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ADWUI: BAQSUU MOO DIMOKRAATESSUU WAYYA? Jawar Mohammed October 17, 2019

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ADWUI: BAQSUU MOO DIMOKRAATESSUU WAYYA?

Tibba dabre kana walgahii ‘Maddamar’ ilaalchisee Bishooftutti guyyoota lamaaf adeemsifame irratti hirmaadhee ture. Walgahii kanarratti barruulee dhiyaataniifi haala itti adeemsifamee irratti illaalchaafi gorsan qabu battalatti himeen jira. Kan hafes barrudhaan warra dubbiin ilaallatuuf nan erga. Ammas dhimma tokko kan fuulduree sabaafi biyya keenyaaf akkaan murteessaa ta’e irratti yaada, yaaddoofi gorsa dhiheessuun barbaada.

Xumura walgahii kanaa irratti MM Abiy Ahmad argamuun haasaa goolabbii taasasinii jiru. Haasaa kana keessatti dhimmi keessa keessa dubbatamaa ture tokko mirkaneessanii jiru. ADWUI’n diigamee paartiin haaraan akka dhaabbatu. Kana jechuun dhaabni amma gamtaa jaarmayoota saba irraa ijaaramaniin biyya bulchaa jiru diigame dhaaba qeenxee ( unitary) ta’een bakka buufamuuf qophiin akka xumurameedha. Tarlkaanfiin kun ODP, Oromoofi Itoophiyaaf faaydaa qaburra miidhaatu caala yaada jedhun qaba. Kanas akka armaan gadiittin tarreessa.

RAKKOO BU’URAA

Jaarmaa ADWUI/EPRDF fi EPP amma dhaabachuu hedu jidduu garaagarummaa gurguddaa lamatu jira. Kan duraa EPRDF tumsa ( alliance/ coalition) yoo ta’u amma tumsi sun walitti baqee/ diigamee/ gara dhaaba qeenxee tokkotti jijjiirama. Kan jechuun dhaabbileen EPRDF irraa jaarame kanneen akka ODP, ADP diigamanii ( dIssolve) dhabamu. Hin jiraatan jechuudha. Garaagarummaan lammataa EPRDF keessatti miseensummaan gareedhaan / sabaani. Kana jechuun jaarmaalee dursee saboota irraa ijaaramantu walitti dhufee tumsa tolfate. Kana jechuun dura akka sabaatti gurmoofteet san booda tumsa walii jaarratta. Kara biraatiin ibsuuf EPRDF keessatti miseensummaan gareen/ sabaan yoo ta’u EPP keessatti dhuunfaa/ matayyaani. Fakkeenyaaf Gammadaan dhaaba Oromoo ODP jedhamutti miseensa ta’eet san booda ODPn EPRDF keessatti Gammadaa bakka bu’a. Gammadaafi Tolaa, Hagos fi Gidey, Difaabachew fi Caanneen dura akka sabaatti ijaaramaniit, jaarmaan sun dantaa isaanii EPRDF keessatti bakka bu’aaf.Dantaa isaaniis akka Oromo, Tigreefi Amaaratti EPRDF keessatti falamatu. Amma garuu Gammadaa, Gidey fi Caanneen suduudaan miseensa EPP ta’u. Achittis dantaa dhuunfaa malee kan waloo bakka hin bu’an. Sababnis akka duritti waloon gurmaa’anii bakka bu’ummaa sabaa fudhatanii waan hin dhaqneef. Gammadafi Tolaan dantaa dhuunfasa isaa malee kan sabaa gareen dhiheessuu hin danda’u.

Jijjiramni EPRDF irraa gara EPP godhamu kun falmaa siyaasaa biyya kana waggota 50f unkuran keessaa gara tokko gora…gara ejjennoo dhaabbileen siyaasaa Amaaraa yeroo dheeraaf qabatamnniitti. Gaafa sirna cunqursaa irratti qabsoon eegale irraa kaasee akkamitti yoo gurmoofne sirna diomokraatawaafi walqixummaa uumna kan jedhu ijoo falmiiti. Akkamitti gurmaayuutu wayya kan jedhu kanaaf yaada lamatu dhiyaachaa ture. Gareen tokko, ummanni biyya kanaa akka walootti cunqurfame. Waloon yoo gurmaa’ee socho’e mirgaafi dantaa waloo san deeffachuu danda’a jedha (There is collective repression. Solution to be sought through collective action towards collective emancipation.). Yaadni lammataa, Itoophiyaa keessatti namoonni gareen/ sabaan osoo hin taane dhuunfaadhaan cunqurfaman, kanaafuu sabaan osoo hin taane dhuunfaadhaan walitti dhufanii jaaramuun mirga namuutuu eegsisuu danda’u kan jedhuudha. Kanneen keessaa qabsoon Oromoo isa duraa fudhattee as geesse. Akka sabaatti cunqurfamne. Akka sabaatti gurmoofnee, akka sabaatti bilisoomna. Yoo tumsa barbaanne ummata cunqurfamee akka sabaatti jaarame waliin guuza waliif baanee humna dabalanna kan jedhuudha. Saboonni cunqurfamoon biyya kanaa hundi yaada gurmaa’ina waloo kana fudhatanii soch’aa as gahan. Kan dhuunfaadhaan gurmaa’uu kana kan dhaadhessu warra Amaaraa ykn Amaarayee ture. Hanga ammaa…

Bu’urri ( foundation) sirna federaalizimii biyya kanaas mirga, dantaafi hariiroo waloo/ gareeti malee kan dhuunfaa miti. Heerri Mootummaa biyyaattii ‘Nuti Sabaafi sablammoonni ummatoonni’ Itoophiyaa jedhee kan calqabu waa malee miti. Yaada ka’uumsaa sirnichaatu sani. Sabaafi sablammoonni boortaa qawweetiin weeraramanii humnaan oggolanii mirga ofiin of bulchii sarbamanii mootummaa Itoophiyaa jalatti galfamanii waan turaniif fincilan. Fincilanii sirna jiddugleessawaa ( centralized administation) diiganii, sirna naannoo isaanii akka ofiin bulchaniifi biyya ammoo waloon bulchan hayyamu, saboonni kun fedhiin walitti dhufanii jaaran jedha yaadni sirni federaalizimii kanaa. Kanaafuu paartiin biyyoolessaa saboonni osoo hin taane namoonni keessatti bakka buufaman yaada bu’uraa sirna federaalizimii biyya kanaa kan faalleessuudha. Kanarratti deebiin kennamaa jiru mootummaafi paartiin adda adda waan ta’uuf ( government and party will be separated) paartiin qinxee ta’us hojmaata bulchiinsa federaalawaa hin miidhu jedhu. Kun dhugaa miti. Biyya amma cehuumsarra jirtu dhiisii kanneen dimokraatawaa ta’anittuu aangoofi caasaa paartii biyya bulchuu kan mootummaa irraa adda baasuun ulfaataadha. Biyya keenyatti ammoo paartiifi mootummaan walitti hirkachuufi makamuu waggoota kurna as deemuuf ittuma fufu. Kanaafuu paartiin jiddugaleessawaa ( centralized) ta’e biyyatti gara bulchiinsa giddugaleessawaatti dhiibuun waan hin oolle. Akkasumas paartiin naannoo bulchu tokko paartii jiddugaleessaa irraa walabaummaa ( autonomy) yoo hin qabaannee bulchiinsa naannoo bifa of dandada’een ( autonomous) geggeessuu hin dnda’u. Autonomy paartii tokkoo autonomy bulchiinsa nnaannoof murteessaadha. Biyya kana keessatti Oromoon akka chaampiyoonaa mirga sabootaafi federaaliziitti laalala. Paartii bu’ura ofiin of bulchuufi federaalizimii faalleessu gaafa qabatee as bahu shakkiifi komaa hamaa kaasuun waan hin oolle.

Falmaan gareen gurmaa’uu moo dhuunfaadhaan jedhu kun kan Itoophiyaa keessaa qofa miti. Warra Lixaa keessas jira. Asiifi achittis warri cunqurfame ( saboonni, dubartoonni, hojjattoonni) gareen gurmaayuu filatu. Sababni isaas mirgi isaanii akka walootti waan sarbameef mirga san deeffachuuf ammoo dhuunfaadhaan humna waan hin qabneef waloon gurmaayanii guuza waliif bahuufi. Warri ol’aantummaa siyaasaafi diinaggee qabu ammoo dhuunfaadhaan/matayyaan gurmaayuu filata. Sababni isaa lama. Kan duraa akka dhuunfaatti qabeenyaafi aangoo guddaa waan qabuuf adeemsa siyaasaa irratti hiyyeessafi cunqurfamaa caalaa salphatti dhiibbaa gochuu danda’a. Kan lammataa siyaasni biyya tokko dhuunfaa qofaan kan gurmaa’amu yoo taate, hiyyeessaafi cunqurfamaan guuza waliif bahee jirbii wal taate arba hiitu waan hin taaneef, humna dureessaafi abbaan aangoon walgitu/morku horachuu hin danda’an. Haala kanaan siyaasaa biyyaa keessatti olaantummaan isaanii akkuma eegametti itti fufa jechuu dha. Kanaafuu atakaaroon mirga waloofi dhuunfaa, waloon gurmaa’uufi dhuunfaan jaaramuu dubbii haasaa qofaa /theory/ miti. Kan dantaati. Filannoon kee hawaasaafi sirna siyaasaa san keessatti gita diinaggeefi aangoo irra geesse irratti hundaa’a. Qabeenyaafi angoon ol’aantummaa yoo qabaatte dhuunfaan gurmaayuu filatta. Qabeenyaafi aangoon dhiibamtee yoo jiraatte waloon filmaata keeti.

OROMOOF

Kanarraa kaanee bakka amma Oromoofi Itoophiyaan keessa jirtutti waloon gurmoofnee dantaa teenya deemsifachuu moo dhuunfaadhaan/matayyaan socho’uutu nu baasa? Oromoon diinaggeefi siyaasaan gartuulee isaan dorgomaniin wal qixxaayee jiraa?” Gaafileen Oromoon qabatee ka’e, kan eenyummaa, abbaa biyyummaa, Afaaniifi diinaggee deebi’anii jiruu? Yoo deebi’uu baatan gurmaa’ina dhuunfaatiin deebisuu dandeenyaa? Ana natti hin fakkaatu. Oromoon har’as yoo tarii saamichi waggaa 150 sun irraa laaffateera tahe malee qabeenya isaa irratti abbummaa guutuu horatee, biyyattii keessatti dorgomaa hin taane. Akka hin taanef ammoo sirna, adeemsaafi caaseffama gitabittootaaf haala mijeessuuf tolfametu ammas akka diriiretti jira. Caaseffama kana jijjiiran malee diinaggeen dorgomaa tahuun hin danda’amu. Caaseffama shiraa kana diiguuf ammoo waloon socho’uun dirqama. Gaafii Finfinnees ta’ee kan Afaanis tattaaffii Gammadaafi Gammachuun mata mataan godhaniin osoo hin taane humna waloo Oromootin deebi’uu danda’a. Ammas taanaan Oromoon of diigee akka Itoophiyyaatti jaaramuun faaydaa argatu irra miidhaatu caala.

Adeemsi waloon jaaramuu irra dhuunfaan warra kaanitti makamuu kun miidhaa biraas qaba. ODP akka jaarmaattifi Oromoos akka sabaatti atakaaroo haaraya keessa galchuun humna nu harcaasa. Qoqqodamni bifa kanaa gaafa qabsoon dhalaturraa eegaltee nu miidhaa jirti. Fiigichi Oromoo baqaqsanii kan biraatiin walitti hodhuuf godhamu amma duras baay’ee nu miidhe, ammas hin milkaayu. Dura keessoo ofii cimsanii tokkummaan jaaraniit orma waliin guuza walii bahan.

Jaarmayoota sabaa diiganiii kan namoonni dhuunfaa keessatti miseensoman dhaabuun warra adeemsa seenaa keessatti ol’aantummaa ijaarrateef haala mijeessaaf. Kana jechuun ummatoonni seenaa keessatti cunqurfaman ( historically disadvantaged) jaarama haaraa kana keessatti kanuma haga ammaa qabanuu dhaban malee waan dabalatan hin qabu. Kan faaydaa irraa argatu tokkoffaa gartuu Amaaraati. Akkuma armaan olitti jenne Oromoon akka chaampiyoonaa sirna federaalizimiifi mirga sabootaatti beekama. Paartii biyyooleessaa bu’ura federaalizimii faalleessu kanaan gadi bahuun Oromoo kan hin fayyadne ta’uu qofa osoo hin taane saboota kaawwaniinis walitti nu buusa. Ammaahuu gara Kibbaafi bahaatii komiifi mamiin mumul’achaa jira.

ODPf

Walitti baquun EPRDF kun dhaabbilee hunda caalaa ODPf rakkoo cimaa qaba. Kan duraa ODPn ammaa/ OPDOn duraanii mooraa qabsoo Oromootti ija shakkiifi jibbiinsaan laalamti. Hamma tokko kan ummata biratti fudhama argatte erga hoggansa Obboo Lammaa Magarsaa jalatti qabsoo Oromoo dhugeeffattee sabboonummaa leellisuu eegaltee asi. Waggoota sadan dabre jaarmaan kun qola durii san muuxatee adda duree qabsoo Oromoo hamma ta’uutti maqaa ofii haaromsuu /rebrand/ of gochuu danda’ee ture. Amma yeroo akka dhaabaatti diigamtee matayyaan jaarmaa biraatti makamtu sabboonummaa Oromoo laaffisuun Itoophiyummaa leellisuuf dirqamte. Kun ammoo Oromoo irraa ishii fageessaa deema. Kunis ODP dhiibbaa gama lamaa itti fiduun garaa sabboontotaafi Itoophiyaanotaatti adda baqaqsa. Yoo tokkummaa eeggattee dhaaba ODP diigdee warra kaaniin walitti baqxe ammoo ammoo ummata ( constituency) ishii irraa adda baasee warra biraatti akka maxxantu godha. Kana jechuun maxxantummaa Tigree irraa gara maxxantummaa Amaaraatti ceeti jechuudha.

Kan lammataa miseensonni ODP hanga ammaa akka sabaatti jaaramanii waan jiraniif EPRDF keessatti akka dirra/block/ tokkoo socho’u. Kun ammoo akka dhaabaattis, akka naannoofi sabaattis dantaa ofii waloon dhiibuuf isaan gargaara. Erga walitti baqanii booddee namuuu dhuunfaan miseensa Koree Hojii Raaw’achiiftuu ykn Jiddu Galeessaa ta’a. Waloon socho’uun hin jiraatu. Rakkoon sadaffaa ishii mudatu filannoodha. ODPn akkanaanuu akka paartii waggoota 27f ummata miidhee waggaa 1 kana amaanaa cehumsaa itti kenname bakkaan gahuu dadhabde filannoo itti aanurratti moo’achuuf hireen ishii dhiphaadha. Gaaf baqxee Oromumaa ofirraa mulqite ammoo daranuu ummata keessaa tufamti. ODPn baqxe Oromiyaa keessatti filannoo dorgomtee moo’achuu dhiisii akka duriitti hatteetuu miliquu hin dandadeessu. Dhaabbilee Oromoo biroo waliin tumsa tolfachuufis ishii rakkisa. Sababnis dhaabni Oromoo kamuu kan dhaaba Oromummaa mulqatee waliin walitti dabalamuuf ummata sodaata. Warri ODPn ammoo erga Itoophiyaanomanii booda dhaaba maqaa sabaan socho’u waliin michoomuun warra kaan muufachiisa. Rakkoon biroo harca’insa humnaa uumamuudha.

Siyaasa cehuumsaa milkiin geggeessuuf dhaaba hogganu qofa osoo hin taane deeggartoota jijjirama hunda mooraa tokkotti walitti qabanii humna cimsachuu gaafata. ODPn humna namaa dandeettiifi fudhatama gahaa qabu akka hin qabne beekkamaadha. Yeroo amma kanatti ajandaa miseensotuma ishii afaanfajjeessufi diigu as baasurra kan humnoota jaarmaya ishiitin ala jiran Oromummaa jiddugaleessa godhattee hawwattee humna ishii ittiin cimsattu ture. Yaadni walitti baquu garuu Oromoota hanga amma ishii gargaaranis kan irraa dhiibuufi dhaabuma san keessaayyuu sabboontota kan moggeessuudha.

Walumaagalatti ODPn akka dhaabaatti walitti baquu kanarraa kasaaraa malee faaydaan argattu hin jiru. Kanaafuu yaadni ODP baqsanii dhaaba Itoophiyaa jaaruu kun dantaa Oromoos ta’ee kan ODP kan jiddu galeessa godhatee miti. Hawwiifi fedhii Muummicha Ministeeraa qofaadha. Siyaasaan uumaa ishiitti dalagaa walooti malee kan dhuunfaa miti. Mul’anniifi ciminni hogganaa barbaachisaa ta’us tarsiimoofi akeekni lafa kaayame dantaa hawaasa ( constituency ) isaa jiddu galeessa godhatee deemuu baannaan fagoo hin tarkaanfatu. Ba’aa itti ta’ee jabinuma hogganaa saniituu laamshessa.

Namni mootummaa kana keessa hoggansarra ture tokko dhiyoo tana osoo waa haasofnu akkana jedhe. “Imammanni, tarsiimoonifi seeronni biyya kanaa hundi nama tokko kan gubbarra jiru san jiddu-galeessa godhatanii bocamu. Namni sun ammoo akka waan hunda beekuufi waggaa 1000 jiraatutti yaadama. Bara TPLF waa hundi fedhiifi hawwii Mallasaa irratti tolfame. Gaafa inni du’u akkuma mana utubaan cabeetti wanni jaaramaa bahe hundi diigamuufi harca’uu eegale” jedhe. Yaadni ODP baqsuu kunis ciminaafi hawwii nama tokkoo kan jiddugaleessa godhate malee dantaa dhaabaa, sabaafi Oromiyaa kan ilaallate natti hin fakkaatu. MM Abiy Ahmad siyaasaa Oromoof haaraadha. Ummanni hanga kanaayyuu kan isa fudhate sababa Obboo Lammaa Magarsaatini. Jechootaafi gochoota erga aangotti dhufee deemsisuunis shakkiin guddaan irratti umamaa jira. Gaafa ODP irraa Oromummaa mulqee deeme shakkiifi hamiin dhugoomaa dhufa. Gaafas saba keessaa of baasa. Biyya sabdaneessaa keessatti Hogganaan ummata keessaa dhufe /constituency/ isaa wayyabaa of cinaa hin hiriirsine biyya bulchuu hin danda’u. Ummata keessaa dhufe /constituency/ isaa kana deebisee dhuunfachuuf humnaan hacuucuuf dirqama.Sun ammoo mukarra taa’anii jirma isaa qottoon of jalatti muruu dha. Mukni jiguu mala. Garuu kophaa miti. Abbichas qabateeti.

ADWUI/ EPRDF

Dhaabni ADWUI/EPRDF kun waggoota 28 darbeef biyya bulcheera. Kana jaarame adda durummaan dantaa TPLF deemsisuuf akka ta’e shakkiin hin jiru. Amma haaromuun ykn kan biraan bakka bu’uun dirqama akka ta’e wal nama hin gaafachiisu. Gaafa kuffisuurra cehuumsa kana dhaabnummaan kun akka geggeessu godhamus mudaalee isaa wallaallee miti. ADWUI/EPRDF kuffisuun biyya jigsuu fiduu mala jedhamee waan sodaatameefi. Abdiin ture ADWUI/EPRDF cehumsa kana yeroo geggeessutti ofis haaromsaa deemaadha. Kanaafuu tarkaanfiin ADWUI/EPRDF haaromsuuf godhamu sirriidha. Akkamittiin dhaaba kana haaromsuun barbaachisa kan jedhu garuu sirritti laalamuu qaba. Ka’uumsi isaa rakkoon EPRDF maali? kan jedhu laaludhaan tahuu qaba. ADWUIn Rakkoo bu’uraa 3 qaba. Kan duraa ol’aantummaa garee tokkoo jala jiraachuudha. Kan lammataa abbaa irruumaadha. Kan sadaffaa paartilee naannolee 4 bulchan malee kanneen hafan 5 alatti hambisuudha. Kan ol’aantummaa garee tokko sun jijjirama kanaanuu hamma tokko cabeera. Guututti sirreessuuf paartileen hundi akkaataa constituency isaanitin akka bakka bu’ummaa qabaatan ( proportional representation) gochuudha. Kan abbaa irrummaas amma akka haaratti as deebi’uu eegale malee wayyaayee ture. Furmaanni waaraa dirree siyaasaa bal’ate heeraafi seeraan taliganii filannoo bilisaatti cehuuni. Kan saboota moggaatti dhiibamanii sunis laafaadha. Paartileen naannolee shanan bulchan miseensomanii bakka bu’ummaa baay’ina ummata isaanitiin walgituun sagalee guutuudhaan akka hirmaatan taasisuudha.

Adeemsa ADWUI/EPRDF dimokratessuufi haaromsuu ( democratize & rebrand) bifa salphaadhaan godhamuu danda’u kana dhiisanii gara baqsuutti deemuun tumsa kanaafi dhaabbilee miseensotaafis balaa qaba. Miidhaa dhaabbilee miseensotaatiif qabu ODP akka fakkeenyaatti fudhannee laallee jirra. Yaadni EPRDF walitti baqsuu amma itti deemamaa jiru sabboonummaa sabootaa laaffisanii siyaasaa jiddugaleessummaa ( centrist ) gaggeessuudha. Garuu ammoo sirna federaalaa sabdaneessaa keessatti yeroo abbaan irrummaa jigee dirreen siyaasaa babal’atu sabbonnummaan ukkaamame ture ni dhooha. Kanaaf filannoo yeroo cehuumsaatti jaarmayaalee sabboonummaa dhaadhessantu hiree moohachuu qaba. Keessattuu gaafa dhaabbileen miseensota EPRDF maqaa sabaa ofirraa mulqan sareen sooqiddaan isaan nyaattu hin argamtu. Dadammaqiinsi ummataa cimaan waan jiruufi cehuumsaan humni mootummaa waan laaffatuuf dandeettiin filannoo hatanii injifannoo labsuu hin jiraatu. Yaaliin akkasii jeequmsa hamaa uumuudhaan kufaatii paartii biyya bulchuu yoo saffisiise malee aangoo hin haaromsuuf.

Partii walitti baqfamee amma uumamuuf yaadamu kana dhaabni ABUT/TPLF akka hin seenne beeksiftee jirti. Laaftutti yoo Ilaalan paartiin saba bicuu takka keessaa hafteef homaa hin uumamu fakkaachuu mala. Akkuma naannolee shanan ammaan duraa san ‘agar party’ jedhamtee itti fuftis fakkaachuu mala. Dhugaan akkas miti. Erga jijjiramni kun dhufee TPLF Maqaletti godaantee naannoo Tigray mootummaa federaalaa irraa fageessaa jirti. Wanti Tigraay fi mootummaa federaalaa walitti hidhu ADWUI dha. Gaafa kana keessaa baate wanti walitti hidhu sun cite jechuudha. Ishiinis baatee adabattee hin teessu. Dantaa jiddu galeessaa qabdu eegsifachuufi warra ishiitti roorrisu dadhabsiisuuf humnoota siyaasaa biroo waliin hariiroo cimsiti. Kana ammoo ifaafi lafa jalas ( clandestine) godhuun jeequu dandeessi. Gaafas mootummaan federaalaa Tigray akkamiin too’atee bulchuuf yaada? Akkaminis sochii TPLF humooota siyaasaa biyya keessaafi ollaa waliin gootu dandamachuun danda’ama. Humnaan jilbiifachiifnaan waan hin fakkaanne. TPLF dogongora hoggansi federaalaa raaw’ate fayyadamuun akka ummanni Tigraay hundi balaaf saaxilamee fakkeessuun bifa haaratti fudhatama cimaa horattee jirti. Kanaafuu aggaammii TPLF irratti godhamu kamiyyuu ummanni guutumaan guututti dura dhaabbata. Humna Raayyaa Biyyaan rukunnaanis hin ta’u. Akka odeeffamu osoo hin ta’in RIB ammas olaantummaan harka jaraa jira. Warra gubbaatu tuqame malee jiddugaleessi isaanuma. San qofa miti. Meeshaan waraanaa gurguddaan RIB qabu guututti sadarkaa jedhamutti Tigraay jira. Yaaliin baasuuf godhames TPLFin fashalaayee jira. Kanaafuu mootummaan Geetachoo Asaffaa qabuu dadhabe TPLF humnaan moo’adhee Tigray nan too’adha jechuun waan hin fakkaanne. Kanarra TPLF tumsa paartii biyya bulchuu keessaa baasanii waanuma qabuu hin dandeenyeef jala fiigurra, asuma keessatti dhiibbaa ishii hirdhisaa karkarsaa deemuutu wayya. Inumaatuu TPLF tumsa biyya bulchuu keessa turuun ishii miidhaarra faaydaatu caala. Maalif? TPLF jiraachuun dhiibbaa gara Amaaraan jiru walmadaalchisuuf fayyada.

Saboonni dura moggaatti hambifaman amma paartii baqu kanatti dabalamu jedhameera. Dansaadha. Garuu paartileen kun naannoolee yeroo dheeraaf cunqurfamaniifi saamaman irraa dhufu. Gaafiin isaanii paartii biyya bulchutti haa makamnuu qofaa miti. Naannoo isaanirratti walabummaan ( autonomous) bulchuufi sadarkaa federaalaatti qooda isaaniin malu arkachuudha. Dantaa kana lamaanuu kan eegsisuuf paartii akka sabaatti jaarratanii qaban osoo hin diigin tumsa ( coalition) biyya bulchu keessatti qooda isaanin malu fudhachuudha. Walabummaa isaaniis eegsisanii qooda federaalaas hirmaatu. Gaafa baqan garuu walabummaan akka naannotti qaban kan durii caalaa laaffata. Sadarkaa federaalaatti qondaalonni muraasi aangoon dabalamuufis humni dantaa saba isaniif falmachuu ( bargaining power) ni hirdhata. Kanaafuu dhaabni haaraan baqee EPP tahuuf deemu mirga ofiin of bulchuu saboota kanaa daran laaffisa malee ol hin guddisu. Kun ammoo saboonni yeroo dheeraaf nu waliin cunqurfamanii aantummaa keenya abdachaa turan akka nu komataniifi diinomfatan godha.

RAKKOO SEERAA ( constitutional crisis)

Wanti miseensonnifi hogganoonni ODP sirritti hubachuu qaban tokko gaafa EPRDF dhaamsa tumsaa irraa baqsuun gara dhaaba tokkotti jijjiramu, dura dhaabbilee miseensotaa seeraan diiguun dirqama. Hojamaata EPRDF fi dhaabbilee miseensaa akkasumas heera paartilee biyyatti irraa akka hubannutti, koreen hoji raaw’achiiftuufi koreen jiddugaleessaa dhaabbilee miseensota mari’atee yaada dhaaba diiguufi baqsuu kanarratti yoo waliifgale gara Yaa’ii Dhaabaaf ( General Assembly) dhiheessa. Yaa’iin qaama ol’aanaa dhaabaati. Yaa’iin yaadicha yoo fudhate dhaabni isaanii guyyaa sanirraa eegalee akka diigameefi hoggansis paartilee biroo waliin walitti baqee dhaaba haaraa akka jaaru aangawuu isaa beeksisuun boordii filannoo beeksisa. Gaafa murtiin dabre irraa kaasee dhaabni ODP jedhamu hin jiraatu jechuudha. Filannoo dabre kan sagalee wayyaba qabachuun bulchiinsa gandaa hamma Caffeetti mootummaa jaare Dh. D.U.O/ ODP ta’uun beekamaadha. Amma yeroo dhaabni sun seeraan diigamu hamma dhaabni haaraatti filannoon maanaa ummataa fudhatee mootummaa ijaaru as bahutti mootummaan banaa ta’a jechuudha. Banaa kana cufuuf bulchiinsa itti fufsiisuuf filannoo ariifachiisaa ( snap election) godhuun dirqama. Falli biraa moo mormitoota waliin waliif galanii mootummaa amaanaa ( caretaker government) jaaruudha. Filannoon ariifachiisaa gochuunis ykn mootummaa amaanaa jaaruun xaxaa guddaa qaba. Hubadhaa, dhaaba walitti baqe ijaaruuf kan diigamuu qabu ODP qofa osoo hin taane dhaabbilee naannoolee saglan bulchan cufa. Kana jechuun naannolee saglanittuu takkaa filannoo ariifachiisaa ykn mootummaa amaanaa jaaruun dirqama. San qofa miti. Sadarkaa federaalaattis rakkoo heeraatu uumamuu mala. EPRDF yeroo ammaa tumsa bulchiinsaa (governing coalition) dha. Jechuunis OPDO, ANDM, TPLF fi SEPDM mata mataan naannoo isaanitti sagalee wayyabaa moo’atanii federaalaatti sagalee argatan walitti dabaluun harka wayyabaa ya’enii mootummaa federaalaa bulchuuf aangoo fudhatan. Gaafa dhaabbileen diigaman irraa kaasee hanga dhaabni isaan walitti baqanii dhaaban haarayni filannoo moo’atuutti ammas sadarakaa federalaattis banaa bulchiinsaa ( vacuum) uumama. Kanaafu takkaahuu filannoo ariifachiisaa taasisuu ykn ammoo mootummaa amaanaa jaaruun dirqama ta’uuf deema. Kun ammoo xaxama ( complexity) fi gaaga’ama ( crisis) akkamii uumuu akka malu tilmaamuun nama hin dhibu.

FALLI

Adeemsi ODP baqsanii dhabamsiisanii paartii Itoophiyaatti liqimsiisuu kun dhaaba saniifi ummata Oromoos akka hin fayyadane, akkasumas paartii biyya bulchuufi biyya kanaafis faaydaa qaburra balaan akka caalu agarsiisuu yaaleen jira. Saboota moggaatti dhiibamanii naannoo ofiirratti mirga ofiin of bulchuu guutuu federaalatti ammoo qooda isaanin malu argachuuf hawwanis daran kan miidhu akka ta’e kaayeera. Maarree falli maali gaafiin jedhuuf ammoo:

Hunda dura ODPn waan ishii miidhuraa of qusachuun humna jabeeffachuudha. Tokkummaa keessoo dhaabaa cimsuun, sabboonummaa ummata ittiin hawwatte jabeeffachuu, humna namaa barateefi fudhatama qabu ( credable) ofitti dabalachuun jabaattee bahuu qabdi. Itti aansuun mooraa Oromoo keessatti walhubannoo ( consensus) uumuun siyaasaa Oromiyaa tasgabbeessuu barbaachisa. Kana keessaa akkuma ammaa Gaaddisa Hogganoota Oromo jalatti jalqabametti filannoon osoo hin dhufin dura mormitoota waliin bu’aan filannoo sanii kan hunda fayyadu ta’uu waliif galuu qabu ( negotiated election and power sharing). Kun ammoo Oromiyaa qofatti osoo hin taane dhaabni naannolee biroo bulchaniifi mormitoonni isaaniis akka raaw’atan jajjabeessuu feesisa. Kun filannoon kan tokko guutuu moo’atee kuun moo’amu ( absolute winners and losers) osoo hin taane kan namuu keessaa waa argatu akka ta’u godha. Kun ammoo jeequmsa filannoo duraafi boodaa hambisuuf fayyada.

EPRDF baqsuu osoo hin taane dimokraatessuutu wayya. Kana jechuun paartileen 4 amma keessaa jiran dabalatee kan naannolee shanan hafanii bifa bakka bu’ummaa ummata isaaniin walgituun ( proportional representation) tolchuudha. Hojmaataafi ilaalcha /ideology/ paartichaa fooyyeessuun akka sirna dimokraasii waliin deemu taasisuudha. Paartileen hundi akka baay’ina ummata bakka bu’anii ( proportional representation) akka hirmaatan gochuun dhaabbilee akka TPLF biraa mormii kaasuu mala. Mormiin akkasii kan dimokraasummaafi walqixummaaf diddaa isaan qaban waan saaxiluuf yaadaan moo’achuun salphaadha. Yeroo ammaa garuu yaada paartilee walitti baqsuu kana walabummaa ( autonomy) dhaabaafi naannoo sarba jedhanii waan dhiheessaniif mormiin isaanii Tigraay qofa osoo hin taane naannolee biroottis naatoofi deeggarsa argachaa jira. Kana dhabsiisuuf EPRDF baqsuu dhiisanii dimokraatessuuttii deebi’uun waa hundaaf fala gaariidha.
Fuulleffannaan ammaa paartii jiru diiganii, paartii haaraa lafaa kaasanii jaaruuf yaaluun xaxama hamaa keessa of galchuun yeroo, humnaafi leeccalloo qisaasurra filannoo itti aanu tokkummaan akkamitti injifanna kan jedhurratti fuulleffachuutu wayya. Kana gochuuf dhaabbilee Oromoo jiddutti waliigaltee uumuun Oromiyaatti filannoon hubaatii tokko malee akka geggeeffamu gochuu; naannoleefi saboota qabsoo keenyaaf firaa keessattis filannoon bifa walhubannaatiin akka geggeeffamu tumsa barbaachisufi gochuufiidha. San booda humnoonni walqixxummaa sabootaatti amananan filannoo nagayaa geggeeffatanii naannoofi federaalaattis sagalee wayyabaa argatu. Paartileen Oromoo sadarkaa nannootti aangoo waliif hiru; federaalaatti firoota qabsoo keenyaa waliin kaadhimamaa tokko dhiheeffatu. San boodas jijjirama heera mootummaas yoo barbaachise sagalee wayyabaa guddaa ( absolute majority) qabatanii itti deemuun fedhiifi dantaa sabaafi sablammootaa guututti cehuun danda’ama.
ODPn paartii qeenxee jaarutti deemnaan dantaa saba keenyaafi wabii umuufi sirna federaalizmii qabsoo ummatootaan jaarame tiiksuun mala biraa dhahuun dirqama. Gaaga’ama siyaasaafi xaxama heeraa mudtauu malu keessatti Oromiyaan jeequmsatti akka hin seenneefi cehuumsi akka hin gufanneef qaama furmaataa ta’uuf ammumaan qophaayuu qabu. Kana jechuun filannoon ariifachiisaan godhamuu malus ta’ee mootummaan amaanaa jaaramu hirmaannaafi hayyama mormitootaa waan gaafatauuf, hirmaannaan kun ammoo jeequmsa osoo hin kaasiin targabbiin akka hojjatamuuf of qopheessuun barbaachisaadha. Filannoo itti aanu irratti dantyaan sabaafi nageenyi biyyaa akka hin miidhamneefis , dhaabbileen siyaasaa Oromoo saffisaan agoobara takka jalatti deebi’uun( walitti baquunis ta’ee tumsa tolfachuun) tarsiimoo filannoofi bulchiinsaa bocachuun humna filannaa ( alternative force) bahuu qabu. Dhaaba akka haaraatti jaaramuwaliinis hariiroo akkami qabaachuu qabna kan jedhu gaaddis Hoggansa Oromoo keessatti mari’achuun ammumaan kallattii kaayuun feesisaadha.

GOOLABBII
Barruu kana keessatti hangan beekuufi yaada’u irratti hundaayuun qindeessuu yaaleen jira. Barruu kana ergan qopheessee ji’a darbeera. Barreessuu durattiifi boodas qondaalotaafi deeggartoota ODP mari’achiisera. Hogganoota paartilee miseensota EPRDF fi kanneen naannolee shaniis dubbiseera. Wanti nama ajaa’ibu namni yaada dhaabbilee sabaa diiganii baqsanii dhaaba qeenxee kana ijaaruu deeggaru qubaan lakkaayama. Garuu hedduun isaanii mormiif fedhiifi ejjannoo waan hin qabneef caldhisanii ilaaluu jiru. Waan dogongoraa tokko osoo arganii maaltu na dhibeen yookin hogganaa muufachiisuu diddaaf caldhisanii ilaaluun hoggansa san miidhuu malee fayyaduu miti. Yoo danda’an gorsanii karaatti wal deebisuu takkaahuu yaada qaban ifatti dhiheessanii sirreessuuf yaaluun bor gaabbii nama hanqisa. Kanaafuu anis waanin yaadu barruu kanaan dhiheesseera. Yaada kana ifatta maxxansuurra maaf keessaan hin hoggansaaf hin ergine gaafin jedhu ka’uu male. Yaada kana hoggansa dhimmi ilaalu kallattiin ibseefiin ture. Amma ammoo miseensi dhaabaafi ummanni keenya dhimmicha irratti hubannaa gahaa akka argatuuf biraan gahuun barbaachisaa ta’ee natti muldhannaanin maxxansuuf murteesse. Hoggansi ODP mariirra jiru dhimma kana bilcheessee akka laalu abdiin qaba. Waggota muraasa injifannoo itti goonfachaa deemne kana walgorsaa, fi walmormaas ta’u waldhaggeeffachaa as geenye. Waltuffachaafi gurra walirraa cufaa osoo deemnee as hin geenyu ture. Ammas gurra walii laachuuma santu fala natti fakkaata.

Jawar Mohammed
Onkololeessa 17, 2019

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Dr. Abiy Ahmed, the prime minister of Ethiopia has been awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. Baga gammaddan, baga gammanne!! Congratulations!! #NobelPrize #NobelPeacePrize October 11, 2019

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Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali, the Prime Minister of Federal Republic of Ethiopia and head of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) that governs the state of Oromia, wins the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister, wins 2019 Nobel peace prize

Award recognises efforts for peace, in particular in resolving Eritrea border conflict

Abiy Ahmed
 Abiy ended a 20-year military stalemate with Eritrea three months after coming to power in April 2018. Photograph: Tiksa Negeri/Reuters

The prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed, who forged a peace deal with Eritrea last year, has won the 2019 Nobel peace prize.

The award recognised Abiy’s “efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea”, said Berit Reiss-Andersen, the Norwegian Nobel committee’s chair.

One of Abiy’s biggest achievementssince coming to power in April last year was the peace deal signed three months later, which ended a nearly 20-year military stalemate with Eritrea following their 1998-2000 border war.

Abiy has also pushed through reforms at home, dramatically changing the atmosphere in what was regarded as a repressive state. His public renunciation of past abuses drew a line between his administration and those of his predecessors, as did the appointment of former dissidents and large numbers of women to senior roles.

Abiy said: “I am so humbled and thrilled … thank you very much. It is a prize given to Africa, given to Ethiopia, and I can imagine how the rest of Africa’s leaders will take it positively to work on the peace-building process in our continent.”

A pro-Abiy rally in Addis Ababa in June last year.
 A pro-Abiy rally in Addis Ababa in June last year. Photograph: Mulugeta Ayene/AP

Other figures who were considered in the running for this year’s prize included the 16-year-old Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, and Hong Kong pro-democracy activists.

Ninety-nine Nobel peace prizes have been awarded since 1901, to individuals and 24 organisations. While the other Nobel prize laureates are announced in Stockholm, the peace prize is awarded in the Norwegian capital, Oslo.

Abiy, 43, a former military officer specialising in cyber intelligence, has forged a reputation as a daring leader prepared to take risks to tackle decades-old problems.Timeline

Abiy Ahmed’s achievements

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The peace deal with Eritrea surprised and delighted tens of millions of people across east Africa. The conflict had cost both countries dearly in lives and scarce resources, and was a brake on development across much of the volatile region.

Eritrea, which has a population of about 4 million, gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993 after a 30-year guerrilla war.

The Nobel committee acknowledged that “peace does not arise from the actions of one party alone”.

It said that when Abiy “reached out his hand, President Afwerki [of Eritrea] grasped it, and helped to formalise the peace process between the two countries”.

More recently Abiy played a key role in brokering a political deal in neighbouring Sudan that halted a slide into violence after the fall of the veteran dictator Omar al-Bashir, while retaining many of the gains made by pro-democracy protesters.

António Guterres, the UN secretary general, said winds of hope were blowing across Africa.

“This milestone has opened up new opportunities for the region to enjoy security and stability, and Prime Minister Ahmed’s leadership has set a wonderful example for others in and beyond Africa looking to overcome resistance from the past and put people first,” Guterres said.

Abiy Ahmed addresses delegates during the signing of Sudan’s power-sharing deal in Khartoum in August.
 Abiy Ahmed addresses delegates during the signing of Sudan’s power-sharing deal in Khartoum in August. Photograph: Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters

Abiy, who often relies on bold personal initiatives and charisma to drive change instead of working through government institutions, is the country’s first leader from its largest ethnic community, the Oromo, who have long complained of economic, cultural and political marginalisation.

Domestic reforms have included lifting bans on political parties, releasing imprisoned journalists and sacking a number of previously untouchable officials, some of them accused of torture.Abiy also appointed women to half the ministerial posts in his cabinet.

In Addis Ababa, larged crowds have been welcoming home exiled dissidents. Residents who once feared speaking publicly about politics now talk of little else. Flags and symbols long banned by the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) fly across the city.

Other initiatives, such as the planting of millions of trees, have won further international support.

‘Abiy Ahmed is our miracle’: Ethiopia’s democratic awakening

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Born in western Ethiopia, Abiy joined the resistance against the regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam as a teenager before enlisting in the armed forces, reaching the rank of lieutenant colonel. He has a doctorate in peace and security studies.

After a stint running Ethiopia’s cyber intelligence service, he entered politics eight years ago and rose rapidly up the ranks of the Oromo faction of the EPRDF, which has historically been at odds with the Tigrayans.

Analysts say Abiy’s mixed Christian and Muslim background and his fluency in three of the country’s main languages help him to bridge communal and sectarian divides.

Dino Mahtani, a deputy director of International Crisis Group’s Africa programme, said: “Abiy’s award is a reflection of the west’s hope for transformational change in Ethiopia. But peace in Ethiopia is under threat by outbreaks of violence following Abiy’s political liberalisation project that, despite all its good intentions, has also contributed to unleashing centrifugal political forces in the country.”

In an interview with the Guardian shortly after Abiy survived an apparent assassination attempt in 2018, one of his personal acquaintances said the leader was “always looking ahead for the future”. Former colleagues said shelves of books on religion, philosophy and science filled Abiy’s office.

“He is physically active and very well organised … He did not have a secretary because he wanted his office to be accessible. His office door was literally never closed,” one said.

Nobel Peace Prize 2019: Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed wins for role in ending 20-year war with Eritrea, The Independent

Irreecha 2019: The Oromo national and cultural holiday season: Oromians and friends of the Oromo nation in millions celebrating the blessing festival in Oromia and all over the Globe. Over 10 million people attended the events in Finfinnee at Hora Finfinnee, Hulluuqoo Kormaa and in Bishooftuu at Hora Harsadii October 7, 2019

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Irreecha Brraa 2019, the Oromo Thanksgiving in Finfinnee, the capital city of Oromia, at Hora Finfinnee, Hulluuqoo Kormaa on 5th October 2019.
The largest festival in Africa. over 10 million people attended the event
The colourful #Irreecha2019 eve in Finfinnee, the capital city of Oromia at Hulluuqoo Kormaa, Irreecha Square
Irreecha 2019, Hora Harsadii Bishooftuu, Oromia
Oromo Horse men in Finfinnee in Celebration of Irreecha 2019
Irreecha 2019, Hora Harsadii, Bishooftuu city, Oromia
Irreecha 2019, Hora Harsadii Bishooftuu, Oromia on 6 0ctober 2019
Oromo nation and nations of Oromos’ friends in unity and diversity

Irreecha (Irreessa)  Birraa Oromoo kan Bara 2019 (akka lakkoobsa Oromootti kan Bara 6413)  akka gaariitti karooreffatamee, haala oo’aa fi bareedan Finfinnee (Hora Finfinnee, Hulluuqoo Kormaa) fi Bishooftuu, Hora Harsadiitti nagaan kabajamee jira. Kan Hora Finfinnee sababa Finfinneen dinaan qabamtee turteef waggaa 150f itti irreefachuun dhowwamee ture. Kunoo injifannoon barana itti irreeffatame. Irreecha Finfinnee fi Bishooftuutti namoota milyoona 10 oltu qooda itti fudhate. saboota hedduutu aadaa saanii muli’sun irratti argaman jiru.  Jaalaa, hariiroo fi firummaa Oromoo walii qabanisi ifatti ibsaniiru.

The blessing and colorful Irreecha (Oromo Thanksgivings) event that started in mid August and continue to be celebrated in Birraa (September- October). Over 10 Million people attended Hora Finfinnee in the capital of Oromia on 5th October and Hora Harsadi (in historic Bishoftuu, Oromia) on 6th October 2019. Both events were celebrated beautifully, successfully and peacefully. The Irreecha of love, peace, reconciliation and unity in diversity brought together diverse cultures, people and nations together.  Irreecha is the most important event (season) in Oromo people national and cultural calendar. #Irreecha2019

Here are some of  live  pictures, videos and reports refer to Irreecha Oromo Thanksgiving 2019 (6413 in Oromo Calendar)  Celebrations.

Finfinnee Irreecha 2019
Finfinnee and Oromo, the celebration of Irreecha 2019 at Hora Finfinnee
Irreecha 2019 in Bishooftuu, Hora Harsadii

Irreechi Hora Finfinneetti waggaa 150 booda kabajamaa jira

Irreecha 2019: ‘Oromoon akka galaanaatti dambali’ee Hora lamaanitti nagaan Irreefatee xumure’ BBC Afaan Oromoo

Shimallis qaamolee mikaa’ina Irreechi Finfinneetiif gumaachan galateeffate

Irreecha 2019: Taateewwan shan yaadataman keessaa

Ethiopia’s Oromos mark thanksgiving festival in Addis Ababa for the first time in 150 years, QZ Africa

Ethiopia’s Oromo Celebrate Festival in Addis Amid Tight Security, The New York Times

Irreecha 2019 at Hora Finfinnee the display of Oromo resistance flag, the Oromia national flag, Ethiopia’s multi national federation flag for unity in diversity

In pictures: Ethiopia’s Oromos celebrate thanksgiving, BBC

Woman in traditional costume

Huge crowds turned out in Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, as it hosted for the first time in more than a century the annual Irreecha thanksgiving festival of the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group.

In one Irreecha tradition, freshly cut grass and flowers are placed in water to thank God for the end of the rainy season and the beginning of spring.

People sprinkle water on their bodies as they take part in the Irreecha celebration, the Oromo thanksgiving ceremony in Addis Ababa

There was tight security as hundreds of thousands of people clogged the streets, including Addis Ababa’s main public area, Meskel Square. They chanted, sang and waved flags and flowers.

City officials said they were expecting 10 million people to take part, though the final attendance figures are hard to estimate.

People waving a flag and spraying water

Previously, the annual festival had been celebrated in Bishoftu, 40km (25 miles) away, but similar gatherings have taken place in other parts of Oromia at different times of the year.

The move to the capital, which is surrounded by Oromia, is seen by some as a recognition of Oromo culture by the authorities. For years, Oromo people had complained of cultural and political marginalisation.

But some say it is an attempt by the ruling party to cultivate popular support ahead of next year’s general election, reports the BBC’s Kalkidan Yibeltal.

Crowds in Meskel Square in Addis Ababa

There are thought to be at least 40 million Oromos in Ethiopia, making up more than 30% of the population.

Within the Oromos there are many different traditions associated with where people come from, and Irreecha brings them all together.

The celebration is a chance for people to wear traditional costume.

This man, from the Shoa region, are wearing “Daabe”, made from baboon skin.

Man in traditional costume

The beadwork, known as chelie, that these women are wearing on their foreheads is common to all Oromos, but their clothes are typical of people from the Borena region.

Women in traditional costume

These men made the 400km journey from Bale, in southern Ethiopia, to join in the festivities. Their headscarves, known as ruufa, are worn at any major celebration.

Men in traditional costume

This woman from Hararghe, in the east of Ethiopia, came in the clothes typical of her region.

Woman in traditional costume

A community from Alaba, which is in southern Ethiopia outside of Oromia, also joined in.

An Ethiopian man from the Alaba region dances during the Irreecha celebration

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is himself from Oromia.

He has implemented radical reforms since coming to power last year following protests demanding more rights for ethnic groups.

But despite the move to the capital, the festival comes amid rising political tensions and ethnic rivalries that are dogging Mr Abiy’s administration, our correspondent says.

Young people in traditional costume

Photographs by Yadeta Berhanu (BBC), Amensisa Negera (BBC), Reuters and AFP.

FIIGICHA IRREECHA HORA FINFINNEE, NAMOOTA KUMA 50 OLTU QOODA ITTI FUDHATE. IRREECHA FOR PEACE 10K RACE IN FINFINNEE, OVER 50,000 PARTICIPATED #Irreecha2019 #Finfinnee #Oromo #Oromia #Ethiopia #Africa September 23, 2019

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IRREECHA FOR PEACE 10K RACE IN FINFINNEE, OROMIA, 22ND SEPTEMBER 2019

FIIGICHII IRREECHA HORA FINFINNEE FULBAANA 22 BARA 2019 GEGGEEFFAME. NAMOOTA KUMA 50 OLTU QOODA ITTI FUDHATE. IRREECHA FOR PEACE 10K RACE IN FINFINNEE HELD ON 22ND SEPTEMBER 2019. OVER 50,000 PARTICIPATED IN THE EVENT.

Oromia (Finfinnee): Qaammee Qunnii Buqqifannaa (Fulbaana 11/09/2019) September 15, 2019

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‘Africa can find the paths to industrialization, but in ways that do not mimic China’s,’ Harvard Business Review September 11, 2019

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African leaders have expected that as China rises further, its wage levels will create disincentives for global manufacturers to continue sending work there. As that happens, they hope countries like Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Kenya can be seen as reliable alternatives that provide affordable labor with enough infrastructures for basic manufacturing. But with AI advancements decreasing outsourcing, the availability of cheap wage becomes irrelevant. China understands that, and is investing heavily to win the race of advanced manufacturing, tapping into the capabilities it acquired by making things for the world. If any outsourced manufacturing will remain, it is the advanced manufacturing. Based on available reports, Africa is not preparing for that level yet, as it continues to struggle with basic enablers like electricity, challenges that many countries solved many decades ago.

Economic Development: Why Africa’s Industrialization Won’t Look Like China’s

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China designed and executed a policy that shrank the industrialization process in a mere 25 years — something that many economies took at least a century to do. That redesign has brought immense dislocation in global commerce and industry, enabling China to become one of the world’s leading economies.

China’s success has led many African capitals to pursue the country’s same industrialization trajectory. Over the last few years, African leaders have been pursuing policies designed to mimic the path China took. Some of these policies include creating special economic zones after China’s Shenzhen and positioning the manufacturing sector as a fulcrum to attract investments and create new jobs. Despite these efforts, Africa has yet to advance in its industrialization at the same speed China did.

Put simply, the things that worked for China will not work for Africa.

China had already won sizable global manufacturing, accounting for more than 32% of the world’s industrial production as of May 2019. It became the world’s manufacturing capital through a combination of factors, including optimal infrastructure and price-competitive local manufacturing talent. In doing so, China created a well-differentiated comparative advantage that made companies from the U.S. and Europe — and later, other parts of the world — outsource manufacturing activities to China.

For more than three dozen years, a virtuous circle was created: The availability of demand from the U.S. and Europe provided China the opportunity to invest to meet its needs. And over time, China moved from basic manufacturing into advanced manufacturing domains, where state-of-the-art technologies are used to improve processes and many lower-skill processes are automated. Consequently, China has improved its capabilities in robotics and broad emerging technologies like virtual reality, augmented reality, and artificial intelligence. Today China is recognized as a leading AI player.

It is in these technological advancements that China can continue to dominate while Africa may struggle. AI is expected to distort the equilibrium of the global labor market, eliminating many factory jobs. Most Western companies will use AI to do most of the manufacturing jobs that they are currently outsourcing to China. Indeed, AI will create a massive shift in how products and services of the 21st century are developed, manufactured, and distributed.

If the manufacturing jobs by global entities like Dell, HP, and Siemens do not need to be outsourced, the expected opportunity Africa is banking on may not materialize. African leaders have expected that as China rises further, its wage levels will create disincentives for global manufacturers to continue sending work there. As that happens, they hope countries like Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Kenya can be seen as reliable alternatives that provide affordable labor with enough infrastructures for basic manufacturing. But with AI advancements decreasing outsourcing, the availability of cheap wage becomes irrelevant. China understands that, and is investing heavily to win the race of advanced manufacturing, tapping into the capabilities it acquired by making things for the world. If any outsourced manufacturing will remain, it is the advanced manufacturing. Based on available reports, Africa is not preparing for that level yet, as it continues to struggle with basic enablers like electricity, challenges that many countries solved many decades ago.

Africa can find the paths to industrialization, but in ways that do not mimic China’s. Here are some of the paths for the continent; some are already in progress and need to be deepened:

Encourage internal consumption and intra-trade. Africa should build processes to improve internal consumption, rather than focusing on using cheap labor as a comparative advantage for global manufacturing. If Africa expands internal consumption by trading more among member states, decoupling from old colonial trade routes, it can industrialize, as it has sizable markets to support the growth of companies. Today, the share of intra-African exports as a percentage of total African exports is about 17%, well below the 69% recorded for Europe and 59% for Asia. Improving intra-African commerce will advance the continent.

Push forward the Free Trade Agreement. The African Continental Free Trade Agreement, which entered its operational phase on July 7, will remove some inherent barriers for intra-continental trade that have caused most African countries to favor trade with European countries and other global counterparts, rather than with African nations. The agreement has been designed to make goods produced in Africa move within the continent at negligible tariffs. The expectation is that manufacturers will be incentivized to invest in Africa in order to have access to the integrated market. If it works as planned, the trade agreement will be a catalyst to African industrialization.

Create a single African currency. The planned currency got a boost when a regional economy, the Economic Community of West African States, announced plans to launch the ECO as a regional currency in 2020. The expectation is that once regional economies have monetary union convergence, a continental-level monetary union will be formed. A single currency will reduce barriers in trade by eliminating multiple exchanges, wherein currencies have to be converted to one of the leading global currencies, like the U.S. dollar, euro, or British pound sterling, before trading in Africa. This drastic reduction on trade frictions will boost industrialization.

There are risks to these structural redesigns, however, which must be managed. A union arising out of the single currency will require a supranational bank to coordinate monetary policies, depriving member countries of individual flexibility on areas of monetary policies. The implication is that some bigger economies will have undue influence on the performance of the union. Without careful management, the smaller economies affected could experience welfare losses, making them worse off than before the integration.

Improve infrastructure. In its 2019 African Economic Outlook, the African Development Bank wrote that “trade costs due to poorly functioning logistics markets may be a greater barrier to trade than tariffs and nontariff barriers.” Africa needs more deep seaports, railway lines, airports, and other critical enablers of modern commerce in order to advance. It remains more expensive for an operating factory in Accra, Ghana, to import coffee from Rwanda than from a Paris-based company, for instance. And most exports outside Africa are unprocessed raw materials that, because of supply chains and the disparate natures of the markets, have not stimulated local processing. Investment in infrastructures will close the gaps.

Invest in education. Africa also needs to invest in education to compete and advance its citizens so that it can boost internal consumption. The continent must make primary and secondary education compulsory — and free — while boosting quality by committing more resources to education. Unless Africa can educate its citizens to compete with the best in the world, it will struggle to rise.

As robotics and AI advance, most countries will keep their production processes at home, eliminating the need for cheaper labor abroad. In this redesign, Africa’s competitor is not China; robots and AI are the real competitors. Africa can no longer depend on global manufacturing to become industrialized, nor can it simply mimic China’s policies. But if Africa educates its citizens, integrates effectively on trade and currency, and improves intra-African trade, its industries can compete at least to serve its local markets. Where that happens, Africa can attain industrialization faster by scaling indigenous innovations and utilizing AI as enablers.

Seenaa Magaalaa Finfinnee fi Sirna Gadaa September 3, 2019

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Seenaa Gadaa Maccaa fi Odaa Bisil September 3, 2019

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Toltu Tufaa: The founder of the Afaan Publications is on the new project: Toltu Eessa jirta? September 3, 2019

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Yaa’ii Qeerroo Finfinnee: Marii Irreecha Hora Finfinnee August 18, 2019

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Unconditional Convergence: The Path to Economic Growth Is Industrialization, Not Exports August 16, 2019

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Since domestic instead of global trends now drive growth, developing countries are likely to show significant heterogeneity in long-term performance. Therefore, they have absolutely no option but to get their industrial policies right.’

The Path to Growth Is Industrialization, Not Exports

Historically, industrialization has driven rapid growth in developing countries who will need unorthodox policies to attain or accelerate it.

Atul Singh, Fair Observer, 8 August 2019   

Economic growth, industrialization, economics, economics news, Atul Singh, Industrial Revolution, US-China trade war, Trump, Trump news

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On the seventh anniversary of the 9/11 attacks, Dani Rodrik posed a controversial question: “Is Export Led Growth Passé?” Writing on September 11, 2008, this famous Harvard professor argued that advanced economies were unlikely to run large current account deficits and import as they did in the past. Export markets would shrink and long-term success for developing countries would depend “on what happens at home rather than abroad.”

In 2016, Rodrik gave a key lecture at the University of Sussex in the UK developing this argument further. He argued that the “East Asia style growth miracles are less likely in the future.” Furthermore, if growth miracles happen, they would no longer be based on exports alone. Rodrik also made the case that growth in emerging markets has been unsustainably high in the last decade and will come down by a couple of percentage points.

In this day and age, it is common sense for most economists to hold a notion of convergence. As per this idea, Third World countries can grow fast and achieve standards of living similar to advanced economies in a matter of decades or less. As latecomers, these countries, also referred to as developing economies or emerging markets, have access to the latest thinking, new technologies, First World capital and global markets. This access should allow these poorer countries to converge with richer ones in a matter of decades or less.

Rodrik distinguishes between conditional and unconditional convergence. Most development economists hold the view that convergence is not inevitable but conditional. To achieve it, poorer countries must build up their economic and political institutions, develop human and physical capital, and employ sound economic stabilization policies that rein in fiscal deficits and curb inflation. These conditions are akin to the “Washington consensus” first coined by British economist John Williamson. Since 1989, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have faithfully preached this sermon to poorer countries ad infinitum.

Forget Institutions, Focus on Industrialization

As per the Washington consensus, convergence with richer economies is conditional on poorer ones instituting market-based critical reforms. The faster poorer economies bring in reform, the quicker they will catch up with richer ones. While the prescription for rapid growth and thus convergence to the First-World living standards is straightforward, the trouble with it is that there is no example of a single economy that has grown and converged following the dictums of free markets, improvement of institutions and all the other recommendations.Embed from Getty Images

Rodrik examines data from 1950 to 2012 to find just two examples of convergence. The first example is the solid three-decade-long growth of countries in the European periphery after World War II. The second is the spectacular growth of countries in East Asia. The so-called East Asian miracle allowed the East Asians to catch up dramatically with the West.

In the words of Lewis Preston, the president of the World Bank from 1991 to 1995, Asian economies achieved “rapid and equitable growth, often in the context of activist public policies,” raising “complex questions about the relationship between [the] government, the private sector, and the market.” The late Preston attributed this “extraordinary growth” to “the superior accumulation of physical and human capital.” He also argued that “these economies were also better able than most to allocate physical and human resources to highly productive investments and to acquire and master technology.”

Rodrik gives a simpler explanation than Preston for the East Asian miracle. He attributes it to rapid industrialization. After World War II, Japan was a one-party democracy, South Korea was a military dictatorship and Hong Kong was ruled by the British. None of them followed the Washington consensus. The common feature for all the economies that enjoyed spectacular growth over many decades is that they industrialized with a vengeance.

It turns out that industrialization, not institutional reforms, matter most in growing the economy at higher levels and allowing it to converge faster. Rodrik labels this as unconditional convergence. The agricultural sector does not allow for a dramatic increase in productivity. Services do not do so either. Rodrik points out that high-productivity services are skill-intensive and employ few people. Low-productivity services employ more people but do not drive growth. Industrialization seems to be the only way forward for increased productivity, high growth and economic transformation.

In the case of East Asia, both supply and demand side factors came together simultaneously to cause the miracle. Governments in places like South Korea, Taiwan and Japan bet big on domestic manufacturing. They protected infant industries, subsidized exports, kept their currencies low, developed special investment zones and put in massive resources to boost manufacturing. At the same time, the US developed a taste for cheap products and American demand fueled Asian exports. It is this demand that enabled the likes of Sony, Toyota, Samsung and LG to emerge on the global stage.

The success of East Asian economies has led many developing countries to assume that the export-led growth model is the only path to rapid economic development. This view misses the forest for the trees. The export-led growth model of East Asia is more an example of rapid industrialization than of exports per se. Exports just provided markets for its industries that were the primary driver of the economy.

Lessons From the 19th Century

To understand the impact of industrialization, it is instructive to study three countries: the UK, the US and Germany. The Industrial Revolution began in the United Kingdom. Innovations like the flying shuttle, the spinning jenny, the water frame and the power loom increased cloth production dramatically. Fewer people could produce much more in less time than individual spinners, weavers and dyers. This revolution was fueled by cheap energy from coal.

The revolution in iron and steel manufacturing soon led to the development of railroads and steamships. Better roads and a canal network developed speedily to distribute the products of British industries. The first commercial telegraphy system emerged as did stock exchanges, banks and industrial financiers. Even as industrialization gathered speed in the early 19th century, the UK proceeded to conquer an increasing share of the planet. By now, present-day Bangladesh and much of India was already a colony and a captive market. After 1757, in the words of Horace Walpole, the UK was also “a sink of Indian wealth.” It might be fair to say that the First Industrial Revolution did not occur because of adherence to the Washington consensus.

The Second Industrial Revolution is purported to have begun in 1793 when an English immigrant called Samuel Slater opened a textile mill in Pawtucket, Rhode Island. He immigrated to the US in defiance of British laws prohibiting the emigration of textile workers, earning the epithet of the “Father of the American Revolution” in the process. The US then proceeded to industrialize rapidly by liberally borrowing British innovations, which really meant intellectual piracy for which the US now damns China.Embed from Getty Images

Just as the British conquered much of the world, Anglo-Saxons in the US expanded from the original 13 colonies to gobble up more Native American land. They believed in “manifest destiny,” the inevitability of the continuous expansion of US territory to the Pacific and beyond. None other than Founding Father Alexander Hamilton took the view that political independence was meaningless without economic independence.

This legendary American whose statue still stands outside the Treasury building argued that the US would never be free from Britain or any other foreign oppressor as long as it depended on foreign manufacturers. The first major act passed by Congress was the Tariff Act of July 4, 1789, and laid the grounds for protecting the infant industries that would otherwise be ruined by British competition. Unknown to most, the US pioneered industrial policy that many other countries have emulated since.

In fact, protectionism played a key part in triggering the Civil War. Most Americans do not know this fact. They look back at the Civil War with rose-tinted eyes where a virtuous patriot from the North took on the sinful slave owners of the South, paying for the liberty of the enslaved with his life. It turns out that the 1846 abolition Corn Laws in the UK and the 1857 uprising in India might have played a key role in triggering the American Civil War.

After 1846, the UK embarked on a trajectory of free trade. Now, the UK imported food for its urban working classes from around the world. The US emulated the UK, but this led to economic discontent in the industrial North. As a result, the newly formed Republican Party emphasized protective tariffs in its 1860 platform. The agrarian South was not too pleased. Protectionism meant that it had to sell cotton to Yankee buyers instead of British ones and earn less.

Not only did the South miss out on the 1846 British bonanza, but also the windfall from the rise in the price of cotton thanks to the 1857 upheaval in India that disrupted global cotton supply. The North’s triumph in the Civil War ensured that protectionism remained standard American policy well into the 20th century. Even Woodrow Wilson’s call for a removal “of all economic barriers” fell on deaf ears as the Tariff Acts of 1922 and 1930 demonstrated. Only after World War II did the US emerge as a free-trade champion with its industries intact and growing while its competitors such as Germany, Japan and the UK had been conveniently bombed to smithereens.

If the British and the Americans pushed forth industrialization through a mix of private entrepreneurship and public policy, so did the Germans. Prince Otto von Bismarck consciously promoted trade and industry in unified Germany. A mercantilist policy of tariffs aimed to make the new German Empire “a self-sufficing economic community.” Lacking the resources of the US or the British Empire, Germany focused on developing its human capital. It established a superb education system, embedded engineering in its university education instead of leaving it to tinkerers as in Britain, and instituted a system of vocational training that remains the envy of the world.

The Mittelstand, the small and medium-sized industries that drive the German economy, emerged during this Bismarckian era. They benefited from favorable policies of the Iron Chancellor who funneled money not only into the Mittelstand, but also into heavy industry such as steel, railways and chemicals. Unlike his Anglo-Saxon counterparts, Bismarck instituted accident and old-age insurance and created the world’s first and most comprehensive welfare state. Historical evidence suggests that the German economic miracle was a result of intentional industrial policy, much like the East Asian one a few decades later.

Back to the Future Again

In 2016, this author observed that world trade was slowing down as anti-trade sentiments were rising in Europe and the US. For years, American business leaders and politicians argued that trade was a win-win. That was not entirely true. Trade resulted, results and will always result in winners and losers. CEOs and shareholders benefited from moving factories overseas, but workers in the US suffered. Many of these workers voted for Donald Trump.

Trump’s election as president marks the end of the postwar American consensus on trade. It certainly marks the end of the frenzied era of trade liberalization after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. The US was protectionist for more than a century and a half since its independence. It only turned to free trade after World War II when it had an unprecedented edge over the rest of the globe. Now that Americans are suffering from the ravages of free trade, protectionism is back in fashion. There is no reason to assume that it will die after Trump.Embed from Getty Images

If protectionism is back in fashion, it follows that American demand for imports is not likely to increase as rapidly as it has in the past. So far, this demand has powered the industrialization of East Asia. In particular, it has enabled Chinese factories to become the workshop of the world. There is more than an element of truth in the claim that Walmart fueled the rise of Shenzhen. Under Trump, the US is no longer willing to fuel China’s rise, and even Thomas Friedman, a lifelong Democrat, is acting as a cheerleader. He has argued in the anti-Trump The New York Times that China deserves Trump.

Friedman has a problem with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s “Made in China 2025” modernization plan that aims to make companies in the Middle Kingdom “the world leaders in supercomputing, Artificial intelligence, new materials, 3-D printing, facial-recognition software, robotics, electric cars, autonomous vehicles, 5G wireless and advanced microchips.” Sadly for China, “all these new industries compete directly with America’s best companies.” Therefore, the US cannot allow the Middle Kingdom to “continue operating by the same formula” that propelled its rise.

As a patron saint of the American establishment, Friedman uses the “trade is a win-win” trope, but the condition for it is simple. China must let Google and Amazon compete freely and fairly with Alibaba and Tencent. However, Friedman laments that China cheats. Its diabolical military stole the plans for Lockheed Martin’s F-35 stealth fighter, avoiding all the R&D costs. Huawei’s 5G equipment can serve as an espionage platform. To top it all, China is militarizing islands in the South China Sea to push the US out. The great defender of democracy cannot countenance such impudence and ipso facto cannot continue to import wantonly from China.

In this brave new world, it is “America First” yet again. Trump has declared economic war not only on China, but also on neighbors like Mexico and Canada as well as allies like Japan and South Korea. On the demand-side, this new American protectionism marks the death knell of the export-oriented growth model that many trumpet.

As if changes on the demand-side were not enough, a quiet transformation is occurring on the supply-side. In a previous article, this author chronicled how smart manufacturing using new materials, additive manufacturing, a combination of hardware with software and the Internet of Things is leading to the Fourth Industrial Revolution. This is bringing back manufacturing to the US and even to Europe. No longer does Asia have the cost advantage. The labor arbitrage is ending and industrial production is returning to the West. It goes without saying the export-led model is now as dead as a dodo.

In the light of the new zeitgeist, what economic policy should developing countries follow? It seems industrialization with a focus on domestic markets is the only sensible option. Instead, many of them have gone into what Rodrik calls “premature de-industrialization.” In advanced economies such as the UK, Sweden and Japan, manufacturing reached a peak of about 30% of GDP in the 1960s and 1970s before giving way to services. In countries like Ghana, India and Brazil, manufacturing never reached the same level as in the advanced economies and services have taken over. This means they have de-industrialized prematurely and missed out on the productivity gains through manufacturing that richer countries achieved.

To bring prosperity to their people, developing countries need to industrialize and, at times, reindustrialize. To do so, they need to foster good macroeconomic fundamentals through reasonably stable fiscal and monetary policies as well as business-friendly policy regimes. More importantly, they must invest in human capital in the form of better schools, universities and, most crucially, vocational training. Good electricians, decent plumbers and competent mechanics enable a country to meet its tryst with prosperity.

Apart from getting macroeconomic fundamentals right, developing countries need sensible industrial policies that support manufacturing through both orthodox and unorthodox measures. Such measures require judgment, which in turn depends on the quality of a country’s politics, its governance standards and the visions of its leadership. Those countries that are dysfunctional, divided and dishonest are unlikely to do well. They might well become de facto colonies of old and new industrial powers.

Since domestic instead of global trends now drive growth, developing countries are likely to show significant heterogeneity in long-term performance. Therefore, they have absolutely no option but to get their industrial policies right.

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OBN: Tamsasa Kallatti Koonsartii Walloof Magaalaa Finfinneetti. August 4, 2019

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Dhimmi Walloo dhimma walooti. Dhimmi Finfinneesi dhimma walootii nuduraa hin tuttuqiinaa.

The City of Minneapolis Government declared August 3-10 an Oromo Week August 4, 2019

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Oromia (Finfinnee): Maasaanuun daangaa qabdi August 4, 2019

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Jawaar Mahaammad: ‘Kaayyoon ‘Master Plan’ jalqabaas quubsuma uummataa jijjiiranii naannicha alagoomsuudha’

BBC Afaan Oromoo, Bitooteessa 8 Bara 2019

Rogeessaa fi xiinxalaa siyaasaa Jawaar Mahaammad
Goodayyaa suuraaRogeessaa fi xiinxalaa siyaasaa Jawaar Mahaammad dhimma Finfinnee irratti

Magaalaan kamiyyuu daangaa mataasaa qabaachuun dirqama jedha xiinxalaan siyaasaafi rogeessi Obbo Jawaar Mohaammad.

Obbo Jawaar Mahaammad yeroo Maaster Pilaanii Qindaa’aa Finfinnee hojiirra ooluuf yaalame keessa mormii ture keessatti tarkaanficha mormuun nama qooda guddaa qabu ture.

Akkaataa Maaster Pilaanichaatti magaalaa Finfinnee babal’isuuf jecha seeraan ala magaalicha irraa fageessuun manneen jireenya ijaaramaa turan jedha.

Finfinneen magaalaa guddoo Oromiyaa waan taateef, babal’inni ishee akkamitti seeraan ala jechuu dandeenya kan jedhu ilaalchisee Jawaar waan jedhu, ”Dhimmichi waldhabdee naannolee lamaanii osoo hin taane, magaalan kamiyyuu daangaa mataasaa qabaachuu waan qabuuf,” jedha.

Magaalotumti Oromiyaa keessa jiran kamiyyuu daangaa qabu jedhee, fakkeenyaaf magaalaan Adaamaa Walancitii deemee mana ijaaree qooduu hin danda’u jedha.

”Maasaanuun daangaa qabdi.”

Dhimmi amma raawwachaa jiru seeraa fi heera kan hin eeggannee fi qonnaan bulaa buqqaasuuf jecha waan raawwachaa jiru jedha Jawaar.

”Quubsuma uummataa jijjiiranii naannicha alagoomsuun, booda adeemsa keessa immoo Finfinnee naannoo biraatiin waliiti qabanii Oromiyaa bakka lamatti muruun; karoora master pilaaniidhaan lafa kaawwame sana hojiitti hiikuuf kan yaadamedha,” jedha xiinxalaan siyaasaa kun.

Aanga’oonni naannoo Oromiyaa tokko tokko Finfinneen iyyuu kan keenya daangaa nu hin barbaachisu ejjennoo jedhu akka qaban dubbata.

Haa tahu malee Jawaar inni akkuma jirutti tahee Finfinneen magaalaa amala addaa qabdu fi qonnaan bulaa buqqisaa babal’ataa bultudha jedha.

Dabalataan ajandaa siyaasaa guddaas waan taheef daangaa itti gochuun dirqama jedha.

Gaaffii uummatni dhiyeessaa ture cinatti dhiisuun manneen ijaaramaan kennuun seeraan ala waan taheef ammas mormiin jalqabe jedhan.

Gaaffii abbaa biyyummaa

Gaaffiin abbaa biyyummaa Finfinnee gaaffi qabsoo Oromoo keessaa isa ijoodha jedhanii garuu cehumsi kun nagaa fi tasgabbiin haa gaggeefamu jedhameeti gaaffiin kunii fi Afaan Oromoo yeroodhaaf akka bulu kan taasifamee ture jedhan.

Uummannis garaan isaa osoo aaruuti mootummaan gaaffii keenya suuta nuuf deebisa jechuun kan ture kan jedhu Jawaar mootummaan garuu deebisee karoora master pilaanii waan irratti yaaleef uummanni dallanee hiriira bahe jedhe.

”Hiriirrii fi gaaffiin ammaa kun kan ijaarsa manneetii qofa natti hin fakkatu, gaaffii abba biyyummaa Finfinnee kan inumaayyuu alagaan Finfinnee hin seentan jedhee mataa raasuu fi mootuymmaanis irra dibee darbaa jiru furuuf waan godhamu natti fakkata.”

Haalli kun yoo yeroodhaan hin furamne jijjirama siyaasaa amma biyya keessa jiru irratti dhiibbaa qabaachuu danda’aa gaaffii jedhu Jawaar uummanni ammas jijjiramicha deeggaraa jira jedhee uummannis tasgabbaa’ee karaa nagaa qabuun gaaffii isaa dhiyeessuu qaba jedhe.

Mootummaanis deebisee madaa isaa tuttuquu dhiisee gadi taa’ee tasgabbiidhaan uummata kana waliin mari’atee deebii itti kennuutu furmaata jedha Jawaar.

Mootummaan micciireen humnaan deebisuuf kan yaalu yoo tahe garuu uummata waliin wal dhabuun gatii akkamii akka nama kaffalchiisu fi eenyu akka injifatu waan beekamudha jedhee sadarkaa kana irra garuu gaha jedhee hin yaadu jedha.

Related, Oromian Economist sources:

“Finfinnee irratti abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo kan kabajsiisu Oromoo dha malee ODP yookiis paartii siyaasaa kamuu miti. Qabsoon Oromoo Finfinneedhaan finiinti, Finfinneedhaan furamtis. Kun diinaafis firaafis ifa tahuu qaba. ODPiif dhaamsi qabnu ‘Yaa soogiddaa ofii jettu mi’aaahii…’ dha. Ummata Oromoo waa meeqa obsee jara jajjabeessuu filate mufachiisanii humna jibbaa fi abaarsa dunuunfiitiin dachii jala jara dabarsuu fedhuuf dhugaa galchuu/gammachiisuu filatan taanaan filannoon kanuma jaraa ti.

Ummata keenyaaf wantin dhaamu waan tokko qofa. Kaleessas paartii siyaasaatiin osoo hin taane akka ummataatti qabsooftee dhiibdee dhuftee as geesse. Har’a garuu sagaleen kee dhokatee sagalee waca humnoota siyaasaatu lafa qabataa jira. Nagaadonni siyaasaa kamuu dantaa keetti qabatanii si ganuus tahee siin nagaduu malu. Dammaqinsaan ofirraa eegaa injifannoo kee dhiigaan asiin geesse ammas qabsoo haalli si gafatu kamiinuu kabasiisuuf of qopheessi.” – Yaya Beshir

Ethiopia plants 350m trees in a day to help tackle climate crisis, #GreenLegacy July 29, 2019

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Ethiopia plants 350m trees in a day to help tackle climate crisis

National ‘green legacy’ initiative aims to reduce environmental degradation

Anna Ploszajski, The Guardian, 29 Jul 2019 

The prime minister, Ahmed Abiy, plants a tree in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
 The prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, plants a tree in Addis Ababa. Photograph: Aron Simeneh

About 350m trees have been planted in a single day in Ethiopia, according to a government minister.

The planting is part of a national “green legacy” initiative to grow 4bn trees in the country this summer by encouraging every citizen to plant at least 40 seedlings. Public offices have reportedly been shut down in order for civil servants to take part.

The project aims to tackle the effects of deforestation and climate change in the drought-prone country. According to the UN, Ethiopia’s forest coverage was just 4% in the 2000s, down from 35% a century earlier.

Tree planting ‘has mind-blowing potential’ to tackle climate crisis

 Read more

Ethiopia’s minister of innovation and technology, Dr Getahun Mekuria, tweeted estimates of the number of trees planted throughout the day. By early evening on Monday, he put the number at 353m.

The previous world record for the most trees planted in one day stood at 50m, held by India since 2016.

Dr Dan Ridley-Ellis, the head of the centre for wood science and technology at Edinburgh Napier University, said: “Trees not only help mitigate climate change by absorbing the carbon dioxide in the air, but they also have huge benefits in combating desertification and land degradation, particularly in arid countries. They also provide food, shelter, fuel, fodder, medicine, materials and protection of the water supply.

“This truly impressive feat is not just the simple planting of trees, but part of a huge and complicated challenge to take account of the short- and long-term needs of both the trees and the people. The forester’s mantra ‘the right tree in the right place’ increasingly needs to consider the effects of climate change, as well as the ecological, social, cultural and economic dimension.”

Read more from Oromian Economist social media sources:

The figures of today’s States In Seedling Plantation:
1. Oromia 211,938,515
Finfinnee city 3,523,857
Dirre_Dhawaa  city 258,993

 State of Oromia total = 215,721,365
2. Amhara State 70,564,872
3. Southern Ethiopia nations 54,352,762
4. State of Tigray 9,557,340
5. Benishangul_Gumuz 1,431,177
6. Somali Regional State 847,482
7. Gambella 530,141
8. State of Afar 445,896
9. Harari 182,625

Total = 353,633,660

OSA 33rd Annual Conference Held in Oromia, Finfinne #OSAinOromia July 27, 2019

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Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) waggoota 33 booda Finfinneetti eegale #OSAinOromia

Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) waggoota 33 booda Finfinneetti eegale

BBC Afaan Oromoo, 26 Adooleessa 2019

Pirezidantii Itti - aanaa Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa sagantaa kana irratti argamaniiru

Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) 33ffaa Magaalaa Finfinneetti bakka hayyuulee fi qondaaltoonni motummaa olaanoo argamanitti Yunivarsiitii Rifti Vaaliitti eegale.

Dhaabbanni seenaa fi aadaa Oromoo qorachuuf hundaa’e kuni magaalaa Finfinneetti yaa’ii yeroo taa’u waggoota 33 keessatti kun kan duraati.

Yaa’ii kana irratti haasaa baninsaa kan taasisan pirezidantiin waldichaa Aadde Kuulanii Jaalataa ammaan dura seenaa dogoggoraa namoonni seenaa Itoophiyaa barreessaa fi himaa turan sirreessuu keessatti OSA qooda guddaa baheera jedhaniiru.

Dabalataanis, seenaafi aadaa Oromoo qofa osoo hin taane waldaan kuni addunyaan seenaa saboota kaan kan akka Hadiyyaa, Walaayittaafi kk akka hubatu gargaareera jedhan.

Pireezidantiin Itti – aanaa Naannoo Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa sagantaa kana irratti kan argaman yoo ta’u hojii dhabbati OSA’n hojjataa tureef galata argachuu qaba jedhaniiru.

Haala siyaasaa Itoophiyaa keessa tureen dirqamee biyya alaatii hojii qorannoofi barnootaa kan hojjetaa ture OSA fi michoonni isaa injifataniiru jedhaniiru.

Ummata Oromoo maraan baga ijoolleen keessan biyyatti isiniif galan jedhan jechuunis Oromoo harka fuudhan.

”Osooma mortuun mortuu hortuun horti, iniifannoon Oromoo itti fufa!” kan jedhan Obbo Shimallis, dhaloonni amma jiru duudhaa sirna gadaa abbootii isaa cimsatee akka deemuuf qo’annoo fi qorannoo taasisu cimsuu akka qabu dhaamaniiru.

Obbo Shimallis itti dabaluunis, keessummaa tajaajilli lammummaa amma mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa eegalee akka hojiirra oolu gochuuf akka deeggaran hirmaattota gaafataniiru.

Aaddee Kuulanii Jaalata pirezidaantiin waldichaa gama isaanitiin, OSA seenaa fi aadaa deebiisanii dagaagsuu qofa osoo hintaane dirqama ‘roadmap’ dhalootatti agarsiisuu qaba jedhan.

Hayyoonni fi beektonni Oromoo injifannoo Oromoo fi ummanni Itoophiyaa argate akka itti fufu gochuu keessatti gahee guddaa bahuu qabna jedhaniiru.

Yaa’ii guyyoota sadiif gaggeeffamu kana irratti hayyoonni Oromoo fi Prof Asmaroom Laggasaa dabalatee qorattoonni seenaa Oromoo fi jaallattoonni Oromoo hedduun biyya keessaa fi biyya alaa irraa hirmaataniiru.


Qorannoo akkamiitu dhihaate?

Pirofeesar Baqalaa Guutamaa waraqaa qu’annoo mata dure ‘Federalism and Identity’ jedhu jalatti dhiyeessaniin, ‘Itoophiyaan yeroo ammaatti sirrni federaalaa akka hojjatu taasisuun alatti fala biraa hinqabdu’ jedhaniiru.

Mootummaan yeroo ammaa biyya Itoophiyaa bulchaa jiru sirna Federaalizimii bu’uuressullee ofumaan naannolee olaantummaadhaan bulchaa waan tureef federaalizimii dirqamaan saboota walitti fide jedhamee komatama.

Biyya akka Itoophiyaa sab-daneessa taate kana keessatti Federaalizimiin saboota walitti fidu dirqama ta’uu kan dubbatan Pirofeesar Baqqaleen namoonni sirni federaalizimii qoodiinsa uuma, biyya diiga jedhan sirrii akka hin taane dubbatan.

Federaalizimii sabdaneessaa dhugaadhaan bu’uuressuuf sirni dimokiraasii jiraachuun dirqama kan jedhan hayyuun kuni paartii fi mootummaan adda ba’anii hojiisaanii hojjechuu dhabuun rakkoo hamaaf sirna kana saaxiluu dubbatan.

Federaalizimii dhugaan garuu aadaa fi seenaan akkasumas duudhaan naannolee hundaa yoo beekamee fi kabajamedha.

Sirna Federaalizimii sab-daneessaa hin hordoftu taanaan Itoophiyaan baay’inaa fi garaagarummaa Saboota keessa jiru hooggantee deemuun hin yaadamus jedhan.

Mirga dhuunfaa kabajuu fi mirga gareef beekamtii kennuun utubaa sirna federaalizimii ta’uu qabas jedhan.

Eenyummaa ofii qabatanii Itoophiyaa ta’anii jiraachuun utuu danda’amuu sabummaa kee gatii Itoophiyaa ta’i yaadi jedhu balaa sirna federaalizimiiti jedhan.

Furmaata rakkoo keetii anatu siif beekaa osoo hin taane hirmaachisuudhaan namni hunduu rakkoo isaaf qaama furmaataa akka ta’u haala mijeessuutu nu baasas jedhan.

Gama biraatiin mata duree ‘Aangoo Diinagdee fi Siyaasaa mootummaa giddu galeessaan qabame’ jedhurratti waraqaa qoranno kan dhiyeessan Dr. Ammayyuu Godessoo Itoophiyaa keessatti rakkoo guddaa kan ta’e mootummaan federaalaa aangoo mootummaa naannolee keessa seenuun sarbuu isaati jedhan.

Mootummoota naannoleef aangoo qooduu dhabuu, saboota hundaaf beekamtii kennuu dhabuu fi qoqqoodanii bulchuuf yaaluun sirna federaalizimii biyyattiirraan dhiibbaa ga’eera jedhan.

Haala jiruu fi jireenya hawaasa daangaa Oromiyaa fi Beenishaangul Gumuz irratti waraqaa qorannoo digirii sadaffaa(PhD) isaanii kan hojjetan Dr.Ammayyuun waldhabdee saboota gidduutti yeroo sana uumamaa tureef Ministira Dhimmoota Federaalaa yeroo sanaa komatan.

Ammas taanaan sirna hunda walqixa tajaajiluu fi ummata Itoophiyaa hundaaf ta’u fiduuf Paartileen Siyaasaa waliin mari’achuu akka qaban dhaamaniiru.

Hayyoonni lameen erga waraqaa qoranno dhiyeessanii booda gaaffilee ka’aniif deebii kennaniiru.

Gaaffilee ka’an keessaa mootummaan Itoophiyaa amma bulchaa jiru akkaataan dhufiinsa isaa gama humna waraanaatiini, akkamiin sirna dimokiraasii mariirratti hundaa’e bu’uuressuu danda’a jedhuuf paartileen siyaasaa Oromoo kanarratti dirqama akka qabantu himame.

Gaaffii walitti dhufanii sirna federaalizimii uumuun haala Itoophiyaan amma keessa jirtuun dhuguma furmaata ta’aa jedhuuf waldanda’uun dhimma ijoo ta’uutu himame.

”Lammiileen Itoophiyaa hunduu aadaa fi duudhaa, eenyummaa isaanii qabatanii walitti dhufanii waldanda’uudhaan waliin jiraachuu danda’u, yoo tokko balleesse, inni kaan danda’aa, akkasiin waliin jiraachuutu furmaata ta’a” jedhan Pirofeesar Baqqaleen.

more at #OSAinOromia

Oromia: Koonsartii Deeggarsa Walloo (Adoolessa 20, 2011 – July 27, 2019) July 26, 2019

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Chatham House Prize: Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa. July 20, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa.

Abiy Ahmed

Within months of coming to power, Abiy Ahmed sought to rehabilitate Ethiopia’s decades-old authoritarian regime – releasing thousands of political prisoners, decriminalizing opposition groups and initiating reforms to repressive laws. He also appointed a gender-balanced cabinet along with the country’s first female head of state and first female president of the supreme court. Under Abiy, Ethiopia has moved from being one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists to a country with growing press freedom.

The prime minister’s swift action to bring about peaceful relations with Eritrea paid immediate dividends, bringing neighbouring countries into the fold and boosting plans for regional integration. The speed at which he opened civic space and moved to dismantle the politics of animosity and suspicion in the sub-region has been striking given Ethiopia’s entrenched political, security and economic challenges. He has fostered optimism about his potential to help develop good governance and effect positive change in national, regional and global affairs.

Abiy Ahmed’s dramatic appearance on the political scene in 2018, and the once unimaginable achievements registered within such a short period, make him a source of hope for the youth in Ethiopia and throughout Africa, the youngest continent in the world. He has become one of the new faces of African leadership – one that promotes ethical leadership, rights and freedoms, despite the risks this incurs, and his actions deserve recognition on the international stage.

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Chatham House Prize 2019 Nominees19 July 2019

Ethiopia: Communities in diaspora held massive rally to show their support for PM Abiy Ahmed’s reform July 11, 2019

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FP: Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control July 6, 2019

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“Too little attention was paid to characters like Asaminew, who were licensed to act from expanding islands of power amid the breakdown of party structure and control.”

FOREIGN POLICY DISPATCH

Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control

Ethiopia’s prime minister oversaw the chaotic release of thousands of prisoners, including many ethnonationalist militants. His amnesty may now be coming back to haunt him.

BY NIZAR MANEK | JULY 4, 2019

Members of the army carry a coffin covered with the Ethiopian flag in Addis Ababa on June 25, in preparation for the funeral service of the Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, Seare Mekonnen, who was assassinated on June 22.

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia—Former comrades in arms described retired Brig. Gen. Asaminew Tsige, who was shot dead on June 24, as a mediocre soldier and a poor administrator. Asaminew was gunned down by government forces two days after allegedly masterminding the assassination of three senior officials of Ethiopia’s Amhara state, including its president—events labeled part of “an orchestrated coup attempt” by the Ethiopian prime minister’s office.

Asaminew had a long history in Ethiopian military circles—and in rebel movements. He was an ex-rebel fighter in the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement in the struggle that in 1991 felled the Derg, a Marxist junta that preceded Ethiopia’s current ruling system. Asaminew met in 2009 with leaders of the banned opposition movement Ginbot 7 in Dubai, according to members of that movement. On April 24, 2009, the National Intelligence and Security Service and Federal Police Joint Anti-Terrorism Task Force arrested 35 people allegedly involved in plotting a coup against Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government; most were members of the military or the police. Asaminew was one of them, and he was imprisoned for nearly a decade.

Last February, Asaminew emerged from prison, having allegedly faced solitary confinement and torture, among tens of thousands of prisoners released following a 12-point reform plan handed down by Ethiopia’s ruling politburo in December 2017.

The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But it  has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.Under Abiy Ahmed, who became Ethiopia’s new leader in April 2018, Asaminew was honorably retired with full pension rights—and he was appointed by Amhara state later that year to head its administration and security bureau. The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But as the high-profile June 22 killings have shown, that policy has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.

Tremors have already rippled through the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the federal army, whose manpower mirrors the ethnic makeup of the country’s ruling coalition and has been increasingly involved in internal peacekeeping amid innumerable conflicts that have over the last year turned Ethiopia into the world’s largest source for internally displaced persons associated with conflict.


Abiy has brokered an anarchic political opening, leading the four branches of the ethnically-based ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—Tigrayans, Oromos, Amharas, and ethnic groups from the south—to undertake a grandiose personnel restructuring and rebranding. Asaminew’s own appointment to the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) central committee in October 2018 was part of that trend.

According to security insiders, Asaminew relied on hardliners affiliated with the Amhara Democratic Forces Movement, who, after returning from Eritrea amid an historic peace deal between the two countries, agreed last November to merge with the ADP. One of his two deputies in the Amhara security bureau, Alehubel Amare, had fled to Eritrea and formed the ADFM with other military defectors after the alleged coup plot of 2009, and another, the retired Brigadier-General Tefera Mamo, had been imprisoned with Asaminew.

Abiy’s intention was, in December 2018, to broker a merger between the ADP (which is part of the EPRDF) and the more radical National Movement of Amhara, or NAMA (which is not). This trend was replicated in Abiy’s native region of Oromia with a planned merger between the Oromo Democratic Front, an opposition movement returning from exile, with Abiy’s own Oromo Democratic Party, which is part of the EPRDF.

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

 by appeasing hard-liners in advance of competitive elections intended for 2020.

This ethnonationalist revival in a federal state has unleashed pre-Derg forces seeking to revive a world of feuding dynasties and provincial lords with their own armies competing for dominance based on who has the most weapons while seeking incorporation of so-called ancestral lands into Amhara state, including irredentist claims in other regional states and even in neighboring Sudan.

Prior to his death, Asaminew was overall commander of Amhara state’s special police forces, police, and militia, over which he had direct influence; he did not have a command role in the ENDF. Such militias historically played a pivotal role in Ethiopia’s internal security during the era of princes, between the 18th and 19th centuries, during which nobles had their own militias from their respective communities to defend their territory and security in the absence of any effective central authority.

They were also present during the Red Terror under the Derg, when so-called people’s militias were established largely from the peasantry and empowered to act against so-called anti-revolutionary individuals and groups. In Amhara state, after the Eritrean-Ethiopian War of 1998-2000, residents of North Gondar and the military and police faced attacks from insurgents linked with Eritrean-supported groups. As a result, militias were increasingly entrusted to operate at the grassroots level as local first responders to lawlessness.

The ADP selected Asaminew to its central committee as part of a pivot toward the incorporation of returning opposition forces. The party’s decision to then crown Asaminew as the head of Amhara state’s administration and security bureau—a role accountable to the regional president and supervising all regional security organs—was seen as a way of absorbing and neutralizing hard-liners. But it ended up fueling a bitter power struggle at the core of a fragmenting EPRDF and threatening the survival of the federal coalition’s constituent branches.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

 Mutual animosity between regional states is contributing to a national crisis, with a race to strengthen regional security forces amid rising distrust of federal forces—similar to the distrust of the Serb-dominated Yugoslav National Army by Slovenes and Croats in the early 1990s, as they built up their own territorial defense forces.

As regional nationalism grows, competing irredentist claims are on the rise. One of Amhara state’s borders is with Tigray state. Amhara nationalists want to reclaim the districts of Wolkait and Raya, which they say were annexed to Tigray after the Tigrayan-led EPRDF came to power. Amhara nationalists also want part of Oromia, Al-Fashaga in Sudan, and the federal capital, Addis Ababa—and NAMA labels the EPRDF’s Tigray People’s Liberation Front (which governs Tigray) as a “terrorist group,” according to Christian Tadele, a NAMA politburo member—riling neighboring Tigrayan nationalists.

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OMN: Haala yeroo irratti turtii Xiinxalaa Siyaasaa Jawaar Mohammad Waliin (waxabajji 27,2019). Oromia Media Network interviewed (in Afaan Oromoo & Amharic languages) Political Analyst Jawaar Mohammad on Ethiopia’s current situation. Tune in the Afaan Oromoo & Amharic videos June 30, 2019

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Ethiopia’s Amhara state president killed amid regional failed coup attempt. Yaalii Fonqolcha Mootummaa Naannoo Amaaraatti Fashala’een Preezidantiin Naannoo Amaaraa Dhukaasa Banameen Ajjeefaman June 23, 2019

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Ethiopia’s Amhara state chief killed amid regional coup attempt, AL JAZEERA NEWS

The president of Ethiopia‘s Amhara region and his top adviser were killed in an attempted coup in which the country’s army chief was also shot dead, the office of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said.

Spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told journalists a “hit squad” led by Amhara’s security chief Asaminew Tsige burst into a meeting in the state offices of Amhara’s capital, Bahir Dar, on Saturday and shot regional government President Ambachew Mekonnen and his adviser Ezez Wassie.

The men were “gravely injured in the attack and later died of their wounds,” she said.

“Several hours later, in what seems like a coordinated attack, the chief of the staff of the national security forces Seare Mekonnen was killed in his home by his bodyguard in Addis Ababa.”

Also shot dead was a retired general who had been visiting him, Billene added.

The bodyguard has been apprehended while Asaminew is still on the loose, sources said.

Ethiopia coup attempt Amhara

Al Jazeera’s Leah Harding, reporting from Addis Ababa, said Abiy called those responsible “mercenaries”.

“The army intelligence general said the coup was meant to create chaos and division in the military. He said the military now has control over the situation … and he reiterated that there are no divisions within the military,” Harding reported.

“This is particularly important because the two generals that were killed in Addis Ababa are part of the Tigre ethnic group, and the person who we believe is responsible for the coup plot is part of the Amhara group.”

Analysts said the incident showed the seriousness of the political crisis in Ethiopia, where efforts by Abiy to loosen the iron-fisted grip of his predecessors and push through reforms have unleashed a wave of unrest.

“These tragic incidents, unfortunately, demonstrate the depth of Ethiopia’s political crisis,” said International Crisis Group analyst William Davison.

“It is now critical that actors across the country do not worsen the instability by reacting violently or trying to exploit this unfolding situation for their own political ends,” the expert said. 

Ethiopia unrest

Ethiopia Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed condemned the unrest in an appearance on state television [Reuters]

Residents of Bahir Dar said late on Saturday there was gunfire in some neighbourhoods and some roads had been closed off.

The US embassy issued alerts about reported gunfire in Addis Ababa and violence around Bahir Dar.View image on Twitter

View image on Twitter

Travel – State Dept@TravelGov

#Ethiopia: The U.S Embassy is aware of reports of gunfire in Addis Ababa. Chief of Mission personnel are advised to shelter in place. http://ow.ly/kcLf50uKB0w 12111:04 PM – Jun 22, 2019159 people are talking about thisTwitter Ads info and privacy

Early on Sunday, Brigadier General Tefera Mamo, the head of special forces in Amhara, told state television that “most of the people who attempted the coup have been arrested, although there are a few still at large.”

Since coming to power last year, Abiy has tried to spearhead political reforms to open up the once isolated, security-obsessed Horn of Africa country of 100 million people.

He has released political prisoners, lifted bans on political parties and prosecuted officials accused of gross human rights abuses, but his government is battling mounting violence.

Ethnic bloodshed – long held in check by the state’s iron grip – has flared up in many areas, including Amhara, where the regional government was led by Ambachew Mekonnen.

“Since Abiy Ahmed took power and the country moved towards democratisation … there have been different forms of mobilisations, by different actors, particularly nationalists.” Awol Allo, a lecturer in law at Keele University, told Al Jazeera. 

“[In] Amhara regional state, there is this feeling that they were marginalised, and these individuals that were suspected to be behind the coup recently said that Amhara people have never been subordinated.. so there is this sense of grievance and victimhood that is driving the nationalist movements,” he added. 

Ethiopia is due to hold a national parliamentary election next year. Several opposition groups have called for the polls to be held on time despite the unrest and displacement. Ethiopia is due to hold a national parliamentary election next year. Several opposition groups have called for the polls to be held on time despite the unrest and displacement.

Related News from Oromian Economist sources:

Yaalii Fonqolcha Mootummaa Naannoo Amaaraatti raawwatameen Preezidantiin Naannoo Amaaraa dhukaasa banameen ajjeefaman, BBC Afaan Oromoo

Ethiopia’s chief of staff killed in coup attempt in Amhara state, Reuters

The Amhara state president, Ambachew Mekonnen, and his adviser were shot dead and the state’s attorney general was wounded in Amhara’s capital, Bahir Dar, on Saturday evening, according to a statement from the office of the prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, The Guardian

Yaalii fonqolchaa kana akka itti hubatamuu qaburratti aktivistoonni Amaaraa bakka lamatti bahanii wal falmaa jiru. Gareen ija jabeessi ‘kun diraamaa Abiyyi tahe jedhee raawwatedha’ jechuun yakkamtoota isaaniirraa dhiiga dhiquu yaalaa jiru. Gareen kaan ammoo Abiyyiin jibbinuyyuu dhugaa kana haaluun rakkisaa dha, nun baasu jechuun haqa liqimsaa jiru. Kan nama qaanfachiisu garuu, warra maqaa Oromoon of waamaa ‘hojiin kun diraamaa Abiyyi malee yaalii fonqolchaa miti’ jechuun gartuu Asaamminoo Tsiggee irraa dhiiga dhiquuf dhama’us arguu dha. https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=903553573365016&id=100011311443078

Jeneraal Se’are kan ajjeesse waardiyaa isaa Mesafint jedhamu ta’uun himameera. Bakki dhaloota isaa Gondar, Amhara dha. Ajjeechaa sana erga raawwatee booda of ajjeesuu yaalee kan ture yoo ta’u of madeessee lubbuun keessa jirti.

Dr. Ambachew Bahirdaaritti kan ajjeese Jeneral Asaaminew Tsige ta’uunis himamaa jira. Amma Bahirdar keessaa miliqee bakka hin beekamne dhokatee jira jedhama. Walgayii magaalattii walakkaa keessatti ta’e keessatti nama lama ajjeessee dhokachuu danda’uun isaa bulchiinsa Amaaraa keessaa deggertootaa hedduuf cimdaa bal’aa qabaachuu isaa agarsiisa. Hatattamaan hin qabamu yoo ta’e dhiyootti deggertoota isaa wajjin waraanaa mootummaa federaalaa irratti banuun isaa waan hin oolle. Caasaan ABN isa cina dhaabbachuun falmisiisaa miti. Qaamni kun Amaara keessa qofa otuu hin taane biyyattii bakka hundatti caasaa diriirfatee jira. Keessumaa magaalota Oromiyaa kanneen akka Adaamaa, Asallaa, Goobbaa fi Finfinnee keessatti caasaan ABN cimaa ta’uu hin oolu. Kanaaf ummatni keenya of eeggannoo cimaa godhuu qaba. Poolisii Oromiyaa cina dhaabbatee nageenya isaa tiksuu qaba. 
Solomon Ungashe tiin. https://www.facebook.com/daniel.areerii/posts/3080992428584542

Oromia: Iyyi iyya dabarsi: Oromoon Walloo naa dhaqabaa jedhee lammiitt iyyataa jiraa June 20, 2019

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Iyyi iyya dabarsi: Oromoon Walloo naa dhaqabaa jedhee lammiitt iyyataa jiraa

Obbo Ibsaa Gutamaa irraa

Iyyi iyya dabarsi: Oromoon Walloo naa dhaqabaa jedhee lammiitt iyyataa jiraa. Amaarri goleett galchanii federaalaan dahachuun itt roorrisuu eegalanii jiru. Biyya keessan miti nu keessaa maal gootu faa jedhamuutu dhagahama. Seenaa fi seeraan Oromoon kan himatan caalaanu hafee jira. Seenaa hololaaf dur dur uumame irra deddeebi’uun waan isa tokkoo kan biraaf hin ragaasisuu. Oromoon Kaabaa, bara dhufee darbe hunda diina ofirraa qolata yoonaa gahanii. Yeroo isaan weeraran, dachaasanii golee saaniitt galchuun akka itt hin xiixne karoora baasanii bulchaanis turanii. Haaloo sanaati, namichi gargaarsa faranjiin aangoott ol bahe Teedros jedhamu arfan irraa ciruun rifachiisuu kan yaale. Faranjiin ka’iisa saa gargaare kufaatii saafis maqaa haa fudhatu malee, Maqadallaa irratt kan biyyoo nyaachisaniin Oromoo sana turani. Garaa laaffifachuuf faranjii hidhe yoo gad dhiisu, hogganota Oromoo hidhaa saa turan qalee qileett gad darbe. Haaloo bahachuun mootota isa duuba dhufaniinis, Oromoo irraa dhaabbatee hin beeku. Miseensoti EPRDFis sanuma itt fufaa jiru. ODPiin ummata maqaa saaf ijaarameef dhaqabuu mamuun, kakuu ADWUI waliin qabu kan mararfate fakkeesisa. Kun, Oromoo hafan didha kan galchuu dandahu tahuu hin hubanne taha. Dhugaa, nagaa, tukkummaa, walqixxummaa fi jaalallli Dr. Abiy lallabu qilleensa keessatt akka hin hafne ni sodaachisa. Kanaaf shaffisaan itt yaaduu feesisaa. Amaarri hanga daba kanaan dura hogganooti saanii raawwatan amananii, gumaa baasuun, nagaa, walqixxumma, bilisummaa fi obbolummaan Oromoo waliin jiraachuun barbaadna jedhanii waltahiinsa haaraa mallateessanitt araarri bu’uu ni rakkata. Kun tartiiba dudhaa kan waldhaban hordofan hundi beekanii. Gaaffii bu’uuraa hunda dura deebii barbaaduu. Gurguddoon Amaaraa hamma yoonaa aarii Oromoon bilisummaa gaafachuu saani si’anaaf qaban malee, abbootin saanii badii irraan gahaniif gaabbii hin agarsiisne. Dadhabbii fi kufaatii saanii hundaaf Oromummaa saa qofaaf ABO bakka deeman hundatt abaaru. Isaaniif ABOn mallatoo Oromummaa waliigalaati. Goototi saanii kanneen gara laafina malee Oromoott roorrisan, Tediros, Minilik fi Hayila Sillaaseen guyyuu afaanii hin buhani. Oromoo hedduun, awwaalaa baasee lafee saaniillee utuu gubee hin jibbu. Abiy akka ofiitt malee akka jarri barbaadanitt gaggeessuuf fedha waan hin agarsiifneef balaaleffachuu eegalaa jiru. Garuu Taabota meeqaa wareegan, kan hamma saa yeroo si’anaaf hin argatanii. Hayyooti saanii akka Daawwit Walda Gorgis faa mootummaan abbaa gonfoof kan itt haananii dhufan maaliif akka kufan qorachuullee hin dhimmamne. Abiy heera rarraasee Oromoo fi somaalee callisiisu yoo hin dandeenye taahitaa akka gaddhiisu gorsaa jiru. Gorsii Daawit W/Gorgis Amaartichi amma saddeettaman keessa jiru, haaraa mitii; Dargii fi qondaalota Itophiyaa hedduu galaafate Wayyaanee fi Shaabiyyaa injifannoon gahe. Inni ofii miliqee jireenya saa durii irra basha’aa jiraataa. Yaadi isaa yeroo waliin hin deemu. Qarooma utuu hin tahin mura honga’aa. Empayerri Itophiyaa bosose utuu argu, barumsaa fi muuxannoo qabuun saboota fi sabaawoti akkamitt walitt hafuu dandahuu faluu dhiisee empayera bututtuu walitt erbuuf hidhatee as bahe. Dhugaa inni dubate, Itophiyaan finnaa (state) hoongaate tahuu seetii. “Qinyi gizatoch” (Kolonooti) see erga didanii of soneessuu dadhabdee burjaaja’aa jirti. Sabooti isee keessa jiran akka Amaaraa, Tigray, Agawuu fi Qimaanti eenyummaa ofiin of dandahanii dhaabbachuuf tattaafataa jiruu. Itophiyaa dullattiin arraba isaa fi abdattu sirna Nafxanyaa akka isaa irratt qofaa hafaa jirti. Daawitii baddaa Habashaa irra gad yoo ilaalan kan bilisummaaf lolatu karisaa, kan kufaatii empayeraa jala gugatanii lafa saammatan jaalbiyyoota tahanii mullatu. Empayericha keessa karisummaanis “saranyummaanis” hin jiranii; kan mirga ofiif qabsaawanii fi sana ukkaamsuu kan yaalan qofa. Oromoon hardha qabsoo saaniitiin haala “Qinyii” (kolonii) akka itt hin deebi’amnett jijjiiranii jiru. Sana yoo tolchan mirgoota ilmaan namaa fi seera abbaa gadaa irra hin ejjenne. Isaan garuu akka harka badu tuttuqaa jiru. Garuu namoota nagaan jiraatan, keessa sodaa Oromoon isin fixuuf jedhuu facaasuun bakka yartuu dha hanga buqqa’ee baqatuun gahanii jiru. Sanaaf kashalabbee ofii malee Oromoo komachuu hin qabanii. Seenaa darbe dabaluuf, gurguddoon Amaaraa akkuma durii saanii “Nagaariit” (dibbee) dillissuun ni dhagahama. Godina Oromoo bulcha saanii jala jiruu fi olla tokko tokkott roorrisuu eegaluun argamaa jira. Oromoon amma dhiisee duruu mirga ofii tole jedhe gaddhiisee hin beeku. Kan baasu, Itophiyaa dullattii deebisanii kabeebsuu utuu hin tahin, seera fi sirna kanaan dura jallatan hunda sirreessanii, kakuu haaraa irratt walii galuun wal qixxummaa, bilisummaa fi wal kabajan nagaa fi gammachuun jiraachuuf ifaajja’uu dha. “Akka durii fi harka xuriitt hin hafan” jedha Oromoon. Kaleessi dhiitee seenaa tahaa, hardhi jalaan bariitee egeree ifsaa jirtii. Dubbiin Walloo bariisaa jarjarsiti malee dukkanni ni deebi’aa hin yaadamu. Oromoon iyyaati isaan caalaa yoo hin tane isaaniin gadi hin qabu. Inni akka durii Taaboti deemuu didee, qoolloo isinii harca’ee jira, lafa kennaafi jedhan sadarkaa Oromoon si’anaa irra jiru baruu dadhabuun sadarkaa guddina saanii qofa agarsiisa. Daa’immi Oromoollee muka irraa harkaan bocamuu saa beekti. Kanaaf gargar cita hariiroo akka hin taane beekoti Amaaraa itt haa yaadanii. Qabateewan si’ana galmoota magaalaa keessatt, irratt mari’ataman godina keenyaaf utuu hin tahin dureeyyii fi kanneen aangoo qaban qofaaf dhimma baasuu. Sana irraa bu’aa argachuuf rakkinni bu’aaraa nuti qabnu, Gaaffiin Sabummaa furmaata argatee tokkummaan addunyaa waliin dorgomuu jalqabuu dandahuu qabna. Sana maleee fedha xixinnoof utuu wal danqinu korporeeshinoota addunyaan akka hiratamnu abaraamuu dandeenya. Rakkina fedha xixinnoo furru malee waan gurgudaa dandahuun keenyas mamii qaba. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu

Xinxala gabaabaa haala yeroo June 16, 2019

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Xiinxala gabaabaa haala yeroo

Yaya Beshir irraa


Oromoon of kabajsiisuuf ammas karaan qabsoo fagoo akka tahe dhihoo kana katabeen ture. Dubbii kana maaliif akkan jedhe keessa deebi’een gad jabeessuuf dirqama. 
Humni Amaaraa aangootti deebi’uuf karaa gurguddaa lamaan 
didichaa jira. Mooraan siyaasaa Amaaraa kun waan irratti sirriitti walii galan qabu. Oromoota maqaa ODPtiin aangoo federaalaa irra jiran yoo danda’an dhiibbaa irratti godhanii Oromoo gansiisuudhaaf hojjechaa jiru. Dr. Abiyyi faa aangoo jabeeffachuu yoo barbaadan Oromoo gananii jara waliin dhaabbachuu malee akka fala hin qabne itti himaa jiru. ”Maqaa Oromoo dhahachaa Itoophiyaa bulchuuf mirga hin qabdu” hanga jechuus gahaniiru. Warri ifa baafatee Amaarummaan deemus (ABN) “yoo Amaara tahe malee sabni biraa biyya kanatti abbaa tahuu hin danda’u” jechaa jiru, saalfii tokko malee.

Hogganoonni maqaa Oromoo dhahatanii masaraa jiran yoo dhiibbaa kana sodaachuu didanii saba keessaa dhalataniif dhimman ammoo hookkara irratti kaasanii dhiibanii aangoo irraa buusuun ofii bakka bu’uuf haala mijeeffachaa jiru. Wanni Dawit Walda Goorgis dhihoo kana DCitti dubbate iccitii jarri dhoksaan itti jiran ifa nuu baasa. Abiyyi irratti hookkara kaasanii mootummaa federaalizimii sabummaa kana diiguun mootummaa cehumsaa ittiin aangotti of deebisan dhaabuu dha kaayyoon. Dhiibbaa kana kana irraa ka’uun Dr. Abiyyi ejjennoo Oromummaan dhaabachuu irratti daddaaqama agarsiisuun waanuma tilmaamamu. Takka as fakkaachaa takka achi fakkaachaa urursaa deemuu akka falaatti kan fudhatee deemaa jiru fakkaata. Kun ammoo hin baasu. Gamattis gamanatti hin milkeessu. Oromoof hin amanamu, jaraafis hin amanamu. Haala kana keessatti osoo hoookkarri dhalatee kophaatti isa hambisa. Oromoon kooti jedhee akka sagalee guutuun isa hin abdannee fi isa hin ittifne qalbii guutuudhaan Oromoof hin amaamne. Jara gammachiisuuf jedhee dantaa Oromoo irratti laaffachuu isaaf Oromoo keessatti shakkiin laalama. Kun ammoo kufaatii cehumsichaaf karaa mijeessa.

Rakkoo kana hunda wanni fide tuffii Habashoonni ammas Oromoof qabduu dha. Humni karaa lamaan olitti eerreen deemaa jiru lachuu ergaan isaa ifaa dha. Abadan Oromoo waliin wal qixxaannee hin bullu, olaantummaan keenya deebi’uu qabaa dha. Humna Oromoon ittiin Wayyaanee buqqise sanis waan dagatan fakkaata. Akka dagatan kan godhe ammoo tokkummaan keenya akka bara Wayyaanee sanatti jabaa tahuu hanqachuu dha. Ummanni kun ofiif baay’ate malee laalcha dhaabota siyaasaa adda addaa jalatti qoqqoodamee kan wal gaarreffatu waan taheef yoo jabaanne mogolee isaa cabsinee bakkatti deebi’uu dandeenya jedhanii wal amansiisanii jiru. Xiqqoo wanti yaaddoo itti tahaa jiru hariiroo Oromoo fi saboota ollaa gara gadii, bahaa fi dhihaa gidduutti cimfamaa jiru kana. Kanas diiganii madaala humnaa gama ofii deebisuuf duula bal’aaf qophaahaa jiru.

Kanaafan Oromoon ammallee likkii isaa diina isa tuffattutti agarsiisuuf qabsoo cimaatu isa eega jedha. Oromoon humna siiviilii kan akka gaafa Wayyaanee sana ammas irra deebi’ee agarsiisuuf waan hundaaf fala taha: 
1. Warra Oromoo keessaa dhalatee aangoo irra jiru kan takka gama takka gamana fakkaachuun dantaa Oromoo salphisaa deemaa jiruuf ergaa dabarsa. Nu ceesifta taanaan Oromoof amanamii nu ceesisi, tahuu baannaan waan si goonu beeyna jechuun cita dubbii itti hima. Jarris humna Oromootti abdatanii akka arraba jabaatanii dantaa Oromoof dursa kennan hamilcha, dirqa. 
2. Humna Oromoo tuffattee gamaa fi gamasiin owwaara kaasuu barbaaddu abdii kutachiisa. Amma biyya kanaaf fala barbaaduun dabareen kan Oromoo akka tahe dirqiidhaan waga’a. Guddina Oromoo amananii fudhachuudhaan abjuu olaantummaa ofii deebisuuf qaban akka of keessatti ajjeesan godha. Itoophiyaan isaan deebisuu barbaadan kana booda gonkumaa akka hin dhufnee fi yoo nagaa barbaadan Oromoo kabajanii, dhagahanii buluu malee fala biraa kan hin qabne tahuu akka amanan taasisa. 
3. Ummanni ollaa akka Sidaamaa, Somaalii, Affaar, Benis Shangul, Gaambeellaa, Tigraay fi ummatoonni gama Kibbaa jiraa hundi Oromootti firoomuu malee karaan biraa akka isaan hin baafne, akka humna Amaaraatiin hin dogoggorfamne karaa iftuu itti garsiisa. 
Oromoon akkasitti madaala humna siyaasaa biyyattii harkatti jabeeffachuu yoo danda’e qofa rakkoo dhufaa jiru mara irra aana.

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”Olaantummaa Oromootu olaantummaa Tigraayi bakka bu’ee jira” jechuun yaada ilmaan Nafxanyaa Daseetti itti kaasaniif Dr. Abiyy yeroo deebisu, ”Eega an aangootti dhufee booda Oromoon 0.1% yoo waan dabalataa argatee jiraateef sa’aa 24 keessan aangoo gadhiisa” jedhe. Jecha kana keessatti waan baay’een arga. Tokkoffaa, akka gaaffiin Oromoon qabsaayeef inni muudamuudhaan deebii hin argatin ibsa, innis akka sana beeku agarsiisa. Lammaffaa, kan jijjiirama dhufetti waan dabalataa argate Amaara malee Oromoo akka hin tahin amanuu isaa mul’isa. Sadaffaa, jarri gonkumaa galata akka hin qabne hubachuu isaas ni mul’isa. Afraffaa, ‘Oromoof waan addaa godhuuf as hin jiru, yoon sana godhe aangoo gadhiisuudhaanin isiniif adabama’ yaada jedhus qaba (waan kana jara gowwoomsuuf akka jedhetti hubachuun filadha). Kana jechuun ammoo (akka inni kakatetti) hoggansa isaa jalatti gaaffiin Oromoon kaasaa jiru deebii argataan shakkisiisaa taha.

Asirratti wannin hubadhe, Amaarri gama gaafatee gamana hargachaa jiraachuu isaati. Dr. Abiyyi osoo haqa jal’ate eenyuyyuu caalaa argaa jiruu hanga eessaatti jara sossobee akka deemu ifaa miti. Jarri bu’aa Oromoon hin argatin hoggansa Abiyyi irraa argate kun galanni jarri garsiisaa jiran abaarsa Oromootiin ibsamuun akka qabaan Dr. Abiyyi ittiin deemaa jiru kun milkiidhaan fagoo hin deemne mirkaneessa. Kana gidduutti Oromoonis callisa isaa cabsee ”Gahe!” jechuun waanuma eegamu. Dr. Abiyyi yoo abshaala tahe warra maaluu goonaanif galata hin qabne urursuu dhiisee dafee qehee isaa jabeessee of faana hiriirsuu qofatu kufaatii dhufaa jiru jalaa isas biyyas baasa. Sana gochuu dhiisee akkuma deemaa jiru kanatti itti fufnaan gaafa balaan dhufte lamaanuu of cinaadhaa dhabuudhaan xumura fokkataa mudata. Sun akka tahu hin hawwuuf.

After Neoliberalism, JOSEPH E. STIGLITZ June 11, 2019

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The neoliberal experiment – lower taxes on the rich, deregulation of labor and product markets, financialization, and globalization – has been a spectacular failure. Growth is lower than it was in the quarter-century after World War II, and most of it has accrued to the very top of the income scale. After decades of stagnant or even falling incomes for those below them, neoliberalism must be pronounced dead and buried. Vying to succeed it are at least three major political alternatives: far-right nationalism, center-left reformism, and the progressive left (with the center-right representing the neoliberal failure). And yet, with the exception of the progressive left, these alternatives remain beholden to some form of the ideology that has (or should have) expired.

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OBN: Anadhufu Gammachuu Magarsaa (PhD), Hayyuu Seenaa fi Antiroopolojii June 9, 2019

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Responding to the new Cold War June 5, 2019

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‘Suppose the world entered a new Cold War with the United States on one side and China, on the other. The United States has carved out a sphere of influence similar to that in the previous Cold War, though with weaker control of South America and with most of Eastern Europe on its side. China’s sphere of influence comprises most Asian nations, with the notable exceptions of India, which is non-aligned but leaning towards the US, and Japan, as US ally.Africa and South America have again become a stage for proxy wars in which forces sponsored by the two sides fight over control of countries. The same applies to the Middle East, though the development of renewables and US energy independence mean that access to Middle Eastern oil is much more important to China than the United States.Russia is not aligned with either bloc but leans towards China.’

Read more at https://knowledge.insead.edu/…/responding-to-the-new-cold-w…
https://knowledge.insead.edu/…/responding-to-the-new-cold-w…

Relief Web: Ethiopia: Food insecurity intensifies despite late and erratic Gu/Gena/Belg season rainfall, (Update, May 2019) June 4, 2019

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Food insecurity intensifies despite late and erratic Gu/Gena/Belg season rainfall

Key Messages

Despite enhanced rainfall in the second dekad of May 2019 over many areas of Ethiopia, due to the late starting, erratic, and below-average Gu/Genna rains, particularly in southern and southeastern pastoral areas, food security outcomes in these areas are expected to deteriorate. In East and West Hararghe zones of Oromia food consumption gaps consistent with Crisis (IPC Phase 3) food security outcomes are likely from June to September. Northern Somali, major parts of East and West Hararghe, Northeastern Amhara, and Borena and Guji zones of Oromia are expected to move from Stressed (IPC Phase 2) to Crisis (IPC Phase 3) in June due to low household purchasing power, a lack of confirmed humanitarian assistance, and lack of pasture for livestock.

The Gu/Genna season rainfall in the second decade of May 2019 rejuvenated water points for both livestock and human consumption in some woredas of Somali Region, Borena and Guji zones of Oromia, and South Omo in southern SNNPR, where improved water availability is reported. Pasture and water are expected to remain improved for a short period, but improved livestock body conditions and productivity are not expected until the Deyr/Hageya season in October. In East and West Hararghe zones of Oromia, livestock deaths are being reported.

Below normal area-planted and suppressed crop growth in Belg-producing areas due to the below-average rainfall season will likely lead to Belg crop failure in East and West Hararghe. In other parts of the country below-average Belg production is likely despite improved rainfall in May. Meher long-cycle crops, and Belg-planted Meher maize and sorghum, especially in East and West Hararghe, the Rift Valley of Oromia, and SNNPR also suffered growth delays due to the poor rainfall which will negatively affect production.

In East and West Hararghe, Bale lowlands, parts of Guji and Borena Zones of Oromia and Somali region, poor households are already experiencing constrained food access, as they are highly market dependent during the peak of the lean season. Staple food prices, especially for maize, and wheat flour remain atypically high.Children’s nutrition status is deteriorating in East and West Hararghe and Bale zones of Oromia and in large parts of Somali and North-eastern Afar. The situation may further deteriorate as the lean season progresses.

With some improvement in the security situation across the country, the Government of Ethiopia has begun to facilitate the return of IDP households to their homes in East and West Wolega, Gedio, and Amehra. This has been a smooth transition for IDPs in East and West Wollega zones of Oromia, and North Gonder zone of Amehra. However, Gedio IDPs did not feel secure returning to their homes and returned only at the insistence of the government. Monthly food assistance rations are being provided to IDPs by CRS (using JEOP resources), WFP, and the government of Ethiopia. This is expected to continue until IDPs are readjusted and able to return fully to their normal livelihoods and incomes.

A brief political history of Sidama Nation for self-rule, Addis Standard May 31, 2019

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A brief political history of Sidama Nation for self-rule

Shiferaw Muleta (PhD), For Addis Standard

Addis Abeba, May 29/2030 – The quest of Sidama statehood has become a point of discussion in the political arena of Ethiopia. Notwithstanding to its long political and military struggle for self-rule, many people in the capital city Addis Abeba, including prominent politicians and academicians, think that the Sidamas’ quest for self-rule is a recent phenomenon and presented after Abiy Ahmed (PhD) came to power. For instance, many people have not heard about the armed struggle of the Sidamas against the Derg regime, which was “one of the top secrets of the Derg regime” (Human Rights Watch, 1991:86). The armed struggle of the Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM) for self-rule was one of the top five armed struggles launched by the EPLF, TPLF, OLF and ONLF against the Socialist-Dictatorship of the Derg regime. The SLM was active in its armed struggle for over a decade and the Sidamas sacrificed more than 10,000 men in different battle fields in Sidama region. In recent past, for example, a similar quest for statehood was presented by the Sidama zone council in September 2005. However, the response was a political one not a constitutional by then. Many Sidama elites and scholars were imprisoned and forced to exile for not accepting this political “decision”.

In this short essay, I present some historical events in the political struggle of the Sidama Nation for self-rule in a chronological order. The facts are compiled from local and international sources. However, I admit that this is not a complete chronological list. The aim of this essay is twofold: to acquaint readers with the political history of the Sidamas for self-rule and to initiate historians and young academics to conduct a thorough study in the armed struggle of the Sidamas. Hence, I believe this essay to serve as a stepping stone to document historical events in this regard. The dates are in Gregorian calendar for events from international sources, such as the Human Rights Watch reports. For some events, Ethiopian dates are included in brackets. The chronological lists are presented under four sections: Prior to Italian occupation, Haile Selassie I regime, Derg regime and post 1991.

I) The political Struggle of the Sidama Nation before 1941

  • 1891: Sidama land was annexed by the army of Menelik II of Shoa. Despite their strong resistance, the Sidamas were conquered due to superiority in firearms by the invading army.
  • 1900-1936: the armed resistance against the invading army continued, even though the struggles were in a fragmented way and not well coordinated. The early resistances were led by clan leaders such as Baallicha Worawo, Dullacha Raacho, Cuuko Daalachaanna, Aliito Hewano, Mangistu Hammeeso and Wena Hankarso.
  • 1936-1941: During this Italian occupation period, the Sidama Nation relatively regained ownership on the ancestral land. The Nation was freed from servitude and the notorious ‘gabbar’ system during the Italian occupation period. Nonetheless, on some parts of the Sidama land, the Italians faced strong resistance due to their policy of discrimination. A prominent figure in the resistance against the Italian rule was Alito Hewano. The Italians responded by indiscriminately killing clan leaders and elders, which is still referred as Umi Shibbire (The First Terror) in Sidama land.
  • II) The political Struggle of the Sidama Nation between 1941-1974
  • 05 May 1941: Emperor Haile Selassie returned to Ethiopia from his exile and marked the restoration of Ethiopian independence from Italian occupation.
  • 1941: Following the restoration of the Emperor to his throne, the conflict between the Sidamas and the ‘Melkegnas’ continued. In 1933 EC, Sidama elders and clan leaders were once again killed en mass in a place called Ashisho, 25 Kms from the current Aleta Wondo town, for resisting the returnee landlords. This event is still remembered as Layinki shibbire (the second terror) in Sidama land.
  • 1940s-1974: the struggle continued with the returnee landlords who unfoundedly claimed to regain their “land”. However, the struggle was on individual basis and lacked coordination. Prominent individuals in the armed struggle against the returnee landlords during this period and then after include Yettera Boolle, Hushula Xaaddiso, Fiissa Ficho, Laanqamo Naare, Takilu Yota, Shila Harqa and Gebrehiwot Banata, just to mention few. As a result of the continued resistance, the Imperial regime was forced to make some reforms in its administrative system with a precondition of conversion of the Sidamas to Orthodox Christianity and accepting the language and culture of the ruling class. This assimilation policy had continued until 1991.

III) The political Struggle of the Sidama Nation between 1974-1991

  • September 1974: the last king of the “Solomonic” dynasty was overthrown.
  • March 1975: Declaration of Land to the Tiller policy
  • 1974-1976: mixed form of support to and resistance against the Derg regime continued. The support was due to the Derg’s popular decree of Land to the Tiller. Like in many parts of the country, the Sidama elites and youths by the then were organized under the then prominent political groups, partly with the EPRP and significantly with MEISON.
  • January 1977: The Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM) was established and the late Woldeamanuel Dubale became the first president of the movement
  • June 1978-January 1980: A total of 60,000 Sidamas went to Somalia in five rounds to get military trainings. In the first four rounds, the journey of the SLM recruits was successful. However, there was a heavy causality in the fifth round.
  • 18 January 1980 (ጥር 10/1972)፡ On their way to the training camp of the SLM in Somalia, Sidama recruits were caught in a surprise air attack by the Derg at a place called Galbed at the Ethio-Somalia border. Out of the total 12,000 recruits who left Sidama for Somalia, 2,000 died by the air strike and 600 went missing. Only 9,000 of them reached their destination.
  • 1977-1987: The armed struggle spearheaded by the SLM continued. During this period, the SLM coordinated its armed struggle with the other fronts, such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The SLM continued its armed struggle against the Derg regime. It was successful in liberating many Sidama areas. The total causalities in the SLM side are estimated to be above 12,000(without including civilian losses) in its fight against the Derg regime for a decade.
  • 1981: The Human Rights Watch report states that “the SLM was more active,  largely  in  response  to  pre-emptive government counter-insurgency policies”. The HRW also stated that “The war in Sidama in 1981 was one of the Dergue’s best-kept secrets (HRW, 1991: 85). See the details from this link.
  • January 1981: 200 people were reported to have been killed by an army patrol at Godaboke Mito and Chire villages in Sidama. “The war in Sidamo in 1981 was one of the Derg’s best-kept secrets. In January, 200 people were reported killed by an army patrol at Godaboke Mito and Chire villages in Sidamo.” HRW, P. 85
  • 19-21 March 1981: The Derg bombarded the base of SLM in Chiirii woreda. The aim was to suffocate the army of the SLM within a forested valley. The HRW reported that helicopter and airplane attacks at Gata Warrancha in Sidama caused at least 20,000 people  in one valley to flee, and more than 2,000 were reported killed when a  “wall of  flames” was  ignited by bombing using either phosphorous or ethylene. The government ordered the evacuation of a Norwegian mission stationed in the area and a hospital [in Yirgalem], leaving the wounded without medical care. 
  • July 1981: 615 civilians were reported to have been killed at a meeting called by local administrators at a place known as Alo in Haroressa woreda. 
  • 01 December 1981: A well-documented killing took place in Chiiri (South Sidama) when a defense squad killed at least 48 people, including several cases involving entire families.
  • 13 July 1980 (03/11/1972 ዓ/ም): The Derg army stationed in Malga woreda, in a specific place called Wotera Resa, 25 KMs from the capital Hawassa, was attacked by the SLM fighters. In a pretext of crushing the forces of the SLM, the military fired a machine gun on civilians who were attending a meeting summoned by local officials resulting in heavy civilian casualties.
  • 18 July 1980 (08/11/1972 ዓ/ም): The Derg used heavy artilleries, including tanks, against civilians who were summoned for a meeting with local officials at the Market place of Yirba in Boricha district. When the civilians refused to comply with the demands of the officials and some of them started firing, the local officials reported to the nearby army camp as if they were encircled by heavily armed SLM fighters, the military massacred many civilians.
  • 1988-1991: Notwithstanding its strong resistance of the air bombardments and the heavy artilleries, the armed struggle continued. However, the SLM decided to slow down its resistance because this time the Derg applied an anti-guerrilla tactic by recruiting Sidamas forcefully to fight against the SLM army. This tactic worked against the SLM, even though similar tactics failed in the battle grounds in Eritrea and Tigrary. Even though the armed struggle became passive after the end of 1987, also partly due to the Derg’s tactic of dividing the SLM leadership, the armed struggle continued until 1991.
  • 1989-1991: The Sidama Nation got its own administrative structure for the first time since 1891. The “Sidama Administrative Region” became one of the newly formed 24 administrative Regions and the five autonomous regions.

IV) The political Struggle of the Sidama Nation in post1991 period

  • 28 May 1991: The EPRDF forces entered Addis Abeba.
  • July 1991: The SLM was one of the participating political groups in the the “July conference” in 1991. On its first day of meeting, the late chairman of TPLF, the late Meles Zenawi and the late Woldeamanuel Dubale exchanged a hot debate on the Sidama issue; the latter was supported by the OLF. This marked the beginning of hostility towards the SLM.
  • 1991-1993: The SLM was represented by two individuals in the transitional council.
  • 1993-1995: The Sidama Nation regained a self-administrative status (Region 8) out of the newly formed 14 regions at the national level.
  • 07 December 1992 (ህዳር 29/1984): An attempt was made on the life of the late Woldeamanuel Dubale in a broad daylight. This incident happened on the first general assembly meeting of the SLM held in Hawassa.
  • June 1992: The SLM was forced to withdraw from the transitional council.
  • September 1992: The leadership of the SLM were forced into exile.
  • 01 November 1991 (ጥቅምት 23/1984 ዓ/ም): The Sidama Peoples’ Democratic Organization (SPDO) was established as a surrogate Sidama organization to replace the SLM. Like the other PDOs (such as the creation of OPDO to replace OLF), this move by TPLF was to counter against the independent SLM. The political struggle of the SLM with the EPRDF continued.
  • 18 August 1993 (ነሃሴ 10/1985 ዓ/ም): Sidamu Afoo became the working language and medium of instruction. Due to its historical significance, this date is still commemorated by the Sidamas annually.
  • 1993-2005: The armed struggle continued by another Sidama organization called the Sidama National Front (SLF). The SLF was a splitter from the SLM due to differences in the struggle tactics against the EPRDF regime.
  • Since 1993: Some of the SLM members decided to continue their struggle within the country peacefully despite the intimidation of the EPRDF regime. Many members of the peaceful SLM party were either killed or detained in the pretext of their “collaboration with the SLF”. Many Sidama elites were also forced to exile.
  • January1993: The formation of the infamous SNNP region by merging five regions out of the 14 regions, which existed during the transition period. This move was objected by Sidama representatives within EPRDF, which forced many of the SPDO members to withdraw from the party and to continue their struggle from abroad. Prominent figures in this regard include Tufa Doyicha, the zonal president by then and others (e.g. Elias Tiro, and Tesfaye Fichola.)
  • January 1993: the formation of the South Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) by merging all the PDOs in the newly formed South region. This diminished the political participation of Sidamas.
  • July 2000: Many of the SLF and OLF fighting units were ambushed by the regime’s force in a battle ground fought in a place called Baidewa, Somalia. The Sidama and Oromo martyrs were buried together.
  • 22 August 2005: The Council of Sidama unanimously endorsed the age long request of Sidama Nation for statehood. However, the response was political rather than constitutional. Many Sidama scholars, who were at the forefront in this constitutional quest for statehood, were either detained or forced into exile.
  • 24 May 2002: The killing of more than 70 Sidama youth, children and women, who went out for a demonstration against the regime, by security forces. This tragic event is remembered as “the Loqqe Massacre” by the Sidama Nation. No one has been held accountable for this massacre.
  • October 2007: The formation of the South Ethiopian People’s Democratic Front (SEPDF) by dismantling all independently acting PDOs in their respective zones. This completely undermined the political participation of the Sidama as an independent entity.
  • 1995-2010: The political struggle, mainly by Sidama Political groups abroad, continued.
  • On 24 April 2018: The Sidama representative in the council of the EPRDF voted for PM Abiy Ahmed instead of his Sidama competitor for the chairmanship position of the EPRDF and subsequently the Prime Minster position. This independent move of the Sidama members within the EPRDF council has earmarked a new chapter in Oromo-Sidama relationship in the political arena.
  • 18 July 2018 (ሐምሌ 11/2010 ዓ/ም): The Council of Sidama Zone unanimously endorsed the quest for statehood for a second time.
  • 03 November 2018 (23/02/2011 ዓ/ም): The Council of SNNP region unanimously approved the Sidamas Zone’s request for statehood
  • 22 November 2018 (12/03/2011 ዓ/ም): The House speaker of the SNNP council officially requested the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) to conduct a referendum for Sidama Nation as per Article 47 (3) of the constitution.
  • Since 22 November 2018: The Sidama Zone has been waiting for the action of the NEBE to conduct a referendum, while the necessary preparations to form its independent region, the Sidama National Regional State (SNRS), has been finalized.
  • 23 January 2019 (13/01/2011ዓ/ም): The Taskforce, drawn from Sidama scholars, was established by Sidama zone council to make the necessary preparations for the new region. The Taskforce has already completed its tasks. A public discussion on the new regional constitution is expected to commence soon.
  • 20 March 2019 (14/06/2011 ዓ/ም): More than a million people held a peaceful demonstration in Hawassa city protesting the delay of announcing the referendum date.
  • 13-15 March 2019 (መጋቢት 5-7 2011 ዓ/ም): As an extension of the first demonstration, the second demonstration (Gaado II) was conducted as stay-at-home protest for three days.
  • 09 April 2019 (01/07/2011 ዓ/ም): A peaceful demonstration by women and girls only, referred as Yaakissa, was held in Hawassa city over the delay of the referendum date.

Editor’s Note: Shiferaw Muleta (PhD) is from Addis Abeba University (AAU) College of Development Studies. He can be reached at shiferaw.muleta@aau.edu.et

_________________________________________//___________________________________

References

Human Rights Watch (1991). Evil Days: 30 Years of War and Famine in Ethiopia, p. 85

Wolassa L. Kumo. (2016). The Sidama Nation: History, Culture and Political Economy. Create Space Independent Publishing, North Charleston, USA

Ethiopia: Information on the Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM), including history, goals, and methods; whether the group uses violence and has participated in armed conflict.

John Markakis, 2011: Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers, Oxford, James Currey.

Markakis wrote that after 1977, the SLM “established an armed presence in three woreda[s] … and managed to fight off the Derg until 1982..”(Markakis 2011, 200)

የሲዳማ ዞን ባህል፣ ቱሪዝምና የመንግስት ኮሚኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች መምሪያ (2003 ዓ/ም). የሲዳማ ብሔር ታሪክና ባህል. (The Sidama Nation: History and Culture) pp:64-86 and 96-128

አበበ ማሪሞ. (2011 ዓ/ም). የሲዳማ አርነት ንቅናቄ የትጥቅ ትግል ታሪክ፡ ከ1970-1983 ዓ.ም. MA printing. (The Sidama Liberation Movement: History of Armed Struggle, 1978-1991 G.C), pp: 82-85 and 100-102, 111-128.

The memorial statue to honor Oromo national hero General Tadesse Birru, champion of human dignity, the man who mentored Nelson Mandela inaugurated in the town of Fiche, Salaalee, state of Oromia May 27, 2019

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Galmee Seenaa Jeneeral Taddasaa Birruu

The cultural center and the memorial statue to honor Oromo national hero General Tadesse Birru, champion of human dignity, the man who mentored the anti-Apartheid hero, Nelson Mandela, inaugurated in the town of Fiche, Salaalee, state of Oromia.

General Tadesse Birru, a celebrated Oromo freedom fighter in his own right, was Mandela’s trainer and host. Disturbed by the news about the plot to assassinate his guest of honor, Birru ordered officers to follow Abraham’s movements. That evening Dinka — a devout Christian — met Abraham at a local church where he swore to kill Mandela, took the money and camera from him. “I returned home that evening and went to the camp in the morning where I turned the money and camera over to my superior,” said Dinka. see Opride.com

‘The Oromo nation takes pride in teaching a military science and training Mandela needed to spark the struggle of the people of South Africa. Mandela cut his teeth under General Taddasa Birru and Capt. Fekadu Wakane. The Oromo nation also foiled an assassination attempt against the life of Nelson Mandela. Captain Dinka Guta is still a living witness for that.’ Quoted from OSA’ s letter to South Africa in tribute to Mandela.

General Taddasa Biru, an Oromo national freedom hero, founder of the OLF and leader was murdered by the tyrannic Ethiopian regime in 1975, while in struggle to liberate his people and restore equality justice, freedom and self rule to all.

B/Janaraal Taaddasa Birruu

MM Abiy Ahimad siidaa B/Janaraal Taaddasaa Birruu eebbisiisan, Caamsa 26 Bara 2019

MM Abiy fi Pirezidantii I/aanaa Oromiyaa

Ministirri Muummee Abiy Ahimadiifi Pirezidantiin I/aanaa Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa Giddu gala aadaa Oromoo Salaalee fi Siidaa yaadannoo B/Jeneraal Taaddasaa Birruu magaala Fiicheetti ijaarame har’a eebbisiisan.

Galmi kun baasii birri miiliyoona 91.5 kan ijaarame yoo ta’u bara 2005’tti ture ijaarsisaa kan eegalame.

B/Janaraal Taaddasa Birruu
Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo

Keessoo isaatti galmoota walgahii maqaa gootota godinichaa B/ Jeneraal Taaddasaa Birruu, Agarii Tulluu, Magarsaa Badhaasaa(Abune Pheexiroos), Abbabaa Biqilaa, Hayilemaariyaam Gammadaa fi Abbichuutin kan moggaafaman qaba.

Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo/Galma Abbabaa Biqilaa
Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo/Galma Magarsaa Badhaasaa

Galmi guddichi giddugalichaa kan B/Jeneraal Taaddasaan moggaafames namoota 2000 qabachuu kan dandahuudha.

Giddu galli kun sagantaawwan aartii hawaasummaa fi siyaasaa gurguddaa ni keessummeessa jedhamee eegama.

Galma Walgahii

Mooraa giddu gala aadaa kana keessatti Birrii miiliyoona 3.8’n kan ijaarame siidaan B/Jeneraal Taaddasaa Birruus har’a MM Dr. Abiy Ahimadin eebbifameera.

The Conversation: The story of Oromo slaves bound for Arabia who were brought to South Africa May 10, 2019

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Bisho Jarsa
How an Oromo slave became a South African teacher, click here for more detail in BBC (image source)

The story of Oromo slaves bound for Arabia who were brought to South Africa

by Fred Morton, Professor of History, University of Botswana

May 9, 2019

Oromo children saved from slavery. Supplied by author

In September 1888, the HMS Osprey serving in the Royal Navy’s anti-slave trade mission in the Red Sea, based in Aden, intercepted three dhows embarked from Rahayta and Tadjoura on the Ethiopia coast.

Aboard were 204 boys and girls bound for resale in Arabian markets. Other dhows with young human cargo were also apprehended. The children came from the highland area of Oromia Region of Ethiopia, and spoke the Oromo language.

They had been trekked as many as several hundred kilometres to the coast. The children were taken to Aden and, for a time, were housed and cared for at the Free Church of Scotland mission at Sheikh Othman.

The arrivals, however, were often too debilitated to withstand the harsh climate and prevalent malaria. In 1890, 64 of the survivors were transferred to the Free Church of Scotland’s Lovedale Institution, in Alice, a town in South Africa’s Eastern Cape.

The story is captured in a new book laden with graphs, maps, charts and statistics. But if you like your history as narrative, you’ll have the job of piecing together this extraordinary story written by Sandra Rowoldt Shell in Children of Hope: The Odyssey of the Oromo Slaves from Ethiopia to South Africa.

Fate of Oromo kids

During the 10 years the children spent at Lovedale they proved to be good students and on good terms with their Xhosa-speaking and English school mates. Four in five survived and left the school as young adults in search of opportunities. They became teachers, shop assistants, carpenters, painters, cooks, clerks.

Most remained in South Africa, but 17 earned fares to Ethiopia. A few married and started families. One whose story is traced in the book is Bisho Jarsa who married former Lovedale student Reverend Frederick Scheepers. Their daughter Dimbiti married carpenter James Edward Alexander, and were the parents of South African liberation struggle veteran and academic Neville Alexander.

But most of the Oromo orphans’ lives ended in obscurity or tragedy. Mortality among the returnees was particularly high (33%).

However, the orphans’ stories are not completely lost. Many left behind their autobiographies at Lovedale. They related, in their own voices, their individual ordeals from the time they were captured, sold or pawned, including the tortuously long journeys between their Oromo homeland to the coast. All are rendered in full in the books’ appendices.

Much of Shell’s account delivers the quantitative side of the Oromo story. She followed an assiduous research path to retrieve all possible data related to the orphans, their place of origin, the details of their enslavement and transfer, place by place to various entrepots, the traders and merchants involved, until over a 100 pages later, the Royal Navy’s Osprey appears.

Rich detail

Once in Aden, lengthy asides document the Sheikh Othman mission and its Keith-Falconer school (illustrated by photographs), personal details about the missionaries involved, orphan mortality, age and gender data.

After the orphans reach East London, in the Eastern Cape, we learn a lot about the Lovedale curriculum, comparative performance of Oromo and non-Oromo students (the Oromo did better on average), supplemented with graphs on class marks and percentages, including distributions, gendered results, class positions, and mortality rates, among others (the reproductive quality of the graphs is not very good).

A teacher scandal gets its own sleuthing through the display of doctored photographs eliding the suggestive hands of an Oromo boy on the alleged culprit’s shoulders prior to his dismissal.

Once leaving Lovedale, individuals are traced (thanks to a 1903 questionnaire results unearthed by Shell) that reflect the mixed fortunes of the Lovedale graduates. Though she displays many Oromo group photographs, Shell has uncovered only one individual photograph (the arresting Berille Boko).

A full one-third of the volume is made up of appendices on data variables, the Oromo autobiographies with a place-name gazetteer, an essay by Gutama Jarafo, detailed endnotes, bibliography and an extensive index.

Shell has added a great deal to our understanding of how children were ensnared into the Indian Ocean slave trade, which connected much of the Eastern African interior to Arabia, the Persian Gulf and India. Long after the Atlantic slave trade was snuffed out, the Indian Ocean trade continued almost to the beginning of the 20th century. The Osprey’s intervention and the survival of but a mere quarter of those it rescued suggests that thousands of children’s lives remained enslaved and in misery. Click here for more

Ethiopia: Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) Condemns the #Gumuz Massacre May 8, 2019

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The Massacre of Benshangul Gumuz People by the Amhara’s Special Forces Must Be Immediately Stopped!

Press Release by Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD)
May 06, 2019.

We are witnessing the biggest failure of humanity in Ethiopian soil just after 12 months since the new PM has vowed to make such barbaric actions towards unarmed civilians a history. Contrary to his and his government’s vows, we observe that the civilians are getting killed for no apparent reasons by a highly armed Amhara regional special force in Benshangul Gumuz regional state. This armed group is not only targeting solely indigenous and legitimate owners of the land; but also, hundreds of children and elderly are getting summarily executed for a simple reason of being different from their killers in the aspect of their culture, skin colour and political beliefs. This is a clinical example of genocide and it is tragically unfolding in Ethiopia as we speak. Apparently, the unarmed civilians are getting executed in their own soil by those who are legally allowed to occupy their land. As saying goes, a history is repeating itself in the Ethiopian soil. In 2003 between 430 and 500 unarmed civilians were massacred by those who colonised their land for a simple reason of silencing them whilst expropriating their resources and land in Gambella region. The same massacre is now unfolding in Shaka zone on a Shakacho people by the same highlanders. Tens of thousands of Oromo, Ogaden Somali and Sidama civilians were executed in the last 27 years alone.
Benshangul People’s Liberation Movement (BPLM) is a PAFD’s member. We strongly believe that the rights of our members and that of all peoples in Ethiopia must be always protected. We have confirmed that Benshangul Gumuz civilians are increasingly targeted and executed by the highly armed and well-trained Amhara youth who call themselves Fano. They were trained, radicalized and fully armed with modern machine guns by a National Movement for Amhara (NaMA). According to the eye witnesses, between May 1 and 2, 2019, over 500 Shinasha people in Benshangul-Gumuz Region, Jawi Woreda, were summarily executed and tens of thousands of civilians were also made to flee their own villages for their lives. The main victims were civilians including children, women and elderly.
Further threats of those who call themselves the defenders of the Amhara rights (Amhara extremists) all over the world are intensifying. Furthermore, these groups are also using extremely inflammatory remarks by calling the victims ‘Monkeys’ whilst reinforcing their delusional and mythical lineages with the Judaism thus their capability of killing any group or nation they think they can colonise their land. On this subject, we have gathered ample and credible evidences that the killers of Benshangul Gumuz civilians are increasingly employing inflammatory and derogatory remarks calling the victims uncivilised primitives needing execution in exact manner as the Europeans have employed during, after and prior to the scramble for Africa.
The Ethiopian Government neither condemn the killings of civilians nor asked for apology for failing to safeguard them. Although some authorities claim the restoration of the order, this is far from the truth as the Government hasn’t so far take any justifiable action against the killers and forces behind these tragic executions. Apparently, the Amhara Regional Government has got full
knowledge of the indicated group although it has deliberately refused to stop them from acting bestially. Some witnesses show that it has even assisted the executors with technical aspects of the indicated barbaric oppression.
In the aspects of Media coverage about such inhumane actions to unarmed civilians, we saw little or some misguided quotations about the incident. Instead, all Medias those usually daily reports when someone burps in Amhara region remain their mouths zipped. For example, some extremely biased Medias such as ESAT and ZeHabehsa- few days prior to the execution of civilians actively propagated the killing of between 10 and 13 Amhara civilians by the Benshangul Gumuz people who used traditional arrows. Witnesses believe to the contrary about the fact that ESAT’s and ZeHabesha’s false propaganda has played key role in escalating the situation to end up in such unsettling eventuality. Additionally, some of the Amhara’s army commanders including Colonel Demeke Zewudu, and some activists in their social media accounts have boasted of the killing of primitive people and stressed yet more to come to clear the remaining primitives so that they can overtake their land. These groups further threatened even the Oromo people in relation to the ownership claims of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and vowed to repeat their success in Benshangul in Wallo and other parts of Amhara-Oromia borders.
Therefore, we the PAFD member political organisations, unanimously condemn with the strongest possible terms such barbaric actions toward the unarmed civilians, children, women and elderly of Benshangul Gumuz. We urge the Amhara’s regional state to exercise utmost restraint and lawfully handle its anarchically behaving special forces that has been primarily trained to maintain law and order. There won’t be any peace and security as long as some groups are fighting to dominate and dehumanise fellow mankind. Therefore, we must understand that refraining from bestially behaving to the other nations and groups must be seen as a sign of civility and wisdom.
Furthermore, we demand the federal government to immediately intervene and stop the on-going execution of powerless civilians whose lives are put at the mercy of their barbaric assailants. We also urge the federal government to immediately investigate and bring those responsible for such horrific and inhumane actions to civilians to justice. We advise the international human rights group and western countries politicians to earnestly bring this unsettling massacre of civilians to the attentions of obliviously sleeping Ethiopian authorities by urging them to take meaningful and corrective measures as a matter of urgency. We also call up on all Ethiopian peoples to unconditionally condemn such barbarism and demand the Amhara regional state to stop its inhumane actions to the unarmed civilians.
Finally, we send our deepest condolences to the families of barbarically executed Benshangul Gumuz civilians and show our consistent and unrestricted solidarity until justice is served on their behalf by bringing those who have killed and maimed their sons and daughters to an independent justice and their rights to the ownership of their land is restored by removing the colonial occupiers. The PAFD will always works for and speaks up for the voiceless people in Ethiopia.
Freedom and Justice for All Peoples in Ethiopia!
Press Release by Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) May 06, 2019

Related:

Stop the genocide against the #Gumuz people: በጃዊ ወረዳ በአብን በንጹሐን ጉሙዝ ሕዝብ ላይ የተፈፀመው ጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ነው

The origin of ethnic politics in Ethiopia May 5, 2019

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The origin of ethnic politics in Ethiopia 

by Leenco Lata, The Reporter, 21 March 2015


Controversy has been dogging the policy of structuring Ethiopia as a multinational federation ever since it was publicly aired almost twenty- five years ago.

There are those who vociferously and persistently condemn the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) leaders for introducing the politicization of ethnicity by embracing this policy.

On the other hand, there are those who like wise consistently commend EPRDF leaders for the same reason. However, putting the adoption of this policy in an historical perspective would prove that both stands are wrong.

The erroneousness of the stand of both those who commend and those who condemn EPRDF leaders for structuring Ethiopia as a multinational federation becomes easily explicable by recalling the famous statement by Marx that “Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.” It is the circumstance prevailing when EPRDF leaders came to power that rendered structuring Ethiopia as multinational federation inescapable and not their alleged noble or ignoble intensions.
What was that circumstance? At the time, struggles for national self-determination by the Oromos, Tigreans, Ogadenis, Sidamas, etc. were gathering momentum while more and more communities (Gambellas, Benishanguls, etc,) were joining the fray with every passing year. Accommodating these quests for self-determination by structuring Ethiopia as a multinational federation was, hence, simply inescapable.

The critics of the present multinational federation blame the spokespersons of these struggles for self-determination for politicizing ethnicity/language for the first time in the country’s history. Nothing could be further from the truth. On the contrary, these struggles were simply a natural response to a prior state-driven policy of politicizing ethnicity/language. This state-driven politicization of ethnicity/language goes as far back as 1933 when the then Minister of Education, Sahlu Tsedalu, proposed the following policy:

ያገር ጉልበት ኣንድነት ነው ኣንድነትንም የሚወልደዉ ቋንቋ ልማድና ሃይማኖት ነዉ . . .
በመላ ኢትዮዽያ ግዛት ለሥጋዊና ለመንፈገሳዊ ሥራ ያማሪኛና የግዕዝ ቋንቋ ብቻ በሕግ ጸንተዉ እንዲኖሩ ሌላዉ ማናቸውም የአረማዉያን ቋንቋ ሁሉ እንዲደመሰስ ማድረግ ያስፈልጋል. . .

The rough translation of which is: “Unity is the strength of a country, and the sources of unity are language, custom and religion . . . [It is thus necessary] to legally preserve in the whole of Ethiopia only Amharic and Ge’ez [We can ignore Ge’ez for it was merely a liturgical language of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church largely incomprehensible to ordinary believers.] for spiritual and earthly use [while] the language of every pagan must be erased.”

This policy to erase all languages except Amharic amounts to an ethnocidal intention of eradicating all communities except the speakers of Amharic. The targets of this discriminatory policy had no choice but to launch struggles for self-determination with a view to averting the state-driven intention to eradicate them. These struggles were, hence, the effect of a prior act of politicizing ethnicity/language and not its cause as commonly presumed by the critics of the present multinational federation in Ethiopia.

This language-based policy was ultimately codified in laws proscribing the use of all languages except Amharic at public events, including prayer meetings as if the Almighty could understand only one language.

It is common for all builders of empires to simply impose their language as the only official medium for administrative purposes but the builders of contemporary Ethiopia are perhaps unique in legally proscribing the use of other languages.

This discriminatory language-based policy ultimately influenced how Ethiopian identity (ኢትዬጵያዊነት) was portrayed. It gave rise to the version of Ethiopian identity (ኢትዬጵያዊነት) that was synonymous with being a speaker of Amharic and totally opposed to being an Oromo, Sidama, Tigrean, etc. By implication, this version of Ethiopianness (ኢትዬጵያዊነት) was expected to blossom on the graveyards of Oromonnet, Sidamannet, Tigraynnet, and the identities of all other peoples.

Equating being an Ethiopian with being a speaker of Amharic in due course drew the criticism of the Ethiopian student radicals of the 1960s. In particular, Walillign Mekonen’s article of 1969 cogently stated: “To be a ‘genuine Ethiopian’ one has to speak Amharic, to listen to Amharic music, to accept the Amhara-Tigre religion, Orthodox Christianity and to wear the Amhara-Tigre Shamma in international conferences. In some cases to be an ‘Ethiopian’, you will even have to change your name. In short to be an Ethiopian, you will have to wear an Amhara mask (to use Fanon’s expression).”

This state-driven policy of politicizing identity ultimately fomented the natural response of celebrating one’s identity by those whose languages and other contents of their identity kit were targeted for erasure. Thereafter, the course was set for members of these societies to invoke and launch the struggles for the self-determination of their national communities.

Advocating the right to national self-determination was not restricted to the members of these subjugated nations or nationalities. It also figured prominently in the political programmes of the country-wide leftist ML parties that came on the Ethiopian political landscape in the early 1970s. The debate that raged between the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement (more widely known by its Amharic acronym MEISON) concerned not the legitimacy of invoking the right to self-determination per se but it is a possible end point. The EPRP endorsed the right to national self-determination up to and including secession and very vocally faulted MEISON for failing to go to the same extent.

Goaded by the EPRP and cajoled by MEISON, even the military regime (Derg) ended up embracing a watered down version of self-determination in the form of regional autonomy. After prevaricating on the question for some years, the Derg finally extended regional autonomy to a selected group of minorities in its so-called Constitution of 1987. No other evidence is needed to prove that Ethiopia was already on a slippery slope leading to multinational federation than this measure by the highly centrist military regime.

EPRDF leaders thus had no other choice but to go one stage further in satisfying the ongoing quests for self-determination by structuring Ethiopia as a multinational federation when they unseated and replaced the Derg in 1991. Hence, it is the “circumstance existing already” that made adopting multinational federation necessary instead of the alleged noble or ignoble intentions of the incoming ruling group.

Political groups are merely wasting their time and energy by arguing to the contrary.

Multinational federalism is simply the latest natural step in Ethiopia’s political development that resulted from neither the generosity nor nefarious aspirations of any group. What should occupy all concerned is how to refine and polish this political order for the good of all Ethiopian peoples. When posed in this fashion, several cautions that need to be underscored come to mind.
First, those aspiring to undo the extant multinational federation need to carefully re-examine their project for its success does not look likely without horrendous bloodshed. Despite its undeniable practical short comings, no national community would willingly give up the right to self-government enshrined in the present Constitution.

Second, the intimate relationship between federalism and democracy cannot be over-emphasized. While it is certainly possible to exercise democracy without federalism, instituting federalism without democracy is not only an oxymoron but also a recipe for disaster as the recent experiences of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and Yugoslavia so tragically demonstrated.

All concerned should realize that federations are inherently fragile and multinational ones are possibly even more so. The success of any federation hinges on the willingness to strike a proper balance between over-centralization and over-decentralization. Over-centralization is potentially dangerous for it would tend to negate the very rationale of federation, recognizing and respecting local communities’ right to self-government. The frustration bred by over-centralization could lead to unexpected outbursts of the anger of concerned communities. Over-decentralization, on the other hand, could breed institutional incoherence potentially culminating in breakdown.

Let us face it: The cohesion supposedly underpinned by the linguistic and cultural homogeneity of the nation-state model has proven elusive even in its birth place, Western Europe and other parts of the globe settled by Western Europeans. This is evidenced by the invocation of sub-state identity in quintessential liberal democratic countries such as Spain, Belgium, United Kingdom, Canada, etc. Developments in the same countries also obviates the presumption by some in Ethiopia that instituting a liberal democratic order would automatically satisfy demands for group rights.

We are living through an era when the foundation of democratic political order is contested in large parts of the world. Religion, history, culture, economy, etc. are competing to serve as the foundation of an acceptable political order. Studies show that the territorial extension of the state is pulled in different directions depending on its role as the container of power, wealth and culture. When the state is deployed as a container of power, preserving existing boundaries gets greater attention. When it is tapped as a wealth container, encompassing larger territory becomes prioritized. When it is conceived as a container of culture, however, it would tend towards smaller size. What can possibly simultaneously satisfy all three tendencies is forging fora for political participation at supra-state, state and sub-state levels.

Finally, what is the origin of “ethnic politics” in Ethiopia? Who is to blame for this supposedly divisive policy? The rulers of Ethiopia are responsible for uncorking the genii of “ethnic politics” in early twentieth century. In due course, reactive invocations of identity continued to spread to other communities. Instead of aspiring to rebottle this jinni, unlikely without significant bloodletting, all should consider how to deploy it for the good of all.

Ed.’s Note: Leenco Lata is a prominent Ethiopian politician and President of Oromo Democratic Front (ODF). The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of The Reporter.

Stop the genocide against the #Gumuz people: በጃዊ ወረዳ በአብን በንጹሐን ጉሙዝ ሕዝብ ላይ የተፈፀመው ጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ነው May 5, 2019

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Seenaa Gabaabaa Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan (1943-2019). The Short History of Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan, the Former President of Ethiopia April 29, 2019

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Nagaasoo Gidaadaa (PhD) eenyu turan?

Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan was born in Dambi Doollo, Oromia on 8 September 1943 and died on 27 April 2019 in Frankfurt, Germany. May his soul rest in peace.
Nagaasoo’s first degree was from Finfinnee university and pursued a doctoral study in Germany an awarded a doctorate in social history from the Goethe University in Frankfurt-am-Main. His doctoral thesis was “History of the Sayyoo Oromo of Southwestern Wallaga, Ethiopia, from about 1730 to 1886”. 


Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan was an esteemed statesman and scholar who served as president of Ethiopia (1995–2001), member of the House of People’s Representatives (2005–2010). A life-long proponent of human rights, ethnic inclusion, and democracy.

Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan participated in the student movement of the 1960s, led the Ayira School demonstrations against the feudal system in the 1970s, and advocated for the rights of the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest nation. While living in Germany, Dr. Solan worked to unite the Oromo community, both internally and with other Ethiopian groups, in their struggle against military rule. He was an active member Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).
Dr. Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan returned to his homeland in 1991, he joined the former OPDO, the present ODP and helped to draft a new constitution, chaired the 1994 Constitutional Assembly, and signed the constitution in 1995 as first president of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. In 2015 Dr. Nagaaso Gidaadaa Solan was the Reagan-Fascell fellow at
National Endowment for Democracy, USA. He was the first former head of state to give a lecture at the NED. During his fellowship, Dr.
Nagaasoo Gidaadaa Solan wrote an article addressing the role of democracy in settling controversies around the Ethiopian multinational federalist system.




Oromia: OMN: Marii Hawaasaa Asallaa, (Ebla 25, 2019) April 26, 2019

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Agarsiisa Faashinii Aadaa Oromoo April 21, 2019

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OMN: Agarsiisa Faashinii Aadaa Oromoo “MOYI DESIGN” (Eebla 21,2019)

OMN: Agarsiisa Faashinii Gadaa ( Eebla 21, 2019)

Oromia gets new president as Megerssa takes federal post April 20, 2019

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Oromia gets new president as Megerssa takes federal post, Africa news

Ethiopia's Oromia gets new president as Megerssa takes federal post

Ethiopia’s largest and most populous region, Oromia, has a new president in the person of Shimelis Abdissa, a former Chief of Staff of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.

The position of regional president became vacant in the wake of the appointment of immediate past president Lemma Megerssa as Defense Minister.

The regional parliament in an emergency sitting on Thursday approved Abdissa’s appointment hours after the federal parliament had approved Megerssa and two other appointees in Prime Minister Abiy’s cabinet tweak.

The privately-owned Addis Standard reports that Abdissa previously held positions within the region before his appointment as Abiy’s Chief of Staff last year.View image on Twitter

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Addis Standard@addisstandardReplying to @addisstandard

Update: Shimelis Abdissa has just been sworn in as the incoming Pres. of #Oromia regional state. Among previous profiles he held include, Deputy head of Construction Bureau & Head of Urban Housing Development Bureau of Oromia regional state, a position he held before becoming CoS1712:59 PM – Apr 18, 2019See Addis Standard’s other TweetsTwitter Ads info and privacy

He is the second Chief of Staff Abiy is losing in a little over a year. His first appointee to the post, Fitsum Aregaa, is currently the Ethiopian ambassador to the United States.

Abiy’s cabinet tweak came in the wake of a vacancy at the Foreign Affairs ministry after Workneh Gebeyehu got a United Nations appointment. He has since been replaced by Gedu Andargechew – a former Amhara regional president.

Lemma – a loved personality across Oromia, repalced Aisha Mohamed – Ethiopia’s first woman Defense Minister. She reverted to a formerly held portfolio of Urban Development and Planning.

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#Ethiopia:The #Oromia regional state is currently hosting a farewell ceremony for Lemma Megersa, who was appointed as Minister of Defense today. The ceremony is being attended by PM Dr Abiy Ahmed, Deputy PM Demeke Mekonnen and Deputy Chief of Tigray, Dr Debretsion Gebremichael.

Ethiopia: People’s resistance movements have brought change in political relations on three decades old Ethiopian Federation, Obbo Ibsa Gutamaa April 16, 2019

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People’s resistance movements have brought change in political relations on three decades old Ethiopian Federation. This change has forced a transitional arrangement in which supremacy of the law is to be observed. There is consensus it seems, that EPRDF new leaders administer the transition. This will be the first journey towards freedom in the last hundred and more years for all oppressed peoples of the empire from own and colonial ruling classes. Members of those classes won’t go easily without the last effort to regain the power they lost to people’s revolution since 1974. The transitional governments role is not to attempt making fundamental changes but to enforce supremacy of the law and carry on routine government functions. Elected representatives after transition will establish the direction the post empire state would take. Oromiyaa is going to be one of the participating states in the decision making. Finfinnee is her capital. One that says Finfinnee does not belong to Oromiyaa is only one that considers Oromiyaa is not Oromo’s. Leftovers of past ruling class still have nostalgia for the old order. They are even heard advising Dr. Abiy to annul the constitution and rule with iron hand simply to deny Oromo regaining their lost rights. Oromiyaa showed willingness that there must be peace to discuss on how people continue living together not accepting supremacy of Ethiopia but believing in their equality. Freedom for the Oromo is assurance for freedom all oppressed classes and peoples in the empire. For leftovers of past ruling class democracy is disaster and demeaning. They are losers that have tried to sabotage the change that appeared in the empire from the beginning. They had hands in Darg’s genocide, Eritrea’s separation, collapse of the old army, and the coming to power of Wayyaanee. Still, they are trying the last effort to sell their evil ideas before aging takes them away. Their advice made Mangistuu monster and that alone will deny them credibility. The failed coup they masterminded caused the demise of the cream of Ethiopian elite forces. To pass their evil thoughts to the next generation they are advising their young to make all efforts that Oromo shall never raise their heads. They forget that mother mouse has also advised what mother cat advised. They are crying about the demise of the empire system as if it did not start cracking fifty years ago. Though he cannot save it, Abiy can make it smooth and tranquil for them to rehabilitate. From ruins of the empire there will not be catastrophe for the majority but free nations and democratic system are sprouting. Those that are not concerned to empower the peoples but want power for themselves wish crumbling or dictatorship for and show no worry for fate of the peoples. Oromo love peace and serenity; they will have gain from success of transitional government not from its fall. That could take them back to long and bitter struggle. The time is when we need peace and stability for viable change. But that does not mean they will not fight back aggressors. Let alone Dr. Abiy the one they initially tried to compare to, even if the true Moses of their dream comes, he cannot turn the wheel of change backwards, he would only help it cross the transition bridge. They started smear campaign against Abiy when they found that he has his own personality and own dreams not clone of Goobana. His trying to Ethiopianize Oromo demands was not enough for them. Contribution of Oromo intellectuals on matters of Finfinnee and anti-Oromo movements are so far not sufficient. Throwing slogans with emotions alone does not serve much. Oromo question is only about human rights, democracy, peace and freedom for all. Finfinnee will have City Council which will be filled by their representatives according to principle of one person one vote. Contrary to leftovers of Habashaa ruling class Oromo sovereignty will bring to Finfinnee peace, democracy and better understanding with neighbors. Oromo are simply saying that Oromo have sovereign right over Oromiyaa that includes Finfinnee. Areas that require interference of the sovereign will not exceed some tax areas and human rights and areas which are beyond the ability of the city. Non-Oromo residing in Oromiyaa had never been forced to change their style of life, culture and language; the same applies for Finfinnee. Whatever rights universally recognized Oromiyaa will be the first to implement because Oromo have a tradition in which rule of law and respect for human rights have priority. These are the truth whose distorted versions are presented by Nafxanyaa system hopefuls. They want to own everything, Oromo land, resources and Oromo labor. Therefore, Oromo media and intellectuals have a homework to handle. To report to Oromiyaa for Silxee, Adaree, Guraagee, Indagany, Qabeena, Dawuroo, Dorzee, Kambaataa, Hadiyyaa, Alaabaa, Sidaamaa and other Southern peoples that have established their lives on trading in Finfinnee has more advantage than remaining under control of Nafxanyaa hopefuls. Many relatives of Finfinnee residents live scattered over all parts of Oromiyaa than in any other state enjoying Oromo hospitality. But to tell the Oromo that Finfinnee is not theirs will be failed justice. Finfinnee can grow or diminish, profit or lose, based on Oromo will. The Oromo will like Finfinnee get better democratic governance than ever; develop more than ever; be more beautiful and peaceful; welcome all hard-working human beings to join in her development, not oppression, plundering, and neglect of the past hundred years to return to her. Everybody has to understand what it means to say Finfinnee is Oromiyaa’s? The truth is not what the children of colonial war lords, Raas Birruu, Raas Daargee, Raas Kaasaa, Raas Tasammaa, Negus Walda Goorgis, Raas Haayiluu and others who want to maintain colonial legacy say. Oromo are ready to negotiate with any nation and nationality based on equality and respect for mutual interest and rights. All peace-loving persons have to involve in creating understanding between peoples of the region. The Ethiopia Nafxanyaa system hopefuls are singing for, will not come back again but a beautiful maiden is being seen from distance whatever her name may be. What do you say?

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

Why al-Bashir’s fall is only the start of a new Sudan April 16, 2019

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Why al-Bashir’s fall is only the start of a new Sudan

The military has taken control of Sudan while protesters demand a total clean-out of Omar al-Bashir’s regime.

People chant slogans during a protest outside of the Military headquarters in Khartoum, Sudan, 13 April 2019. According to reports, thousands of Sudanese people demonstrated in front of the Military headquarters in Khartoum demanding that former President Omar al-Bashir face trial, as well as the military-led transitional council. Sudanese defense minister and head of Sudan's military council, Awad Ibn Auf, stepped down a day after leading a military coup that ousted long-time leader Omar al-Bashir amid a wave of protests. Awad Ibn Auf named Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan as his successor. A military-led transitional council will stay in power for two years followed by elections, the army said. Protests continue in Sudan, Khartoum - 13 Apr 2019

Against state machinery, photo credit to Quartz Africa

By David E Kiwuwa, The Conversation

These two weeks have proven momentous for Africa’s governance in general but more specifically for democratic transformation. The youth movement forced the capitulation of the perpetually “absent” Algerian president, 82-year-old Abdelaziz Bouteflika, after 20 years in power.

This was followed quickly by the ousting of the 75-year-old Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir. His fall from power comes almost 30 years after he led a military coup in April 1989.

In the last few years al-Bashir has weathered a number of political crises and challenges to his leadership.

It first looked like he might survive this latest round of protests – but something set this crisis apart from previous ones. While the others fizzled out after brutal suppression, the arrest of opposition leaders and widespread repression, this uprising just refused to “go away”. This was true even after initial brutal suppression with the death toll reportedly reaching 60.

This time the crisis trigger – the country’s economic malaise – appeared to resonate with people on the street. This was coupled with the tenaciousness of the Sudan Professional Association which offered organisational strength to the protest. Other factors included the role of the military which abandoned the man they had helped stay in power for three decades.

Organisational strength

The Sudan Professional Association, made up of teachers, lawyers, doctors and other members of the country’s professional elite, was at the very heart of this uprising. The group shared common experiences across the country. It developed a formidable apparatus which offered the protests an organisational backbone.

The association’s ability to mobilise street protests countrywide placed unusual pressure on the regime’s ability to suppress unrest that spread broadly across cities and towns. The fact that the organisers weren’t a traditional political class gave them crucial political capital. While some people might have seen the traditional opposition as engaging in the usual political fights and settling scores, the association quickly gained acceptability and trust.

As the crisis dragged on, the professional class not only kept up the pressure but increasingly became less interested in compromise: its demands are for a total transition of the regime. Al-Bashir may be gone but they are unlikely to settle for military rule that sees al-Bashir lookalikes in power.

The political class: missing in action

For many years opposition political parties were at the forefront of challenging al-Bashir’s hold on power. This meant they bore the brunt of state repression and were subjected to arrests, incarceration and exile.

This time round, however, the crisis appears to have caught them off guard. Leaders of the three main opposition parties – the National Consensus Forces Alliance, Nidaa al-Sudan and Ummar party – were late in joining the calls for change, ceding the organisational initiative to the non-political class.

But despite their backseat role in the protests, the traditional opposition parties are nevertheless expected to play the role of kingmaker in any transition process. For its part, the professional association is expected to provide significant input.

And there will be another key player as Sudan tries to move forward: the military.

The military

Military coups were a staple of African governance in the 1970s and 1980s. With democratic reforms emerging in the 1990s, the military was forced to retreat back to the barracks. In this period the military class was refashioned both as a guardian of the state, as well as the guardian, in some ways, of the political class.

For leaders who came to power through military coups and later became strongmen the military became the power behind the throne. For example, al-Bashir relied on the military when he led a coup in 1989. Then he relied on the generals to maintain his power through a number of crises.

The fact that the military has forced his resignation is indeed momentous. This suggests that the men in uniform remain the kingmakers. Their reluctance to confront the population, and in some cases safeguard them against marauding and murderous state intelligence outfits, is testament to their self-image as the guardian of the state.

On the flip side, the announcement that the military will now oversee the transitional period for two years smacks of self-serving interest. It will undoubtedly be seen as usurping the role of the civilian political class to lead the transition.

End of an era

The time for fundamental political reforms is now. After 30 years of political repression, systemic corruption and subversion of state institutions to serve the entrenchment of al-Bashir in power, the end of an era now comes with acute challenges – but also opportunity.

Sudan has a chance to embark on the reconciliation of the political class, bringing together those in the opposition as well as the remaining vestiges of the regime.

Secondly, there’s a pressing need to undertake constitutional reforms. Allied to this would be guarantees of civil and political rights, expansion of the political space for old and new political players and stakeholders and the establishment of new structures of transparency and accountability.

Above all, the economy needs to be rebooted to address the immediate social economic challenges that gave rise to the uprising in the first place.

Al-Bashir’s fall is only the start of a new Sudan.


David E Kiwuwa, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Nottingham