ijoolleen Tuulamaa Jirtuu?
Ayiiiiiiiiiiiiiii..
Ani Maalan godheree
Maalan gochuu dideree
Manni Keenya holqaare(×)
Tabba Gubbaadha malee(×2)
Oromoon Biyya Diigaaree
Biyya Ijaara Malee(×2)
Ya Ijoollee Biyya kootii(×2)
Hundumtuun Haadhoo Kooti(×2)
Hangariin Garaa siree
Nooraan garaa dhidheessaa
An Yooman garaa hiree
An Haacaaluu Hundeessaa
Nan Joore Nan Joorekaa
Foon maddii na qoorekaa
Ya ijoollee biyya kootii(×2)
Hundumtun haadhoo kooti(×2)
Qamalee koo Qamalittii(×2)
Yaa Ishee goongoorra utaaltu
Arbi ciinjiijjiitti dhale
Akkamiin rafnee bulla
Fuulduraan otoo eegnuu
Diinni boroodhaan gale
Akkamiin Rafnee Bulla
Nuti Jaalala jenna
Diinni Ammas nuun ciisne
Kunoo mi’eessoon galee
Rasaasaan nu waxalee
Akkamiin rafnee bulla
Diinni silaa nuun ciisne
Kunoo cinaaksan gale
Rasaasaan nu waxalee
Nurraa Dhowwi ya Lammaa
Nurraa Dhowwi ya Abiyyii
Nurraa Dhowwaa yaa biyyaa
Yookaan qeerroottan iyyaa…
Gaarri shiraan tuulame
Biiftuu Baatu Dhoksaaree
Kan Du’e Seenaatti Hafe
Kan lufe silaa lufe
Kan dhufes dhiigaan dhufe
Dhiigni qeerroo inni jige
Itiyoophiyaa jigde kaasekaa
Dhiigni qeerroo inni jige
Itiyoo_eertiraa walitti araarsekaa
Nan sobee…Nan Sobee…Nan Sobee
Nan Sobee Ijoollee Oromoo
Nan Sobee Ijoollee Biyyakoo
Galma Dhugaa Ijaaruuf
Galma Sobaa Raasekaa
Galma Dhugaas Lafeedhaan
Ni Ijaarranna Boru
Galma Dhugaas Jaalalaan
Ni Ijaarranna Boruu
Otuma Moortuun Moortuu
Ni Hora Abbaan Horuu
Otoo Addageen Moortuu
Ni Hora Abbaan Horuu
Ni Hora Abbaan Horu
Ni Hora Abbaan Horuuu.

Dumesaaye caamaaree? Caamus hongee taharee?
Namni ibidda beeku daara argee nahaaree?
Bakka ajaan bay’atu bakka tortooraf raqaa
Allaattif saree malee kan biraa maltuu dhaqa?
Daandii dheera na hafe kan fuldura koo ta’uu
Booddetti garagalee bookef tafkii hin lakkawu
Lubbuu biliqa baatuf maafan gola nanna’aa
Saba koof falmee du’een #Taaddasa_birru ta’aa
Saba koof falmee du’een #Waaqoo_Guutuu koo ta’aa
Biyya koof falmee du’een #Oliqaa_Dingil ta’aa
Saba koof falmee du’een #Balay_Zalaqaa_Qilxuu ta’aa
Biyya koof falmee du’een #Abdisaa_Aagaa ta’aa
Saba koof falmee du’een #Bakar_Waare koo ta’aa
Saba koof falmee du’een #Lagasaa_Wagii ta’aa.

Harreen diidoo itti duulteef haroo dhugaa gogsaare
Gaarri shiraan tuulame biiftuu baatu dhoksaare
Kan du’ee seenatti hafe
kan lufe sila lufe
kan dhufes dhiigan dhufee.

Dhiigni qeerroo inni jige itiyoophiyaa jigde kaase kaa
Dhiigni qeerroo inni jige itiyoo-ertiraa walitti araarsee kaa!

Nansobee? Nansobe?
Nansobee ijoollee oromoo?
Nansobee ijoollee biyyaa koo?


The Guardian (The Observer): Ethiopia hails its charismatic young leader as a peacemaker July 15, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Ethiopia hails its charismatic young leader as a peacemaker

Abiy Ahmed is being compared with Mandela and Gorbachev. Can he help transform a region beset by war, tyranny and poverty?
Dancers welcome Eritrea’s leader, Isaias Afwerki, to Addis Ababa.
 Dancers welcome Eritrea’s leader, Isaias Afwerki, to Addis Ababa. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

The flags of the two nations flew bright and sharp. The two leaders waved at the happy crowds. The formal meetings overran, amid ostentatious displays of bonhomie. Even the hatchet-faced security officials appeared relaxed.

The meeting of Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s 41-year-old prime minister, and Isaias Afwerki, the 71-year-old president of Eritrea, in Addis Ababa on Saturday left seasoned Africa observers gasping for breath.

“The pace of this is simply astounding,” said Omar S Mahmood, of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies in Ethiopia’s booming capital.

The meeting between Abiy and Isaias concluded an intense bout of diplomacy that appears to have ended one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts. “Words cannot express the joy we are feeling now,” Isaias said, as he had lunch with Abiy. “We are one people. Whoever forgets that does not understand our situation.”

Many Ethiopians expressed their exhilaration on social media. “The events of these past … days between Ethiopia and Eritrea are like the fall of the Berlin Wall. Only amplified 1,000 times,” Samson Haileyesus wrote on Facebook. The reaction in Eritrea has been equally ecstatic.

Analysts say such hyperbole may be justified. The bid for peace with Eritrea is just the latest in a series of efforts that may bring revolutionary reform to Africa’s second most populous nation, transform a region and ​​​send shockwaves from the Mediterranean to the Cape of Good Hope.

Since coming to power in April, Abiy has electrified Ethiopia with his informal style, charisma and energy, earning comparisons with Nelson Mandela, Justin Trudeau, Barack Obama and Mikhail Gorbachev. He has reshuffled his cabinet, fired a series of controversial and hitherto untouchable civil servants, including the head of Ethiopia’s prison service, lifted bans on websites and other media, freed thousands of political prisoners, ordered the partial privatisation of massive state-owned companies, ended a state of emergency imposed to quell widespread unrest and removed three opposition groups from a list of “terrorist” organisations.

Nic Cheeseman, an expert in African politics at Birmingham University, said Abiy’s extraordinary campaign ​was a test of the argument that only repressive government can guarantee the levels of ​development so desperately needed across Africa​.

Despite an International Monetary Fund forecast predicting that Ethiopia, which has relied on a centralised economic model and political repression​ for decades, would be the fastest-growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa in 2018, even the officially sanctioned press has admitted the country’s serious difficulties.

Isaias, centre left, and Ethiopia’s president, Abiy Ahmed, centre, greet each other at the airport.
 Isaias, centre left, and Ethiopia’s president, Abiy Ahmed, centre, greet each other at the airport. Photograph: Mulugeta Ayene/AP

There is a shortage of foreign currency, growing inequality, a lack of jobs for a huge number of graduates, environmental damage, ethnic tensions and deep hunger for change.

Different interest groups have come together in recent years to constitute a powerful groundswell of discontent, with widespread anti-government protests led by young people. At least 70% of the population is below the age of 30.

“Ethiopia was on the edge of the abyss. They have realised they cannot continue in the same old way. Only an advanced democratic system would prevent the country coming to pieces and a disaster that Africa has never seen before,” said Andargachew Tsege, a British citizen unexpectedly pardoned in May after four years on death row on terrorism charges. Abiy invited Tsege, who was abducted by Ethiopian security services four years ago, to a meeting two days after his release.​ They spoke for 90 minutes​.

​No one claims that Isaias, the “hard and rigid” ruler of Eritrea since 1991, ​has much in the way of new ideas. A nation of about 5.1 million people, Eritrea is the only African country where elections are not held. As many as 5,000 Eritreans flee their country every month, notably to avoid indefinite military conscription. Many head to Europe. The economy ​has flatlined for decades​. The UN has accused the regime of crimes against humanity.

“The entire history of [Isaias] is as a ruthless Marxist-Leninist … Enemies were shot and killed. Economically, his position has always been: we are completely self-reliant. Is this guy going to become a happy-clappy liberal? It ​is possible he wants to be Eritrea’s Mandela but ​seems unlikely,” said Martin Plaut, a senior research fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London.

Once a province of Ethiopia that comprised its entire coastline on the Red Sea, Eritrea voted to leave in 1993 after a decades-long, bloody struggle.

The thaw began last month when Abiy said he would abide by a UN-backed ruling and hand back to Eritrea disputed territory. Analysts say conflicts across the region fuelled by the rift are now likely to die down.

For the moment Abiy’s ​reforms have popular support, and the crucial backing of much of the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, the rebel coalition that came to power in 1991.

But there is resistance. Last month, a grenade was thrown at a rally organised to showcase support for the reforms in Addis Ababa’s vast Meskel Square. Two died. “Love always wins … To those who tried to divide us, I want to tell you that you have not succeeded,” Abiy said after the attack.

​Much depends on the determination of the Ethiopian leader. ​ Seen as a relative outsider before being picked for the top job by the EPRDF council​, Abiy is the first leader from Ethiopia’s largest ethnic community, the Oromo, who have complained for decades of economic, cultural and political marginalisation. The EPRDF is split by battles between four ethnically based parties as well as fierce competition between institutions and individuals.

Born in western Ethiopia, Abiy joined the resistance against the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam as a teenager before enlisting in the armed forces. After a stint running Ethiopia’s cyberintelligence service, he entered politics eight years ago and rose rapidly up the ranks of the Oromo faction of the EPRDF, which has historically been at odds with the Tigrayans, who compose only 6% of the total population but have long had disproportionate political and commercial influence.​ In a major break with precedent, Abiy has been pictured with his wife and daughters, whom he has publicly thanked for their support.

As Abiy’s reforms gather momentum, the risks rise too. “Democracy can be achieved through benevolent leadership, but it can only be consolidated through democratic institutions. What we are seeing now is more of a personality-cult kind of movement,” said Mekonnen Mengesha, a lecturer at Wolkite University.

​Like other African countries– such as Kenya and Zimbabwe just over a decade ago​ – ​Ethiopia has seen previous efforts to reform its closed, autocratic system​ that have not ended happily.

“It’s really exciting and great news, but Abiy has not done anything that really threatens the regime​,” said Cheeseman​. ​“And​ until a government is actually faced with losing power you don’t know what will happen.”


More from Oromian Economist Sources:

Why the Eritrea-Ethiopia peace is good for African politics

The peace agreement between Eritrea and Ethiopia is a radical act that will have an impact on all of East Africa. Click here to read


The Guardian: ‘These changes are unprecedented’: how Abiy is upending Ethiopian politics July 9, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

New PM has electrified country with his informal style, charisma and energy

Abiy Ahmed attends a rally during his visit to Ambo in the Oromiya region, Ethiopia
 Abiy Ahmed: ‘To those who tried to divide us, I want to tell you that you have not succeeded.’ Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

Abiy Ahmed, the prime minister of Ethiopia, has accelerated a radical reform programme that is overturning politics in the vast, strategically significant African country.

Since coming to power as prime minister in April, Abiy has electrified Ethiopia with his informal style, charisma and energy, earning comparisons to Nelson Mandela, Justin Trudeau, Barack Obama and Mikhail Gorbachev.

The 42-year-old – who took power following the surprise resignation of his predecessor, Haile Mmariam Dessalegn – has so far reshuffled his cabinet, fired a series of controversial and hitherto untouchable civil servants, reached out to hostile neighbours and rivals, lifted bans on websites and other media, freed thousands of political prisoners, ordered the partial privatisation of massive state-owned companies and ended a state of emergency imposed to quell widespread unrest.

In recent days, Abiy fired the head of Ethiopia’s prison service after repeated allegations of widespread torture, and removed three opposition groups from its lists of “terrorist” organisations.

On Sunday, the former soldier met president Isaiah Afwerki of Eritrea in a bid to end one of Africa’s longest running conflicts. The two men hugged and laughed in scenes unthinkable just months ago.

“You don’t want to exaggerate but for Ethiopia, a country where everything has been done in a very prescriptive, slow and managed way, these changes are unprecedented,” said Ahmed Soliman, an expert in East African politics at London’s Chatham House. “His main task is to satisfy all expectations of all groups in a huge and diverse country. That’s impossible but he’s trying to do so with some gusto.”

The Addis Ababa-based Reporter described “the spectre of catastrophe hanging over Ethiopia” and called on the new prime minister to pull the nation “back from the brink”.

Ethiopia is facing a critical shortage of foreign currency, only temporarily solved by an infusion of cash from the United Arab Emirates. There is growing inequality, a shortage of jobs for a huge number of graduates, significant environmental damage, ethnic tensions and a hunger for change.

Different interest groups have come together in recent years to constitute a powerful groundswell of discontent, with widespread anti-government protests led by young people. At least 70% of the population is below the age of 30.

“The youth [are] the active force behind the country’s growth. Now there must be a new model to make Ethiopia progress economically by creating more job opportunities for the youth while respecting political and civil rights,” said Befeqadu Hailu, a 37-year-old blogger jailed repeatedly for his pro-democracy writings.

Abiy has apologised for previous abuses and promised an end to the harassment.

“I have always lived in fear but I feel less threatened when I write than I did before,” Hailu said. “It’s not only his word … the moment he spoke those words the security personnel down to the local levels have changed.”

But not all back Abiy’s efforts. Last month, a grenade was thrown at a rally organised to showcase popular support for the reforms in Addis Ababa’s vast Meskel Square, where many among the tens of thousands supporters wore clothes displaying the new prime minister’s image and carried signs saying “one love, one Ethiopia”. Two people died and more than 150 were injured in the blast and the stampede that followed.

“Love always wins. Killing others is a defeat. To those who tried to divide us, I want to tell you that you have not succeeded,” Abiy said in an address shortly after the attack.

Officials said there had been other efforts to disrupt the rally, including a power outage and a partial shutdown of the phone network. At least 30 civilians and nine police officers were arrested.

Since Abiy took power, there have been “organised attempts to cause economic harm, create inflation[ary] flare-up and disrupt the service delivery of public enterprises”, state media said.

One possible culprit could be a hardline element within Ethiopia’s powerful security services – Abiy has replaced military heads with civilians and admitted past human rights abuses. Another could be a faction opposed to the effort to find peace with Eritrea.

Strafor, a US-based consultancy, said the perpetrators of the “amateurish” attack were more likely to be from one of Ethiopia’s restive regions.

The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the rebel coalition that ousted the Derg military regime in 1991, is split by factional battles between four ethnically based parties as well as fierce competition between institutions and individuals.

Tigrayans, an ethnic community centred in the north of Ethiopia, make up about 6% of the population but are generally considered to dominate the political and business elite.

Abiy was seen as a relative political outsider before being picked for the top job by the EPRDF council. He is the first leader from Ethiopia’s largest ethnic community, the Oromo, who have complained for decades of economic, cultural and political marginalisation.

Born in western Ethiopia, Abiy joined the resistance against the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam as a teenager before enlisting in the armed forces, reaching the rank of lieutenant-colonel. He has a doctorate in peace and security studies. After a stint running Ethiopia’s cyberintelligence service, he entered politics eight years ago and rose rapidly up the ranks of the Oromo faction of the EPRDF, which has historically been at odds with the Tigrayans.

Analysts say Abiy’s mixed Christian and Muslim background, and fluency in three of the country’s main languages allow the new leader to bridge communal and sectarian divides. He has also reached out to women, making an unprecedented mention of his wife and mother in his acceptance speech.

One personal acquaintance described the new prime minister as “always looking ahead for the future”.

“He is also a good listener but with a bit of headstrong attitude towards people who don’t deliver,” said Yosef Tiruneh, a communications specialist who worked under Abiy at the science and technology ministry.

Tiruneh, said shelves of books on religion, philosophy and science filled Abiy’s office. “He is physically active and very well organised … He did not have a secretary because he wanted his office to be accessible. His office door was literally never closed.”

Andargachew Tsege, a British citizen unexpectedly pardoned in May after four years on death row on alleged terrorism charges, said Abiy was “very intelligent and a quick learner” who was committed to democratisation.

“Abiy invited me to meet him two days after my release. We spoke for 90 minutes and a lot of issues were discussed. It was a meeting of minds. This guy means business,” Tsege, who was abducted by Ethiopian security services while in transit in Yemen four years ago, said.

But some point out that the autocratic nature of decision-making in Ethiopia has yet to change, even if Abiy is using his new powers to reform.

“The country is still being led by one person and his cabinet,” said Tigist Mengistu, an executive in Addis Ababa. “Sadly we have been there for 27 years and we want that to change. It is bad for a country as diverse as Ethiopia,” she said.

Additional reporting by Hadra Ahmed in Addis Ababa


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Human Rights Watch Report: Ethiopia: Torture in Somali Region (Ogaden) Prison: Senior Officials Implicated in Nonstop Regimen of Abuse July 5, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist HRW

Ethiopia: Torture in Somali Region Prison

Senior Officials Implicated in Nonstop Regimen of Abuse

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ETHIOPIA: ADDIS STANDARD: THE INTERVIEW: “THERE ARE GOING TO BE PEOPLE WHO ARE GOING TO EMBRACE THIS CHANGE AND PEOPLE WHO ARE GOING TO RESIST IT,” MIKE RAYNOR, US AMBASSADOR TO ETHIOPIA July 3, 2018

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Ambassador Mike Raynor joined the State Department in 1988, and is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service with the rank of Minister Counselor. He has been Director of the Bureau of Human Resources’ Office of Career Development and Assignments since September 2016. From August 2015 to August 2016, he served as Assistant Chief of Mission in Kabul, with responsibility for the embassy’s foreign assistance, counter-narcotics, and law enforcement portfolios as well as its consular, management, and security functions. He served as the U.S. Ambassador to Benin from 2012 to 2015. From 2010 to 2012, he served as Executive Director of the Bureau of African Affairs, following two years as the Deputy Executive Director. He has spent much of his career in Africa, including as management officer in Harare, Windhoek, Conakry, and Djibouti, and as General Services Officer in Brazzaville. He also served as Zimbabwe desk officer in the Bureau of African Affairs, Special Assistant and Legislative Management Officer in the Bureau of Legislative Affairs, and Consular Officer in Luxembourg.  Ambassador Raynor arrived in Ethiopia to assume his role in September 2017. 

Addis Standard’s Ephream Seleshi sat down with Ambassador Raynor for this exclusive interview, only the second Ambassador Raynor has given to media since he moved to Ethiopia. Excerpts:


Addis Standard: [Given how things have changed within the last three months]  do you think Ethiopia has avoided danger or just delayed it?

Ambassador Raynor: I wouldn’t have really characterized it that way. What I would say is that Ethiopia has created amazing opportunities. I think I understand your question and if I take us back to when former prime minister Hailemariam [Desalegn] announced his resignation and, by the way, I just want to say that that was an extraordinary moment in Ethiopian history and, frankly, in world history, that he took that moment to articulate a vision that governance is not about having power or holding onto power but to do what you think is right for your country and people; and at that moment he decided that the right thing to do was to step back in a way that he thought would accelerate reforms and I thought that was an amazing gesture and I thought it created amazing opportunities and that’s what I mean when I say that it seems to be a moment of opportunity. After that resignation we watched how the EPRDF decided what to do with that opportunity, watched the people of Ethiopia debate what to do with that opportunity and to us it has created a moment of great opportunity and real change and that’s something we find very exciting.

AS: [The release of thousands of prisoners is one of the changes EPRDF is conducting since the resignation of former Prime Minister Hailemariam. But the issue of justice to those wronged by the same government is missing from the reformed EPRDF.] Will your country put efforts to help or even pressure the Ethiopian government to give justice for these prisoners? 

One of the most consequential things that has happened in recent months has been the release of so many prisoners, I mean thousands of prisoners. That there were thousands of prisoners to be released is, of course, an extraordinary thing in its own right. But I’ll say that I have met with a number of them and it’s been a really inspirational thing. And what I have found consistently with the ones I’ve met, and obviously I’ve only met a small subset but it included some very prominent thinkers in terms of the political opposition and as you said people who paid an extraordinary price for the courage of their convictions, and the thing that struck me about them is that they were looking ahead. They were looking to where they wanted this country to go. They were talking to us about what they thought we might be able to do to support that and they were talking about what they themselves were planning to do. Issues of justice for them, you know, that’s a difficult issue. I feel I’d be a little presumptuous to say exactly how that should play out and that’s something that I think is very specific to individual cultures, individual people, individual histories. I think it is something that needs to be discussed openly and I think it is something that the Ethiopian people and the government need to think about and figure out the right way forward. Where on the spectrum Ethiopia falls in terms of justice, in terms of reconciliation, I think these are very specific questions that only Ethiopians can answer.

AS: How did the protests of the past four years affect the US’ engagement with Ethiopia both diplomatically and in terms of development projects that are funded by the US?

I can probably speak best about the nine months I’ve been here. And so if I may, I’ll just constrain my answer to my own personal experience. I arrived at a moment when the previous state of emergency had just been lifted. It was the aftermath of a period of great unrest in the country. And I found the country to be rather pessimistic, the people to be rather pessimistic, rather shaken by what they had been going through over the previous months. As a representative of the US government, I had to figure out what to do with that reality. We decided a couple of things. One is that we decided that we’d reinforce the fact that we’re friends with this country and we are friends with the people of this country. And we want what’s best for this country as a partner. We want it for the sake of Ethiopia, but we also want it for the sake of the US. We have very strong areas of collaboration; the development of this country, the economic growth of this country, the education, the food security also our partnership in helping to create political and peace-keeping solutions to some of the strains the region faces as well. It’s been a long standing partnership and a longstanding and important relationship. But we felt that it was being undercut by the fact that the Ethiopian people were growing increasingly dissatisfied with their own governments. So, these were conversations we had very frankly with the government of Ethiopia. You’ll have seen that the day after Prime Minister Hailemariam resigned and the re-imposition of the state of emergency, the day after that we put out a public statement that was quite forceful in expressing concern, because we felt Ethiopia had reached a moment of opportunity and we wanted to express our hope that Ethiopia would benefit from that opportunity. So in the context of a longstanding and important relationship and a true friendship with this country we were doing what we could to encourage what we felt was necessary for this country to be stable and prosperous going forward which was greater political freedoms.

AS: Fast forward to the past three months, many are convinced that the US was one of those countries that have unambiguously supported the nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed to the position of prime minister of Ethiopia. Why was that?

Let me say that we didn’t exactly do that. One of the things we have to do is respect the fact that it is up to Ethiopians to decide what their leadership is going to be. What we did was articulate a vision for the kind of outcome we wished for Ethiopia which was an outcome that felt credible to the people that felt inclusive to the fullest extent that current political realities would have allowed. So that was the context within which we watched, with great interest, the EPRDF choose Dr. Abiy as the new prime minister and we regarded that as  an expression of the Ethiopian people through their own engagement but also the EPRDF in its selection process as an expression of the desire for change and we welcomed that.

AS: So, in a way, your country believed all of these, the desire for change, the opening up of new opportunities and the people’s will was encapsulated by the nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia?

I think that is very, very well put. We spend a lot of our time dealing with the government and other partners, but we also spend a lot of our time talking to Ethiopians. Ultimately, as much as anything, my job here is to build those connections, to build those bridges between the American people and the Ethiopian people and in doing so we felt and we perceived the desire for change. And I think in the aftermath of the selection of Prime Minister Abiy, we’ve seen what felt like a fundamental reset in the atmosphere of this country, one of more optimism and hope and one of more enthusiasm. To us, once again, this seems to be an expression, to some extent, the desire of the people for change being perceived to be becoming a reality.

AS: But there were [still are] many who were discontented at the nomination and selection of Prime Minister Abiy. It is believed that most of these people are wither members of the TPLF or its sympathizers; in fact there were rumors that some have written to the US government opposing this. Can you confirm and if so, what was your reaction?

First I have to say I did not receive any communications from the TPLF of any kind, much less one expressing any particular opinion about that. I think the question sort of suggests a greater role of the United States in this process than we would have played. Again, we were observing this process play out. We articulated a general vision of our desire or improved governance, for improved rights, for improved inclusiveness and then we stepped back and we watched that process play out. You mentioned that certain elements of Ethiopian governance and society are less comfortable with changes than others. I think that’s fair and that’s natural. Change is stressful. Even positive change can require adjustment from people. And people who are uncomfortable with this change, I think that’s part of human nature and I think what’s happening and what’s important to be happening is that that’s provoking dialogue, that’s provoking discussions within the EPRDF, within the society more broadly about where this change is going to take people and for us that feels healthy, that feels democratic. So, it’s something we welcome.

AS: But given the entrenched interest of those who are discontent with the change many express concern that it could pose a danger to the opportunities that we now see. Do you share this concern?

I don’t perceive danger. As I said I perceive dialogue and discussion and I perceive people working through how they feel about what’s happening in this country. To be honest with you, the winds of change in this country, the dynamism and the momentum that [Prime Minister] Abiy has already created seem quite strong. We are not perceiving any efforts or anything we regard as fundamentally putting this trajectory at risk. That said, obviously there are going to be different views, and there are going to be people who are going to embrace this change and people who are going to resist it. I think part of the democratic process is to discuss all of these things, work through them, try to get as much buy in as the government can for the changes they are pursuing. I think [what is] an important element of democracy is the winners win but they still represent everyone in the country, even people who might feel like they lost. So everything the government can do to embrace the totality of what’s happening in this country and to be as responsive and representative of as many people as possible, I think would be a healthy thing. But again, we see that happening in the context of the trajectory of very positive and very dynamic change.

AS: Do you believe elections are due then?

Well, they’re due on their schedule. I think we are due municipal elections some time fairly soon in the next year or so and certainly we are due the general elections in 2020. One of the things we’ve seen with Prime Minister Abiy is that he has set a tone of political inclusiveness. He’s reaching out to the diaspora, he’s reaching out to the opposition, he’s reaching out to people that had previously been branded as terrorists many of whom had taken up residence in the United States. So, how that plays out between now and 2020 is something, I think, we’ll be very interested to watch. But we very much welcome the tone of political inclusiveness, the notion that the political opposition isn’t the enemy- they’re the competition. I think that is a very healthy construct and I think it’s something that creates real possibility for more inclusive political process leading up to the 2020 elections.

AS: Currently the Ethiopian parliament is 100% controlled by the ruling EPRDF and there are sweeping changes being approved by the same parliament. Don’t you think that puts the Ethiopian people at a major disadvantage, that they might not have a voice in some of these changes being undertaken by the parliament?

I think it remains to be seen how it plays out. But, I have to say that although I understand that there is a lot of Ethiopians who feel any solution that is within the EPRDF is suspicious, I have to say that we are seeing enormous change within the ERPDF. Prime Minister Abiy is within the EPRDF and he’s articulating a vision of reform and political inclusiveness that, I think, really creates opportunities that can go well beyond EPRDF. And so I think, change is a process. I think change need not be destabilizing or disruptive. I think it can sometimes take time and I think it can sometimes take more time than some people would like. But I think we have to acknowledge that we have seen enormous change in a very brief amount of time since Prime Minister Abiy was selected. That, to me, creates possibilities for further political reform to come.

AS: How will these changes or reforms affect the US’ involvement particularly in supporting the civil society, human rights organizations and media freedom in the country?

Well, we have long had the position that we wished for greater freedom for civil society. An engaged, dynamic civil society informs governance as well or better than any other single element of society. We feel that by cutting itself off from as dynamic a civil society as possible, through the CSO law for example, the Ethiopian government has robbed itself of resources that could have informed and improved governance decisions. We very much would welcome in the coming days efforts to address the constrains on civil society. We have many civil society partners here but I’ll tell you that relative to other countries where I have served we have fewer and they are less empowered than we would like to see. We are hoping that changes in the days ahead.

AS: Tensions are flaring up in many parts of Ethiopia; the inter-ethnic dynamics is experiencing strains. What would you say should be done to avert the kinds of violence we saw in recent weeks in places like Hawassa and Sodo in the south?

Thank you, it’s a really important question and it’s a central question. Frankly it is one we are grappling with trying to get our own understanding of. We are outsiders and what we are seeing are dynamics that have existed in some form or another for centuries in some cases. We are very saddened by the ethnic unrest that has flared in numerous areas of Ethiopia. It’s not new, unfortunately, but it seems to persist and there has been a flare up of late. Anytime we see Ethiopians against Ethiopians causing destruction, causing harm, causing death, it feels like a very sad thing and it feels like it’s not taking the country forward. I think it is something that the government has to engage on, it is engaging on. My only thought is that perhaps civil society, community leaders, religious leaders can encourage a bit of patience, can encourage a bit of hope, can encourage a bit of pride, if I may put it, in the fact that Ethiopia is an amazing country and the Ethiopian people are amazing people. And if they can accentuate the strength that Ethiopia has and the strength and the bonds that Ethiopians have and perhaps they can say “this is not a great time to be tearing the country or each other apart. This is a time to be coming together. This is a time to be supporting the change underway. This is a time to be supporting each other.” I don’t have the standing to give that message in the way that Ethiopian civil society and leaders do. But I think it is an important aspect of what’s going on now to encourage that sort of frame of mind.

AS: Lets move to recent developments between Eritrea and Ethiopia. How does your country view Ethiopia’s willingness to fully implement the Algiers agreement and the EEBC’s ruling?

Well, it was yet another extraordinary thing that Prime Minister Abiy has done. It was a fundamental reset, as, again, he has done in many other aspects of his announcements on political, economic areas as well. It created, again, opportunity where it seemed like it might not exist and people wondered when it might happen. So it was an enormously important gesture. Both his initial speech when he was sworn in at parliament when he expressed in general terms his desire for reconciliation with Eritrea and more recently his announcement of respect for the Algiers Agreement, a really consequential development which has since been reciprocated by the government of Eritrea’s decision to send a delegation to Ethiopia for talks. The United States has put out a public statement from the White House embracing this development and encouraging next steps. It is a really consequential issue. This disagreement, this problem between these two countries has been good for neither of these countries, it has not been good for the region. If these countries can get past it, it’ll be good for their economies, it’ll be good for their societies, it’ll be good for the stability of the region. So if we can get there, it’ll be hugely consequential and we strongly encourage both governments to persist in trying to reach that outcome.

AS: Obviously, there will be a lot of diplomatic shuttle to further consolidate these changes. Is the US planning to be a part of it?

Well, we have said to both parties, and publicly, and continue to say that we are available to play that role. Back in the day of the Algiers Agreement the United States was formally a guarantor; we had a structural role established at the point that the agreement was made. We have encouraged this outcome for sometime with both governments and in doing so we have said ‘If you collaboratively feel there is a role that the US can constructively play, we’ll do everything we can to support that’. We have not been asked in any form or way to play any sort of role in that process. But if we are, we would look very strongly at doing everything we can to respond favorably.

AS: Do you think there should be further measures the Ethiopian government could take in order to avoid the odds against any conflict between the two countries during this period of transition? 

I think at this point the two parties need to sit down. If such steps are identified then we would hope that both countries would do what they could to build confidence and to do so in a way that seems responsive to the other party’s concerns. In terms of what those specific steps might be, it would be premature and presumptuous for me to suggest anything. I think that has to be an outcome of discussions between the two governments.

AS: Many analysts are asserting that the increase in pressure from the US played a role in pressuring Ethiopia to make this decision. What are your comments about that?

While that might seem flattering in a way, I think it overstates things. I think we’ve played a constructive role. As I said, we’ve had engagements with both countries for a number of months now encouraging this outcome. That predates Prime Minister Abiy, but certainly includes the time and period he came to power. But, I think Dr. Abiy came to power with very clear ideas of what he wanted to do and what his priorities would be. From the moment he addressed the parliament upon being sworn in, he had articulated reconciliation with Eritrea as being among those priorities. What you’re seeing here is the Ethiopian government driving this process and deciding to make it a priority.

AS: Your top Africa diplomat, Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, has been to Eritrea and discussed with the Eritrean government and did the same here in Ethiopia. What was the immediate purpose of his visit?

Exactly what I said-encouraging both sides to look for possible ways to come together. Pure and simple.

AS: Is the US engaged with Eritrea in trying to bring about democratic change in the country?

We are very much interested in having Eritrea become a constructive actor in the region and a good neighbor. We are very hopeful that this can be an outcome of this process. We are looking very much to encourage both sides to find common ground to move to a place where both countries are engaging with each other and with the region in ways that build up the region and themselves. That, I think, is a really possible outcome thanks to these recent developments.

AS: In his speech on Eritrean Martyr’s day on June 20 President Isaias Afeworki placed a lot of the blame for the acrimony between Ethiopia and Eritrea on, among others, the ‘defunct policies’ of the US government. What’s your reaction to that?

I am really not going to react to that. The president of Eritrea is, certainly, free to speak his mind. He did so in the context of expressing a desire to come together with Ethiopia to find a way forward. To us that’s the important part of his message and the important part of where we are right now.

AS: Does that mean the US sees a democratic Eritrea with Isaias Afeworki at its helm?

At this point I’d have to refer you to my counterpart in Eritrea if you’d like the conversation to be about US policy towards Eritrea. I represent our government in Ethiopia and I don’t really have a whole lot to add to what we’ve already been discussing in that regard. I am not going to talk about bilateral relations between the US and a country I’m not accredited to. But I’ll say, once again, that we are extremely encouraged to see these two parties talking to each other and planning to get together. That is really the main takeaway and an exciting one.

AS: What kind of Ethiopian influence does the US want to see in East Africa?

I think we see it. We see in Ethiopia as a country that engages in multiple ways to try to bring stability and harmony and commonality of purpose to a really volatile and troubled region. It’s an important role that Ethiopia plays politically and it’s an important role that Ethiopia plays in terms of its peace-keeping engagements. We are proud to support Ethiopia in those efforts. We confer with them frequently on next steps. But in terms of the broad desire the US has with regards of the Ethiopian region, it is to find ways to support what Ethiopia already does, which is try to be a very constructive actor in a challenging area.

AS: Ethiopia recently signed an agreement with DP World and Somaliland to acquire 19% of the port of Berbera. How does the US see that?

We don’t really have a view on that. Ethiopia has to figure out what makes sense for its own interests and for the relationships it maintains in the region. But it is not the sort of thing  that the US government would stake out a particular position on.

AS: How does the US react to the recent geopolitical shifts in alliances happening in the Horn of Africa due to the Qatar crisis?

Again, it is something that goes a little bit beyond my direct engagement. But I think as with all engagement between nations, everyone benefits when that engagement is transparent and when it reflects mutual interest. And I hope that as the countries of the Horn including Ethiopia engage with Gulf States as any other states that’ll play out in a way that helps bring about a region that is harmonious, stable, prosperous and has as much of a commonality of purpose as possible. How that plays out in terms of the Gulf States in the region is something I really can’t speak to in much more detail.

AS: There are many military outposts in the Horn of Africa, especially in Djibouti. Do you think Ethiopia should have a say in the decisions to establish military installations in its vicinity?

I think any neighbors need to be in a position they can talk to each other about developments in the countries that might impact each other. I think that happens. I think Ethiopia has frank and ongoing relationships with all of its neighbors and I imagine that part of those discussions touch on the area you are referring to.

AS: Lets’ get back to Ethiopian politics. How does the US view the struggle by the Ethiopian youth, especially the youth in Oromia and Amhara regional states, that brought in the new administration and the political change we are witnessing today?

I think we are not the first to figure out that one of the biggest challenges and one of the biggest opportunities in front of Ethiopia right now is a very large, very dynamic, very motivated youth population. Depending on how you define youth, doesn’t matter, we’re still talking about tens of millions of people. And I think you’re right. I think that one of the reasons that Prime Minister Abiy is in power today is because he was listening to the youth and he was learning from the youth and he was thinking about how to be responsive to the youth. So, I think it  is one of the biggest challenges Ethiopia faces right now. You’ve got a young population that wants to be politically empowered, that wants to be economically empowered. But I think if you unleash the potential of Ethiopia’s youth, you’ll strengthen this country immeasurably.

AS: There are many Ethiopian activists in the United States such as Jawar Mohammed, who actively affected many of the outcomes that we’re seeing now. First, what do you think of the roles played by these activists? And because many of these activists have been a thorn in the side of previous Ethiopian administrations, has there ever been a request for any one of them to be deported to Ethiopia, as some people in Ethiopia have publicly suggested?

Again this is one of the areas where what Prime Minister Abiy is doing is extraordinary in its vision and its potential for impact. I grew up in the Washington DC. area and I know that the Ethiopian population in the United States is extremely smart, dynamic, thoughtful, successful and interested and committed to the welfare of Ethiopia. So, what we have here, again I’m gonna get back to it, is opportunity. Dr. Abiy is reaching out to these people. He’s encouraging them to bring their expertise, their resources, the values they have developed both as Ethiopians and as Americans to bear on this country’s development. It’s a really exciting possibility and it’s a really an aspect of the Ethiopian strength that, I think, can be tapped more fully. So, it’s another aspect of everything going on today that we are encouraged by.

AS: Finally, what message would you pass to the people of Ethiopia?

Thank you. I guess I’d say a couple of things. First I’d say that myself as a person and the country I represent, the United States, feel really excited and hopeful right now about Ethiopia. We are really inspired by the pace of change and by the scope of change. They’re going to face a lot of challenges, the Ethiopian people and the Ethiopian government. This is a very big, very rich, very complicated, very dynamic country. It’s not going to be easy to address some of the political challenges, some of the economic challenges, some of the security challenges, some of the justice challenges that we have been talking about throughout this. But, I guess I’d say a couple of things. For everything that we, as Americans, worry about Ethiopia’s future, we’ve heard Dr. Abiy articulate a vision and a path toward resolution. And that, I think, is important. I think we feel that we’re hearing in Ethiopian leadership a government that understands the will of the people, understand the needs of its people and is working to address those. That’s encouraging from where we sit. I guess the last thing I’d say is that I’d ask the Ethiopian people to think about what they might be able to do to support. Back in the 1960s we had a president named John F. Kennedy and he had a very famous quote: ‘Ask not what your country can do for you, ask what you can do for your country’. That’s a quote that Americans love because it talks about the shared responsibility, the reciprocal relationship between the governed and the governing. I think this is an interesting moment for Ethiopians to think about things in terms like that. To think about not just the grievances they might have, the frustrations they might have, the historical divisions they might feel and want to express but to put all of that aside and say ‘this is an amazing moment of opportunity, that I don’t think any Ethiopians saw six months ago!’. And to think about how they can contribute to this opportunity and to move their country forward. AS


 

Ethiopia: Millions of people gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and across the country to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s reform agenda. #March4Abiy #AbiyAhmed #Ethiopia #OromoProtests June 23, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Millions have gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa)  to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Abiy Ahmed's reform agenda. #March4Abiy  #Ethiopia #OromoProtests ,n 23 June  2018.png

OMN Finfinnee: Gabaasa hiriiraa deeggarsaa (Wax2018)

Millions of people gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and across the country to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s reform agenda. #March4Abiy #AbiyAhmed #Ethiopia #OromoProtests

Millions have gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa)  to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Abiy Ahmed's reform agenda. #March4Abiy #AbiyAhmed #Ethiopia #OromoProtests.png

 

Millions have gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa)  to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Abiy Ahmed's reform agenda. #March4Abiy  #Ethiopia #OromoProtests on 23 June  2018.png

Millions have gathered at Hulluuqo kormaa (Meskel square), in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) to take part in a peaceful solidarity rally in support of PM Abiy Ahmed's reform agenda. #March4Abi

Dozens injured in a deadly blast at a support rally for Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed, OP

 

AMHARIC PROGRAMOMN: ሰበር ዜና (LIVE) Jun 2, 2018

MM Abiy Ahimad: ‘Yaadni hammeenyaa keessan isiiniif hin milkoofne’, BBC Afaan Oromoo

በ Ethiopia ከሰሞኑ ግጭትና አለመረጋጋት በስተጀርባ የህወሓት/TPLF እጅ አለበት! June 13, 2018

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ከላይ በተጠቀሰው መሰረት፣ ላለፉት 27 ዓመታት በኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ለረጅም ግዜ በስልጣን ላይ በመቆየታቸው ምክንያት በከፍተኛ የሞራል ዝቅጠት ውስጥ የወደቁት፣ በዚህም ሕግና ስርዓትን እንዲያስከብሩ የተሰጣቸውን ስልጣን ለሌብነትና የኮንትሮባንድ የሚያውሉት፣ እንዲሁም የዴሞክራሲያዊ መብትና ፍትሃዊ ተጠቃሚነት ጥያቄ የሚያነሱ ዜጎችን በወታደራዊ ጉልበት የሚያዳፍኑት፣ በዚህም ፍርሃትና ሽብር በመፍጠር ሕገ መንግስታዊ ስርዓቱን ለማስከበርና ስልጣናቸውን ለማራዘም ጥረት የሚያደርጉት ህወሓትና ህወሓቶች አይደሉምን?

በአጠቃላይ ሰሞኑን በደቡብ ክልልና ሐረሪ፣ ከዚያ በፊት ደግሞ በቤኒሻንጉል-ጉሙዝ፥ ኦሮሚያ፥ አፋር፥…ወዘተ ግጭትና አለመረጋጋት የሚቀሰቀሰው በህወሓት ባለስልጣናትና ተላላኪዎቻቸው ነው። ምክንያቱም፣ አንደኛ፡- በዜጎች ላይ ሽብርና ፍርሃት በመፍጠር የፖለቲካ ትርፍ የሚያገኙት ህወሓቶችና የእነሱ ተላላኪዎች ብቻ ናቸው። ሁለተኛ፡- ላለፉት 27 አመት የተዘረጋው መንግስታዊ ስርዓት ሆነ የህወሓት ባለስልጣናት ያላቸው ተቀባይነት ከሕዝብ ፍቃድና ምርጫ ይልቅ በወታደራዊ ጉልበትና የበላይነት ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው። በመሆኑም በዜጎች ላይ ሽብርና ፍርሃት በመፍጠር ካልሆነ በስተቀር ተቀባይነት ሊኖረው አይችልም። ከዚህ አንፃር በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ አከባቢዎች ለሚቀሰቀሱት ግጭቶችና አለመረጋጋቶች የህወሓቶች እጅ አለበት። በተለይ ከትላንት ጀምሮ ከወልቂጤና ሐዋሳ የሚመጡት መረጃዎች ይህንን የሚያረጋግጡ ናቸው።

via ከሰሞኑ ግጭትና አለመረጋጋት በስተጀርባ የህወሓት እጅ አለበት!

Ethiopia: Police unit unlawfully killing people must be stopped. The Ethiopian government must immediately withdraw and disband the Liyu police unit of the Somali regional state. – Amnesty International #Prevent #Genocide June 1, 2018

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Amnesty Internationaltplf-ethiopias-federal-army-abbay-tsehaye-and-samora-yunus-are-architects-of-the-ongoing-ethnic-cleansing-against-oromo-in-south-and-eastern-oromia

Ethiopia: Police unit unlawfully killing people must be stopped

The Ethiopian government must immediately withdraw and disband the Liyu police unit of the Somali regional state, whose members are unlawfully killing people in neighbouring Oromia region, Amnesty International said today.

Members of the unit, set up by the Somali state as a counter-terrorism special force, this week burnt down 48 homes belonging to Oromo families who were living in Somali, forcing them to flee to Kiro in the regional state of Oromia.

The Ethiopian authorities must immediately demobilize the Liyu unit and replace them with police that abide by international human rights law. These rogue officers must not be allowed to brutalize people at will.
Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

“The Ethiopian authorities must immediately demobilize the Liyu police and replace them with police that abide by international human rights law. These rogue officers must not be allowed to brutalize people at will,” said Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International’s Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

On 23 and 24 May the unit also attacked four neighborhoods in the Chinaksen district of East Oromia, killing five farmers and burning down around 50 homes. These attacks caused residents to flee their homes looking for safety.

The authorities must put an end to what appears to be state-sanctioned violence. The first step is to ensure all policing in Oromia is respectful of human rights.
Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

“The authorities must put an end to what appears to be state-sanctioned violence. The first step is to ensure all policing in Oromia is respectful of human rights. The next is to hold those responsible for these attacks to account through thorough, impartial and independent investigation.”

In 2017, incursions into Oromia by the unit led to the deaths of hundreds and the displacement of more than one million, according to a report by Ethiopia’s National Disaster Risk Management Commission and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Amnesty International is calling on the Ethiopian authorities to implement the recommendations of the 2004 referendum, which voted for a clear demarcation of the Oromia-Somali border, as a means of addressing the root causes of tensions in the region.

The Ethiopian government must immediately withdraw and disband the Liyu police unit of the Somali regional state, whose members are unlawfully killing people in neighbouring Oromia region, Amnesty International said today.

Members of the unit, set up by the Somali state as a counter-terrorism special force, this week burnt down 48 homes belonging to Oromo families who were living in Somali, forcing them to flee to Kiro in the regional state of Oromia.

The Ethiopian authorities must immediately demobilize the Liyu unit and replace them with police that abide by international human rights law. These rogue officers must not be allowed to brutalize people at will.
Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

“The Ethiopian authorities must immediately demobilize the Liyu police and replace them with police that abide by international human rights law. These rogue officers must not be allowed to brutalize people at will,” said Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International’s Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

On 23 and 24 May the unit also attacked four neighborhoods in the Chinaksen district of East Oromia, killing five farmers and burning down around 50 homes. These attacks caused residents to flee their homes looking for safety.

The authorities must put an end to what appears to be state-sanctioned violence. The first step is to ensure all policing in Oromia is respectful of human rights.
Joan Nyanyuki, Amnesty International Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

“The authorities must put an end to what appears to be state-sanctioned violence. The first step is to ensure all policing in Oromia is respectful of human rights. The next is to hold those responsible for these attacks to account through thorough, impartial and independent investigation.”

In 2017, incursions into Oromia by the unit led to the deaths of hundreds and the displacement of more than one million, according to a report by Ethiopia’s National Disaster Risk Management Commission and the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Amnesty International is calling on the Ethiopian authorities to implement the recommendations of the 2004 referendum, which voted for a clear demarcation of the Oromia-Somali border, as a means of addressing the root causes of tensions in the region.


OPED Kenya must protect refugees who fled brutal military attacks in Ethiopia.- Amnesty International #MoyaleMassacre #Prevent #Genocide May 29, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistAmnesty International


OPED Kenya must protect refugees who fled brutal military attacks in Ethiopia


 

Ayantu, a 53-year-old mother of seven, had just finished preparing lunch for her children when military personnel surrounded her village. They pulled everyone out of their homes and asked them to reveal members of ‘shiftas’ – the informal name for members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an opposition group outlawed in Ethiopia.

For residents of Argale, an Oromo village in Ethiopia’s Moyale District, this kind of terrifying harassment had become normal. But this time it was different. Just four days earlier, on 10 March 2018, nine people had been “mistakenly” shot dead – and 15 others injured – by military officers in the nearby Shawa Bare village. These attacks prompted the Oromo people in Tuka, Argale, Madiambo and Chamuq villages to flee into Kenya by the thousands.

In January, her husband was arrested, alongside three other men. She has no idea what happened to him, or where he is now.
53-year old Ethiopian mother of seven

For Ayantu and others, such attacks have been the order of the day for the last 20 years. Mid last year, she watched as military officers shot dead her uncle for challenging their attacks and harassment at a village meeting. And in January, her husband was arrested, alongside three other men. She has no idea what happened to him, or where he is now.

For Godana, a 52-year-old man from Tuka village, the scars from his encounter with the military are etched deep within his soul, and on his body. His abdomen and back have burn marks from attacks suffered, also for speaking up against the military harassment.

The military officers dug a hole in the ground, tied my hands and placed me in it, leaving me in the scorching sun for a whole day.
52 year old Ethiopian Refugee from Tuka Village

“The military officers dug a hole in the ground, tied my hands and placed me in it, leaving me in the scorching sun for a whole day,” he recounted painfully. His wife was kicked by the soldiers as she tried to prevent them from arresting him, resulting in the loss of a pregnancy.

But in Kenya the peace and security they sought remains elusive.

Ethiopian government officials visited Moyale on 20th March, accompanied by local Kenyan leaders, to persuade the refugees to return home. Kenya’s Governor for Marsabit County also visited the makeshift refugee settlements in his county in April and urged the refugees to return home, or be relocated to the Kakuma refugee camp, more than 1,000km away. He claimed that refugees were stretching local security and health services. Local clan elders have also reported that they have received calls from their counterparts in Ethiopia urging them to tell refugees to go back home.

But in Kenya the peace and security they sought remains elusive.

Kenya’s national government is not acting any differently. Its Refugee Affairs Secretariat (RAS), the department that deals with refugees, withdrew its registration officers from Marsabit County in April, in effect denying new arrivals the opportunity to be registered as refugees. The deputy county commissioner also stopped coordinating humanitarian agencies, disrupting the provision of essential services.

While about 4,000 refugees voluntarily returned home after the swearing in of the new Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, the remaining 6,000 still fear for their safety if they return home. The Moyale District in Ethiopia continues to experience armed skirmishes that are causing refugees to fear for their safety and lives, therefore deterring them from returning home.

Having signed and ratified international treaties concerning refugees, the Kenyan government is obliged to continue providing asylum and protection to the Ethiopian refugees in Moyale until they feel that they can safely go back home. Kenya must not push refugee back by making life difficult for them in Kenya. The risk of serious human rights violations in Ethiopia is still very real.

The Kenya government must do all it can to support the Ethiopian refugees, including by facilitating their registration and coordinating humanitarian services to ensure they have access to adequate food, shelter and health services.

The Kenya government must also facilitate their social and economic integration to enable the refugees to live a normal life in safety and dignity.

This article was first published in the EastAfrican


 

Related (Oromian Economist sources):

UNPO: Oromo: Refugees Condemned to Hardship and Uncertainty in Kenya

SPILLOVER: Ethiopia’s political crisis is now spilling over into Kenya’s borders. – Quartz Africa #MoyaleMassacre

#MoyaleMassacre: Indiscriminate Mass Murder in Moyale, Southern Oromia Carried out by the fascist Ethiopia’s TPLF Regime. #Prevent #Genocide

War Crimes: Crimes Against Humanity: Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s militarism and its Janjaweed style Liyu Police continue with genocide mass killings in Oromia. #Cinaaqsan #Baatee May 27, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

tplf-ethiopias-federal-army-abbay-tsehaye-and-samora-yunus-are-architects-of-the-ongoing-ethnic-cleansing-against-oromo-in-south-and-eastern-oromiaNo To Fascist TPLF Ethiopia's genocidal militarism and mass killings in Oromia, Ethiopia

Click here for OMN News on attacks in Cinaaqsan: Oduu Caamsaa 26, 2018

At least four killed, 250 homes burned in renewed Somali Liyu Police attacks inside Oromia


(OPride)—At least four people were killed and five others wounded in renewed cross-border attacks this week by the Ethiopian Somali State Liyu Police in Oromia’s East Hararghe zone. More than 250 houses were razed to the ground and hundreds of civilians are internally displaced, according to locals and media reports.

Oromia and the Somali state share a nearly 900 miles-long porous border. The latest incursions by the Somali paramilitary force into the Cinaksan district, which straddles the common border, is testing Ethiopia’s uneasy calm.

Local residents say the highly coördinated attacks are part of a territorial expansion policy by the president of Somali regional state, Abdi Mohamud Omar, better known as Abdi Illey.

Nearly 30 schools remain closed since the attacks began on May 23 and the learning and teaching process has been disrupted, according to the Voice of America’s Afaan Oromoo program.

Last year, similar raids and cross-border attacks along the Oromia-Somali border by the Liyu police led to the displacement of more than 1.6 million people, mostly ethnic Oromos. Ethiopian authorities blamed the unprecedented violence on rent-seekers and corrupt officials involved in a lucrative contraband trade.

Ethiopia is under a six-month-long state of emergency, which was declared in February ostensibly due to fear of inter-ethnic clashes. The emergency decree was supposed to protect civilians and restore peace and stability following years of unrest. The measure specifically called for the deployment of the federal army in conflict hotspots along the Somali-Oromia border. It also forbids local police and armed militias from operating near the common border.

The ongoing Liyu police attacks inside Oromia are in clear violation of the martial law. However, residents of the Cinaksan district say the military Command Post has failed to stop the attacks by Liyu Police. In an interview with the state-run Oromia Broadcasting Network on Saturday, Dr. Negeri Lencho, the spokesperson for Oromia State, acknowledged the ongoing conflict, as well as the loss of lives on both sides and the destruction of properties.

He lamented that the attackers continue to regroup and rearm themselves even after they are demobilized. He also noted that certain forces continue to secretly supply the Liyu police with weapons reinforcement without specifying.

Lencho said Oromia is monitoring the armed incursion closely and have raised concerns with relevant authorities. He vowed to hold the perpetrators accountable and alluded to plans for people-to-people dialogue to maintain cordial and longstanding Oromo-Somali bonds.

Cinaksan district official, Abdulqadir Dasi, on Friday told VOA the situation is “beyond the control of local authorities” and that his office is appealing to Oromia and federal officials for intervention. People in the affected areas voted to be in Oromia in the 2004 referendum and the counties have been under Oromia’s administration for more than ten years, according to Dasi.

Despite public appeals for peace and reconciliation from Oromia State president Lemma Megersa and Ethiopia’s new Prime Minister, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, the Liyu Police continues to attack Oromo civilians. In his first official act following with his inauguration on April 2, Abiy traveled to Jijiga, the Somali state capital, to defuse ethnic tensions and confer with Abdi Illey. The leaders vowed to end the attack on civilians, initiate communal dialogue and help resettle those displaced in the 2017 violence. Yet armed incursions and cross-border raids continue to occur in many parts of Oromia, most recently in southern Ethiopia’s Moyale district.

Activists now say Abiy’s gesture to prioritize peace and reconciliation was misunderstood and that it is time for the prime minister to pursue “justice” in order to tame Abdi Illey and the Liyu police. The former intelligence officer, Abdi Illey, is implicated in egregious human rights violations in the Somali region, where he has ruled with an iron-fist as the quintessential Big Man since 2010.

Oromo and Somali activists say the renewed Liyu Police attacks led by Abdi Illey and his associates in the military-security apparatus or the deep state are meant to undermine the new prime minister. Regional officials say, unless it is quickly contained, the attacks will used to create a pretext for the extension of the emergency decree in August. Somali activists calling for the removal of Abdi Illey from power have been protesting for weeks.

Similar attacks on civilians and episodes of violence have been reported in the Wollo zone of Oromia region as well. Oromo activists allege the attack is being launched by the Afar State’s police forces.
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More (Oromian Economist sources):

OMN: Weera Baatee, Wallo ( Caamsaa 26, 2018)

Ethiopia’s Liyyu Police – Devils on Armored Vehicles

IHS Jane’s Country Risk Daily Report: War Crimes: Crimes Against Humanity: The genocide against Oromo people involving Ethiopia’s Somali region police (Liyu Police), a segment of fascist TPLF’s Agazi forces

Cinaaqsan Xumura Gaafata!
Aanaa Cinaaqsan bara dheeraaf rakkoon ture. Lubbuu lammiilee hedduutu bade. Madaa san hin irraanfanne. Kan caalatti nama gubu dubbichi ammas xumura dhabuu isaa ti. Obsi daangaa qaba. Bakka ta’etti dhaabuun dirqama. Amma gatiin barbaachisu kanfalamee dubbiin sun xumura argatuu qaba!
Gama biraatin dubbii ballisanii laaluu barbaachisa. Gaafa dubbiin tokko ka’u nami cufti isuma qofa dhaadhessuun hin ta’u. Waa baayyee wal faana hoofuu barbaachisa. Namooti gariin “otoo ummati cinaaqsan dhumaa jiruu waan faalama naannoo dubbatuun hin ta’u” jedhu. Kun sirrii miti. Hojiin abbaa qabaatuu qaba. Namuu waan itti bobba’e raawwatuu qaba. Dubbii faalama naannoo xinneessuun hin ta’u. Rasaasi nama har’a jiru ajjeesa. Faalami naannoo garuu dhaloota ajjeesee sanyii balleessa. Kanaaf rakkoo har’aa qolataa rakkoo boruufis yaaduun dirqama. Wal hubatuu barbaachisa! – Taye Dendea

Amanti Abdisa Jigi kidnapped by fascist TPLF forces on 20 August 2000 and missing since then: Amanti is an Oromo national, Environmental Consultant, a graduate of Finfinnee (Addis ababa University) and University of East Anglia May 25, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Amanti Abdisa Jigi

Oromo national and Environmental Sciences Expert, Amanti Abdisa Jigi (BA, MSC) has been missing since  20 August 2000.

Amanti was born in 1970 in Mana Sibuu, Wallagaa, Oromia. After completing his primary and secondary education in Wallagaa, he joined Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University and did his undergraduate degree in Geography. He then worked for the Ethiopian government in the Ministry of Urban Planning in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). After leaving the bureaucratic service, he became active in the plight of his people and joined the Oromo Relief Association (ORA). While working with the  NGO, Amanti was in charge of ORA’s Emergency Relief Division.

Amanti was then offered a scholarship to pursue postgraduate study at the University of East Anglia in  in the United Kingdom. After completing his  MSc in Environmental Sciences he returned to Ethiopia and found himself jobless. While he had been engaged in study overseas, the Oromo Relief Association (ORA) had been banned by the Ethiopian government. Despite his disappointment, he continued his work in environmental protection as a consultant for various organizations including the Ethiopian Environmental Non-Governmental Organization (EENGO).

On the 20th of August 2000, Amanti was scheduled to attend an environmental conference in Nairobi, Kenya. He was listed as a passenger on the Kenyan Airways manifest list, and was escorted to the airport by his friends and family. Amanti boarded the plane, only to discover it was being delayed for fifteen minutes due to what was described as security issues. In the presence of scores of witnesses of various nationalities, Ethiopian Airport Security removed Amanti from the plane. After a series of inquiries were initiated by both his family and friends, it was determined that Amanti had indeed been abducted by Ethiopia’s  government (TPLF) forces. He has not been seen since.


 

UNPO: Oromo: Refugees Condemned to Hardship and Uncertainty in Kenya May 24, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist


Oromo: Refugees Condemned to Hardship and Uncertainty in Kenya

 


Having escaped from State repression in Ethiopia, refugees coming from the region of Oromia suffer from deprivation and apprehension as they try to rebuild their lives across the border. Their situation is a direct consequence of a conflict that has seen the Oromo community in Ethiopia suffer from fundamental rights restrictions and severe human rights violations, something that has particularly been voiced by this community through massive protests since 2014.

The article blow was published by allafrica.com:

Two months ago, Kote Adi fled Moyale, Ethiopia, after government soldiers there opened fire on civilians, killing at least nine. Kote and his pregnant wife found shelter in a tent in northeastern Kenya’s Dambala Fachana refugee camp, but weeks of heavy rain have displaced them again.

“Our plastic shelters were flooded with water,” said Kote Adi, who is settling into a new tent site on higher ground.

Hardship and uncertainty haunt him and thousands of others who’ve left Moyale, a market town straddling the border between Ethiopia and Kenya, and its surroundings in Ethiopia’s Oromia region for safety in Kenya. Some are staying with relatives and friends, or in makeshift camps scattered across the normally arid Marsabit County.

Roughly 3,350 of them, including Kote Adi, have found at least temporary security by registering with the United Nations as refugees at Dambala Fachana. Lacking most of their belongings and normal routines, vulnerable to food shortages and illness, they have no idea when they might be able to safely go home.

Political and ethnic rifts keep them away. Ethiopia’s government blamed the March 10 civilian deaths on faulty intelligence, saying soldiers had been deployed to subdue militants from the nationalist Oromo Liberation Front. The Oromia region has been a hotbed of unrest, with ethnic Oromos long complaining of underrepresentation in government and lack of economic opportunities. Nearly three years of their mass anti-government protests led Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn to step down in mid-February.

With Oromia native Abdiya Ahmed Ali’s April 2 installation as prime minister, some of the displaced ethnic Oromos made their way home to Moyale.

Some discovered their dwellings had been looted.

“When I went back, the door was broken. … None of my stuff was there,” Abdiya Gelma told VOA in a phone interview, ticking off missing items including her bed, kitchen utensils and a rug. Now she and her child are staying with relatives.

Returnees also found an intensified military presence, Abdiya Gelma and several others told VOA. She said she saw security troops beating a youth who displayed the Oromo Liberation Front’s red-and-green flag.

Moyale remains tense after more rounds of violence. A grenade exploded at a bus station April 17, killing at least three people. Gunfire broke out May 6 between Oromo and Garre ethnic groups, provoked by the Ethiopian Somali Region’s paramilitary force firing on a local police station, a resident told the Addis Standard. That regional force is part of the federal Command Post that has implemented a national state of emergency since then-prime minister Desalegn’s resignation Feb. 15.

The border town “is so volatile. Our neighbors who went back to Moyale are coming back again” to Dambala Fachana, refugee Kote Adi told VOA.

He and Nagelle Kote are staying put in the camp for now, Kote Adi said.

Nagelle is his second wife; his other wife and their seven children, along with his mother, remain in Yabelo, an Ethiopian city about 210 kilometers northwest of Moyale.

“I wasn’t able to contact my family there because of road closures and [poor] phone connections,” Kote Adi said, adding that he and Nagelle escaped Moyale on foot.

Now he and Nagelle have an infant daughter, Tiya. She’s among at least 20 newborns in the camp, her father said. More than 600 pregnant women were among the 9,700 asylum seekers arriving in northern Kenya from Ethiopia’s Oromia region, the U.N. Refugee Agency reported in mid-March.

Kote Adi operated a cattle-trading business just outside Moyale; now he has become a day laborer. He earns 100 shillings a day, but spends up to 60 shillings on the round-trip travel to a construction site two hours away.

“It is the only way I can help my wife,” Kote Adi said, explaining that the extra money goes toward supplementing the rice, maize, sugar and milk rations provided by aid organizations such as the UN, its World Food Program and the Kenya Red Cross.

Conditions have become more challenging with recent heavy rains, which give rise to flooding, more mosquitoes and higher risks of malaria and water-borne ailments.

“The area we live in is [near] a forest infested with mosquitoes, where you hear lions roaring all night,” Kote Adi said.

He estimated his was among 31 households affected by flooding. Yvonne Ndege, a U.N. Refugee Agency spokeswoman, did not give VOA a number but said in an email that heavy rains affected “few refugee families” among the nearly 1,400 households registered with the camp. All were transferred to higher ground.

Ndege added that relief workers were taking “precautionary measures to improve sanitation and hygiene.”

Emergency funds have been “diverted from other refugee operations in Kenya” home to Dadaab and its five camps, another UNHCR spokeswoman, Rose Ogola, said an email to VOA. She said U.N. agencies, along with NGOs, were assessing humanitarian needs, developing a budget and would seek donations. These would support an estimated 5,000 asylum seekers at Dambala Fachana and also the Somare camp near Moyale for six months.

Meanwhile, local volunteers such as Abdiya Golicha, a Marsabit County resident, are trying to assist the displaced in and around Dambala Fachana. She has repeatedly visited the camp with donations.

At first, “the kids didn’t even have shoes or clothing. We bought these for them,” Abdiya Golicha told VOA. She said local residents provided food and other basics until aid agencies could get set up. Volunteers also helped erect the plastic tents that shelter the displaced.

“We received them respectfully, because we are one people,” Abdiya Golicha said. “We speak the same language, although we’re divided by a [national] border.”

Photo courtesy of flicker.com/oromiamovies

Africa Rising Debt: Irresponsible spenders, corruption, the looting machine and illicit financial outflows May 23, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistThe TPLF Corruption network

A study of 39 African countries from 1970 to 2010 found that for every dollar borrowed, up to 63 cents left the continent within five years. The money is often siphoned out as private assets, suggests Léonce Ndikumana, one of the researchers, based at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Some banks seem more interested in juicy fees than good governance.
China’s involvement in Africa has made it harder to assess the situation. Countries such as Zambia and Congo-Brazzaville have taken out opaque loans from Chinese companies. Angola has borrowed more than $19bn from China since 2004, mostly secured against oil. Such loans often have built-in clauses to review repayments as prices fluctuate, says Deborah Brautigam of the China-Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University. But there is little precedent for restructuring Chinese loans. Nor is China a full member of the Paris Club, which co-ordinates the actions of creditors when things go wrong.
Though much of the money borrowed by states comes from foreign investors, some is provided by local banks. They find it easier to buy government bills than to assess the reliability of businesses or homebuyers. Moody’s, a ratings agency, estimates that African banks’ exposure to sovereign debt is often 150% of their equity. So a sovereign-debt crisis could fast turn into a banking one.


Africa in the red: Increasing debt in many African countries is a cause for worry

Unfortunately the keenest borrowers are also feckless spenders

The Economist


“A FOOL’S bargain.” That is how Idriss Déby, Chad’s president, now describes the state oil company’s decision to borrow $1.4bn from Glencore, an Anglo-Swiss commodities trader, in 2014. The loan was to be repaid with future sales of crude, then trading above $100 a barrel. But two years later, as the price dived, debt payments were swallowing 85% of Chad’s dwindling oil revenue. For weeks schools have been closed and hospitals paralysed, as workers strike against austerity. On February 21st, after fractious talks, Chad and Glencore agreed to restructure the deal.

Chad’s woes recall an earlier era, when African economies groaned beneath unpayable debts. By the mid-1990s much of the continent was frozen out of the global financial system. The solution, reached in 2005, was for rich countries to forgive the debts that so-called “heavily indebted poor countries”, 30 of which were in Africa, owed to the World Bank, IMF and African Development Bank. With new loans and better policies, many of these countries turned their economies around. By 2012 the median debt level in sub-Saharan Africa (as defined by the IMF) fell to just 30% of GDP. Today the median debt level is over 50% of GDP. That is low by international standards, but interest rates are generally higher for African countries, which collect relatively little tax. Economic growth slowed in response to lower commodity prices. As a consequence, there is much less revenue to service debts. The pace of borrowing has picked up. The IMF reckons that five sub-Saharan African countries are already in “debt distress”, with nine more at high risk of joining them. Lending to Africa surged after the financial crisis, when interest rates in rich countries sank to historic lows. Fund managers chased the high yields of African government bonds and the profits from a commodities boom. The biggest lenders to Africa had long been Western governments. But since 2006, 16 African countries have sold their first dollar-denominated bonds to foreign investors. Interest rates in the rich world remain low, so several countries are scrambling back to the market this year. Senegal’s $2.2bn Eurobond was five times oversubscribed on March 6th. Borrowing makes sense for poor countries if it finances things like roads, schools and hospitals, which improve welfare and support economic growth. But the keenest borrowers in Africa are also feckless spenders. Take Ghana, which racked up debt as it ran an average annual budget deficit of 10% from 2012 to 2016. When a new government entered office last year, it found a $1.6bn “hole” in the budget. The new chairman of the state cocoa board found that a $1.8bn loan meant to fund cocoa production in 2017 was “all gone”.

Ghana got a three-year loan of $918m from the IMF in 2015, ensuring a degree of transparency. Commercial loans are easier to hide. In Mozambique, three state-owned companies borrowed $2bn in deals arranged by European banks. Most of this was done in secret. The proceeds were squandered on overpriced security gear and a bogus fleet of trawlers. An audit could not trace $500m. The once-buoyant economy sank and Mozambique defaulted on its debt last year.

Leveraged corruption

A study of 39 African countries from 1970 to 2010 found that for every dollar borrowed, up to 63 cents left the continent within five years. The money is often siphoned out as private assets, suggests Léonce Ndikumana, one of the researchers, based at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Some banks seem more interested in juicy fees than good governance. China’s involvement in Africa has made it harder to assess the situation. Countries such as Zambia and Congo-Brazzaville have taken out opaque loans from Chinese companies. Angola has borrowed more than $19bn from China since 2004, mostly secured against oil. Such loans often have built-in clauses to review repayments as prices fluctuate, says Deborah Brautigam of the China-Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University. But there is little precedent for restructuring Chinese loans. Nor is China a full member of the Paris Club, which co-ordinates the actions of creditors when things go wrong. Though much of the money borrowed by states comes from foreign investors, some is provided by local banks. They find it easier to buy government bills than to assess the reliability of businesses or homebuyers. Moody’s, a ratings agency, estimates that African banks’ exposure to sovereign debt is often 150% of their equity. So a sovereign-debt crisis could fast turn into a banking one. Disaster can still be averted in most African countries. Abebe Shimeles of the African Development Bank warns against sudden spending cuts, which would leave half-finished infrastructure projects to rust. Research from the IMF suggests that the least costly way to deal with fiscal imbalances in Africa is to raise meagre tax-to-GDP ratios, which have crept up by just a couple of percentage points this century. Other proposals aim to make lenders share more risk with borrowers by, for example, linking interest payments to growth or commodity prices. Some suggest changing laws in America and Britain, where most debt is issued, so that countries are not liable for loans agreed to by leaders acting without due authority. Organisations such as the IMF could be more robust, speaking out early when countries seem to be in a downward debt spiral. As it is, the costs of bad borrowing rarely fall on leaders or their lenders, which often makes politicians borrow (and steal) more. “It’s the common man that actually bears the brunt,” says Bernard Anaba of the Integrated Social Development Centre, a Ghanaian advocacy group. The people of Chad, now paying for Mr Déby’s foolish bargain, would surely agree.-  For more click here for  The Economist



Related (Oromian Economist Sources):


ECONOMIC COMMENTARY: THE DEBT CHALLENGE TO AFRICAN GROWTH,    


What are the main disadvantages of FDI in local developing economies? -Research gate


Corruption is a major contributor to Africa’s stunted development.-Afro Barometer

By corroding and weakening governance institutions and the democratic values of human rights, gender equality, justice, and the rule of law, it has hindered the continent’s progress toward peace and prosperity. A 2002 AU study estimated that Africa loses about $150 billion annually to corruption. Illicit financial outflows, particularly in the extractive industry, cost the continent about $50 billion per annum – far exceeding the official development assistance that African countries receive from Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development countries ($27.5 billion in 2016).


Africa’s Looting Machine: Warlords, Tycoons, Smugglers and the Systematic Theft of Africa’s Wealth review – ‘the raping of a continent’

What are the main disadvantages of FDI in local developing economies? -Research gate May 21, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

According to the theory of decapitalization of local economies, the host country does not benefit from the capital investment by the multinational company as majority of the capitals in the form of profits is transferred to the home countries of MNCs for investment. Click here to read more…

How valuable is foreign investment for a developing economy?

The Oromo Question and the Answer it Requires May 19, 2018

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Odaa Oromoo

oromianeconomist


The Oromo Question and the Answer it Requires


Every Nation and nationality under the empire is yearning for freedom from oppression probably except Tigray, which has freed itself but exported colonizer to others. It is half a century since the Oromo started struggle for liberation. The Amaaraa also have started to struggle for their unity and identity. Shekechoo, Sidaamaa and Gambeela were mowed down for demanding their denied rights. The blood of the massacred is still crying for justice to their respective nations. All others have unsatisfied grievances, which could explode at any time. Priority for the majority now is not collective concern but attending their immediate individual pain. There are those who do not feel the pain of each nationality they have collaborated in causing. They still want everyone to entertain their worst days under empire system as the good old days. But who are these people that want to impose on others their own dreams. Now every decision has to be made by one concerned. If there are common problems it needs the will of everybody to participate in the deliberation as equals. And every participant has a veto power on own interest. Therefore, the regional problem can be solved if only there are no self-appointed persons or groups that claim to have prerogative. Peoples have to meet directly. To talk about Oromiyaa, it will be good to understand the Oromo question, which is defined only by the Oromo for any possible negotiation.

Oromo question is about regaining the sovereignty on their country Oromiyaa and the human rights they were denied by alien war campaign. Sovereignty here means the supreme power and full right a nation has on own people and land, resources over and below ground and the natural environment in one’s territory, free from alien interference. By human rights here it is meant the recognition of a person for being human according to Gadaa constitution and laws, UN Charter and world conventions. A body that administers this interest on behalf of the Oromo nation is Oromiyaa state. The Oromiyaa state is led by a government formed for a limited period through election conducted according to the law. The government will have Caffee or a legislative Assembly, Office of the Luba with executive power and hierarchical bureaucracy filled with officials and professional workers used by the Luba office

The Oromo nation was deprived of its sovereignty in the 19th century, during the period imperialists shared out Africa among themselves, in the campaign known as “The Scramble for Africa”. The imperialist then took Ethiopia differently from other African countries for different geopolitical reasons. That was how they allowed Ethiopia/Abyssinia to invade independent countries around her and join their colonizers list. To enable her do that Italy, France, Britain and Russia provided her with massive weapons and military experts. Let alone dare crossing their boundary it was not able even to think, when both Oromiyaa and Ethiopia were armed with traditional weapons. It was after gaining weapons of mass destruction of the time that Oromiyaa was occupied and the Oromo turned into nation of serfs or “ciisanya. “Ciisanya” was a person having only one smoke emitting tukul and his labor freely exploited. Many of Oromo nationals were sold abroad and many boys and girls were taken home.

It was from among those they took home that they raised to high ranks changing their birth names and hiding their fathers’ names. Ras Mokonin, Fitiraarii Habtagorgis, Dajjaach Baalchaa, Fitiraarii Gabayyoo, Dajjaach Gabramaariyam etc. were Ethiopian officers known for their bravery and intelligence. Because it could expose Oromummaa their birth name and fathers’ name were never heard. Though his father’s name was never exposed Baalchaa’s name was left as it was give in “haammachiisaa” by Oromo Qaalluu after birth because he failed to fulfil the criteria priests wanted. Gathering captives and “ciisanya” they involved them in wars that does not concern them. Those that survived were never given equal treatment with their Ethiopian peers. Oromummaa was not a source of pride. Not only that of those recruited history of the Oromo nation as a whole was buried. Amaaraa language, culture and history was imposed on Oromo in Oromiyaa. Not only being sovereign, it even tried Oromo identity to be forgotten by generation that comes after occupation. World technological development brought changes to Oromo view of themselves. It raised the question, “who are we?” and surged forward with Oromummaa. With research and oral tradition, they got at home, they were able to learn that their fathers did not submit without resistance. With that they came across many Oromo heroes and heroines’ names in North, South, East, West and Center. They even came to know that there were many braves among enslaved Oromo with no match. Thus, they found evidences that the Oromo were not by nature cowards and ignorant as the enemy tried to inculcate in them. But for not knowing how to express it together, Oromo oppression has reached a point of exploding from over suppression. They now believed that Waaq did not create the Oromo to be servants for the Habashaa but were subdued by force. With that Oromo youth of the 60s were able to communicate and get closer. For the first time in order to present Oromoo oppression they were able to come out with a political organization with program. The organization they came out with was called Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). As a pioneer OLF contributed much to the political consciousness of the Oromo. But it is staggering before reaching its goal for several different reasons. Political leadership or political organization is required to articulate people’s grievances in a systematic way.

People’s oppression does not stop because leadership did not reach in time. Because OLF got weak many groups watching the growing oppression started to get organized to stand against it. Even the enemy camp started to create organizations for the Oromo to cool down their anger and derail their liberation struggle. One that came out viable among them was that created by Tigray group the OPDO. There are also Oromo groups that that accepted the Ethiopian Constitution and organized under it as Opposition. All those are not able to replace Kaayyoo laid down by OLF. But it is said, “one leaps the way one was hurt”. Oppression of the people has increased and reached intolerable level. But deciding to die defending themselves against evil all the people rose in unison with rage. It embraced all that came to it in support. The people were not as divided as organizations formed in their name. All that came to them were made part and parcel of the people. Taking the initial Kaayyoo put down by OLF and strengthening their unity more than ever marched together like they did in the 15-16th century. With that it has brought in enemy’s camp change that was never seen before. Oromo son has climbed to Ethiopian Empire power without being asked to drop his Oromummaa. Now the Ethiopians have no time to argue about profile but are looking for any one that they could set against Tigrean over lordship. Oromummaa is not contemptible for the time as long as their other criteria to be Ethiopian Chief is met.

Oromo people did not go into struggle with full force but had been warming up for it. Now they are moving in toto raising their arms to regain what had been snatched away from them. All have started to get together in social groups to practice Gadaa system to acquaint themselves with past challenges and knowledge. That is one of the symptoms for Gadaa returning with renewal. It will be inevitable that OLF will also get out of the quagmire it was thrown into and be part of people’s movement to reach its goal. Then all that left it would return. Oromo objective of independence and freedom will also hit its goal. Oromo means people. People do not shun people. Just like their name they will live in peace and happiness with all. Bickering over small dispute has to stop. Any arising problem will be resolved with “ilaa fi Ilaamee’ (art of dialogue). Oromo democracy is not democracy that majority imposes its will on minority. All decisions were passed only with consensus. It is such characteristic that makes it different from hither to existing democracies. Th Oromo believe that even the smallest community like Baiso, Karo, Kwegu, Maawoo etc. with population from 500-100 have their own territory and deserve respect and protection from bigger neighbors. The Oromo have no hatred for aliens but for abuses. It assures all that dictatorship will not be born from Gadaa heritage but democracy.

Liberation of Oromo means liberation of all its neighbors and beyond. Oromo hirelings being used as instrument of oppression by the colonizer will stop only then. It took the enemy long time to recognize the name “Oromo”. However, but when they talk about Ethiopia among themselves, even though they have proclaimed in their laws they won’t include Oromo and other colonies in their thoughts. Even if they include they take them only as something like star orchid. At heart, they know that Oromo are not Ethiopians. To mention few instances, in his letter of 29 October, 1862 to Queen Victoria, Teedros took Oromo being aliens on the same level with Turks. Minilik presented himself in his “Treaty of Addis Ababa” as Emperor of Ethiopia and “Oromo” countries. Whom do they want to tell them than their hero butcher kings. The Habashaa ruling class have used the Oromo for over hundred years. Oromiyaa became base for life of this ruling class. Oromo’s coming out with question of sovereignty threatened their luxurious life style. It is when plundering by force as usual is becoming impossible that they started to change tactics.

Now they are saying, in building the empire, the serfs and slaves and the masters have equal accountability and responsibility. Taking away all their land, denying their identity and oppressing and abusing them for over a century is forgotten. Discrimination between Ethiopia and Oromo country they call “Gaallaa Mareet” is taken as never existed. They chose narrating false history over asking for pardon for wrongs done and offering for discussion on future relations. Even had the story was true, it cannot over ride t a birth right; the present generation can say, “I will not live with anyone without my free will”. There had been no relation formed based on free will between Ethiopia and Oromiyaa so far. It is another question to say it can be formed in times ahead? Unless we bring to the same level our understanding for political concepts, democracy, bilisummaa and equality it will be difficult to create accord. The Habashaa conquered Oromiyaa after bloody war and kept it in the same way. Do they want to repeat that again? Time has changed, arrogance and greed has to be curbed for safe passage.

The Oromo know themselves as a nation whose identity is different from Ethiopians and that Ethiopia occupied them breaking them by force. Ethiopian registry also knows Oromiyaa as their “Qiny gizaat” (Colony). Present Ethiopian groupings do not want to visit their archives for verification. Oromiyaa for them is part and parcel of Ethiopia from time immemorial. Wrong premises lead to wrong conclusion, that is their problem. They are presenting descendants of early occupiers of Oromiyaa and those that went to Oromiyaa for different reasons and are living among the natives without communal territory. What they fail to understand is that immigrants do not have the legal right to deny sovereignty of natives on their country. The Oromo look upon persons willing to live with them as their own offspring. Except for the ungrateful few with nostalgia for Nafxanyaa system majority live in peace sharing whatever the environ offers them. There had been no threat to life and property of peaceful residents of Oromiyaa greater than that to the natives. Unless one alienates oneself nobody even notices that one is alien. Those that think differently are only those that hope return of Nafxanyaa system. That has now become history. Ethiopians have their own country as Oromiyaans have their own. If they go to each other’s countries it is required to live according to law of country they went to.

There are some that had been away from their country for a long time and speak Amharic and claim to be educated campaigning against Oromiyaa and the Oromo. They say to have made so many studies among them about governance and languages. Their study showed them that Oromo is not a nation; there is no something called Oromo country or Oromiyaa; that Qubee is not more convenient than “Fidal”. The whole issue is about business. If Oromiyaa remains subservient to Ethiopia they can get especial treatments through their connections; for those that have patented works especially on improved “Fidel” and Amharic language Oromiyaa staying under Ethiopia opens for them bigger market than in the mother country alone. They have already concluded that unless Amharic get superiority, they cannot break through the Qubee wall. The worst thing about these people is that they are appealing to Amaaraa nationalism for their own individual benefit. It is not their concern if Amaaraa and Oromo clash for they will not share the pain from distance. They cling to “Ethiopia name” because they are not sure to which nationality they belong except for being distant descendants of the colonial army commonly known as Nafxanyaa and having hatred for the Oromo.

Present conditions in the Ethiopian Empire are not the same with the past. The previous leaders lost the rein to internal struggle and are staggering unable to control even their surroundings. However, the stand many of them have on the empire is no different from the far past. One that mounted on the saddle of empire and is troubling people for last three decades ago is group of Tigrean ruling class. Because of its selfishness let alone sharing power with Amaaraa as before, they have looted what it had, and also put under question ownership on its surrounding area. The greater part of Ethiopia is Amaara. It was Amaaraa that completed empire building started by Yohaannis. Amaaraa could not save even Tigray while crying for Ethiopia. Its destiny is not becoming better than the colonies. Its rage on junior partner can be clearly seen.

It has become over four decades since Oromoo raised questions of sovereignty and reclaiming rights taken away from them. They use armed and political struggle for the purpose. Nature forces neighboring African peoples to live adjacently forever. For this reason, Oromo have repeatedly made statements that they give priority for resolving conflicts peacefully. However, they will never give up willingly their birth rights and their country. They will decide without alien interference on relations they will have with neighbors and on the way, they choose to live. That is why they are paying dear to get the right of nations for national self-determination realized. They will continue paying more sacrifice to guard what so far are achieved to respect the memory of those that paid their lives for them. There are those whose guts have melted, that say how long should blood flow, rather better to take whatever the enemy throws for us and live. One will not prefer begging what belongs to one from aliens over dying, unless one has birth defect. Some are born without honor and have no principle and know no “safuu’ to be trustworthy. They never complete what they started for they have no commitment for any cause.

As an organization the struggle that OLF wages first is to give Oromo rights mentioned above; then it is to establish independent republic Oromiyaa. However, it believes that it is the sole right of the Oromo people to decide on the way they want to lead their lives in the future. It is possible that different Oromo groups can have different suggestions. Therefore, all have the chance to present own suggestions for the people to choose from alternates. Be them aliens or friends they have legal obligation to abide by people’s free will. To stand against people practicing this right will be taken as arrogance and criminal act. As long as any people believe in their unity and ask to live together no one has the right to stand against them. It may be proper to ask how those who had been together go apart and what type of preparation is required? But that should not be actions which block the right of national self-determination.

The Oromo will not give consideration for those that try to make them doubt their choice and separate identity in alien language by calling them “Zaranyaa and gosanyaa” (racist and tribalistic”). For Oromo independence is a right. They will not give attention to those that do not respect for this right. Those that want to reimpose Ethiopian superiority on them are enemies. To ask for creating relations is one thing; but those that start with propaganda that Oromo interest is wrong has to ask themselves as to who they are to say that? For Habashaa to present themselves as having rights to decide on how Oromo has to lead their lives is only arrogance. Even if they take the existing federal system it will be with Oromiyaa state not with stronger federal hand. This may not go down with chauvinists. The existing constitution also needs to be renegotiated.

OPDO leaders said they have addiction to Ethiopia. Though they did not express it in this way there could be others that have similar addictions. Those that have addiction must be left alone to quench their craving or put in rehabilitation but should not be condemned. If supremacy of the law is guaranteed and the right to free self-expression is recognized for all, there is nothing that necessitates fighting. It will be good for all if there is condition in which one can go around and peacefully express oneself and share ideas with people. Those are all in the constitution of the empire. For this reason, the solution available is facilitating for practicing rights of assembly, freedom of self-expression and speech. If there is one that says that one will not solve problems unless blood is spilt he/she is insane. And if one says one will not recognize group rights one is only a warmonger. He is one that thinks Oromo cannot choke in return if choked. Oromo love peace. But they will not submit to one that denies them the right of sovereignty over their country and their identity.

According to the law EPRDF is one of the Ethiopian parties. It claimed to be elected by people and is in power. Since it represents the force that occupies Oromiyaa, its chairman being Oromo does not erase EPRDF being the enemy. For Oromo question to get answer it is the one with whom to negotiate and as well as against whom to struggle. It will be advantageous if the Ethiopian Empire can hold fair and free elections. It is easier to negotiate with democrats than with dictators. However, empires have never been democratized but dismantled. Ethiopian state had been around for a long period. But its system was a system lead by one monarch. Though that was changed the system that came after it however they pretend to come through election they were administration of one party. Those parties are controlled by one individual. The present party EPRDF could not free itself from Habashaa political culture. One that created it and have real power is an organization that abandoned Habashaa tradition called TPLF (Wayyaanee). TPLF/EPRDF jeopardized the general election and also turned the party into one-man dictatorial rule. Therefore, what they call democracy is fake. Because they are not willing to dismantle the empire they cannot democratize. The people are waging a movement that will uproot oppression once and for all for they can no more bear it. With that skirmish is happening in the organization. It has appointed a person who came with popular pressure as its chairman and the Prime Minister as well.

Peoples of the empire are not asking about the next election. All want the PM to chase out TPLF before that. To demand for chasing out TPLF means demanding to dismantle EPRDF. There are those that are preparing to turn Ethiopia to the days of the emperor believing that to be inevitable. A big Tawaahido monk even dared to come out cursing article 39 of the constitution. That means the oppressed that reached here paying sacrifice that demanded blood that flowed like flood are being looked upon with contempt. Therefore, it is only the struggle the Oromo started towards liberation that can give hope to peoples of the empire’s dream for democracy. Autocratic and democratic systems do not fit into each other. Unless people who desire to live in democratic system with equality denounce autocratic rule the two systems cannot exist side by side in the same camp. If all people could wage internal democratic struggle it would be easier for democrats to unite. It would only be deceiving oneself to talk about freedom and equality with dictatorial mentality.

If peoples of Africa strengthen their unity they can be hope for each other and all black race. It is essential to recognize that groups have their own culture, tradition, language and style of life. To separate and adopt elements that connect us and those that make it essential to depend on each other, will strengthen not weaken us. To make acceptance of equality of peoples a priority can serve as starting point of unity. One putting the other under control without his will, deceit, lack of transparency in relations between each other could only keep us apart rather than pulling us together. We can get solutions in common only if we can put issues that relate to history of the Ethiopian empire on the table and ask what is better for us? Otherwise the benefit of trying to present the history in distorted way would only lead to mistrust.

Today’s freedom could stop carried over yesterday’s slavery but cannot go back and erase it. Those that were master and slave recognize each other’s yester day’s status. To say a house that the slave built for the master and master lived collecting rents on it, is our common home that we built for each other will be naked foolery. It cannot be denied that the slave has put his blood and sweat into it. But blood and sweat is not paid for benefit of the slave but of the master. Today the master is in problem because the slave rebelled. As a result, he has started to say that they did both right and wrong together and have equal responsibility and accountability with intention of sabotaging the freedom the slave almost grasped. For that the master is trying to present as evidence the different wars the slave participated in and demonstrated gallantry. The slave participated in those wars not from love of a country but was driven to them by force. Let as see one of those wars:

Oromiyaa, Tuulama to Booranaa was occupied 1886-1896. The Battle of Adwa was in 1896. It is unlikely to say in ten years she was molded into Ethiopia and entered into battle travelling over thousand miles over whelmed with love of country. Wounds inflicted on the Oromo and others did not heal and people did not come out from trauma of war by that time. Whatever done was done by the slave drivers whip from behind. Oromo say, “Sirba Giddii kan mangistii” (Forced dance of the government) when forced to do what they are not willing to do. Minilik and Italians were then contemporary colonizers. They had different agreement between them. Abrogating treaties and clash between forces are not new for the world. What is new is the clash being between a black technologically backward country and technologically advanced white country. Both have recruited black fighters from countries they recently colonized. When on the Ethiopian side the colonizer and the colonized are both black notwithstanding color discrimination on Ethiopian slaves; on the Italian side the colonizer is white the colonized is black. The era was when blacks who were sold earlier and scattered all over the world were raising their heads and seeds of pan Africanism were being sawn; and Africa was being shared out among imperialists. To see defeat of the white was joy for all of them. It lifted the morale of those that fell under slavery. Mistaking the true nature of the conflict many took it as anti-colonial war against a colonizer.

The Battle of Adwa as being source of pride for black race it has also some covered up shameful deeds for the black. All captives of Minilik’s war with southern peoples like the Oromo were turned slaves and used as pack animals and domestic servants for Habashaa warriors. One can only imagine the abuse on those pretty little girls by them. White captives from the Battle of Adwa, were handled with care and respect, while a hand and a leg of each black captive were amputated and left in the field without any help. That they were crying for water until death put them to rest is documented in registry of history. That was not strange practice for rulers of Ethiopia. Teedros and Yohaannis had also done that on the Oromo. That was on text books of Ethiopian students, like “Ethiopian history” by Taklatsaadiq Mekuria. Minilik had cut breast and hand of Oromo he defeated on tree branches on road side. The Annolee and Asulee case can be cited among others. These days there are those that demand the destruction of memorial for victims of Harma Muraa Harka Muraa of Annolee. Why didn’t they destroy all these years the memorial erected in the center of Oromiyaa for the person who committed all the crimes. Are they not remembering him for achievement of that deed? How can such double standard be corrected?

How can a mentally sane person be proud of the likes of Minilik that committed genocide? Unless it was by force, how can one imagine the possibility of Oromo marching in the campaign that he was leading? That has now turned history. It does not change the life we are leading now and that of the future. We better try building trust. To lie to each other on identity of Oromo can be obstacle for that. There for if Ethiopians could keep their history to themselves, and stop irritating the others, they can negotiate on things that are useful for both sides. Otherwise, can’t it show that bringing their man-eater kings and praising on square common to all indicate that their offspring as well have similar cruelty characteristics? Oromo can have relations only with those that come for peace and reconciliation holding green grass.

After his defeat at the battle of Maycawu Haayila Sillaasee complained in his book that “Gallaas (Oromo) attacked us from the back”. Does that show love for Ethiopia? Modern Ethiopia is country of Amaaraa and Tigree yesterday and today as well. If one focus and listen when descendants of Nafxanyaa discuss about “being Ethiopian” at all times one could prove that. Their heroes are the likes of Minilik and Teedros persons that mowed down the Oromo and humiliated the survivors. Whenever they celebrate their anniversaries, it is a little short of tears as if these kings were dead only recently. With that we also get the opportunity to mourn our compatriots they mowed down. Their activists wrap themselves with the banner that the army of genocide was flying when it invaded Oromiyaa and expect the Oromo to march with them. We do not share, one country, one flag, common heroes, one common history to be proud of together and we do not have common feelings with which we could cherish the same past memories. Not only as class but also as nations, we lived as, enslaver and enslaved; ruler and ruled and oppressor and oppressed. However, we have lived together known each other’s ins and outs to some extent. We have lived together as individual friends and wife and husband; In general, even if you call us “Aramanee” (Heathen) many of us have the same religion with you. Could all those become bridges for future intercourse? Even if they could, they will not be reasons for continuing sucking our blood. For all purposes, let us put aside our vengeance and try as equal African peoples and form relations of which the black be proud of. Oromo do not discriminate human beings for skin color. But they say, “Hokkoon gara ofiitt haatii.” (The hoe throws towards herself).

Above it is tried to show our difference and our commonality. If we could stop trying inserting lies into our relations, there could be lots that enable us understand each other. For example, we are in the same geographical area with the same climate and weather. Those could sometimes get sever and unless tackled together it can be difficult to do it alone. We have rivers that flow to each other. It can be beneficial to use them with joint plan. We can pass through difficulties in our region if we recognize and respect each other’s rights and interests. When the Oromo say something why should Amaaric speaker jump to say “I know for you?” Unless one become them, can’t there be development? Can’t there be relations unless one is them? Can’t they exist unless they exploit Oromiyaa? If peace is wanted in the region they have to change old thinking. Oromo question is for regaining their stripped sovereignty and rights and live with abundance and happiness. Those could happen only if they could realize their right of nations to national self-determination up to and including independence without any obstacle put on their way. The questions what types of relations will they have with neighbors and with whom will they live forming union are questions that should come only after that? Let them be free first.

Some quarters have started to flatter the Oromo. They do not see Oromo actions as they are but interpret them to fit their interest. They push the Oromo to see the world not as it is but as they want it to be seen. For this reason, if Oromo raise questions outside criteria they put down for them they are given adjectives like narrow, tribalistic, secessionist or terrorist. From among them TPLF/EPRDF proclaimed OLF terrorist. Since then it is imprisoning, torturing, killing and abusing any Oromo that it hates as member of OLF. That is why the Tigree official stood witness of all prisons speaking afaan Oromo. Though what surprised him was the failure of the assimilation policy. The mark of all enemies of Oromo is condemning and demonizing OLF. That is why they attack it from all direction through inlets they get in order to keep it weak and divided. With stick and carrot, they have caused few dropouts from among malignant tumors of national struggle. There are still those who lament about the drama TPLF performed twenty-five years ago concerning massacres of Arbagugguu and Baddannoo despite individual Amaaraa that witnessed the act standing witness that OLF had no hand in them. This could also be TPLF tactic for diversion of the issue. Whatever they do, Oromo do something because they believe in it and will brag about it; hiding is safuu. The weaklings in OLF, unable to stand against enemy machinations with discipline are seen falling under them. OLF is an organization formed with the will of patriots and heroes and heroines. It should not be assessed by wavering, dishonorable cadres that have abandoned the Kaayyoo. There are those that intentionally or from ignorance want to divert the objectives of OLF taking these cadres as a reason. The true OLF is revolutionary. It will not turn back from advancing Oromo interest. Oromo independence, unity of Africa, and peace and calmness of the world are always its objectives. Long live Oromiyaa! Let Bilisummaa flourish!

Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty, equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our forefathers!

Ibsaa Guutama
May 2018



 Related article:

THE OROMO NATIONAL MOVEMENT AND GROSS HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION

Article by Professor  Asafa Jalata  published in European Scientific Journal,  Vol 12, No 5 (2016) 
The Oromo National Movement And Gross Human Rights Violations in the Age of Globalization, click here to read in PDF.

Oromia (Finfinnee): Walaloo Qophii Lotorii Tomboolaa “Lammiin Lammiif” jadhurratti Daa’ima Fenet Gizaachootiin dhihaate. – OBN May 14, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

 

Gaafii fi Deebii itti aanaa dura ta’aa Kongirasii Federaalawaa Oromoo, Obboo Baqqalaa Garbaa wajjin geggeeffame daawwadhaa.- VOA AFAAN OROMOO (JOURNALIST JALLANNEE GAMMADAA) INTERVIEWED BAQQALAA GARBAA, UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR AND DEPUTY LEADER OF OFC May 12, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Bekele gerba speaks

 

 

Healthy Man Lost His Both Legs to Torture in Ethiopian Prison

Bekele Gerba gave an interview to Voice of America Afaan Oromoo service about his experiences in Ethiopian prison. Mr Gerba touched on his unwavering philosophy and commitment to peaceful civil resistance which he believes has brought about significant changes in Ethiopian political arena. He also elaborated his hope in the future Ethiopian politics, mentioning his party’s (Oromo Federalist Congress, a party of which he deputy chairman) progress of continuing struggle for freedom, peace and prosperity of Ethiopia.

Asked about his view on philosophy of standing at odds with the normalized brutality, “There is nothing fulfilling as standing for freedom even in the worst of times“.

He narrated several politically motivated injustices done to him and his compatriots ranging from defaming, insult, beating and tortures to death.One of the stories he has spoken about amounts to crime against humanity. A story of a young man whose both legs are amputated after he had sustained a terminal injury to his one leg.

He was beaten and tortured, as a result of which one of his legs was deemed to be of no use and hence has to be amputated. He was admitted to a health facility for surgery and for an unknown reason he woke up from the anesthesia devoid of his healthy leg as it was amputated. He was later admitted for surgical removal of his maimed leg and he became without legs.

Mr Gerba didn’t specify the name of the prisoner or the health facility where the procedure was done.

What makes it inhumane again is that he wasn’t even fortunate to be benefited from the government’s amnesty but rather sentenced to life in prison.

You can listen to the full interview here

Related:-

Atlantic Council:- In February 2018, Eskinder Nega (left), a prominent Ethiopian journalist and blogger, and Bekele Gerba (right), the deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress, an Ethiopian opposition party, were released from prison. They were jailed for years under the country’s anti-terrorism laws. During a live conversation at the Atlantic Council, Eskinder and Bekele underscored the imperative of non-violence in Ethiopia’s struggle for political reform and the pursuit of democracy.

 

 

 

Ethiopia: The regime said it canceled recently renewed controversial license of MIDROC Gold, the largest gold mine in Guji after protesters in Oromia took to the streets for the last ten days. INJIFANNOO! May 9, 2018

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Odaa OromoooromianeconomistSheik Mohammed Al Amoudi and MIDROC Gold Mine in Southern Oromia, Guji zone, uses Hydrogen Cyanide and other highly toxic chemicals and caused serious damage to environment and human


 

 

Protest in Adola town on May 08/2018


Ethiopia’s Ministry of Mines, Petroleum and Natural Gas (MoMPNG) said it cancelled recently renewed controversial license of MIDROC Gold, the largest gold mine in Ethiopia after protesters took to the streets for the last ten days.  Today’s decision by the ministry followed the killing of two protesters yesterday by the Oromia regional state’s security forces in the town of Shakiso in Guji zone of the Oromia regional state in southern Ethiopia.  A third, businessman named Shakiso Guta was also killed by security forces while driving to the city of Adola, according to activists.

The ministry renewed the license for Ethiopia’s largest gold mine owned by MEDROC Gold and is located in Lege Dembi, Shakiso Weredas of Guji zone in Oromia regional state, around two weeks ago.  The protests  erupted last week in Shakiso and Adola towns and their environs following news of the renewal of the gold mine’s license for another ten years by the Ministry .The license has been suspended last year after similar protests erupted.

Several subsequent media reports, including one by the Oromia Broadcasting Network, and the BBCAmharic servicerevealed grave health crisis among the community including birth defects, respiratory problems and miscarriages, which the locals blame were caused by the gold mine’s two decades discharges of toxic substances including, cyanide.

 

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Residents of Shakiso, a town in Guji Zone, Region in southern , complain of various sufferings: from birth defect to gradual disability, due to toxic waste of cyanide coming from Lega Denbi gold mine, owned by of Sheik Al-‘Amoudi https://www.bbc.com/amharic/news-42266025 

The ministry said the license will remain suspended until after an independent study involving several stakeholders is conducted in to the allegations of the health crisis. Over the weekend, Motuma Mekassa, who was the minister of MoMPNG when the license was renewed and who is currently the minister of defense, went to the area to discuss with the locals about their concerns. But the meeting ended without results.

 

Last week, Dr. Negeri Lencho, communication head of the Oromia regional state, said that “any investment should be there to  help the people, not hurt them.” He also said the regional government will not work against the demands of the people.

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Residents of Shakiso, a town in Guji Zone, Region in southern , complain of various sufferings: from birth defect to gradual disability, due to toxic waste of cyanide coming from Lega Denbi gold mine, owned by of Sheik Al-‘Amoudi https://www.bbc.com/amharic/news-42266025  pic.twitter.com/mm7SdHbl3I

Addis Standard@addisstandard

Good AM !
Dr. Negeri said this in response to the ongoing public protest in Zone after the fed. gov renewed MIDROC Gold’s license. The people living in the area are suffering a health crisis, including severe birth defects, caused by the gold mine’s use of cyanide pic.twitter.com/ZjDa1wJyJV

View image on Twitter

MIDROC Gold was established in the late 1990s by Sheik Mohammed Al-Amoudi, the Ethiopian born Saudi billionaire currently imprisoned in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. MIDROC contributed 98%  of the share while the government owned the remaining two percent share through Ministry of Finance & Economic Development (MoFED). MIDROC then took a 20-year concession under registered license name of ‘Midroc Lege Dembi Gold Mining’ for a US$172 million and started production and export in 1998. According to information obtained from its website in the first ten years of its registration the company has extracted 34,000kg of gold from the site and  earned about US$500 million.  AS


AS ED’s note: This story has been corrected to amend the US$ 500 billion by US$500 million


More, Oromian Economist source:-

Midroc Gold mining contract for Lege Dembi site has been suspended. This is a late decision. It should have never been renewed at first place leading to death and injury of protesters. Now the following steps need to be taken.

1- Domestic and international experts should undertake independent and impartial investigation to determine whether the company has used chemicals that are causing damage to human, plant and animals health in the area. The mine should stop operation and remain sealed to ensure they do not tamper with evidence. Experts should make public the process and result of their investigation.

2- Once experts make their finding public, if and its very likely Midroc is found in violation, the contract should be cancelled, the company’s property confiscated and legal action must be taken against the owner and managers. Government of Oromia State should take over the mine, develop it by-itself or contract it to responsible and efficient company. In either case local residents affected by the mine should be given significant share to ensure future generations are cared for.

3- Immediate and independent investigation should be launched on other mines, farms and factories owned and operated by Midroc for causing harm to environment and public health. There is already widespread complaint. If the company is found in violation, its property shall be confiscated and the company/ managers must be brought to court.

4- it is strongly suspected that Midroc acquired Lege Dembi, other mining sites and farm lands in corruption. Investigation should be launched to weed out such corruption and publish those involved. Midroc has long been accused of being king of corruption, hence it should be used as example for other companies.

5- lawyers working on lawsuits against Midroc for harm it caused should intensify and expand their work. The public should provide them with necessary support.

La Aluta Continua!!
#QeerrooPower


INJIFANNOO! MIDROC hojii warqii baasuu Laga Dambii akka dhaabu murtaa’ee jira jedhan. Amma wanti itti aanuu qabu

1- Ogeeyyiin biyya keessaafi alaa ( domestic and international) walabummaadhaan qorannoo akka geggeessan gochuu. Qorannoon adeemsaafi itti bahi isaa ifatti ummataaf dhihaachuu

2- Itti bahi ogeeyyotaa faalama kan uume MIDROC ta’uu erga mirkaneessanii booda iddoon albuudaa sun irraa fuudhamee, kubbaaniyyaa biraatiif ykn harka MNO akka galu gochuu. Invastarri dhuunfaas ta’ee mootummaan ( state) omisha kan itti fufu yoo ta’e ummanni naannawa sanii kan miidhamee jiru qabeenya sanirraa hamma murtaa’e share kennamuufi abbaan qabeenyummaanitti fufa qabu akka argatan gochuu. Hubadhaa miidhaan keemikaalli kun geessisu dhaloota dhalootatti dabra. Kanaafuu dhaloonni boruutis waan itti wal’aanamuufi tajaajilamu kaayuufi barbaachisa.

3- Kubbaaniyyaa albuudaa, qonnaa, simintoofi horiisaa MIDROC harkaa qabu hunda irratti qorannoon saffisaa godhamuu qaba

4- Mallammaltummaa albuunni Laga Dambiifi qabeenyi Oromiyaa biroo yeroo MIDROC’tti dabarfamuuf saniis as raaw’atame irratti qorannaan walabaa ( independent investigation) geggeeffamuu qaba. malaalmmaltummaan hojjatame yoo qorannaa kanaan ragaan mirkanaa’e MIDROC fi qondaalonni mootummaa yakka kana keessatti hirmaatan saaxila bahanii adabamuu qabu.

5. Ogeeyyonni seeraa Oromoo hojii haqa lammiilee keenya miidhamanii baasuuf eegalan cimsuun MIDROC fi mootummaa federaalaa irratti himata banuu qabu. Kanarratti ammoo ummanni keenya biyy keessaafi alaa tumsa barbaachisaa godhuufi qaba.

Qabsoon itti fufa!!

Why Dictators Love Development Statistics. They’re an easily faked way to score international points.- The New Republic May 6, 2018

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomistcan you believe statistics of Ethiopia

The problem with using statistics to sing the praises of autocracy is that collecting verifiable data inside closed societies is nearly impossible. From Ethiopia to Kazakhstan, the data that “proves” that an authoritarian regime is doing good is often produced by that very same regime.

Once regime-produced data makes it into the world’s most trusted indexes, authoritarians and their unintentional supporters use these numbers in their propaganda, which hampers efforts to promote human rights.

When Ethiopian prime minister Meles Zenawi died in 2012, Bill Gates led a chorus of Western praise for his development efforts, praising Zenawi for bringing millions out of poverty and ignoring his near-total censorship or his massacre of hundreds of protestors. The Economist and the The New York Review of Books have since pointed out that the Ethiopian regime fabricates development statistics.


Why Dictators Love Development Statistics

They’re an easily faked way to score international points.


 

Exchanges at the Organization of American States usually don’t do well on YouTube. But when the Honduran Minister of Foreign Affairs brought up Venezuela’s crackdown on dissent last summer, Venezuelan representative Delcy Rodríguez scored surprise points with a rebuttal citing the United Nations’ 2016 Human Development Index, which ranks Venezuela 59 spots higher than Honduras. Crackdown or no crackdown, “Venezuela does not demonstrate such terrifying statistics,” she said, in an exchange that soon went viral on Spanish-speaking social media. It was a win for the Maduro regime, and the key to victory was trusted U.N. data.

For those of us working to advance human rights, such episodes are becoming frustratingly familiar. From the development initiatives of Jeffrey Sachs and Bill Gates, to Tony Blair’s despotic partnerships or Tom Friedman championing Chinese autocracy in The New York Times, the last two decades have seen political concerns repeatedly sidelined by development statistics. The classic defense of dictatorship is that without the messy constraints of free elections, free press, and free protests, autocrats can quickly tear down old cities to build efficient new ones, dam rivers to provide electricity, and lift millions out of poverty.

The problem with using statistics to sing the praises of autocracy is that collecting verifiable data inside closed societies is nearly impossible. From Ethiopia to Kazakhstan, the data that “proves” that an authoritarian regime is doing good is often produced by that very same regime.

A handful of organizations power the global industry of statistics collection, including the World Bank, the United Nations, and the World Economic Forum. Each of these organizations conduct large-scale socio-economic surveys, where researchers want to include as many countries as possible. However, many of these countries—93 of them, comprising nearly 4 billion people, according to the Human Rights Foundation—are ruled by authoritarian regimes that typically block impartial investigators from entering their borders. Often, data collectors are forced to work with the strongmen in charge.

For Bahrain, the World Economic Forum receives most of its data from surveys given to government officials at the Bahrain Economic Development Board, who conduct them and give the results back to Geneva. In WEF’s analysis from that point, outliers may be cast out or excluded with data modeling, but the foundational numbers remain entirely a creation of the dictatorship.

UNESCO representatives say that in the case of Cuba, they use the regime’s education numbers in compiling their reports. There is no on-the-ground verification for these often-encouraging figures. Meanwhile, a former treasury official from Uzbekistan said that visits from international data collectors were highly choreographed, and that the regime was easily able to control survey outcomes.

When surveys don’t go according to plan, dictators can simply shut polling down. Gallup World Poll director Jon Clifton, when I called him up as part of a Human Rights Foundation interview several years ago, recalled a time when the company’s researchers had collected data in one African country, only to have their equipment seized at the airport on the way out.

Still, no one wants blank countries on their world maps. “Ultimately, organizations need to produce some kind of data,” Clifton said. “Even if it’s not terribly good, they still need data.”

But the development reports using such numbers also wind up giving them institutional legitimacy, in ways that can affect huge decisions in aid and trade. World Bank data in particular, as one 2012 study observed, is promoted in media outlets as a reputable guide for global investment, and has inspired reforms as countries seek to climb the rankings. UNESCO’s numbers go into the World Development Report (World Bank) and the Human Development Index (UNDP), where they serve, in UNESCO’s own words, to “benchmark progress towards national and international targets.” The educational components of the Sustainable Development Goals—which guide and inspire do-gooders and impact investors across the planet—are measured with UNESCO data. Statistics flow directly from many dictatorial governments to UNESCO and then into the SDG reports.

Once regime-produced data makes it into the world’s most trusted indexes, authoritarians and their unintentional supporters use these numbers in their propaganda, which hampers efforts to promote human rights.

When Ethiopian prime minister Meles Zenawi died in 2012, Bill Gates led a chorus of Western praise for his development efforts, praising Zenawi for bringing millions out of poverty and ignoring his near-total censorship or his massacre of hundreds of protestors. The Economist and the The New York Review of Books have since pointed out that the Ethiopian regime fabricates development statistics.

Halfway across the globe in Venezuela, the late Hugo Chávez built a global reputation as the people’s president, proudly flaunting statistics showing his administration had reduced poverty by 50 percent. In 2014, Chavismo heir Nicolás Maduro justified his crackdown on dissent—torturing and kidnapping student protesters—in a New York Times op-ed citing data showing that his regime “consistently reduced inequality,” “reduced poverty enormously,” and “improved citizens’ lives over all.” The source of that data? The U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, which used Millennium Development Goal data—which came directly from the regime’s own statisticians.

In Azerbaijan, Ilham Aliyev’s dictatorship has used economic growth data to convince the world that it is a thriving, effective government with a robust investment climate. The World Economic Forum, among others, gave the Azeri regime a platform to talk about its financial success—which is used to whitewash crimes ranging from the jailing of dissidents to the theft of billions.

Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame’s human rights violations are legion: the assassination of critical journalists, sponsorship of death squads in the Congolese jungle, the use of international hitmen, and the jailing of political opponents. Despite all this, supporters ranging from Bill Clinton to Jeffrey Sachs breathlessly praise his leadership and economic success. When Kagame “won” 99 percent of the presidential vote a few months ago, the international community was quick to call that political data into question. But Rwanda’s literacy rates, life expectancy, and economic growth numbers continue to be taken at face value.

This near-universal lack of skepticism is hard to explain, especially since the problem isn’t new. In 1987, two Soviet economists published an article called Lukavaya Tsifra(“cunning numbers”) which demonstrated that between 1928 and 1985, the USSR’s GDP had grown over ten times slower than reported by the regime’s Central Statistical Administration. They showed that the regime’s “official” economic data was being falsified to whitewash human suffering.

In 2014, researchers at Bucknell compared satellite images of nighttime lights over time (a proxy for economic activity) to reported GDP growth to show that dictatorships, on average, exaggerate economic growth significantly more than democratic governments. Others have taken up this subject, too­—two examples being development historian Morten Jerven’s Poor Numbers: How We Are Misled by African Development Statistics and What to Do About It and economist Bill Easterly’s The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor. But these analyses have not fundamentally changed how people use development data.

When used by universities and research institutions, socio-economic data sets guide our fundamental understanding of the world. When used by policy makers, philanthropists, and bankers, they steer billions of dollars of aid and investment. Often, the reason data from dictators remains unchallenged is that so many economists, financiers, diplomats, and donors rely on it to do their jobs.

But without more rigorous inquiry into the origin and quality of socio-economic data, the grim reality of dictatorship often remains obscured. Beyond that, intellectuals and world leaders might do well reflect on their worship of development numbers over human rights concerns.

After all, even if the data behind the UN’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals could be verified, what do they signify if not a single one mentions the words individual rights, civil liberties, or democracy—even once? Numbers aren’t always as simple or as neutral as they seem.