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Oromia: Simannaa Jila ABO QC Hayyu Duree Galaasaa Dilbootiin Durfamu December 30, 2018

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Humanitarian Bulletin Ethiopia: IDP Rapid Response Plan for Benishangul Gumuz and the Wollegas seeks US$25.5 million December 26, 2018

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IDP Rapid Response Plan for Benishangul Gumuz and the Wollegas seeks US$25.5 million

Ethiopia Humanitarian Bulletin Issue 70 | 10 – 23 December 2018

  • Benishangul Gumuz IDP Rapid Response Plan seeks US$25.5 million.
  • Emergency Operations Center (EOC) set up for coordinated IDP Response in East and West Wollega
  • At least 2.4 million people are currently displaced by intercommunal violence across the country.

Humanitarian partners, together with Government, have finalized an operational plan for a rapid response to address urgent life-saving needs of people displaced by inter-communal violence in Benishangul Gumuz region since late September 2018. This plan combines the response plans of the three zones: Assosa zone, East Wollega zone and West Wollega zone and targets nearly 250,000 displaced persons, including 57,000 people displaced within Benishangul Gumuz (Assosa and Kemashi zones) and some 198,000 people who fled across the border in East and West Wollega zones of Oromia region.

Based on a working scenario of the displacement situation to continue for the coming three months, the response plan lays out prioritized humanitarian needs in the health, nutrition, education, WaSH, non-food items, protection and agriculture sectors.

At least $25.5 million is needed to implement the plan, including an estimated $9.6 million for NDRMC to provide relief food with 11,250Mt of cereals, 1,125Mt of CSB and 337.5Mt of Vegetable oil.

Humanitarian partners count on the continued donor support to urgently implement the plan.
Funding can be channeled through partners or via the Ethiopia Humanitarian Fund.

EOC set up for coordinated IDP Response in East and West Wollega

In response to the growing humanitarian needs of the people displaced by inter-communal violence along the Benishangul Gumuz and Oromia regional boundary that has started late September 2018, the Oromia regional authorities have decided to establish an Emergency Operation Center (EOC) in Nekemte Town of East Wollega zone.UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs:To learn more about OCHA’s activities, please visit https://www.unocha.org/.

REPORTfrom UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian AffairsPublished on 23 Dec 2018 —View Original

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BBC: Letter from Africa: Africa’s history makers in 2018 December 26, 2018

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Letter from Africa: Africa’s history makers in 2018

BBC, 26 December 2018

Screen grab of PM doing press-ups
Image captionEthiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed got soldiers who had threatened him to do press-ups

In our series of letters from African writers, Ghanaian journalist Elizabeth Ohene looks back at some of the big events on the continent in 2018.

It has been a year where one is tempted to invoke the “always something new out of Africa” theory.

It is not every day you have a prime minister leading a group of soldiers into doing press-ups, particularly not when the armed soldiers had tried to force their way into the compound of the prime minister to protest against unpaid wages.

It is the type of scenario that used to end up in coups in the old days.

But Abiy Ahmed has been doing the seemingly impossible ever since he unexpectedly became prime minister of Ethiopia in April.

He is 42-years-old, and currently Africa’s youngest leader.

Quote: In diplomatic relations, the prime minister did the equivalent of making the sun rise from the west

There is nothing predictable about the man and how he has set about doing his job.

Ethiopia had been seen by critics as an authoritarian state that brushed off criticism and remained an implacable foe to neighbour Eritrea.

But within a few months of taking office, Mr Abiy had lifted the state of emergency, released thousands of political prisoners, allowed dissidents to return home and unblocked hundreds of websites and TV channels.

Peace with long-time foe

Just as people were digesting the dizzying changes on the domestic front, the prime minister, in the sphere of diplomatic relations, did the equivalent of making the sun rise from the west.

He ended the state of war with Eritrea by agreeing to give up disputed border territory thereby normalising relations with the long-time foe.

The new president standing with the prime miniser
Image captionSahle-Work Zewde is Ethiopia’s ceremonial head of state, while Abiy Ahmed (r) holds political power

This came in an unexpected visit to the Eritrean capital, Asmara, and publicly holding hands with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki to declare the end of the two-decade old war.

Women in power

Flights and telephone communications have been restored and there has been an outbreak of love between the two nations that has stunned the world.

And if anyone thought there had been enough surprises, in October, Mr Abiy appointed women to half of all cabinet posts.

If that does not sound impressive enough, there were other changes. Ethiopia now has a female president (Sahle-Work Zewde), a female head of the Supreme Court (Meaza Ashenafi), a female head of the electoral commission (Birtukan Mideksa), and the official spokesperson of the government is a woman (Billene Aster Seyoum).

South Africa was another country which saw a major change of leadership, but the optimism that came with the accession of Cyril Ramaphosa to the presidency has fizzled out. |Click here to read the full text at BBC

AFRICAN LEADERSHIP MAGAZINE: BREAKING: PRIME MINISTER ABIY AHMED EMERGES AFRICAN OF THE YEAR 2018 December 15, 2018

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BREAKING: PRIME MINISTER ABIY AHMED EMERGES AFRICAN OF THE YEAR 2018

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards committee has unveiled the winners for different categories in the just concluded polls for the African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards 2018, with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed resoundingly emerging as the African of the Year 2018, with over 85% of total votes/submissions.  

The keenly contested poll, across 7 different categories, attracted 123,446 votes on our website, 33,000 entries across our social media platforms, and 3400 submissions from both our emails and offline hard copy submissions. Winners shall be decorated and presented with the instruments of honour on the 22nd February 2019 in Johannesburg, South Africa, at a colourful ceremony that shall attract a wide spectrum of African policy, diplomatic and business leaders. The winners were unveiled by the Publisher of the Magazine Mr. Ken Giami, at the UK Head Office of the group, after the awards committee working with the editorial team concluded the collation of both online and offline votes and submissions from the over 1 million subscribers / followership base of the publication.

The final winners are:

African of the Year 2018:

H.E. Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali, Prime Minister of Ethiopia – winner

African Female Leader of the Year 2018:

Amina J Mohammed, Deputy Sec. Gen. UN, Nigeria

ALM Person of the Year 2018-Educational Development

Mohammed Indimi, Oriental Energy, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Employment Generation

AtikuAbubakar, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Political Leadership

President John PombeMagufuli, President of Tanzania – Winner

ALM Person of the Year 2018 – Philanthropy & Charitable Contributions to Society

Tony Elumelu, Heirs Holding, Nigeria – Winner

ALM Young Person of the Year 2018

Bogolo Joy Kenewendo, Minister of Investment, Trade & Industry, Botswana- Winner

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year Awards, which has become the leading vote-based third-party endorsement in the continent, recorded an upsurge of 20% votes from the African Diaspora this year.   In addition to the winners, a special ALM Commendation citation shall be presented to the most distinguished runners up, which includes:

African of the Year Commendation citation:

H.E. SeretseKhama Ian Khama, former President of Botswana

African Female Leader of the Year Commendation citation:

H.E GraçaMachel DBE, South Africa,

ALM Person of the Year -Educational Development Commendation Citaton

Fred Swaniker, African Leadership development Academy, Ghana

ALM Person of the Year Employment Generation Commendation citation

Christo Wiese, Shoprite, South Africa

ALM Person of the Year  – Political Leadership Commendation citation

H.E. Nana Akufo-Addo, President of Ghana

ALM Person of the Year  – Philanthropy & Charitable Contributions to Society Commendation citation

Mohamed Al Kettani – CEO Attijariwafa Bank, Morocco,

ALM Young Person of the Year Commendation citation

SanguDelle, CEO, Golden Palm investment, Ghana

The Publisher, Mr. Giami, maintained that, all the nominees are deserving of the crown -considering their personal contributions to the continent’s growth and development. In his words, ” the nominees have demonstrated great faith in the Africa project, and are ‘walking their talk’ in their communities. They all are true lovers of Africa, determinedly contributing, sometimes amidst very difficult circumstances, but undoubtedly making their communities a better place for its people. ” –

The African Leadership Magazine Persons of the Year which is in its 7th year, is an annual award reserved for distinguished Africans, who are considered to have blazed the trail in the year under review. A shortlist of nominees are selected from results gathered via a Call for nomination – traditionally promoted via a paid online and offline campaigns across the continent, Europe, and the Americas. The call for nomination is the first step in a multi-phased process.

This year, the selection committee considered, among others, four broad themes: – Africans whose activities, policies and actions have contributed to ‘Investments into Africa’s young people, jobs & wealth creation; promotion sustainable peace & development, delivering of democratic values; & the promotion of Africa’s image globally’; in arriving at their decisions. Sustainable peace is a precursor to development in the continent, hence the need to encourage state and non state actors to contribute towards the pursuit of sustainable peace on the continent.

About African Leadership Magazine:

The African Leadership magazine is published by African Leadership (UK) Limited, a company registered in the United Kingdom. The magazine focuses on bringing the best of Africa to a global audience, telling the African story from an African perspective; while evolving solutions to peculiar challenges being faced by the continent today.

Since its maiden edition, African Leadership Magazine has grown to become a leading pan-African flagship leadership-focused publication read by over 1, 000, 000 targeted international investors, business executives, government policy makers, and multilateral agencies across Africa, the Middle East and Asia, Europe, and the US. It is distributed at major international and African Leadership events around the world. The magazine has over 900,000 subscribers/Followers on Facebook and a virile readership on other social media platforms. It is a niche and unbiased African voice born out of a desire to ameliorate a lot of Africans by focusing on individuals and corporates that are known for their legacy-based approach to leadership.

PURSUING TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN ETHIOPIA’S HYBRID TRANSITION December 15, 2018

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PURSUING TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION IN ETHIOPIA’S HYBRID TRANSITION

addisstandard /  December 14, 2018 

Illustration: John Holmes for Human Rights Watch report on Jail Ogaden 

Solomon A Dersso, PhD,

Addis Abeba, December 14/2018 – Addressing the topic of transitional justice and reconciliation in today’s Ethiopia is perhaps one of, if not, the most difficult one. Transitions, which are characterized by political and institutional fluidity and societal polarization, by their very nature, are complicated and challenging. They as such make justice and reconciliation unavoidably problematic. That is why the theme is a very delicate subject that should be handled with a great deal of principled care, wisdom and sense of responsibility.

As a point of departure and to enable us all have a common framework or vocabulary, it is important that to start off by clarifying the concept of transitional justice.

As aptly put in the AU Transitional Justice Policy, transitional justice refers to the various (state centric and community based) policy measures and institutional mechanisms that societies coming out of violent conflict or repression or patterns of systematically unjust power relationships adopt, through an inclusive consultative process, in order to overcome past violations, divisions and inequalities and to create conditions for both security and democratic and socio-economic transformation.

Justice defined in a context of transition thus goes far beyond judicial forms of accountability and covers wide range of political, institutional and socio-economic measures required for a transition destined to establish solid foundations for just and inclusive political and socio-economic order.

Before delving further into the core of the theme, it is important to make an observation on the nature of Ethiopia’s unfolding transition.

The current transition is not a negotiated transition like the transition in South Africa in the early 1990s. It is not either a transition that resulted from the overthrow of the old regime like the transitions this country witnessed in 1974 and in 1991. It is rather a hybrid transition.

It is a transition that resulted from the ad hoc alliance of members of society who mobilized in public protest against the prevailing regime of the ruling EPRDF and a portion of the membership of the EPRDF. It is a transition that brought to the position of leadership, and is being led by, the major reformist members of the EPRDF coalition to a position of leadership. It is a hybrid transition, which relies on the old EPRDF based regime while trying to fundamentally reform it. The feature of the transition is not without its major ramifications for the trajectory of the transition and the pursuit of transitional justice and reconciliation in Ethiopia.

It is important to note that for a society in transition seeking to pursue transitional justice, it is imperative that it develops, as part of the transitional process, a well-thought out approach for planning, designing and implementing transitional justice and reconciliation. Experience from successful transitions in Africa and the world over shows that, the elaboration of such approach needs to be informed by key considerations for designing legitimate and rule-based effective transitional justice and reconciliation process.

Key considerations

The first of these considerations or questions is our definition of the injustice to which transitional justice and reconciliation is to be applied as a response. One form of injustice is that which results from the non-recognition of certain ethno-cultural groups or of the equal worth of such groups and the oppression accompanying it. Charles Taylor’s famous work of ‘The politics of recognition’ is worth mentioning here for a great philosophical exploration of this theme.Another form of injustice is that which result from gender oppression. Another form of injustice involves the socio-economic marginalization and deprivation.

The injustice that often dominates the discourse on transitional justice results from the arbitrary use of state violence by state agents against human rights activists, political opposition actors, journalists and dissidents.

The second consideration relates to the question of the injustice/s of which period. This is a question about the temporal scope of transitional justice and reconciliation.

The next question is what approach of transitional justice and reconciliation to be used. In an opinion piece that he wrote on Al Jazeera using the on-going criminal investigation relating to grand corruption involving embezzlement of public funds and perpetration of human rights violations as a backdrop, Awol Allo argued that the path to reconciliation and justice should combine both criminal accountability and a peace and reconciliation process that allows for a comprehensive official investigation and a public acknowledgement of the abuses and harms done.

The issue that arises here is how a transitional society determines the balance and which factors matter for putting more or less emphasis on one aspect of the transitional justice approach (let’s say criminal prosecution) than on another (truth and reconciliation or institutional reform). The African Union Transitional Justice Policy, adopted in October this year, states that ‘emphasis on one element of transitional justice should be equitable and hence not result in either impunity (by failing to ensure accountability) or full-throated revenge of victor’s justice.’

In a line that eloquently captures the weight of the dilemmas involved, the late Chief Justice of South Africa, Justice Mohamed, writing for the South African Constitutional Court in AZAPO v. the President of the Republic of South Africa, put it thus, transitional justice involves a ‘difficult, sensitive, perhaps even agonizing, balancing act between the need for justice to victims and the need for reconciliation and rapid transition to a new future’. The key for success is the approach that the society adopts for addressing this dilemma that often arises during transitions. This relates to the next question or consideration.

The other question that needs to be addressed in our consideration of transitional justice in Ethiopia is how to organize and administer the chosen approach of transitional justice. Experience from across the continent and other parts of the world shows that for a transitional justice approach to be not only successful for delivering its objectives but also legitimate, the process of its design and implementation has to be transparent, independent and compliant with the minimum requirements of due process.

Past experience is another consideration. As we all know transitional justice is not completely new to Ethiopia. An exercise at transitional justice has been undertaken following the fall of the Derg regime. That exercise in transitional justice focused on the wrongs that happened during the Red Terror – the transitional justice mechanisms chosen involved principally criminal trials, although it also combined the use of lustration, some form of restorative justice involving the reinstating of possessions taken away unjustly and memorialization by erecting the Red Terror Museum at the heart of Addis Abeba.

The limitations from the transitional justice approach of the Red Terror including the lack of even-handedness of the process and the lessons from this experience should thus inform the design and implementation of any transitional justice and reconciliation process we may pursue in the context of the current transition.

The other question is the process that should be followed in initiating, designing and implementing transitional justice and reconciliation. When the transition is a result of negotiation, the parameters for pursuing transitional justice are set as part of the peace settlement. In Ethiopia’s hybrid transition, there is no agreed upon framework on how to formulate and implement transitional justice. Questions abound as to whether relevant stakeholders such as victim groups, civil society organizations and the legal community will be afforded the opportunity and platform to take part in the planning and formulation of the transitional justice process and in its monitoring.

Indeed, as experiences show and appropriately underscored in the AU Transitional Justice Policy, such effective participation of the public is one of the most important success factors of transitional justice.

It has been hinted earlier and has by now become clear that the nature of the transition is the other consideration that informs the choice of the form that transitional justice takes. The current transition did not lead to major bloodshed in the country. It may not be completely off mark if one describes the current transition as a bloodless revolution as opposed to the enormous blood letting that the two previous revolutions involved. Yet, it is also a transition that combines both hope and uncertainty and change and continuity.

These features of the transition are not without consequences for the choice of the mechanism or the combination of mechanisms to be used for pursuing transitional justice and importantly how such mechanism or mechanisms are designed and pursued. As Awol rightly pointed out, ‘pursuing prosecutorial justice while at the same time promoting reconciliation of a highly divided society, particularly in a highly fragile (context) …requires a strategic and holistic integration of the process, as well as careful planning’.

The other consideration is the objective/s or purpose for which the transitional justice and reconciliation process is to be applied. Among others, this depends on whether the focus is primarily on how to deal with the past or how to achieve rule-based democratic transformation that secures the interest of all sectors of society. This question also depends on the consideration of whether the focus of transitional justice is on perpetrators of violations, and hence punishment or on victims and hence recognition of the injustice they suffered and healing, or the political system and hence on building a system of governance based on constitutionalism, rule of law and respect of the rights of all.

The final consideration is the care that should be taken to avoid the perils that come with transitions, such as emergence of new grievances and deepening of polarization. During transitions, the politics, the economy and the social structure of the state tend to be in flux. Despite the demand of transitional justice for a rule-based approach, much of the changes may involve ad hoc measures, popular but extralegal or extra-constitutional actions and purges lacking due process of the law. This is particularly the case where transitions unfold without a common framework or negotiated roadmap. Another peril that comes with transitions is the susceptibility of transitional societies to external influence in their choice of the form of transitional justice and reconciliation approaches.

By way of conclusion 

From the foregoing exposition it is clear that transitional justice and reconciliation is not an easy endeavor.

This is not totally surprising.

For some of us it could be a topic, which provokes our memories of suffering, our experience of being violated and undeservedly subjected to physical and psychological violence.

It could also be a topic that summons our sense of vengeance, our innate disposition of taking the law into our own hands, our retributive desire of meting out on our tormentors and their real or perceived associates the pain and suffering we endured.

It is also a subject, which is not always amenable for an easy and neat identification of responsibility. After all, the failures that resulted in the wrongs of the past are not simply products of individual culpability. Rather, they are in the main outcomes of societal and institutional pathologies, including a tradition of intolerance to and violent repression of dissent and political opposition, patterns of authoritarianism and patriarchal chauvinism, among others.

It is also a subject that necessitates all at once the act of cursing and exorcising the wrongs of the past, acknowledging the suffering that those wronged endured, while allowing room for showing magnanimity to those willing to own up their responsibility and culpability.

If pursued within legitimately established and internationally accepted parameters, transitional justice and reconciliation is also a subject that affords those who were wronged (victims, or to use a more empowering language, survivors) the platform and opportunity to tell their stories in public, to have their suffering get public acknowledgement and thereby enabling society to establish a record of the wrongs of the past through the voice of survivors and to learn lessons for avoiding the conditions that make the perpetration of such wrongs possible.

It is also a subject that offers society as a whole the occasion to see itself on the mirror, examine its various flaws, scars and violent divisions and apply the necessary corrective measures for removing the flaws, fully healing the scars and wounds and for mending the divisions among the members of society that the wrongs of the past sowed and nurtured.

As various sections of the public reflect on how to deal with the wrongs of the past and create the conditions for a better future that forestalls the recurrence of such wrongs, it is imperative that the foregoing considerations inform these reflections and the choices or decisions being made (or yet to be made) on the scope, form and implementation of transitional justice in Ethiopia. This is possibly a major issue that stands to shape the success of the current transition in charting a political and socio-economic order that is more enduring, stable and just than the previous transitions the country has experienced. AS

Click here for full article at Addis Standard

የፍትህ ሰቆቃ – በኢትዮጵያ ሲፈሙ በነበሩ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶች ዙሪያ የተሰራ ዶክመንተሪ Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s crime against humanity, documentary December 12, 2018

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Relief Web: East Africa Food Security Alert: December 7, 2018 December 8, 2018

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East Africa Food Security Alert: December 7, 2018

REPORT from Famine Early Warning System NetworkPublished on 07 Dec 2018 —View Original

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Significant October to December rainfall deficits to result in below-average crop and livestock production

Across the Horn of Africa, rainfall performance during the October to December Deyr/short rains season has been significantly below average and erratically distributed. Based on rainfall to date and the NOAA/CPC forecast through December 31, wide areas of Somalia, Kenya, and southern Ethiopia will accumulate large rainfall deficits (Figure 1). Crop production in Somalia and Kenya is expected to be at least 30 percent below average, and pasture and water availability is likely to be well below average throughout the region. As a result, from February to April 2019, more areas will be in Crisis (IPC Phase 3) than originally projected. Humanitarians should prepare for an increase in need throughout 2019. Although impacts on food security are unlikely to be as severe as those following the failed 2016 Deyr, five out of the region’s last six rainy seasons have been below average and close monitoring of the impacts on crop and livestock production is critical. Early forecasts also indicate an increased likelihood of a below-average 2019 Gu. If this forecast materializes, additional rapid deterioration in acute food insecurity would be likely.

Although there is roughly an 80 percent chance of an El Niño forming in December, there has been a lack of atmospheric response to warming sea surface temperatures, which is important for the enhanced rainfall typically associated with El Niño events. As a result, seasonal rainfall performance has been worse than originally forecast. In addition to below-average rainfall totals to date, the season began up to 30 days late. Despite a short-term forecast of increased rainfall in early December, below-average crop production and below-average pasture and water availability remain the most likely scenario. Rainfall is forecast to cease before late December as tropical rainfall systems shift southward earlier than normal.

Rainfed cereal production in Somalia is anticipated to be 60 to 70 percent of average, with significantly below-average to failed production in some low potential agropastoral areas. In Kenya, marginal agricultural production is anticipated to be 70 percent of average, though Kitui, Makueni, and Taita-Taveta counties may see larger shortfalls. Due to near normal rainfall in the Ethiopian highlands that has resulted in adequate river water levels, irrigated riverine production in Somalia and southern Ethiopia is likely to be average. Food availability is expected to be most affected in Bay, Bakool, and Togdheer regions in Somalia and in southeastern marginal agricultural areas in Kenya. However, carry-over stocks from the 2018 Gu/long rains harvest are expected to offset below-average Deyr production and stabilize market supply, keeping retail food prices below average through April. This is likely to support food access and enable Stressed (IPC Phase 2) outcomes in many livelihood zones, though Crisis (IPC Phase 3) outcomes are expected in several agropastoral areas of Somalia.

In pastoral areas, poor households still recovering from the effects of the 2016/2017 drought are most at risk of food consumption gaps. In central and northern Somalia and in Ethiopia’s southwestern Somali and southern Oromia regions, regeneration of pasture and water is well below average, and to a lesser extent in southeastern Somali Region. Earlier-thannormal livestock migration is occurring in Somalia, while increased migration is soon expected in Kenya and southern Ethiopia. Reductions in body conditions, milk yields, and market value are likely beginning in January. Given already below-baseline livestock holdings and below-average income from livestock production, previously anticipated livestock asset recovery is unlikely to be realized. Many households are likely to be in Crisis (IPC Phase 3) and will struggle to meet their minimum food needs without food assistance.

Cumulative Deyr rainfall in Somalia appears similar to previous signature drought years, including 2016. In Kenya, current seasonal totals in the southeastern lowlands place this season as one of the three driest short rains seasons since 1981. Despite the very poor 2018 Deyr performance, deterioration in food security outcomes will be partially mitigated through early 2019 by the impact of the March to May 2018 Gu/long rains season, which resulted in bumper harvests and significantly improved livestock conditions across most of the Horn of Africa. Nonetheless, the size of the food insecure population during the first half of 2019 is expected to be larger than previously estimated and additional humanitarian food assistance will be required to prevent food consumption gaps. In addition, early NOAA/CPC forecasts indicate that rainfall during the 2019 Gu is likely to be below average in southern Somalia and southeastern Kenya, though average in the rest of the Horn. Should this forecast come to fruition, historical trends indicate that food security outcomes could rapidly worsen. Therefore, in addition to providing increased assistance during the first part of 2019, national governments and humanitarian partners should prepare for the possibility that a more substantial increase in assistance will be needed later in the year.

Ongoing

Primary country

Somalia

Other countries

Oromo political parties agreed to establish a united forum December 6, 2018

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Ethiopia’s ODP building alliances with opposition in Oromia, African News

Ethiopia's ODP building alliances with opposition in Oromia

ETHIOPIA

The ruling bloc in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, the Oromo Democratic Party, ODP, continues building political alliances with competing parties ahead of elections slated for 2020.

ODP’s spokesperson, Taye Dendea, confirmed this information to the Voice of America’s Amharic service. He said the party was preparing to enter talks with over ten parties that shared a similar political agenda and plan of action.

Dendea added that further talks were being held with the Oromo Liberation Front, an ex-rebel group that returned from Eritreaafter a peace deal was signed between the two countries in July this year.

ODP led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed recently agreed a dealwith the Oromo Democratic Front, ODF, led by Lencho Leta. The merger was announced in late November after a meeting between Leta and Oromia region president Lemma Megerssa.

The 2020 elections will be the first vote after Abiy began his sweeping reforms aimed at opening the country’s political and democratic space.

Abiy, an Oromo, has pledged to ensure that the vote is free, fair and credible and has stated publicly that he will handover power if the ruling Ethiopia Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, lost.

He has held talks with registered opposition groups and nominated a new elections chief to undertake reforms of the electoral body in the lead up to the polls. Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and political dissident has been praised as being a right fit for the job.

The Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front comprises four main blocs:

  • The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF).
  • The Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) now Oromo Democratic Party.
  • The Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) now Amhara Democratic Party.
  • The Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, SEPDM.

More from Oromian Economist sources:l

Korri paartileen Oromoo ‘haala qabatamaa naannichaafi cee’umsa gara dimokiraasii irratti’ xiyyeeffate taasifame, BBC Afaan Oromoo

Waltajjii Marii jaarmiyaalee Siyaasaa Oromoo har’a Finfinneetti geggeeffamaa jira
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Waltajjiin marii Jarmiyaalee Siyaasaa Oromoo hundi irratti argaman kun mata duree marii “Ce’umsa gara Dimookiraasii fi haala qabatamaa Naannoo Oromiyaa” jedhurratti Finfinnee Galama Aadaa Oromootti geggeeffamaa jira.
Kaayyoon kanaas Jarmiyaaleen Siyaasaa Oromoo dhimma Waloo Ummata Oromoorratti dhimmoota waliin hojjechuu danda’anirratti wal hubannaa uumifi jedhameera. 
Ka’umsa marii kanaatiif barreeffama qabsoo Ummata Oromoo eessaa garamitti, qormaatileefi sadarkaa qabsichi yeroo ammaa irra gaheefi kallattii qabsoo fuulduree Oromoo ilaalchisee qophaa’e Itti GaafatmaanSiyaasaafi Ijaarsa Baadiyyaa ODP obbo Addisuu Araggaatiin dhihaatee jira. Itti aansudhaanis Perofeesar Isqeel Gabbisaa bareefffan “eessaa kaanee eesssa turre, amma hoo eessa gahuuf deemaa jirra kan jedhu keessattti ummanni Oromoo yeroo ammaa kanatti gaaddisa tokko jalatti hiriiranii kan argamaniidha jedhaniiru. Kunummoo iccitiinsaa tokkummaa waan ta’eef jarmiyaaleen siyaasaa Oromoo maqaasaatiin ijaaramanis yeroon tokkummaan itti hojjetan amma jedhaniiru.
Yeroo ammaa Pirez. BMNO Dr. Kabajaa Lammaa magarsaa yeroo ammaa ce’umsaa dhufaa jiru waltaanee ceesisuun murteessadhaniiiru. Mariin itti fufeera bal’inasaa qabannee dhihaanna.

S

Guyyaan har’aa ganda TPLFitti guyyaa gaddaa tahuu argine. Mirqaanni isaanii guyyoota muraasa dabranii har’a bakka san hin jirtu. Sababni ifaa dha. Jaarmayaalee siyaasaa Oromootu waltajjii tokkorratti argamanii waan hegeree isaanii maryachaa jiran. Humnoota amma wal ajjeesu, amma wal diiganii qaawwa nuu banu jedhanii eegaa jirantu nagaaf dursa kennee maryachuu jalqabe. Kana caalaa kan boquu diinaa cabsu hin jiru. Humnoonni siyasaa Oromoos kana beekuu qabu. Waan diina gammachiisu irraa of qusatanii waan saba keenya mirqaansutti xiyyeeffachuu dha. Waamichi gabaa lagannaa fi dhaadannoon ‘Lammaa fi Abiyyi diina keneya, nun bulchanu’ jedhan Oromiyaa keessatti dhagahamuun fafa. Kun hawwii warra TPLF akka tahe beekuu feesisa. Oromoonis waamichoota mormii kan qaamonni tokko tokko dhiheessan hundumaa eeggannoodhaan laalee kan tahu fudhatee kan diina gammachiisu diduuf dammaqiinsa dabalachaa deemuutu irraa eegama. 

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alqabbii Gaarii, marii bu’a qabeessa

Har’a waltajjii marii dhaabbilee siyaasaatu ture. Waltajjiin kun ji’oota heddu dura waan eegalu qabu ta’s amma jalqabuunuu waan guddaadha. Waltajjii kanarratti 
– Injifannoo qabsoo wlaootiin argame waliin tiikfachuun barbaachisaa akka ta’e
– Jeeqamuun nageenya Oromiyaa nu hundaaf balaa hamaa akka qabu
– Mootummaa kana tumsuun cehuumsa kana bakkaan gahuuf murteessaa akka ta’e, hoggansi mootummaas dhaabbilee siyaasaafi qaamota biroo ofitti qabee gargaarsifachuun murteessaa ta’uu isaa. 
– Dhaabbileen siyaasaa waliin mari’achuufi waliin dalaguun rakkoo nageenyaa furuufi tokkumma saba kanaa cimsuuf murteessaa ta’uu isaa. 
– Mariin bifa kana akka itti fufuuf foramiin paartilee akka jaaramus waliif galameera.

Prez Lammaa Magarsaa kaka’uumsa kanaan as bahuu isaafii hogganoonni dhaabbilee hundaa hirmaannaa isaaniif ni galateeffanna. Hojiin kun cimee itti fufuu qaba.

Abbaa Gadaa Professor Asmarom Legesse to visit Oromia, Ethiopia December 6, 2018

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Abbaa Gadaa  Professor  Asmerom  Legesse, photo credited to Eritrean Press

(EP) The much loved Eritrean professor, the pioneer of Gadaa studies, will visit Ethiopia next week.

Born in Geza Kenisha in Asmara, the same area where Onesimos Nesib (former name Hika) sought refuge and translated the Holy Bible into Afan Oromo more than a century ago, the anthropologist Asmerom, (Ph.D. Harvard Emeritus Professor) is well known for the relentless efforts he has done to introduce Gadaa system to the world.

Two years ago, Professor Asmerom saw the fruits of his 50 years hard work when the UNESCO adopted Gadaa, the five-century-old constitution of the Oromo of Ethiopia, as one of the world intangible heritages.

The respected professor wrote one of the most quintessential books on the Gadaa system. Read: OROMO DEMOCRACY: An Indigenous African Political System.

WHAT IS GADAA?

Gadaa is a political, economic and social system which the Oromo people have been following in governing themselves. Although the Gadaa system is no longer widely practised, it remains influential in Oromo society at large.

Amazingly, the Gadaa system is a democratic system of governance in which the community as a whole has the opportunities to participate on an equal basis.

Under the Gadaa system, the Oromo people are organized or structured into five grades or strata and assume power in rounds which last for eight years each.

Among the Borana, Gada is graded into Mogiissa, Sabaka, Darara, Fullasa, and Makula. 
On the other hand, among the Karayu Oromo, the strata are referred to as: Robale , Melba, Birmaji, Michille, and Halchisa. 
Among the Macha and Tulama, these strata are known as: Horata, Michille, Dulo, Robale and Birmaji.

Oromia: New Oromo music (Culture), Dursitewoo, Mootewoo, by Fayo Mootii December 6, 2018

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Ethiopia: የህወሓቶች ገበና ሲጋለጥ፤ እንደ ወራሪ ጦር የዘረፉት መሬት፣ እንደ ጠላት የትም የበተኑት ገንዘብ! (አፈትልኮ የወጣ ሰነድ) December 4, 2018

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የህወሓት ዘረፋና የመሬት ወረራ የተጀመረው ገና በትግል ላይ ሳለ ነው። በትግል ወቅት በቁጥጥሩ (ምርኮ) ስር የወደቁ ማናቸውንም ዓይነት ንብረትን የመውረስና ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ሰብስቦ የመውሰድ አባዜ ነበረው። ነገር ግን በዚህ መልኩ ተዘርፎ የሚወሰድ ሃብትና ንብረት ለህወሓቶች በቂ ወይም አጥጋቢ ሆኖ ባለመገኘቱ ከቁሳዊ ሃብት ይልቅ የከተማና ለም የሆኑ የእርሻ መሬቶችን መዝረፍ ጀመረ። የመሬትን ዘላቂ ጥቅምና አዋጭነት የተረዱት ህወሓቶች በ1984 መጀመያ አካባቢ በሰሜን ጎንደርና ወሎ ያሉ ለም የእርሻ መሬቶች ያሉበት ሁመራና ራያ በትግራይ ክልል ስር እንዲጠቃለል አደረጉ።

በመቀጠል በደርግ መንግስት ስር ይተዳደሩ የነበሩ የሜካናይዝድ የእርሻ መሬቶችን፣ ማሽኖችን፣ የባንክ ገንዘቦችን፣ በአጠቃላይ በወቅቱ በመንግስት ቁጥጥር የነበሩ ንብረቶችን “በኢንዳውመነት” ስም እንዲመዘገብ አደረጉ። በመቀጠል በተለያዩ የሀገሪቱ ክልሎች የሚገኙ የእርሻ መሬቶችን በኢንቨስትመንት ስም ተቆጣጠሩ። በዚህ መሰረት በጋምቤላንና አፋር ሙሉ በሙሉ በሚባል ደረጃ፣ አብዛኛው የቤንሻንጉል-ጉሙዝ የእርሻ እና የከተማ መሬቶች፣ በደቡብ ኦሞ የመንግስት እርሻ ቦታዎች፣ የሆቴል እና የመኖሪያ ቦታዎች፣ በመተማና ጎጃም እርሻ ልማቶች፣ እንዲሁም በአዲስ አበባ እና ዙሪያዋ የሚገኙ ጥሩ የኢንቨስትምት እና የማዕድን ቦታዎችን ያለ ተቀናቃኝ በበላይነት ተቆጣጥረዋል።

በዚህ ተግባር የተሰማሩት ሰዎች የአንድ መንደር ተወላጅ የሆኑ የህወሓት አባላት ናቸው። እነዚህ መንደርተኞች በድብቅ መሬት እንዲወስዱ የተደረገው በወቅቱ የሀገሪቱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር በነበሩት በአቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ትዕዛዝ ነው። አሁንም እየዘረፉና ሃብቱን እያሸሹ ያሉት እነዚህ ሰዎች ናቸው። ይህን ለማረጋገጥ በኢትዮጵያ ልማት ባንክ አማካኝነት ከዋናው መስሪያ ቤት እስከ ቅርንጫፍ የተሠጡ ብድሮችን፣ እንዲሁም በብድር ማስታመሚያና ማገገሚያ ክፍሎች ያሉት ፕሮጀክቶች የእነማን እንደሆኑ በመመርመር እውነታውን መገንዘብ ይቻላል፡፡

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