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UNESCO: Gadaa system, an indigenous democratic socio-political system of the Oromo Inscribed in 2016 on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity November 30, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Gadaa System.
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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

gadaa system, partiesHayyuu Aadaa fi Argaa-Dhageettii Oromoo Obbo Dabbasaa Guyyoo. photo1

Oromo nation and Gadaa system

Oromo nation and Gadaa system

gadaa Asmarom_

Odaa (the Official Plant) and Abbaa Gadaa, the origin of democracy and elected government

Odaa (the Official Plant) and Abbaa Gadaa, the origin of democracy and elected government

unesco file, Gada system, an indigenous democratic socio-political system of Oromo (Oromia)

 

UNESCO: Gadaa system, an indigenous democratic socio-political system of the Oromo Inscribed in 2016 ( at Eleventh session of the Committee) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

UNESCO has inscribed  Gadaa System of  the Oromo nation as Intangible World Heritage at its eleventh session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in  Finfinee,  Oromia, at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Conference Centre.  The Gadaa System is an indigenous and democratic  Oromo (Ancient Africa’s)  governance institution and social civilization. 


‘UNESCO has recognized the ancient Gadaa system that is a democratic system practiced by the Oromo nation. The Gadaa system classifies the Oromo society according to age. During each age classification certain skills are taught in order to gain experience and prepare for leadership of the Oromo society. UNESCO has acknowledged that the Gadaa system is one of the foundations of international democracy.’ OMN ENGLISH NEWS (November 30, 2016).

http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/RL/gada-system-an-indigenous-democratic-socio-political-system-of-the-oromo-01164

 

‘On November 30, 2016, UNESCO announced that the Oromo civilization known as the Gadaa System (which is the overall Oromo’s interconnected institutions of nationhood, including its Gadaa governing institution, the Siiqqee institution of women’s equality, and the Irreecha Oromo festival of cultural and religious significance, among other components of the Gadaa System) was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.’ http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2016/12/oromos-gadaa-siiqqee-irreecha-recognized-by-unesco-as-intangible-heritage/


unesco-declares-the-oromo-nations-political-system-heritage

Unesco declares Oromo politics system heritage. http://www.africareview.com/news/Unesco-declares-Oromo-politics-system-heritage/979180-3471040-format-xhtml-12sjrxk/index.html


Sirni Gadaa Oromoo  UNESCO tti galmaa’uu isaa baga gammanne.


 

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Oromia: #OromoProtests: Gabaasa Fincila Xumura Garbummaa (FXG) Oromiyaa 2016 (November) November 30, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

oromoprotests-one-year-on-struggle-november-2015-2016oromorevolution-oromoprotests

Oromo Protests defend Oromo National Interest

#OromoPRotests tweet and share#OromoProtests against the Ethiopian regime fascist tyranny. Join the peaceful movement for justice, democracy, development and freedom of Oromo and other oppressed people in Ethiopia

https://videopress.com/embed/Kv0UV52t?hd=0&autoPlay=0&permalink=0&loop=0

scotiabank-toronto-waterfront-half-marathon-winner-kinde-asafa-showing-the-protest-juster

an-oromo-youth-hero-shanted-down-down-woyane-on-the-face-of-mass-killers-tplf-agazi-at-bishoftu-2nd-october-2016-oromoprotestsFeyisa Lelisa Rio Olympian and world icon of #OromoProtestsQuebec City Marathon winner, Oromo athlete, Ebisa Ejigu, replicates Rio Olympic medallist’s #OromoProtests. p3Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2oromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-center-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympicoromo-oromo-athletes-tamiru-demisse-c-megersa-tasisa-l-and-sport-journalist-adugna-angasu-r-who-are-in-rio-de-janeiro-brazil-for-the-paralympic-2016-show-solidarity-in-a-world-stage-to-oromoathlete-hajin-tola-winner-of-mississauga-canken-5k-race-protests-in-support-of-ethiopias-oromo-peopleathlete-hirut-guangul-joined-the-brave-movement-as-she-won-the-womens-marathon-and-in-solidarity-with-oromoprotests-25-september-2016-this-video-is-viral-on-social-media-in-her-adoration
Oromo Students protest @ Mandii, Western Oromia 25th November 2015Oromo Students protest @ Ambo, Oromia 25th November 2015 picture1

Gaaffiiwwan yeroo ammaastop killing Oromo People#GrandOromoProtests 6 August 2016, in Oromia including in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), the capital.


Oromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa in the social and international media. #OrompProtests global icon. p7

the-heroes-said-down-down-wayyane-down-on-2nd-october-2016-at-irreecha-bishoftu-to-protests-mass-killings-p2oromorevolution-thefinalmarchforfreedomoromoprotests-and-fascist-tplfs-human-rights-violations-anaginst-civilians-2016-bbc-sources

Gincii, Amboo, Jalduu, Gudar, Giddaa Ayyaanaa, Mandii, Najjoo, Laaloo Assaabii, Jaarsoo, Gullisoo, Bojjii, Gujii,Dambi Doolloo, Gimbii, Naqamtee, Buraayyuu, sabbataa, Dirree Incinnii, Adaamaa, Harammayyaa, Mattuu, Baale (Robee), Madda Walabu, Walliisoo, Tulluu Boolloo, Sulultaa (Caancoo), Horroo Guduruu, Buuraayyuu, Dirree Dhawaa, Calanqoo, Ada’aa Bargaa, Baddannoo, Holootaa, Shaashee, Awaday (E. Harargee), Hara Qallo (Goro Dola, Gujii), Gaasaraa (Baalee), Bulee Hora, Jimmaa, Arjo, Heebantuu, Giddaa Ayyaanaa ,Kiiramuu, Ciroo, Dodolaa, Anfilloo (Mugii), Walqixxee, Diillaa, Bishooftuu, Finfinnee,  Yuniversiitii Finfinnee, Geedoo, Asallaa,  Shaambuu, Agaarfaa, Sibuu Siree, Kotobee, Wacaalee, Saalaalee, Machaaraa, Ammayyaa, Tokkee  Kuttaayee, Innaangoo, Baabbichaa, Laaloo Qilee, Hiddii Lolaa, .Mugii, Arsi Nagallee, Baabbichaa, Shukutee,  Baakkoo Tibbee, Jalduu, Gindoo, Buun’dho Beddellee, Grawwaa, Gaara Mul’ataa, Qarsaa, Qobboo (Dardar, Eastern Oromia), Sinaanaa (Baalee), Jimmaa Arjoo, Bojjii, Kombolcha,  Aggaaroo,Tajji (Iluu), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Baabboo Gambel, Daawoo,Tulu Milki (Warra Jarso), Hirnaa, Xuulloo,  Masalaa, Galamso, Bordode, Mi’esso, Waheel, Diggaa, Arjoo Guddattuu, Guraawa, waamaa Adaree, Shabee Somboo, Limmuu Saqaa, Amuruu (Agamsa), Daroo Labuu (Gaadulloo), Yaabelloo, Aliboo (Jaartee Jardagoo), Saasigga, Magaalaa Dafinoo, Dhumugaa, Daroo Labuu (Buraysaa) Begii (Kobor), Mardida Halo Guba (Daroo Labuu), Qassoo, Bonayyaa Boshee, Baalee  (Dalloo Mannaa), Jimmaa Raaree (Magaalaa Gobaan), Nophaa (Iluu), Bordoddee, Togowacaalee, Dooguu, Metekel (Wanbara), Asaasaa, Waabee, Heeraroo, Doguu, Quufanziq (Dadar), Boku Luboma (Miyo, Borana), Eddoo, Dirree (Ada’aa), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Shebel town, Bate, Walanchiti, Warra Jiruu,  Boolee Bulbulaa, Diilallaa, Gannat Haaraa (dodolaa)……………



 

Gabaasa FDG Oromiyaa Sadaasa (November) 12, 13,  25,  26, 27, 28, 30, Muddee (December) 1, 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13,14, 15, 16, 17/18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25,  26, 27,28, 29,30, 31….    2015

Amajii (January) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13,14, 15, 16, 17,18,19, 20,21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29,30, 31……2016

Guraandhala (February) 1,  2, 3,4, 5, 6, 7, 8,9, 10,11,12,13, 14, 15, 16, 17,18,19, 20, 21,22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,29………… 2016

 

Bitootessa (March) 1, 2, 3,4, 5,6,7,8,9, 10, 11,12, 13,14,15, 16,17, 18, 19,20,  21,  22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 2,28, 29, 30, 31 …………2016

Ebla (April) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,18, 19,20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……… 2016

Caamsaa (May) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12,13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20, 21,22, 23, 24, 25, 26,27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 2016

 

Waxabajjii (June) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30 …………………………….2016

Adoolessa (July) 1, 2, 3,4, 5, 6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31……..2016

Hagayya (August) 1, 2,3, 4, 5,6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 ….. 2016

 Fulbanaa (September) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……. 2016

Onkoloolessa (October) 1, 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31…… 2016

Sadaasa (November) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……. 2016


Down! down! Down With Wayyanee! Down TPLF!

https://videopress.com/embed/Kv0UV52t?hd=0&autoPlay=0&permalink=0&loop=0

https://youtu.be/D5YauwAQTgU

#OromoProtests: International Community Alarmed as Ethiopia Crisis Worsens

#OromoProtests. International Community Alarmed as Ethiopia Crisis WorsensEthiopia's scores in freedom in the world 2016, freedom House World Report, January 2016.

Ethiopian regime guilty of crime against humanity

Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution  report  1 – 31 October 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests report 1- 30 September 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests report 1- 31 August 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st July – 31st July 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st June – 30 June 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st May 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 30 April 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st March, 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, November 2015- February 29, 2016



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The Final Desperate Emergency Martial Law of Ethiopia and its Implications


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One Of The World’s Best Long Distance Runners Is Now Running For His Life

 


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 Ethiopia’s state of emergency silences aid workers — and some of their work


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Al Jazeera: Ethiopia ‘ruthlessly targeted’ Oromo ethnic group, report finds.

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Ibsa Ejjeennoo Barattoota Oromoo Yuuniversiitii Jimmaa,  October 7, 2016


Irreecha Massacre: Bishoftu Massacre: Fascist Ethiopia’s regime (TPLF) has committed war crimes and crimes against humanity in Oromia (Ethiopia) on the peaceful Irreecha ceremony- Oromo thanksgiving day, 2nd October 2016 where over 4 million celebrating the Oromo National Cultural Day at Horaa Harsadii, Bishoftu, Oromia.

 

Gabaasaa qindaawaa armaan gadii kan nama balaa san irraa hafeen nuu dhihaate kana obsaan dubbisaa. Sana booda wanti kaleessa Hora Haarsadeetti tahe maal akka fakkaatu hubannoo gahaa horattu.
■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■
“Kan dhagaa darbaate ummata miti. Yeroo dheeraaf mormiin walitti fufinsaan deemaa ture. Waanuma godhan dhaban. Gubbaan helekoopitara nurra naanneessaa turan. Helekoopitarri marsaa duraa ergaa baga geessan jedhu gubbaa gad facaasaa ture. Sun kan akeekkameef ayyaana ummataaf yaadamee miti. Sodaachisaaf ture. Yeroo helekopitarichi nurratti gad siqee naannawuu umman guutuun harka wal qaxxaamursuun mallattoo didda itti agarsiisaa ture. Haalichi cimee itti fufe. Mormiin bifa adda ta’een deeme. Qeerroon guutummaan iddoo silaa Opdof isaan qabachiisu barbaadan dursite ganamumaan waan qabatteef kallattii dhaban. Karaa mormii ittiin qabaneessan dhaban. Midiyaaleen addunyaas ta’e isaan biyya keessaa bifa danda’aniin haalicha waraabaa turan. Guutummaan mormii waan tureef kallattiin dabarsu hin dandeenye. Fuuldura keenyatti faranjoota heedduu argaa ture. Waraabaa turan.

Midiyaaleen alaa carraa nu bira ga’uu hin arganneef malee gara ummata mormii irra jiruutti seenuun jiddu jidduun gaafiif deebii taasisaa turan. Qeerroon sodaa tokkoon alatti isaanitti himaa ture. Manguddoonnis akkasuma himaa turan. Mootumma shiftaa kana hin barbaannu,opdo hin barbaannu,ofiin of bulchina jechaanii ture. Ammas mormiin cimaa dhufe. Ummanni kallattii hundaan gara irreechaatti dhufu mormii dhaggeesisaa dhufa. Sagantaa gaggeeffachuu taasuma isaan hin dandeenye. Haalli kun hedduu isaan aarse. Ni boba’an. Naannolee adda addaatii qarshii kanfalaniif ummanni isaan geejibbaan fidatanis isaanitti gara gale. Mormiin liqimfamee mormitti seene. Woyaneen waan qabdee gad dhiiftu dhabde. Poolisoonni jidduu ummataa dhaabde hidhannoo hin qaban. Agaazii gara duubaatiin dhaabdee jirti. Booda irra as ba’an malee tasuma hin mul’atan ture.

Adaduma baayinni ummata gara horaa dhufu dabaluun mormiin haala duraanii caale cime. Dirreen irreechaa dirree mormii qofa taate. Kanatu isaan dhukkubse. Ummanni miliyoona heddu dirree irreechaa irratti bakka miidiyaaleen addunyaa baay’een argamanitti isaan salphise. Kanaaf maratan. Summii saamii irraan helekopitaraan gad roobsan. Ummata joonjesan. Sab booda dirreen aaraan guutamte. Agaaziin iddoo jirtuu as baate. Rasaasaan dha’amuu ummata arguu qofa taate. Boolla meetira 10-15 gad fagaatutu jidduu waraanaaf ummataa jira. Boolla kanatti baayee fixan. Lakkofsi ummata dhumee hedduu dabaluu danda’a. Rasaasa isaanii cinatti boollichis isaaniif tumseera.”
Yaya Beshir irraa


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“Internet mobile irrati fayadamuuf mali argameera… akkas agodhani qeeroon Setting..more network….mobile network… access network name…. harka mirgara + kan jedhu tuqu… name kanjedhu … et.wap… APN… et.wap…. proxy…10.204.189.211… port…9028…. authentication… PAP or CHAP kan jedhu guutu… kana booda qeerroon mirgaan galte Mobile jam Tplf irraa hanu… sanan fayadama jira amaan kana.” #OromoRevolution.

https://youtu.be/iwk_Fr6E_e4


https://youtu.be/Q5KA43NHlfo

#OromoProtests #OromoRevolution: Sadaasa 30, 2016: “Sochii barattoota magaala ambootti eegalame tohachuu waan dadhabaniif, jarreen maqaa galaaati midhaan sassaaba jedhuun torbaan tokkoof baruumsa cufanii jiru. amma yeroo kanatti manni baruumsa hundumtuu cufaadha. amma gaafa wixata boodatti jechuudha.”


OMN ENGLISH NEWS (November 30,2016)

UNESCO has recognized the ancient Gadaa system that is a democratic system practiced by the Oromo nation. The Gadaa system classifies the Oromo society according to age. During each age classification certain skills are taught in order to gain experience and prepare for leadership of the Oromo society. UNESCO has acknowledged that the Gadaa system is one of the foundations of international democracy.

SOUTHWEST OROMIA: Jimma, in the county of Limmu Saqqa government officials are in the process of reshuffling positions. Detrimental human Rights abuses have continued and government representatives have refused to finding satisfactory solutions for the demands of the Oromo people.

CENTRAL OROMIA: More than 7 Ethiopian Military (Agazi) vehicles were sent to Central Oromia in the county of Jarso. These military personnel have been terrorizing locals. In this same area, the county of Ginda Barat Agazi Militants are exploiting, harassing and human rights abuses have intensified.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees have taken more than 150 Oromo refugees from Yemen to Djibouti. The Djibouti government have finalised their preparation to deport the refugees to their homeland. These Oromo refugees have informed OMN that being deported to their homeland will only place them in great danger as the Ethiopian government is targeting Oromo people


Jimmaa Yuunibarsiitii Mooraa Kitoo Furdisaa Keessatti Doorisiti Waraana Wayyaanee TPLF Daran Hammaachuun Beekame.

Mormiin guddaa mooraa Jimmaa Yuunibarsiitiitti erga finiinee asitti sabboontotni ilmaan Oromoo haala akkaan ulafaataa keessatti dararaa
hammaataa mana hidhaa Xoollay keessatti irra dhaqqabaa jira.Gama biraan barattoota hedduu torbee darbe humna Command Post n qabaman
eessa buutee isaani hamma ammaa hin baramin ka jiru yoo ta’u.Barattoota hafani doorsisuun hidhannoo guutuun keessa socho’anii
hidhuun akkan gadi jabaatee jira.
Odu biraan Wallagaa Yuunibarsiitii keessatti barattootni humna hidhannoon socho’u dura dhaabbatanii erga mormii dhageessisanii asitti haalli sochii achi keessa Oromoo yoo taatee qofaaf hanga reebamuuf ukkanfamuu waan na m geessisuuf yaaddeessaadhaa jedhu

Warraaqsi FXG Mooraa Yuniverstii Wallaggaa Keessatti Itti Fufee Jira.

qeerroo1Sadaasa 29,2016 Warraaksi biyyoolessaa mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessatti hidda gadi jabeeffachuun gootowwan qeerroo mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaatiin finiinuu itti fufee jira.
Mooraan Yuunversiitii Wallaggaas hoomaa federaalaan dhuunffatamuun baratoonni jumlaan reebamuu fi hidhamaa akka jiran beekamee jira.
Humni federaalaas sadaasa 29 halkan keessaa naannoo sa,a 7:30 irratti  baratoota moorichaa kanneen damee fb baratan doormii itti cabsuudhaan reebicha humnaan olii baratoota moorichaa irratti raawwachaa bulee jira.
Reebicha humni federaalaa baratoota moorichaa irratti gara laafina tokko malee raawwachaa bule kanaanis baratoonni moorichaa heeddumminaan miidhamanii akka jiran beekamee jira.
Diddaa mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessatti finiinaa jiru kanaan wal qabatees baratoonni moorichaa sababii oromoo ta,an duwwaaf mooricha keessaa heeddumminaan butamanii achi buuteen isaanii dhabamaa akka jiru maddeen keenya qeerroo mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa irraa nuqaqqaban ifa godhanii jiru Warraaksi mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessatti dhohee kunis magaalaa naqamtee keessatti no baballata sodaa jedhuun mootummaan garboonffataan wayyaanee sadaasa 30/11/2016 guutummaa yuunversiitii wallaggaa fi naannoo ishee irratti humna federaalaa jumlaan dabaluun baratootaa fi uummata naannoo sanaa doorsisaa akka jiru bira ga,amee jira.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eQLzOie2jsU

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/27/omn-oduu-sad-26-2016/


Mooraa Jimmaa Yuunibarsiitiilee Keessatti Ukkamsaa Barattootaa Haala Ulfaataan Jabaatee Jira

because-i-am-oromoSadaasa 26,2016
Erga sochiin warraaqsaa mooraa Jimmaa Keessatti fineenee asitti barattoonni hedduun hidhamaa gidirfamaa,kanneen hafanis yaaddoo hamtuu keessa seenuun balaa hamaa saaxilamaa jiraachuu maddeen Qeerroo mooraa Jimmaay Yuunibarsiitii Gabaasu.Haalli hidhaa kun akkaa ulfaataa kan jiru yoo ta’u sochii Qeerroo Bilisummaa haala onnaataarraan gara kuteenyaan akka barataan jabeessee dhoosuuf haamilee guddaaf xiiqeffannoo jabaa gadi jabeessaa jiraachuu,akkasuma mooraa sana keessatti badii tokkoon alatti barataa barnootarraa ari’uuf hidhuun
kuna akkam akka barattoota aarsaa jiru dubbatamaa jira.
Bara baranaa kana keessatti barattoonni baay’inaan 100 ol ta’an ukkaamfamanii jiru.Mooraa kitoo furdisaa irraa hanga ammaa odeessi
Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo dhaqqabe akka agarsiisutti moorichaa keessaa Oromoo taanaan akkamiin akka adamsamaa jiran wal nama hin gaafachiisu jedhu.Maqaa baewttoota hidhamanii muraasa Continue reading

Oromo Qaanqee Show by Habtamu Lamu Gaafii fi Deebii atleetotaa Oromoo South Africa irra

https://youtu.be/470Fpw68drM

 


Names of 1304 Oromos arrested from Robe town, Arsi and sent to Tolay military camp. #OromoProtests #OromoRevolution 25 November 2016.

These are only those sent to Tolay. Many fold have been sent to other concentration camps and some are still held at local prison.



Oromoota 1304 Arsii Roobee irraa Xollaay geeffamanii dararamaa jiran command post bulchiinsa aanaa Roobee keessatti maqaa maxxanseera

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news-p2

 

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news-p3

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news-p4

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news-p5

names-of-1304-oromo-nationals-arrested-from-robe-town-arsi-oromia-and-sent-to-tolay-military-camp-25-november-2016-news-p6

Horro-Guduruu Keessatti Hidhaa fi Dararaan Hammaate Jedhu, Jiraattonni. Waan Seeraa Ala Hojjetame Tokkoyyuu Hin Jiru, Jedhu – Ajajaan Poolisii Godinichaa Immoo , Sadaasaa 25, 2016, VOA Afaan Oromoo

 

“Maagalaa Burrayyuu keessatti waaldaa amantii deegu jaalqabaniru. Polisonni edaa galgaala mana baruumsa saadarka 2ffa Burayyuu fulduuratti kan argaamu waldaa amaantota kiristiyaana diigani buulaniru. Taajajiltonni waldichaa guutumman isaani hidhaamani jiru”. Sadaasaa 25, 2016.

 


A blind Oromo singer beaten and arrested in Ethiopia

 


RSWO – Sadaasa 24, 2016 (Warraaqsi Oromiyaa Keessaa Bifa Haariyaan Itti Fufaa Jira)

Mass arrest of students underway in Najo, West Wallaggaa, Oromia, 23rd November 2016. OromoProtests #OromoRevolution.

mass-arrest-of-students-underway-in-najo-west-wallaggaa-oromia-23rd-november-2016-oromoprotests-oromorevolution


Magaala Baatee Kan Godina Walloo – Kamisee Keessatti Hidhaa fi Doorsisni Hammaate Jedhu Jiraattonni, Saadasa 23, 2016


Great Speech of Great Man – Haasaa Gooticha Oromoo Atileet Fayisaa Lalisaa

 

 

 

 


Godina Wallaggaa Ukkee Qarsaa Bakka Jedhamutti Waraanni Wayyaanee Diddaa Ummataa Qabaneessuuf Hidhaa fi Reebicha Raawataa Bahaa Jira.

Sadaasa 21,2016 , Godina Wallaggaa ,Guutoo Giddaa Ukkee Qarsaatti Yakka Tokkoon Alatti Erga Manni Murtii Akka Lakkifamaniif Ajaje Baaseellee Humni diinaa Aangotti Fayyadamee ummata Hidhaa Jiraachuun Himame.
Erga biyyi keenya biyyi Oromiyaa afaan qawween buluu qabdee kan ture ta’ulle dhiyeenya of tultoti kallatti kan labsatanii hojiitti bobba’nii jiran,oggayyuu uummata kunaanuuf gidirsuu itti fufaanii jiran. Haaluma Kanaan jiraataa magaalaa Ukkee kan ta’an Obbo Oliiqaa Raggaasaa sababa tokkoon alatti mana hiraarsaa keessatti erga baatiwwan hedduu dabarsaniin booda manni murtii bilisa kan baase ta’ullee Waajjirri polisaa humnaan qabee hidhee jiraachuu odeesse Qeerroo Ukkee gabaasanii jiran. Continue reading


Yuunibarsiitiiwwaan Hedduu Keessatti Warraqsi Qeerroo Barattoota Oromoon Eegalamee Itti Fufee Jira

QerroooSadaasa 21,2016
Qeerroon barattoota  Oromoo sirna bittuu wayyaanee balaaleeffachuun,addatti gochaawwaan jii’ota kana uummatarra dhaqqabaa jiran yakka Gudeeddii,Saamichaa,Ajjeechaa,Hidhaa akkaan akka duubatti hin deebifne humna hudhatee jiru dura dhaabbatee dhageessisaa jira.
Haaluma kanaan tokkummaan Qeerroon Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa, Wallaggaa,Amboo hanga ammaatti wal harkaa fuudhanii diddaa jabaa dhageessisaa jiraachuu gaabasi sagalee Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo dhaqqabe ifa godha.Duulli kun Yeroo dhiyootti haala duuba deebi’uu hin dandeenyeen guutummaa Uummata Oromoof barattoota Oromoon akka finiinfamu dhaamsa jabaa walii dhaamuutti jiran.


Yuunibarsiitii Amboo Damee Awwaaroo Warraqsi Barattootaan Finiinee Itti Fufee Jir

Sadaasa 21,2016
Yuunibarsiitii Amboo damee Awwaaroo Qeerroon diddaa sirna garboomsaa nafxanyaa jabeessee itti fufe.Sagalee dhukaasaa mooricha
keessaa nii dhaga’ama.Barattoota seenaan reebaa jiraachuunis Qeerroon gabaase


Wallagga Yuunibarsiitii Warraqsi FXG Eegalame Itti Fufee Jira

Sadaasa 21,2016
fxgMooraa Wallagga Yuunibarsiitii keessatti Qeerroo waan jalqabe xumura itti gochuuf waloon ka’ee gootummaasaa agarsiisaa jira.Yeroo humni xiqqoon wayyaanee ajjeesuuf,gudeeduu,hidhuu,saamuu irratti bibbaatee jirtutti nuti qeerroon barattoota ilmaan Oromoo calliifnee ilaaluun nurra hin jiraatu jechuun Sochii diddaa garaa Warraaqsaatti tarsiisuun FXG fardeessanii eegalanii jiran,Mootummaa shororkaa wayyaanee mataaf miilla wal’aalaa jirti,Qeerroo qabsoo kanatti xumura gochuuf waan eegale galmaan gahuuf gamaa gamanaa wal waamuu qabeera.Mooraa Wallaggaa keessatti amma saatii kana dhukaasa guddaatu dhaga’amaa jira. Tarkaanffiin kaaffee fi konkolaataa heedduu kan moorichaa irratti fudhatamaa jira.Lubbuin nama biyya nama hin naasifne keessatti qabeenyi nama naasiisuun akkan akka sammuu namaa xuqus agarsiisaa jiru.

Hiriira Guddaarratti Sabboontonni Magaalaa Naqamtee Nannoo Jaatootti Rasaasa Diinaan Rukuman Lama Fayyuummaan Isaanii Yaaddeessaa Ta’ee Gara Hositaala Olaanootti Dabarfamuuf Jechuun Dhaaga’ame Haalli sabboontota lama guyyaa gaafa hiriira guddaarratti rukutamee haalaan nu yaaddeessaa jira jedhu akka gadii kanatti “Sabbonaa Suyyum Asfahuu fi sabbontuu Zarituu Bultii yerobayyee hidhadhaf rebichaan dararamaakanturan ammammo rasasa wayyanenrukutamanii rakkachaa jiruu suyyumimmo rasasi qomasakesatti wanafef lenca gurraachaa demee akka bafatuuf riferi ta ewanjiruf birri busa fi jirraa”


Godina Jimmaa Keessatti Loltooti Wayyaanee Ummata Nagaa,Barattootaa fi Hojjettoota Ragaa Tokko Malee Hidhaa Jiraachuu Qeerroon Gabaase.

Sadaasa 21 2016
Jimma Yuunibarsiitii Keessatti barsiisota Yuunibarsiitii hadamsanii qabuun hiraarsuun danatee jira.Yeroo sochii jaabaaf takaroo gurguddaa uummati Oromoof diinnisaa ilmaan nafxanyootaa walii gaggeessa jiran kana keessatti barsiisota hidhuun akka waan qabsoo Oromoo naafisuutti kan fudhatanii jiran,Hojii isaanii kana itti cimanii hojjetanillee guyya guyyaa warraqsi wal horee itti finiinaa jira.Akkuma kaleesaa gabaasnee turre mooraa kitoo furdisaarraa ilmaan sabboontota barattoota saddet(8) mootummaan ukkanfamanii kan jiran yoo ta’u barattoota cinatti barsiisotas hidhaa jiraachuu Qeerroo Yuunibarsiitichaa gabaasa .
Dr.Fiqaaduu Asaffaa kannee hidhamanii hiraarfamaa jiran keessatti argamu



Yakka Tokkoon Malee Dargaggoonni Oromiyaa Magaalaa Hedduu Keessaa Heddumminaan Hidhaatti Guuramaa Jiru.

img_20161120_114646Sirni cunqursaa  humnaaf aangoosaatti fayyadamuun humna qawween biyya bulchaa jiru yakka duguuggaa ilmaan Oromoo irratti raawwachaa ture ammas naga,e osoo hin jedhin Ilmaan Oromoo Oromummaa isaaniif quuqamanii Irratti duula duuguuggaa sanyummaa  raawwachuu itti fufee jira.
Oromoo sababii ta,an duwwaafis Yakkamaa taasisuun Magaalaalee Oromiyaa bakkoota garaa garaa keessaa butuudhaan achi buuteen isaanii dhabamaa jira.
Erga labsiin hatattamaa golee oromiyaa mara keessatti labsamee kaasee mootummaan faashistii wayyaanee fxg uummanni  oromoo finiinsaa jiru humna isaa ol itti ta,uun waan itti ulffaateef waan qabee gad lakkisus walaalee jira.
Kanummarraa ka,uudhaanis hidhaa dararaa fi ajjeechaan baratoota oromoo mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessa jiran irratti jumlaan raawwachaa jira.
Sadaasa 14/11/2016 Yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessaa  baratoonni oromoo oromoo lama sababii ta,an duwwaaf moorichaa keessaa butamuudhaan achi buuteen isaanii dhabamaa jira.
Kanumaan wal qabatees baratoonni torbee kana keessa mooraa yuunversiitii wallaggaa keessaa butamanii dhabaman
1,Fayyisaa Gaarii
Kaninninni dhalatee guddate godina wallagga bahaa Naannoo gabaa jimaataa jedhamutti.
Gosa barnootaa inni barachas jirus siivil injiineriingii waggaa 2ffaa .

Continue reading


VOA: Barattoonni Yunivarsitii Jimmaa kan Mooraa Kittoo Furdisaa Barattoota Dhabamsiisuun Dhaabachuu Qaba Jechuun Hiriira Bahan


Jimmaa Yuunibarsiitii Mooraa Kitoo Furdisaa Barattonni Oromoo FXG Finiinsaanii Jiran

Nov 20,2016

Itti fufaHumni hidhannoo guutuun mooraa barattootaaf hawwaasa biyyaatti keessa socho’u yeroo dararaa uummata Oromoorraa dhaqqabsiisaa jirutti sodaa tokko malee gootummaa guddaan hawwaasi Oromoo akkasuma barattonni bakkeewwan hedduutti diddaa garbummaa jabeessanii jiran
Haluma kanaa guyyaa kaleessaa barattoota sabboontota Ilmaan Oromoo sababa tokko malee Jimmaa Yuunibarsiitiirraa humna Command Post n qabamanii mana hiraarsaa galanii kan jiran yoo ta’u barattoonni karaa nagaa akka hiikamaniif gaafatan illee deebiin argame akka hiikamu hin dandeenye yoo ta’u,hanga barattoota qabdaniif ilmaan Oromoo hiraarsaa jirtan gadi lakkiftanitti jechuun dhaadannoof sagalee gurguddaan
Mooraa kitoo Furdisaa keessaa barattoonni sagalee dhageessisaa jiran  Qeerroon barattoota Oromoo barruulee duula lagannaa barnotaa walii
keennaa jira.


https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/22/oduu-sad-21-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/21/oduu-sad-20-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/20/oduu-sad-19-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/18/oduu-sad-18-2016/

#OromoRevolution, Sadaasa 17, 2016

#OromoProtests #OromoRevolution:  “Buufata poolisii Aanaa Ciroo keessaa halkkan edaa namni 8 badee baheetti jira.
Ilmaan Oromoo Godina Harargee Lixaa manneen hidhaa Aanaa Cirootii fi Magaalaa Ciroo keessatti akkasumas kaanbii komanddi postii giddu gala qorannoo qonna Itophia damee Ciroo keessattii fi qajeelcha poolisii godina harargee lixaa keessatti hidhamanii harkka diina jiran keessa halkkan edaa mana hidhaa Aanaa Ciroo duuban cabsuudhaan hidhamtoonni 8 bahani jiran. Namooni harkka diina keessa miliqanii bahaan kuniin to’annaa alagaa jalatti akka hin deebineef hawaasa Aanaa Cirootii fi Godinichaa gumaacha cimaa akka taasiftaniif kabajaan isin gaafanna.”https://www.facebook.com/100010426756014/videos/342386516118904/
https://www.facebook.com/100010426756014/videos/342386516118904/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/17/sona-miidiyaa-sad-17-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/17/omn-oduu-sad-16-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/15/omn-oduu-sad-15-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/15/omn-oduu-sad-14-2016/
#OromoProtests #OromoRevolution  Sadaasa 14 Bara 2016:  Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromiyaa kaabaa, naannoo Walloo Kamisee keessatti diddaa fi fincila finiinsaa jiru. Diddaa fi fincila xumura gabrummaa aanawwan hundarratti yeroo ammaa finiinaa jiru mul’isuuf Alaabaan ABO bakka hundatti baliilafamaa jira . Kunneen Aanaa Baatee buufata poolisii, akkasumaas magaalaa guutuu keessatti, alaabaan balaliifamaa jira. Barreeffamoonni adda addaas iddoo hundatti maxxanfamaa jiru.
Qabsoon itti fufa!
#OromoProtests #OromoRevolution Welloo, 14 November 2016
https://www.facebook.com/makin.sultan.58/videos/385940341796970/
https://www.facebook.com/makin.sultan.58/videos/385940341796970/
oromoprotests-oromorevolution-welloo-14-november-2016

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QFGPl5JIic4


https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/13/omn-oduu-sad-12-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/13/gabaasa-addaa-qabsoo-diplomaasii-paarlaamaa-awurooppaatti-taasifame-sad-122016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/12/oduu-sad-11-2016/
https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/10/oduu-sad-10-2016/

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/10/omn-oduu-sad-9-2016/

#OromoRevolution, Sadaasa 11, 2016

Magaalaa Buraayyuutti Waraanni Komaandi posti uummata nagaa hidhaatti guure!Guyyaa har’aa sadaasa 11/2016 waraanni Mootummaa Wayyaanee Magaalaa Buraayyuu kutaalee Gafarsaa fi Kattaa irraa dargagggoota hedduu ukkaamse

Waraanni kun callisee mana Nyaataa Daandii kan Mucayyoo Nuuraa Aadam jedhamutti ssenuun mana nyaataa kana keessaa namoota nyaataa jiraniifii haadha mana nyaata Daandii kan taate Durbee Nuuraa Aadam wajjin ukkaamsee jira

Fincila Qeerroo battala kana mudateen dargaggoo fi hawaasa mara magaalattirraa funaanii hidhuun,manneen nyaataa naannoo bakka calqaba fincila kanaa ta’es cufsiisuufi namoota hedduu isaanii hidhuunis beekameera

Qeerrittii Nuuraan kanaan dura Ajjeechaa-Deettii Bishooftuu falmitee hojii dhaabde jechuun waraanni wayyaanee mana hojii kana keessaa meeshaalee nyaataa kuma digdaamaa olitti tilmaamamu caccabsuun,qarshii baankonii keessaa 5000 irraa hatuun isaaniis ni yaadatama

Obboleessi ishee Duulaa Aadam Magaalaa Finfinnee keessaa bakka Askoo jedhamutti qabamee mana hidhaa maa’ikelaawwii kan jiru yeroo ta’u, isheenis mana nyaataa cufuu akka qabdu firootni mootummaa wayyaanee ilmaan Oromoo mana isheetii fayyadamanii adeemsa geggeessitooti siyyaasa Oromoo dhaaman galmaan gahaa jirti jechuun wayyaanee itti duulchisanii jiru

Yeroo ammaa kana hawaasi Oromoo magaalatti keessatti akka itti bahee galu dhabee jiraachuun isaas barameera

Roorroon hammaatus ni injifanna!

 


https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/10/omn-oduu-sad-9-2016/addis-standard-special-edition-on-irreechaa-massacre-oct-2-2016P. 5 – #IrreechaMassacre: The day that changed the game (By Addis Standard staffs)“I saw people who had fallen inside ditches and deeper pits. I saw people who had no one to pick them up. I saw people suffocated by the smoke of the tear gas”P.8 – A survivor’s account (By Bekel Atoma Boruu)“Those who ran to save their lives from the teargas bombs and the gun shots pulled themselves and one another to the nearby 6 meters long ditch in front of the podium. The tear gas bomb thrown at the mass increased the number of people running to the ditch not seeing what is in front of them; besides they were blinded by the heavy smoke from tear gas”P.10 – Irreecha is sacred! We cannot let them take it away (By Ayantu Ayana)“I keep asking myself how dare they kill on sacred grounds and on a sacred day. How dare they? All those people muddied and bloodied in their beautiful and colorful clothes. All those lives lost. Should mourning be all we do these days? “P. 13 – Into the heart of Irreecha: Why is it so important to the Oromo? (Buli Edjeta Jobir, Guest Writer)“An amazing part of the Irreecha ceremony is its absolute orderliness, the reigning of absolute peaceful aura, the showering of love and mutual respect, the sense of oneness and unity. In all the Irreecha ceremonies recorded over the last two decades, after its first rejuvenation, there has never been a single stampede or injury recorded.”

P. 17 – Irreecha: A defining moment in a hallowed land (By Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Special to Addis Standard)

“In 2016, it was clear that the largest gathering of Oromos from Oromia’s all corners would be a scene of expression of anger in the wake of the government’s brutal crackdown of Oromo protests during the preceding ten months.


#OromoRevolution:  Sadaasa 9 bara 2016: Godina Horroo Guduruu Wallaggaa Suluulaa Fincaa’aatti hojjettootni Warshaa Sukkaaraa Fincaa’aa hiraarsaa Waraana Wayyaanee Koomandii Poostii bahuu fi galuu dhorkamnee Ajjeefamaa, reebamaa fi hidhamaa hin jiraannu jechuun guyyaa har’aa guutummaatti hojii dhaaban. Waraanni Wayyaanee Yakka duguuginsa sanyii Uummatarratti rawwachuun uummata daranuu gara of ittisuu fi FXG jabaachuutti kan murteeffachiise takkaa waraanaan akka duubatti deebi’uu hin dandeenye uummatni fi Qeerroowwaan diinaaf mirkaneessa jiru.


FINCILA DIDDAA GABRUMMAA

Fincila roorroon dhalchu, fincila aadaa gootaa,
Ittisaa roorroo alagaa, tiksaa mirga dhalootaa.
Ni fincilla gurmoofnee, ni didanna gabrummaa,
Cunqursaa dhabamsiisnee, gonfachuuf bilisummaa.
Itti hin lakkifnu diina, saamichaan nu quncisuu,
Lafa keenya gurguree, abbaa biyyaa buqqisuu.
Addunyaattis ni himna, deebisnee deddeebisnee,
Daba diinaa saaxiluuf, dhugaa keenya beeksisnee.
Ijaaramnee falmannee, jilbeenfachiisna diina,
Diddaa keenya cimsinee, sirna gabrummaa diigna.
Daandii dhugaa irra jirraa, bilisummaa gaafannee,
Alagaa jala hin bullu, haqa keenya haalamnee.
Addunyaa dharti mootee, dhugaan yeroof qallattus,
Gaaffiin haqaa dhiibamtee, abbaa humnaaf bal’attus,
Abdii kutnee mohamnee, gabrummaaf hin hoggollu,
Bakka jirruu murannee, mirga keenyaaf haa lollu.
Rakkoo qabsoo obsinee, roorroo alagaa faccisnaa,
Ulfinaa fi bilisummaa ilmaan keenya dhaalchisna.
Mirga keenyaaf finciluun sirrii tahuu hin shakkinuu,
Mootummaa gabroomfataa hanga of irraa darbinuu.
Akka roorroon dhabamee sirni haqaa gad dhaabbatuu,
Amma illee ni fincilla diddaan keenya hin laaffatu ! (2)


AMMA GAAFA SANA

Chala Hailu Abate

Amma gaafaa sana, galgala guyyaa sanii
gaafa SBO’n ajjeefamuu kee himanii
gaafa gootonni Oromoo,
man barumsaa yaa’anii
dhiigaa ijoollummaa,
bilisaaf gabbarani.
eyyeen gaafa sana,
galgalattii sana,
gurraa keessa jirtuu,
ammayyuun caqasaa
akkattiin boo’ee mankaraaree,
coba imimmaan ija koo keessaa
rasaasni jalqabaa si nyaattee Jaagee koo
Kabee dabalattee, guattee jalduttii
sanan dhaggeeffadhee, SBO irratti.
Maal wayyaan jabaatee,
qeerroon bakka hundaa
waliif asaasaa himtee
sagalee tokkummaan nu gaheera jette
dhiigatu lol’a’ee lafeetu caccabee
eyyeen gaafa sana, ganna 11 duraa
gaafaa saglii Sadaasaa
ajjeefamuu jaallanii, dhageenyee
wal kaasaa
gamanaafi gamasii
onneen wal dammaqsaa
akkamiin daggannaa
guyyaattii seenatii
gootawwantu dhumee
Dhugaa sabaa deebisatti.
Yaadannoo FDG waggaa 11 ffaa
Jaallan rasaasni qaraa nyaattee
Jaagamaa Badhaanee fi Kabbadaa Badhaasaf haa taatu.

 https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/videos/10102576842713343/

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/09/sirna-awwaalcha-qabsaayaa-jamaal-qaadir/

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/09/oduu-sad-8-2016/

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/08/oduu-sad-7-2016/

https://www.oromiamedia.org/2016/11/07/maatii-tokko-irraa-ilmaan-sadi-bakka-tokkotti-agaaziin-ajjeefaman/

Ajjeechaa Suukaneessaa: Maatii Tokko Irraa Ilmaan Sadi Bakka Tokkotti Agaaziin Ajjeefaman

Yaadannoo Fincila Xumura Gabrumma kan bara 2016 Ilaalchisee Ibsa Hooggana Jiddu-Galeessa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo irraa Kenname.

cropped-qeerroo-edit.jpg

Dhiigni Bilisummaaf Sabaaf Dhangala’e Bolola Angoo Siyaasaan Hinsharafamu.

Ibsa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo

Sadaasaa 7, Bara 2016

Yaadannoo Fincila Xumura Gabrumma kan bara 2016 Ilaalchisee Ibsa Hooggana Jiddu-Galeessa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo irraa Kenname.

Waan hundaa dura miseensota Qeerroo Bilisummaa fi qabsa’oota Bilisummaa Oromoo Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa osoo finiinsanii wareegaman hunda guyyaa seena qabeessa kanatti gootummaa olaanaan yaadachuu feena. Addatti ammoo jaallan keenya erga Fincilli Xumura Gabrummaa Sadaasaa 2015 labsamee as qabsoo saba isaanii irratti wareegamaniif, har’a qaamaan nu biraa dhiban illee, kaayyoo isaan irratti kitiman sana fiixaan baasuuf hirbuu keenya  kaleessaa irra deebinee onnee guutuun haaromsinaaf. Guyyaa seena-qabeessa kanatti gootowwan keenya nu biraa wareegaman miira wal-makaan yaadanna. Gama tokkoon jaallan keenya of biraa dhabuu irraa gaddi suur-qalbii keenya yommuu waraanu, gama kaaniin ammoo lubbuun jaallan keenya wareegamanii bu’uura Bilisummaa saba keenyaa utubaa waan jiruuf sabboonummaa cimaa nu keessatti danboobsa. Gootonni keenya kun seenaa saba keenya keessatti bara baraan yaadatamaa jiraatu.

Fincilli Diddaa Gabrummaa haaloota akkaan rakkisoo tahan keessa qaxxamuraa as gahe. Finchilichi kiyyoo diina tarsiimoo fi shira ayyaan-laallatoota keessa dandamatee waggaa kudha-tokkoffaa isaa yommuu kabajatu kana injifannoolee cululuqoo tahan galmee seenaa qabsoo Bilisummaa keessatti barreessuudhaan. Fincilli Diddaa Gabrummaa Sadaasaa 9 bara 2005 akkuma labsameen qabsoo sabicha of dura tarkaanfachiisu eegale.  Dhalootni haarawaan muratnoon cimaan guutamee Diddaa Gabrummaa sabichaa qindeessuu fi hoogganuun dirqama sabummaa olaanaa bahaachuutti bobba’e. Haala akkaan rakkisaa keessatti waggaa kudhan guutuuf qabsoo sabichaa of-irratti hirkannoo cimaadhaan taliige. Qeerroo fi Qarree Oromoo sadarkaa sadarkaan ijaaruun itti-fufiinsa qabsoo Bilisummaa saba keenya mirkaneesse. Dhalootni haarawaan Bilisummaa dhugaa fi Dimokraasii haqaa akka gonfataniif onnachiise. Continue reading


 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8rJ7BfnzXbo

Gootummaan Oromoo kana duraa ammas akka itti fufuu hawaasa keenya jajjabeessuuf gootummaa keenya kaleessaa beekùun barbaachisaadha!

Gootummaa  kutaa 2ffaa

Noolee Buttaatiin

akkatti-jiruOromoon gaafa lolaaf ba’u “lafee jedhee “nyaata” waliin nyaata namni nyaata sanatti akka tasaa dhaquyyuu dhiisee galuun qaaniidha…….

Kutaa darbe keessatti Gotummaa irratti  gootummaa Oromoon dur qabuu fi har’as gootummaa qabaannee ilaacha warra lixaa fi rakkoolee keessaatiin qabsoon Oromoo keessattuu waggoota 11ffaaf  adeemsifamaa jiru gara fuula duraatti Humna Ittisa Uummataa  kan tooftaa waraana ammayyaa fi waraana riphe lolaa Gadaatti dhimma bahuu qaba ilaalcha jedhurraa ammas kutaa 2ffaa isaa isinii barreessuuf dirqameen jira.

Gootummaa Oromootiif lammiileen alaafi diinni ollaa Oromoo utuu hin hafin barreessaniiru,ragas ba’aniiru. Kan dhiironni barreessanirraa waan dubartoonni Goojjam dhiira isaaniitin jedhan kun qofti ga’aadha!

አመጣለዉብሎጆሮትልትልበረ
ጮማን  ገብቶቀረየጎጃምገበረ 

Bara 1840oota keessa hattootni Goojjam keessaa ka’anii uummata Oromoo saamuuf naannoo Horroo Guduruutti yeroo nam’an waraanni riphe lolaa Gadaa laaqii keessatti eeggatanii haleelanii achitti isaan fixaa turan keessattuu laaqiin Raaree Coomman lola kanaaf mijataa akka ture loltoonni yeroo sanaa filachuu isaanii barrooleen Seenaa Oromoo galmeessaniiru.

Yeroon kun yerootti Abiisheen weerartoota yeroo lamaa ol of irraa qolateefi humnoota akka Qadiidaa Wannabee isa Jimmaa Raaree,Teessoo Qannoo isaAmuru Jaartee fi Soorii Galaa isa Jimmaa Gannatii warra alagaa wajjin Goojam irratti qunnamtii tolfatuun waraana Oromoo naannoo sanaa irratti geggeessuuf utuu jiranii,tokkummaa dhabuu Oromoota Horroo Guduruu kan hubatte Haati Mootii Gudayyaa Dojaa Arbaas akkas jette jedhama. Continue reading

ቄሮ : የኦሮሞ : ወጣቶች: ለነፃነት: ንቅናቄ : ድምፅ : የሳምንቱ : ዜና :: (SQ) November 4, 2016


Local Oromo community speaks out for peace

By Natalie Paddon, Hamilton Spectator


Hamilton’s Oromo community may be small, but they want it known they are standing with their brothers and sisters back home.

A group of about 20 members of the Oromo Community of Hamilton stood outside City Hall Friday, holding signs with photos of struggles faced by people in Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia.

Canada is known for its tradition of peacekeeping and contributing to the United Nations, said Abraham Turem, 51.

“I hope this government will follow that line of thinking to advocate for peace in that country.”

The gathering commemorated the first anniversary of the “climax” of peaceful demonstrations in the region, which is home to most of Ethiopia’s estimated 40 million Oromo, said Solomon Germossa. The Oromo are the country’s largest ethnic group.

Since November 2015, the government has used “excessive and lethal” force against what is largely peaceful unrest started mainly by students, says a Human Rights Watch report.

The demonstration was initially a response to authorities’ decision to clear an environmental area for a development project, the report says. Protesters feared the plan would further displace Oromo farmers, many of whom already lost land for similar projects over the past decade, it says.

The plan was cancelled in January, but the unrest has continued and now reflects broader concerns shared by many Oromo, the report says. As of June, it was estimated more than 400 people had been killed, thousands injured, tens of thousands arrested and hundreds — “likely more” — taken from their families.

Friday’s group said thousands of people have been killed and tens of thousand are in prison.

Germossa, a registered nurse, said he hasn’t been able to reach his 11 brothers and sisters in Ethiopia since last month.

“We are extremely worried about our family at this point,” he said. “Even when we go to work, our mind is always there.”

The Ethiopian government restricted use of social media so connecting with family members has been impossible, he said.

“We don’t know if our mothers, our brothers, our sisters are alive or in jail,” Germossa said. “We are almost in the dark.”

There are about 50 to 60 Oromo families in the Hamilton area, he noted.

npaddon@thespec.com


Lixa Oromiyaa Aanaa Guutoo Giddaa Ukkee Qarsaatti Hidhaaf Dararaan Uummataa Mootummaa Wayyaanee Akkuma Itti Fufetti Jira

Sadaasa,3,2016

because-i-am-oromo Oromiyaa bakkeewwan hedduu keessatti ilmaan Oromoo Ajjeefamaa,Gideedamaa,Hidhamaa,Reebamaa jiraachuu himamaa jira.Haalli kun daran kan hidda gadi fageeffatee jiru yoo ta’u Uummata dararuuf kinaanuun waan aangoo isaarra turu itti fakkaatullee dararaa suukanneessaan kun gadoof haaloo jabaa akka uummatni qabatu taasisaa jira.
Haaluma kanaan barsiisota qaroo ummataa ta’an Aanaa Guutoo Giddaa Ukkee Qarsaatti
1,Daarikteera Mana Barumsaa High school Ukkee kan ture barsiisaa Olqabaa Asaffaa
2,Jiraataa Maagaalaa kan ta’e Oliiqaa Raggaasaa torbee kana keessa hidhamanii bakki geeffaman hin baramin jira.Achuma Aanaa Waamaa Hagaloo irraa Barsiisinni hedduun hidhamaa jiraachuu Qeerroon gabaase

Godina Wallaggaa Bakkeewwan Hedduu Keessatti Haalli Jiruuf Jireenya Uummataa Daran Yaaddeessa Ta’aa Jira

Sadaasa 4,2016

Erga labsiin ajjeechaa kallattiin nurratti labsamee asitti jiruuf jireenyi uummataa akkaan ulfaataa jiraachuu jiraattonni ona Wallaggaa bakkeewwan garaagaraa irraa nuuf himan.Haaluma kanaan FXG guyyaa dheengaddaa ona Waamaa Hagaloo keessatti ka’een wal qabatee barsiisota hedduu hidhaa kan jiran akkasuma qote bulaan akka midhaan hin sassabbanneef qote bultoota hedduu maatii isaaniirraa qabaa kan jiran kaanis suuraa isaanii qabatanii humni Command Post sakkataa’aa jiraachuun y himame.Ganamaa galagala sakkattaan seeraan alaa nurratti raawwatamaa akkasuma yakkoonni saamichaa,gudeeddii shamarran keenyarra gahaa jiraachuus maddeen Qeerroo naanichaa gabaasan.

   Achuma ona Sibuu Siree keessattis yakkoonni wal fakkaatoon kanneen Gudeeddii,Saamichaa,Sakattaa humnaan olii,Reebichaa babal’ataa jira.Ukke Qarsaa irras barsiisotaaf jiraattota hedduu adamsanii qabaa jiraachuun gabaasnee turuun keenya nii yadatama.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5rXzQU73ihw

Kabajaan Jaallan Qabsoo Nudura Eggalaniif Haata’u. FDG Umurii Waggaa 1 Jechuun Seenaa Jaallan Baroota Dheeraaf Wareegamanii Haaluun Seenaa Saba Ofii Wallaaluu Irraa Eegala.

FDG / FXG Waggaa 11 Guute – Warri Reefuu Hirribaa Ka’an Waggaa 1 Jedhu

fxg1Kallacha Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo kan tahe ABOn gama isaatiin duula diinaa kana wareegama akkaan ulfaataa tahe baasuudhaan murannoo fi cichoomina, akkasumas of kenniinsa ol’aanaadhaan dura dhaabbatee fashalsuudhaan bara 1998 Kora Sabaa Hatattamaa gaggeeffachuutti erga milkaawee booda mala ittiin duula cubbuu Wayyaaneen gaggeessu kana guutuutti irra aanuun danda’amu irratti halkanii-guyyaa hojjechuu fi mala baasuu jalqabe.diribeej2015

Tooftaa fi tarsiimoo ABOn kanaaf baafate keessaa guddaan tokko duubbeen QBO Ummaticha Abbaa Qabsoo (Saba Oromoo) fi Oromiyaa bal’oo akka tahuuf hojjechuu dha. Hojii qabsoo bal’aa fi dadhabsiisaa obsaa fi bilchina guddaa, akkasumas wareegama hadhaawaa gaafatu kanaatu bara 2000 irraa eegalee Ummatni Oromoo (keessattuu dargaggootni Oromoo) maadheedhaan ijaaramuudhaan akka QBO irraa bal’inaan hirmaatan taasisuutti milkaawuu jalqabe.

kabadajagama2009Ganna 11 dura (Sadaasa 09, 2005) hoogganummaa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo fi hirmaannaa Saba Oromoo (keessattuu dargaggoota Oromoo)tiin Fincilli Diddaa Gabrummaa (FDG) dhowee guutuu Oromiyaa waliin gahuudhaan sirna bittaa alagaa hundee irraa raasuu jalqabe itti fufiinsa hojii kanaa ture. Warraaqsi Bilisummaa Oromoo yeroo sana maqaa Finicla Diddaa Gabrummaa jedhuun dhowe hirmaannaa Sabni Oromoo Qabsoo Bilisummaa isaa keessatti qabu boqonnaa haaraatti kan ceesisee fi duubbeen QBO Ummatichuma Abbaa Qabsichaa sana tahuu kan mirkaneesse ture. Osoo Wayyaaneen ABO fi WBO bosona Oromiyaa fi biyyoota ollaa keessatti adamsituu magaalaalee fi baadiyyaalee Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti dargaggootni Oromoo ABOdhaan gurmaawanii Alaabaa Dhaabichaa mirmirsaa WBO fi ABO faarfachaa gaaffii Bilisummaa ifatti dhawwaaquudhaan ABOn Oromoo, Oromoonis ABO tahuu fi duubbeen ABO Ummata Oromoo tahuu ifatti mul’isan. Continue reading



 https://youtu.be/xUJBMFpbszo

Godina Arsii Aanaalee Adda Addaa Keessatti Finicilli Xumura Gabrummaa (FXG) Itti Fufe.

Sadaasa 3,2016

4-must-go1Godina Arsii Magaalaa Ashmiiraa keessatti Wayyaanen konkolaataa nama dhuunfaa maqaan isaa Abdii Muhammad jedhamuu gubuudhaan ummatatuu gube jettee ummata mana hidhaatti erga guurtee booda mana hidhaa keessatti warra miseensa Qeerroo ta’eef warra miseensa ABO ta’e nuuf himaa jettee ummata dararaa jiraachun dhagayameera

Kana malees Godina Arsii Magaalaa Ashmiiraa keessatti wayyaanen konkolaataa nama dhuunfaa maqaan isaa Abdii Muhammad jedhamuu gubuudhaan ummatatuu gube jettee ummata mana hidhaatti erga guurtee booda mana hidhaa keessatti warra miseensa Qeerroo ta’eef warra miseensa ABO ta’e nuuf himaa jettee ummata dararaa jiraachun dhagayameera

Ummata Oromoo Wayyaanen guurtee hiite.wareegamaa jiraachufi miidhaa adda addaatif saaxilamaa jiraachuu hidhamtoonni Godina Arsiitirraa qabdee hiite akka jedhanitti ispoortii humnaa olii dalagaa jechuun ummata dadhabbiin lafatti hafe reebudhaan ajjeesaa jiraachun dhagayamaa jira. Continue reading

Godina Wallaggaa Bahaa Aanaa Waamaa Hagaloo keessatti fincilli uummataa jaachuufi waraanni Wayyaanee uummata nagaa goolaa juraachuun beekamee!

Sadaasa 3,2016

Tarkaanfii Waraanni Wayyaanee komaandi post uummata nagaa irratti fudhateen muraasi du’uufi,dhibbootaan kan lakkaawaman mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiru

Odeessi Qeerroo bakkichaa akka ibsetti barsiisoti mana barumsaa Moxee Qophaa’inaa  fi sadarkaa 2ffaa,akkasumas magaalaa Qassoo tti M/B sadarkaa 1fi 2ffaa irraa barsiisoti kan hidhaman yeroo ta’u:_

  1. M/B Qassoo irraa 27
  2. M/B Moxee irraa 13
  3. M/B Baataa irraa 8
    hidhamuun isaanii beekameera

Maqaan ibsuuf hedduu namoota baay’ee ta’uu maddi oduu bakkichaa eeeruun, Continue reading


Dawwitiin Qabsoo Keenyaa Wareegamtoota Bilisummaaf Darban Sana

Sadaasa 3,2016

Guyyaan FDG University Dirree Daawwaattti Kabajame

Guyyaan FDG University Dirree Daawwaattti Kabajame

Qabsoo gaggeefamaa tureef gaggeefamaa jiru keessatti,Yaadannoo sammuun keenya dagachuu hin qabne kanneen lubbuu isaanii qaalii Bilisummaaf gumaachanii darban nu keessa kahanii jiru.Nuti dhaloonni qubees Jaallan kaleessa wareegaman yaadachaa qabsoo isaan finiinsan galmaan gahuuf yoomuu duuba kan deebinu miti.Wirriiqannaan diinaa yoo barbadaa’uuf kaatu nii dabala.Gidirfamni uummataas yoo garboonfattoonni yoo hundeen isaanii ciccituu nii caala.Haallii kun waan amma uummata Kiyyarraaf narra gahaa jiru keessaa tokko.

Garboonfataan Uummata garboomsaa ture sanarraa abdii yoo kutu,duula ajjeechaaf gocha gara jabummaa raawwachuuf kan duubatti isa deebisu hin qabu.Keessaa haratee golgoleessee deemuu filata.Haalli inni keessa jiru abdii gaafa kutachiisu waan suukaneessaa uummata sanarraa dhaqqabsiisuutti fuulleffata.

Continue reading

#OromoRevolution: Muudama Moo Muddama?

(Dammaqaa Nagaasaa tiin)

damaqaaMuudamni Itti Fakkeessii Mootummaa Faashistii Abbaa Irree Wayyaanee gola Paarlamaa Sobaa Keessatti Har’a Gaggeesse Diramaa jechuuf Illee Diramaan hojii ogummaa artii waan ta’eef, Muudama_muddama hiika hin qabneefi Wayyaanee kufaatii isaa dhumaa irra jiru kufaatii irraa kan hin olchine ta’uun beekamadha. Ammas Injifannoon Qabsoo Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXGn mootummaa wayyaanee muddee qabee of ijibbachisaa jiruu daranuu itti jabaatee itti fufa. Mudamni fi Muddamni Kunis waan nama raajuu hin qabu, Gdhugaan jiru garuu yeroo kanatti biyyattiin mootummaa hin qabdu.

  1. Har’a biyyattiin maqaa labsii muddama(State of Emergency ) jedhuun ifatti Waraanni uummata irratti labsamee uummata ulee of harkaa hin qabne irratti guyyaa guyyaan Waraanni irratti Banamee lubbuun wareegama, hidhaman, saamamaa fi yakka shororkeessaa waraanaan hiraarfama guddaa keessa jira uummatni!!
  2. QEERROON BILISUMMAA OROMOO fi Uummatni OROMOO Qabsoon hanga bilisummaatti dhumnee dhabamna malee hiraarsa waraanaan duubatti hin deebinu jechuun falmaan hadhaawaan Oromiyaa keessatti itti fufinsaan gaggeeffama jira.

Continue reading


 

Haadha : Ijoollee Koo Sadii Hidhan. Sadan Keessaa Reeffa Isa Tokkoo Fidanii Natti Kennan

Godinaa Shawaa Bahaa aanaa Boosat keessatti mana namaa marsanii dhukaa banuun nama qabuun akkasumas eessa butee warra qabamee dhabamsisuun waan baratamaa dhufe jedhu jiraattonni. Akka Fakkeenyaattis ennaa ibsan mana nama Obbo Abdisaa jedhamanii marsanii dhukaasa banuun haadha warraa cinaacha naannoo kale isaanii rukutuu isaanii fi abbaan warraa jalaa miliqee ba’uu dubbatan. Haala akkasiin maatii fi aantee mara funaanaii hidhuu isaanii akkasumas hatattamaan iddoo biraatti waan dabarsaniif jecha maatiin hidhamtootaa eessa butee dhabee rakkataa jira. Dhaqanii eessa akka jiran yeroo gaafatanis waan qabanii hidhaa keessa busaniif namnii callisuu filate jedhanii jiran.

Gama kaaniin achuuma aanaa Boosat ganda Qombee Guugsaa keessa kan jiraatan Aaddee Loomii Waaqayyoo akka jedhanitti ijoollee isaanii keessaa sadii hidhamanii akka turee fi isaan keessaa reeffa isa tokko fidanii akka itti kennan dubbatan. “Ilma koo Damisee Dachaasaa lafa hojii barbaacha deeme – magaalaa Adaamaa keessaa qabachuu isaanii firri naa ibsee jira jedhanii, Nigusee Dachaasaa fi Abbittii Dachaasaa manuuma koo keessaa dhufanii qabatan, jedhu.

Sana booda reeffa Abbitti Dachaasaa waraanni fidee naa kenne jedhu. Reeffii isaa u-urataa ciccitaa qaqqalamaa dha, akkasumas afaanii fi funyaan isaa keessaa dhiigatu ba’a jedhan.

Nuti umriin keenya guddaa fi dadhaboo waan taaneef ijoollee keenyatu nu gargaara ture amma garu ijatu na jaame jedhu. Kanaaf mootummaan ijoollee koo hidhaa keessa jiran lamaan akka naa hikuufan gaafadha jedhanii ilma isaanii isa afuraffaas qabanii akka tumanii deebisan dubbatan. “Waan dhukkuffatuuf xabala deemee gargaaramaa jira,” jedhan.

Bulchiinsi aanaa Boosat namoota badii geesisan hidhuun akka turee himanii, “ajjechaa dhaqqabe jedhame ilaalchisee garuu odeeffannoo hin qabu,” jedhanii jiran.

 


Remembrance: 11 years ago today, on November 11, 2005, the TPLF regime massacred hundreds of protesters on streets of Addis Ababa. The protesters were rallying against the rigged election and Meles Zenawi ordered his Agazi forces to mow them down. The regime admitted 193 people were killed but the number was believed to be many folds higher.


Sadaasa 1 bara 2016: Jijjiirraan Kaabinee Itiyoophiyaa Keessatti Tahe Deebii Gaaffiilee Uummataa Tii?  “kun gaaffii bu’uraa uummatni gaafate deebisuu wajjiin hidhata tokko illee hin qabu.” VOA Afaan Oromoo


Addis Standard: NEWS: BATTERED BY PERSISTENT PUBLIC PROTESTS, ETHIOPIA FORMS NEW GOVERNMENT

OPRIDE: Ethiopia’s cabinet reshuffle may be too little, too late to quell protests

 

 

 


 

Sadaasa 9 Guyyaa Yaadatnoo Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa Ilaalchisee Ibsa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo

cropped-qeerroo-edit.jpg

 

Guyyaa Yaadannoo Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa (FDG) Waggaa 11ffaa Sadaasa 9,2005, Yaadannoo Sochii Warraaqsa Biyyoolessa Oromiyaa  Fincila Xummura Garbummaa (FXG) Ebla 11,2014 Qabsiifamee Bifa Adda Ta’een Sadaasa 12,2015 Warraaqsa Dhoofamee Boqonnaa Tokko Malee Waggaa Guutuu Gaggeeffama jiru İlaalchisuun Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo Ibsa dabarse.

Sochiin seenaa qabeessi Warraaqsi  FDG Sadaasa 9 bara 2005 waamicha Qabsoo karaa nagaa ABO uummata Oromoo hundaaf godheen qabsiifame keessatti dargaggootni Oromoo, Barattootni Oromoo fi qonnaan bultootni bifa qindaa’ee fi İjaarameen itti hirmachuun  wareegama qaalii baasuun  mootummaa abbaa irree boqonnaa dhorkuun bilisummaa ofiifi walabummaa biyya jecha bara Oromoon gamtaan waamicha godhameef simatee falmachuutti jabaate dha.

Goototni Oromoo wareegama qaalii gootummaan hiriiruun lubbuu deebitee bakka buusaa hin qabne kennuun saba isaaniif falmachuun mooraa Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo ABO durfamu biyya keessatti gadi jabeessuun uummata gidduu jiraachisuu danda’uu irra darbee Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo har’a bifa jaarmiyaan ijaaramee  qabsich bifa qindaa’een gaggeessuun sochii  FDG irraa gara Sochii warraaqsaa Biyyoolessa Oromiyaa FXGtti tarkaanfachiisuun abbaa irreetti xummura gochuufi Uummata Oromoo balbala Bilisummaa irraan gahee jiruuf bu’uura kana buusuun danda’amedha. Continue reading

 

Australian MP Andrew Wilkie addresses the parliament speaking about the plight of Oromo people November 27, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

 

 

#OromoProtests #OromoRevolution Australian MP Andrew Wilkie addresses the parliament speaking about the plight of Oromo people
“On Tuesday 15th of November 2016. We the Australian Oromo Community of Tasmania invited our independent MP Honourable Andrew Wilkie & expressed the shocking truth of human rights abuse, massacre and mass incarceration & today he is standing in Solidarity with the Oromo people in the parliament of Australia we deeply appreciate for becoming a voice for the voiceless.”

OROMIA: OMN: Gaafiif Deebii Gammadaa Waariyoo Down Down Wayane TPLF Jechuun Kan Beekamu. #OromoProtests November 26, 2016

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomistan-oromo-youth-hero-shanted-down-down-woyane-on-the-face-of-mass-killers-tplf-agazi-at-bishoftu-2nd-october-2016-oromoprotests

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The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights: Resolution on the Human Rights Situation in Ethiopia November 24, 2016

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356: Resolution on the Human Rights Situation in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia – ACHPR/Res. 356(LIX) 2016

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Commission), meeting at its 59thOrdinary Session held from 21 October to 4 November 2016 in Banjul, Islamic Republic of the Gambia;

Recalling its mandate to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in Africa under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter);

Mindful of the obligations of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia as a Member State of the African Union, and State Party to the African Charter and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance as well as other regional human rights instruments;

Recalling that one of the objectives of the African Union is to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in accordance with the African Charter, and to promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance;

Reaffirming the provisions of Articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 13 and 19 of the African Charter which guarantee the right to be protected from discrimination, the right to equal protection of the law, the right to life, the right not to be subjected to torture and other ill-treatment, the right to personal liberty and protection from arbitrary arrest,  the right to a fair trial, the right to receive information and to freedom of expression, the right of assembly, the right to participate freely in government and the right to equality of all peoples;

Further reaffirming the standards and principles stipulated in the Guidelines and Measures for the Prohibition and Prevention of Torture, Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Africa, the Guidelines on the Conditions of Arrest, Police Custody and Pre-Trial Detention in Africa, General Comment No. 3 on the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Right to Life, the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, and the Report of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights Study Group on Freedom of Association and Assembly in Africa;

Deeply concerned by the deterioration of the human rights situation in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia following the protests which began in November 2015;

Concerned by the use of excessive and disproportionate force to disperse protests, resulting in the deaths and injuries of several protestors, as well as the arbitrary arrest and detention of many others;

Alarmed by reports of a fire outbreak in Qilinto Prison in Addis Ababa, on 4 September 2016, leading to the deaths and injuries of a number of inmates, including detainees;

Deeply concerned by reports that more than fifty-five people were killed and several hundreds injured in a stampede, following police attempt to disperse the crowd in a break-out protest, at a religious festival on 2 October 2016;

Concerned by allegations relating to the arbitrary arrest and detention of members of opposition parties and human rights defenders;

Alarmed by the loss of lives and the destruction of property resulting from violence perpetrated by some protestors;

Concerned by the declaration of a state of emergency on 9 October 2016, which restricts fundamental human rights and freedoms;

Further concerned by restrictions on movement, assembly, media access, internet services as well as the arbitrary arrest and detention of many people following the state of emergency declaration;

Noting reports of the release of 2, 000 persons who were detained on suspicion of engaging in protests;

The Commission:

  1. Condemns the deteriorating human rights situation in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, in particular the undue restrictions on fundamental human rights and freedoms resulting from the state of emergency.
  2. Calls on the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia to:
  1. ensure that fundamental human rights and freedoms are respected and upheld during the state of emergency;
  2. lift the ban on movement, assembly, media access, and internet services;
  3. ensure due process of law for persons arrested and detained in connection with protests, in accordance with regional and international standards, and release persons arrested and detained without charge;
  4. refrain from the use of excessive and disproportionate force against protestors and, more generally, take the necessary measures to guarantee the security and safety of its population;
  5. initiate prompt and impartial investigations into these alleged human rights violations and ensure that the perpetrators of these violations are held accountable and subjected to appropriate sanctions reflecting the gravity of the offences, in accordance with relevant international and regional standards;
  6. comply with the letter and spirit of the African Charter and other regional and international human rights instruments to which it is a party and, more particularly, the instruments referred to in this Resolution;
  7. ensure that victims of the above violations and their families obtain full and adequate redress, including restitution, compensation, rehabilitation, satisfaction and guarantees of non-repetition; and
  8. authorise the Commission to undertake a fact-finding mission to Ethiopia.
  1. Calls on protestors to exercise their rights with due regard to the law and the rights of others;
  2. Calls on all actors, particularly leaders and members of opposition parties, other stakeholders and the population in general, to refrain from any form of incitement and all other acts of violence.

Done in Banjul, Islamic Republic of the Gambia, on 4 November 2016

The #OromoProtests have changed Ethiopia November 22, 2016

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

oromoprotests-one-year-on-struggle-november-2015-2016an-oromo-youth-hero-shanted-down-down-woyane-on-the-face-of-mass-killers-tplf-agazi-at-bishoftu-2nd-october-2016-oromoprotestsirreecha-malkaa-birraa-2016-at-horaa-harsadii-bishoftuu-oromia-this-brave-oromo-woman-is-one-of-the-murdered-by-fascist-tplf-ethiopia-2nd-october-2016Congressman Mike Coffman of Colorado in solidarity with Oromo protests at the global Solidarity Rally in Denver, USA. 29 August 2016 p2

The Oromo protests have changed Ethiopia

The struggle of the Oromo people has finally come to the attention of the global public conscience.

 irreecha-malkaa-2016-bishoftu-horaa-harsadi-oromia-oromoprotests
Demonstrators chant slogans while flashing the Oromo protest gesture during Irreecha, the thanksgiving festival of the Oromo people, in Bishoftu town, Oromia region, Ethiopia


By Awol Allo, Al Jazeera

November 12 marked the first anniversary of the Oromo Protests, a non-institutional and anti-authoritarian movement calling for an end to decades of systemic exclusion and subordination of the Oromo.

Although the protests were sparked by a government plan to expand the territorial and administrative limits of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, into neighbouring Oromo towns and villages, they were manifestations of long-simmering ethnic discontents buried beneath the surface.

Inside Story – What’s fuelling protests in Ethiopia?

The Oromo are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and East Africa, comprising more than 35 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million people. Yet, Oromos have been the object of discriminatory and disproportionate surveillance, policing, prosecution and imprisonment under the guise of security and economic development.

The year-long protests, which brought decades of hidden suffering and abuse to the Ethiopian streets, were held under what Human Rights Watch described as a “near-total closure of political space”.

As the protests grew in magnitude and intensity, the government responded with overwhelming and disproportionate force, unleashing what Amnesty international called “a vicious cycle of protests and totally avoidable bloodshed”.

The failure of the government to respond to long-standing grievances and the deployment of disproportionate violence which killed hundreds, exacerbated the tension, transforming what was a single-issue protest into a formidable mass anti-authoritarian movement.

The protests reached a turning point on August 6, 2016, when hundreds of thousands of people marched in more than 200 towns and cities to resist the government’s draconian and ever-escalating repression.

Another milestone came on October 2, 2016, when security forces fired tear gas and live bullets on a crowd of over two million people gathered to celebrate Irreecha, a cultural festival in which Oromos from all walks of life congregate to celebrate life and nature. While the government acknowledged the deaths of 52 people, local reports have put the number in the hundreds.

State of emergency

On October 9, 2016, the government declared a state of emergency, giving security forces and the army new sweeping powers in one of the most censored countries in the world, where the security apparatus is already extensive and permeates all levels of social structures, including individual households.

The government blocked mobile internet, restricted social media, banned protests, closed down broadcast and print media, including the influential Addis Standard magazine, and imposed draconian restrictions on all political freedoms. In its recent report analysing the effect of the emergency, Human Rights Watch described the measures as the securitisation of legitimate grievances.

Suddenly, the Oromo story moved from the periphery of Ethiopia’s political discourse to the centre.

According to the government’s own figures, more than 11,000 people have been arrested since the emergency was imposed.

Under international law, states can impose restrictions on the exercise of rights and freedoms “in times of public emergency threatening the life of the nation”. However, a state of emergency does not give the government carte blanche to do as it pleases.

Governments can only take those measures that are necessary and proportionate to the threat. The measures being taken by the Ethiopian state go far beyond what is required by the exigencies of the circumstances.

In the name of economic development and national security, it established a permanent state of emergency to obscure its lack of democratic mandate, making “development” and “security” the ultimate standards of the regime’s legitimacy.

Oromo Protests at Rio Olympics

The protests rose to global prominence when Feyisa Lilesa, an ethnic Oromo marathon runner, crossed his wrists above his head in an “X”, a gesture that came to define the Oromo protests, as he crossed the finishing line at the Rio Olympics to win the silver medal.

If the Oromo protests are a battle of ideas, a contest between those who seek equal opportunity and those who deny these opportunities to all but a few, a conflict between bullets and freedom songs, it was also a battle for the control of the narrative.

Ethiopia declares state of emergency as protests continue

Unequal access to education and the means of narrative production excluded the Oromo from mainstream knowledge frameworks, rendering them invisible and unnoticeable, and condemning their culture and identity to a precarious subterranean existence. The Rio Olympics reconfigured this dynamic.

Lilesa’s decisive intervention at one of the world’s biggest stages drew overdue attention to the story of oppression that remained largely invisible to mainstream media.

Suddenly, the Oromo story moved from the periphery of Ethiopia’s political discourse to the centre. As the news media filtered the Oromo story into the global public conscience via Lilesa’s expression of solidarity, it provided a revealing perspective on the fiction underneath the country’s reputation as a beacon of stability and an economic success story.

Achievements

This movement has already changed Ethiopia forever. It brought about a change of attitude and discourse in the Ethiopian society, repudiating the ideological proclivities and policies of the state. It enabled the society to see the government, its institutions, its symbols and its western enablers differently.

Topics that used to be considered taboo only a year ago, such as the supremacy of ethnic Tigrean elites, are no longer off limits. In short, it enabled suffering to speak.

A year after the protests erupted, and after hundreds of funerals were held, what remains uppermost in the memory of the protesters is not the dead. It is not even the bereaved. It is the stubborn persistence of the Qabso – struggle – in the face of great sacrifice, and the defiant and unrelenting call for equality and justice.

The government knows that it walked right up to the edge of the precipice. But, if it fails to address the grievances of protesters, if it continues to ignore the social fabric ripped apart by policies of divide and rule, if it does not provide justice to the inconsolable grief of parents whose children were shot by security forces, and the quiet but intensely agitated youth who have become the beating hearts of this defiant generation, it may plunge into it.

Awol Allo is Lecturer in Law at Keele University, UK.

Ethiopia’s crisis:Things fall apart: will the centre hold? #OromoProtests November 22, 2016

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Ethiopia’s crisis

Things fall apart: will the centre hold?

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Oct.2,2016.Members of the Oromya Regional Special Police with protesters in Bishoftu, in the Oromia region of Ethiopia. STR/Press Association. All rights reserved.


Almost exactly a year ago, Ethiopia entered its worst crisis since the arrival of the regime in 1991. Last month, a state of emergency was proclaimed. These two events have generated a flood of commentary and analysis. A few key points, sometimes underplayed if not ignored, are worth closer attention.

“Mengist yelem!” – “Authority has disappeared!”

People waited in vain for the government to react other than by brute force alone to the opposition it was facing and the resulting chaos. The unrest in Oromya, Ethiopia’s most populous state with 35% of the country’s total population, began on November 12, 2015; the uprising in part of the Amhara Region, the second largest by population (27%), on July 12, 2016.

For 11 long months the government was content to quell protest and to release information in dribs and drabs, the epitome of one-sided doublespeak. A handful of cryptic press releases repeated the same platitudes ad nauseam. When in June 2016 the ruling power finally realized the severity of the crisis, launching a series of internal deliberations, these took place in total secrecy. This pseudo-communication destroyed its credibility and in turn lent credence to the sole alternative source of information, the diaspora, which itself is often hyperbolic to the point of implausibility. On both sides, the space available for information that exhibits even a degree of measure, not to say simple rationality, is shrinking alarmingly.[1]On both sides, the space available for information that exhibits even a degree of measure, not to say simple rationality, is shrinking alarmingly.

People have stopped taking notice of anything the ruling power says, seeing it as incapable of handling the situation. In short, trust has gone. “It is not even able to listen… It has lost its collective ability to reach the collective mindset of the governed”.[2] The general view is that Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn  “always promises but never delivers”.

Both in central government and in the regional authorities, or between one and the other, authority has dramatically deflated. A multitude of anecdotes confirm that it is being ignored – officials simply turn their backs – or even mocked, right up to the highest levels. The man in the street could only conclude: “Mengist yelem !” – “Authority has disappeared!”. This perception, initially confined to the cities, is increasingly reaching into the rural areas as they open up more and more.

An even more serious indictment is spreading. The government’s primary role is to maintain law and order, and it has proved incapable of doing so; worse still, the violence of repression is further fueling discontent. In the end, rather than fulfilling its first duty, the ruling power has become the principal cause of revolt.In the end, rather than fulfilling its first duty, the ruling power has become the principal cause of revolt.

“Meles left with the password”

Why this impotence and loss of credibility?

Under Meles Zenawi, the all-powerful Prime Minister who died suddenly in August 2012, the system of power was like a pyramid. Meles sat enthroned at the summit, and below him, every tier – executive or legislative, political or economic, national or regional, even local – was simply a transmission belt from the top. Party and State were inextricably intertwined. This profoundly centralized and vertical system, intensifying over the years, hung on him alone.

For most observers, the smooth succession from Meles Zenawi to Hailemariam Desalegn proved the robustness of the regime and the reliability of its institutions. However, Hailemariam lacks what it takes to “fill the boots” of his predecessor. Most of his authority comes not from his own resources but has been handed down to him through a constellation of powers – baronies one might call them – characterized not just by their diversity, but also by the rivalry, or even conflict, between them. In short, Ethiopia is left with a system of power tailored for a strongman and filled accordingly, but which now lacks a strongman. “Meles left with the password”, the joke goes.  

The succession couldn’t be a change of personnel only. The whole power system too needed reshaping, and this is in full swing. Hence the misfires in response to the crisis.

People used to say that Ethiopia was like a plane on autopilot, controlled by the Meles software (“Meles legacy”). To pursue the metaphor in current circumstances, the more turbulence the plane encounters, the more ineffective the software has proved to be. It is noteworthy that constant references to that legacy have practically disappeared from official rhetoric. So the software has been disconnected, but no pilot – whether individual or collective – has been able to take over the controls.

Three big sources of the crisis

The weakening of central authority – Addis Ababa – has thus released centrifugal – regional – forces that had been steadily stifled in Meles Zenawi’s iron grip. The first source of the current crisis is the trial of strength between central authority and the peripheral powers that it originally created – a sort of bid for emancipation from the father – as well as between the peripheral powers.

At stake is the sharing of powers and resources, notably between the regions and Addis Ababa, where Tigrayans are perceived to be overrepresented, wrongly in their view, quite obviously according to all the other ethnicities.

In other words, what is at stake is the place that should be assigned to the “people’s fundamental freedoms and rights” enshrined in the constitution, collective rights. How can the country make the transition from a bogus and ethnically weighted federalism to real decentralization, which would bring about a more authentic and ethnically fairer federalism, or even confederalism? The immemorial “national question” remains as acute as ever: what will the name Ethiopia come to refer to? In other words, why should and how can an Ethiopian state exist, and on what basis?What will the name Ethiopia come to refer to?

This question has deep historical roots. From the mid-nineteenth century onwards, the economic centre of gravity shifted from the North – Abyssinia – towards the Centre. But power always remained Abyssinian. At stake in the current crisis is a historic break that would also shift power to the Centre, i.e. to Oromya. Despite their internal divisions, this claim unites the vast majority of Oromo, justified by their numbers and their major contribution to the economy. It is generally agreed that a genuine application of the constitution would be sufficient for this claim to be satisfied.

For the Amhara, whose elite dominated Abyssinian power for more than a century, the challenge is to revamp their identity. They have to say farewell to their historical ascendancy and accept that their place in the Ethiopian state should reflect their numerical and economic importance, no more, no less. In other words, the only way out of the undoubted ostracism they suffer is not to re-establish the former status quo. The assertion of “Amhara-ness” – legitimate as it is – cannot become a cover for the aspiration for a return to an “Ethiopianness” based around Amhara, with the other ethnicities in a lesser role. This metamorphosis is under way, but not yet complete. Nonetheless, many Oromo and even more Tigrayans deny that anything has changed, convinced that this elite has not abandoned its “chauvinism” and “revanchism”,and that the federal system that they defend tooth and nail could therefore never satisfy its deeply cherished ambition.The only way out of the undoubted ostracism [the Amhara] suffer is not to re-establish the former status quo.

These ethno-nationalisms have become inflamed and even paranoid. Today, “all the politics is revolving around ethnicity”, a former senior TPLF official told me, and in a previous remark: “what I see now dominantly… is the proliferation of racial or ethnic hatred”.[3] It is focused on the Tigrayans, not only because of the major role of the Tigrayan Peoples’s Liberation Front (TPLF), but because both Oromo and Amhara equate Tigrayan silence in the face of repression with approval. “The preliminary rhetoric of ethnic cleansing is already here”, opines one social scientist, a man familiar with the grass roots of the country.

The second source of the crisis relates to what might be called “democratic aspiration”. In this respect, Ethiopia’s leaders are right to talk about the price of success.  Economic growth has brought the emergence of a new middle class, not just urban but also in the countryside, which has seen the rapid enrichment of an upper tier of farmers. In parallel, education has dramatically expanded. This upper tier has opened up to the outside world, in particular through social media. However, the aspiration for “individual rights” runs up against a system of power which, everywhere in Ethiopia, from the summit of the state to the lowliest levels of authority, from the capital to the smallest village, shares the same defects: authoritarianism, stifling control, infantilization.

Finally, the third source of the crisis relates to collateral damage from super-rapid growth. Such damage is inevitable, but has been exacerbated by the type and methods of development pursued. First, forced imposition through ultra-centralized and secretive decision-making, and brutal execution. “Land grabbing”, and more generally almost instant evictions with absurd levels of compensation, are commonplace. Second, the overwhelming role of the ruling power through the “developmental state” has produced an ever more powerful and arrogant oligarchy embedded in the Party-State. The stakes in the crisis are not only political: they directly concern the mobilization, distribution and therefore the accumulation of resources in the hands of the ruling power, and hence the division of the cake between central and peripheral authorities and/or oligarchies, but also between these oligarchies and the population in general.

The present crisis is particularly acute because these three factors reinforce each other. The demonstrators chant “we want justice” and “we want freedom”, but also “Oromya is not for sale” and “we want self rule” or, in Gondar, the historic capital of the Amhara, “respect for Amhara-ness”.[4]The preliminary rhetoric of ethnic cleansing is already here.

“Alarmists” and “complacents”

In this poisonous climate, the vigour and scale of the protest accentuated the “crisis of leadership”.[5] It was the first factor responsible for the government’s paralysis, as confirmed by one participant in the last meeting of the Central Committee of the TPLF, in early October. He ascribes it first of all to pure and simple “power struggles, leading to a tussle that is all the more confused in that these conflicts run through every regional party, the relations between those parties, and between those parties and the centre, while on the same time the centre originates from the peripheries:  the supreme decision-making body is the Executive Committee of the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front), composed equally of representatives of the TPLF, ANDM (Amhara National Democratic Movement), OPDO (Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation) and SPDM (Southern People’s Democratic Movement).

These conflicts are first of all personal in nature, based on local affinities, religious solidarities, family connections, not to mention business interests. However, the crisis triggered a new and crucial division, between “alarmists” and “complacents”, the former advocating a rapid shift from the status quo, the latter seeing neither its necessity nor its urgency.

The “old guard” is the backbone of the “alarmists”. It consists of the survivors of the founding group of the TPLF, including the heads of the army and the security services, Samora Yunus and Getachew Assefa, plus some old comrades in arms such as Berket Simon, guiding light of the ANDM. They became involved in politics in the early 1970s, within the student protest movement against Haile Selassie. Their long journey together gives them an experience, a maturity, and a cohesion greater than that of any current within the EPRDF. Concentrated in the centre, in Addis Ababa, most of them were sidelined from official positions as Meles imposed generational change. Returning in force behind the scenes after his death, they are the strongest backers of Hailemariam Dessalegn

They ascribe the crisis to the breaking of the bonds between “the people” and the party. In their view, those most responsible are the regional parties, starting with their new leaders. The urgent priority is to restore those bonds and to reinforce central power, to compensate for the failures of the regional authorities.Everywhere in Ethiopia… shares the same defects: authoritarianism, stifling control, infantilization.

Hailemariam expressed the anxiety of this group when he said that the issues facing the regime are a matter of “life or death”,[6] and that Ethiopia is “sliding towards ethnic conflict similar to that in neighbouring countries”.[7] Abay Tsehaye, said to be the most political head of the TPLF, raised the specter of a genocide even worse than Rwanda’s.[8] Bereket Simon warned the leadership of his party that the country was sliding towards the abyss. In vain.

In contrast, Debretsion Gebremichael, member of the Politburo of the TPLF and until recently Deputy Prime Minister, one of the foremost of the second generation of leaders, retorted that there had simply been a few, geographically limited “disturbances”, that they did not reflect the overall situation in the country, that “there is no mobilization against Tigrayans anywhere”. And even, dogmatically: “It is not possible to have people to people [i.e. ethnic] conflict in Ethiopia”.[9]

The “complacents” are usually described as “technocrats” and “careerists”. They are considered to be “apparatchiks”, lacking any political fibre, owing their position and the privileges and advantages – often undeserved – that they enjoy, entirely to it.

They will only be able to conceal and perpetuate those benefits as long as the Party remains a bunker. Any opening up, any movement towards a little good governance, transparency, and accountability, would be the end of them. They are also haunted by the implacable rule of “winner takes all” that has accompanied every previous regime change. However, their attitude is ambivalent. On the one hand, they are tooth and nail defenders of the EPRDF’s monopoly of power, and therefore equally implicated in the repression.The ‘complacents’ will only be able to conceal and perpetuate those benefits as long as the Party remains a bunker.

On the other hand, they ascribe responsibility for the crisis to excessive central power, claiming that it hinders regional authority. In order to reverse this imbalance, and thereby strengthen their own positions, they are taking advantage of the outbreaks of ethno-nationalisms, notably by attempting to exploit the corresponding popular demands to their own advantage, up to and including the serious slide into anti-Tigrayan sentiment.

The fate of Ethiopia would be determined by its periphery

In Oromya, at least part of the OPDO, right up to leadership level, encouraged the opposition to the Addis Ababa Master Plan, the scheme to extend the capital’s administrative scope into adjacent areas of Oromya, which triggered near universal unrest across the whole State.

The same actors then did everything they could to prevent Oromya being placed under military command from Addis Ababa and then, having failed, to put a stop to it. At least locally, the authorities – necessarily members of OPDO – and the militias – under their sole control – went so far as to lend the protesters a hand.

This ethno-nationalist outbreak contributed to the appointment of Lemma Megersa and Workneh Gebeyehu to the leadership of the OPDO, after the forced resignation of numbers one and two Muktar Kedir and Aster Mamo, who were seen as puppets of Addis Ababa. The new duo are long-time members of the security services, but are said to be protégés of Abadula Gemadah, the OPDO’s only strongman, hence formerly sidelined by Meles Zenawi. The main thing is that the OPDO was able to assert its autonomy by electing leaders without external pressure or diktat.

In the Amhara region, it is equally unquestionable that the big initial demonstrations, though officially banned, were held with the support or tacit approval of part of the ANDM. At least at local level, the authorities and the security forces allowed “ethnic cleansing” against Tigrayans to take place, prompting 8000 to flee to Tigray.[10] Gedu Andergatchew, ANDM strongman, who is accused of having at least turned a blind eye, is still in place.

Even in Tigray, the regional authorities – “TPLF Mekele” – are playing the nationalist card. Abay Woldu, President of the region and Chairman of the TPLF, went so far as to declare that the integrity of Tigray was non negotiable, in a clear allusion to Tigray’s retention of the Wolkait area, whose restoration is demanded by some Amhara, and despite Addis Ababa’s call for the Amhara and Tigrayan governments to negotiate this long standing issue.

This firmness played a big part in the shift in at least part of Tigrayan opinion, expressed with rare vehemence by some circles. They vilified the “TPLF Mekele”, despised for its lack of education and impotence. They placed all their hopes in the Tigrayan old guard, “TPLF Addis”. According to them, only this old guard could bring about the democratization essential to the survival of the regime and, in the long term, the Tigrayan minority’s control over its own affairs. The same old guard, they now complain, has doubly betrayed the Tigrayan people: by evolving into an oligarchy that neglects the latter’s economic aspirations; and by turning its back on their national interests.

On the first point, they rightly emphasize that Tigray still lags behind in terms of development. But at the same time Tigrayan businessmen are said to earn exorbitant profits from undeserved privileges. In fact, the paradox is only apparent: there is so little potential in Tigray that they invest elsewhere.

Regarding the “national betrayal”, these critics highlight the old guard’s loyalty to its Marxist past, claiming that they remain “internationalist”, “cosmopolitan”, and “universalist” out of political ambition and material interest. Addis Ababa offers positions and advantages that Tigray, poor and small as it is, would be hard put to provide. The more the balance between centre and periphery shifts towards the centre, the more attractive these positions and advantages become. In short, the view is that the old guard has yielded to a centuries-old tradition of Ethiopian history: letting itself be “assimilated” by the centre and prioritizing the latter’s interests over those of the periphery. As the historian Haggai Erlich has written, “a central position” in Addis Ababa has always been preferable to remaining a “chief in a remote province”.[11]The more the balance between centre and periphery shifts towards the centre, the more attractive these positions and advantages become.

In consequence, these Tigrayans feel they have no other choice than to take charge of their own destiny and count only on themselves, i.e. something like building a “fortress Tigray”. It is up to the new generation to take over from the old, which has given up, even if this means embracing the “narrow nationalism”of which its critics accuse it. This goes as far as to see a re-emergence of the hope of reunifying Tigrayans on both sides of the Ethiopia/Eritrea border into a single nation state.

In this view, the other regions’ demands for self-rule should therefore be heard. Central government should be content with “regulating”,  “balancing”, “moderating”, “arbitrating”, “coordinating”, etc. That it should be headed by an Oromo prime minister would be in the natural order of things, since Ormoya has the largest population, and would help to calm feelings in the region. In short, one Tigrayan intellectual has joked, a new Age of the Princes would be established, but one in which the Princes did not fight amongst themselves,[12] more seriously going on to express the wish that, for the first time in history, “the fate of Ethiopia would be determined by its periphery”.

State of emergency

The indignation aroused by the carnage in Bishoftu during the traditional Oromo annual festival (October 2),[13] the widespread destruction that followed the call for “five days of rage” in response, made the ruling power’s paralysis even more untenable. At the same time, the series of internal consultations within the EPRDF was coming to an end. The package of measures announced on October 9 reflects the shakiness of the snatched compromise. However acute their lack of mutual trust, the political currents and/or the ethnic components of the EPRDF had to arrive at an agreement: they knew that they had “to work together or else to sink together”.

The state of emergency was proclaimed in order “to deal with anti-peace elements that… are jeopardising the peace and security of the country”.[14]Commentators see it as evidence that the regime was “overwhelmed”. But it adds little, whether to the existing legislative arsenal,[15] or to the operational capacities of the security forces since, in practice, they have never seen themselves as severely restricted by the law.

The first objective is to instil fear and uncertainty, especially as several provisions are so vague that they can be interpreted in almost any way. They are now in everyone’s mind. For example, for the first time, long-standing informants have cancelled interviews because of the potential risk.The first objective is to instil fear and uncertainty.

The second objective is to give the military the legal sanction that army chief Samora Yunus was demanding as a condition of continuing to maintain internal order.

However, this proclamation also demonstrates that the centre has won a round in its trial of strength with the peripheries. The state of emergency places all the forces of order under the authority of a federal Command Post, with Hailemariam Dessalegn at its head and the Minister of Defense as its secretary. They thus control the mono-ethnic Special Regional Police in each state, who with 80,000 members far outnumber the Federal Police (around 40,000), and even more so the Army Special Force (the famous Agazi red berets, around 4000). The 500,000 or so militiamen also come under their authority. That is why the proclamation encountered ferocious opposition within the OPDO and ANDM.

Essentially, however, the state of emergency is a show of strength. Not only to try to reassure increasingly nervous foreign investors,[16] but above all to convince the population of the regime’s determination to recover total control of the entire country by any means – the obsession of any Ethiopian ruling power worthy of the name – and, at the same time, to make its promise of reforms credible. Otherwise, it would have been perceived as a capitulation. Sebhat Nega, patriarch of the TPLF, explained that the purpose of the state of emergency was “to create a situation to make us able to reform”.[17]

Ultimately, the aim of the compromise reached within the party was to drive a wedge between the “violent, extremist and armed struggle” – to be repressed through the state of emergency – and the “democratic peaceful engagement” expressed by so many demonstrators – holding out a hand via reform.[18]

Leadership has miserably failed”

Interviews with senior officials cast light on the analysis that the leadership as a whole finally agreed upon. Emollient though it may be, they are all now sticking by it and keeping their previous disagreements to themselves.[19]

The analysis goes as follows: the spirit and letter of the constitution are perfect, as are therefore the federal structure, the format of the institutions, the political line. The latter is not “based on ideology but on the natural laws of development”, as it previously was on Marxist “science”. “Show me a developing country anywhere in the world which has a political strategy and guidelines as well articulated as Ethiopia!” This perfection has accomplished “miracles”. The current crisis is simply “the price of our successes”. It was preceded and will be followed by others, because it is nothing more than a stage, unremarkable and inevitable, on the path that will undoubtedly culminate in the nation catching up with developed countries in the next few decades.

However, this stage, like any other, requires “adjustments”, especially as the society – richer, more educated, more mature – has become a “demanding society”. The young in particular, the spearhead of protest, are making demands that are socio-economic rather than political. The regime is facing “challenges” for having failed to make these adjustments in time.

The main problem is deficiencies in implementation.  In sum, things have gone off the rails because of human failings. Yielding to corruption, bad governance, lack of accountability, etc., “leadership at various levels of the government structure has miserably failed to fully and timely[sic] address the demands made and the questions raised by the people”.[20] The response to the crisis must therefore take two forms. First a massive purge at all levels of the Party, regional governments, the administration. Then, “to delineate” – the new watchword – the Party from the government, from the Assemblies, from justice, etc. in order to develop a system of checks and balances, since the self-correcting mechanisms within the Party have proved inadequate.The essential thing is “to discusswith all stakeholders” in all possible and imaginable “debating platforms”, “assemblies”, “fora”, but with no specific goal or timetable, and under the sole authority of the EPRDF.

For youth employment, a “Mobile Youth Fund” funded to the tune of 500 million dollars – some 4% of the annual budget – will be created, though the details are vague and it will take several years before its effects are felt. Above all, it is part of a largely endogenous strategy of industrialization, focused on Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) on the edge of the rural areas, whereas heated debate continues within the leadership with those who advocate prioritizing foreign investment in “Industrial Parks”.

Angela Merkel and Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the national palace in Addis Ababa, Oct. 11, 2016. The German Chancellor visited Ethiopia to discuss the country’s newly declared state of emergency. Mulugeta Ayene/Press Association. All rights reserved.In strictly political terms, “our democratization process is still nascent. It is moving in the right direction, but it has not yet come up with inclusive engagement”, stated the PM.[21] Electoral law will be reformed to introduce an element of proportional representation into majority rule. However, the next elections are in 2020, and the dozens of opposition MPs present before the 2005 elections could do almost nothing to temper the authoritarianism of the regime. The essential thing is “to discusswith all stakeholders” in all possible and imaginable “debating platforms”, “assemblies”, “fora”, but with no specific goal or timetable, and under the sole authority of the EPRDF. A promise reiterated year after year, without impact. One of the essential causes of the crisis, its federal dimension, is covered in a single short sentence in the 15 pages of President Mulatu’s speech: “more should be done for the effective implementation of the federal system”. In any case, “Ethiopia is an idol… and exemplary for the world for peaceful [interethnic] coexistence”, declares the State Minister for Federal Affairs.[22]

Anticipating the worst

What emerges from all the interviews with nonofficial contacts is that the expectation of a symbolic gesture, one that would be significant and have immediate impact, proving that the regime had grasped the essence of the crisis and wishes sincerely to address it, has not been met.

According to them, the regime is relying first on repression, and on reforms only as a “footnote”. Merera Gudina, a long-standing leader of the opposition, sums up the general sentiment: “too little, too late”.[23] Nothing has been done to reach out to either the main opposition forces, even the legal opposition, nor the civil society or the media, quite the contrary. This could be envisaged only after the end of the state of emergency, Hailemariam is said to have told one figure from the international community.

These interlocutors share the dark pessimism of an editorial in the Washington Post: “the state of emergency will bottle up the pressures even more, increasing the likelihood they will explode anew… It won’t work”.[24] According to this view, the chances of a genuine opening up on the part of the regime are so small that there is a high probability that the worst will happen: a threat to the very survival of the country, the only question being when this dislocation would occur.Washington Post: “the state of emergency … It won’t work

While the official media bang on about the “strong commitment” of the leadership “to make its promise of deep reform a reality”,[25] interviews with top officials provide hints of the form and scope of reform, which remain consistent with the official analysis of the crisis.

Focus on “service delivery”

There is no urgency: change will be “an ongoing endless process”. The first specific deadline is in seven months, in June 2017, to report back on the purge and examine a document currently in preparation, on what the EPRDF should become in the next ten years.

In this view, the crisis is not systemic. So neither the constitution, nor the institutions, nor the political line will be touched. How could the latter be challenged since it obeys universal “laws”? For that reason, regardless of all the promised “discussions”, no convincing reasons are given for the much touted opening up to entail any restructuring of the political arena.

The EPRDF alone, as sectarian as ever, has understood and applies these “laws”, whereas the opposition parties oppose or reject them. The EPRDF alone has the near monopoly of skills needed to implement them, skills that the other parties lack. In short, the opposition is still not “constructive”. If the regime needs to become more inclusive, it is essentially in material terms, by sharing the cake more fairly through improvements in “service delivery”.

To do this, it is necessary and sufficient to put an end to individual erring through the self-reform of the EPRDF, i.e. reform by and for the Party itself. To achieve the famous “delineation”, MPs, judges, ministers, civil servants, etc. would split themselves in two, remaining obedient to the Party but putting their mission first. Why would they do this, given that they never have before? “Because they have become aware of the crisis”, is the explanation. So responding to the crisis requires no systemic reshaping through the establishment of independent counterforces. A U-turn in individual behaviour will be enough.Why would they do this, given that they never have before?

The EPRDF sticks to the same age-old paradigm. Since Ethiopia is still at a precapitalist stage, the intelligentsia is the only social group capable of setting the path to follow and leading the way. The EPRDF contains its best elements. Ethnic identities continue to be society’s main structuring factor. The EPRDF alone represents them. As one senior official confirmed, it is not until the country enters a capitalist stage that pluralism will imposed itself: with the emergence of social classes, each will construct its own political party to express its interests. What the EPRDF is still seeking is not simultaneous development AND democracy, but development THEN democracy.

In this respect, the arrival of technocrats – brandishing the indispensable PhD and with no major party position – was widely interpreted as evidence of a new openness in the cabinet reshuffle. Yet it perpetuates the monopoly rule of the “intellocracy”.

The paradox of the strongman

The consensus reached on October 9 is fragile and hence precarious. Nothing proves that the “reformers” have won the long-term game, though they have scored a point. Deep down, they do not share the same views. They lack a standout personality to act as a leader.

They have a clear view of where they want to go, which is to apply the constitution to the letter, but over a very long timescale and with no precise and concerted idea of the steps needed to get there. As for their rank-and-file adherents, they make no secret of still embracing the same paradox: we need reforms, but we need a new strongman to manage and impose them, for fear that they will otherwise lead to chaos.We need reforms, but we need a new strongman to manage and impose them.

On the opposition side, all the Oromo we spoke to emphasized the generational gap between the educated youth, broadly aged 16 to 25, spearhead of the protests notably in Oromya, and their elders. The latter are ambivalent. They feel a sincere empathy for the grievances and aspirations of the younger generation, but have reservations, even hostility, regarding the violent methods sometimes employed. In some cases they even physically opposed attempts at destruction during the “five days of rage”.[26] They remain traumatized by the Civil War under the previous regime, the Derg. Then they acquired military know-how that the young activists don’t have.

The latter also lack coordination and leadership. For all these reasons, a historian of armed popular uprisings in Ethiopia in the twentieth century has concluded that it is unlikely that the protests could become a significant guerrilla campaign, or that a sustained armed peasant upsurge – a “jacquerie” could occur.

As for the pockets of insurrection that have appeared in the Amhara region, they mainly affect areas where the authorities’ control has always been weak, even essentially formal.

Ethiopian history teaches that a regime only falls if its forces of repression, or at least part of them, turn against it. Today, apart from a few unconfirmed incidents, cohesion seems to be holding, say experts close to them. It might only break down if the EPRDF became divided to the point of being torn apart by centrifugal forces. However, the military command has always let it be known that it would intervene before this happened, as ultimate saviour of the regime. Under these circumstances, steady deterioration – a kind of rotting, seems a possible scenario.

Under these circumstances, steady deterioration – a kind of rotting, seems a possible scenario. Without any substantive resolution, the regime could re-establish law and order, as the first effects of the state of emergency seem to suggest. The reforms would not tackle the core problems. The ruling power would remain contested and delegitimized but, in the absence of an alternative, Ethiopians would toe the line. Investors would remain cautious, not to say skittish, affecting economic growth. But neither of the two opposing camps would gain the upper hand, any more than they would reach a constructive compromise. Ultimately, what might possibly occur is a classic scenario in Ethiopian history: the demise of one strongman, followed by a period of great disorder until a new strongman takes up the reins.


[1] See for example Foreign Affairs, November 7, 2016, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/ethiopia/2016-11-07/twitter-hurting-ethiopia

[2] Unless otherwise specified, all quotations are taken from interviews conducted in October 2016 in Addis Ababa and Mekele, with people who, for obvious reasons, wished to remain anonymous.

[3] Interview, Addis Ababa, October 2016 and Addis Standard, September 28, 2016, http://addisstandard.com/ethiopias-gradual-journey-verge-crisis/

[4] Tigray On Line, July 31 2016, http://hornaffairs.com/en/2016/07/31/ethiopia-massive-protest-gondar/

[5] See René Lefort, Open Democracy, July 4, 2014, https://www.opendemocracy.net/ren%c3%a9-lefort/ethiopia-leadership-in-disarray

[6] Walta, August 30, 2015, http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=20802:eprdf-determines-to-cease-talking-but-deliver-good-governanace&catid=71:editors-pick&Itemid=396

[7] BBC, August 3, 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/live/world-africa-36883387

[8] Ethiomedia, September 10, 2016, http://www.ethiomedia.com/1016notes/7451.html

[9] AlMariam, September 25, 2016, http://almariam.com/2016/09/25/disinformation-in-t-tplf-land-of-living-lies-pinocchio-preaches-truth-against-perception-in-ethiopia/

[10] Tigray Online, October 10, 2016, http://www.tigraionline.com/articles/tigraians-victims-inamara.html

[11] Haggai Erlich, Ras Alula, Ras Seyum, Tigre and Ethiopia integrity, p. 364, Proceedings of the Eight International Conference on Ethiopia Studies, Vol. 1, Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa, Froebenius Institute, Goethe Universität, Frankfurt am Main, 1988.

[12] During the Age of the Princes (1769-1855), the Emperor’s power was purely nominal, and local warlords, in constant conflict, ruled the provinces.

[13] Human Rigths Watch has published the most exhaustive narrative of this event but with some omissions, which put its balance into question. https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/10/08/qa-recent-events-and-deaths-irreecha-festival-ethiopia

[14] Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation, October 9, 2016, cited by http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/10/ethiopia-declares-state-emergency-protests-161009110506730.html

[15] Addis Standard, November 2, 2016, http://addisstandard.com/why-ethiopias-freewheeling-regime-does-need-a-state-of-emergency/

[16] See for example Washington Post, November 2, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/investors-shy-away-from-ethiopia-in-the-wake-of-violent-protests/2016/11/01/2d998788-9cae-11e6-b552-b1f85e484086_story.html

[17] Interview, Addis Ababa, October 2016.

[18] Ethiopian News Agency, October 11, 2016, http://www.ena.gov.et/en/index.php/politics/item/2082-pm-reaffirms-government-s-commitment-to-democratization

[19] Unless otherwise stated, the quotations that follow are taken from these interviews.

[20] Speech by President of the Republic Mulatu Teshome before both Houses, October 10, 2016.

[21] Ethiopian News Agency, October 11, 2016, http://www.ena.gov.et/en/index.php/politics/item/2082-pm-reaffirms-government-s-commitment-to-democratization.

[22] Walta, November 7, 2016, http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php/news/detail/25576

[23] AFP, October 11, 2016, http://en.rfi.fr/wire/20161011-ethiopia-pm-seeks-reform-electoral-system-after-protests

[24] Washington Post, October 11, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/ethiopia-meets-protests-with-bullets/2016/10/11/0f54aa02-8f14-11e6-9c52-0b10449e33c4_story.html

[25] Walta, November 5, 2016, http://www.waltainfo.com/index.php/news/editors_pick/detail?cid=25549

[26] See for example Washington Post, November 2, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/investors-shy-away-from-ethiopia-in-the-wake-of-violent-protests/2016/11/01/2d998788-9cae-11e6-b552-b1f85e484086_story.html

Ethiopia: ‘State of Emergency’ Is Used As Systematic State Repression in Ethiopia, HRLHA Press Release November 22, 2016

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Ethiopia: State of Emergency Is Used As Systematic State Repression in Ethiopia

 

Human rights League of the Horn of Africa

HRLHA Press Release, 


November 20, 2016 The March 2014 Oromo student protests, which began at Jima University and spread quickly to Ambo University then in a few days to all universities, colleges, high schools and elementary schools in Oromia and continued for two months, captured the attention of the world community for the first time. In those two months, over 81 Oromos, mostly university students, were killed and thousands detained by the crackdown on the protest by Agazi force and silenced. After eighteen months, the protest flared up again on November 12, 2015 in Ginchi Town in Western Showa 80 km south of the capital city. Since then, Oromia has remained in a human rights and humanitarian crisis. The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) lists over 2000 Oromo deaths, thousands of disappearances and tens of thousands of detentions. Many more thousands have left their homes behind and are now living in forests in order to escape the TPLF sponsored killing squads. To calm the peoples’ anger- after indiscriminate shootings from both the ground and the air of innocent Oromos at the Irrecha festival in Bishoftu on October 2, 2016- the government declared a state of emergency on October 8, 2016.

click-here-to-read-on-repression-in-ethiopia-human-rights-league-of-the-horn-of-africa-21-november 2016 -press-release-pdf

 

Related: UNPO:  Oromo: State of Emergency Is Systematic State Repression in Disguise

IRIN News: Ethiopia’s internet crackdown hurts everyone November 19, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomistViber, twitter, Facebook and WhatsApp Are strictly forbidden in Fascist regime (TPLF) Ethiopiato-have-facebook-is-illegal-in-ethiopia

 

Ethiopia’s internet crackdown hurts everyone

IRIN, 17 November 2016


Ethiopia has never been an easy place to operate. But a six-month state of emergency, combined with internet and travel restrictions imposed in response to a wave of anti-government protests, means it just got a whole lot harder.

The government has targeted the mobile data connections that the majority of Ethiopians use to get online. Internet users have also been unable to access Facebook Messenger and Twitter, with a host of other services also rendered unreliable.

This has impacted everyone: from local businesses, to foreign embassies, to families, as well as the extensive and vital international aid community.

“Non-governmental organisations play crucial roles in developing countries, often with country offices in the capitals, satellite offices across remote regions, and parent organisations in foreign countries,” said Moses Karanja, an internet policy researcher at Strathmore University in Nairobi.  “They need access to the internet if their operations are to be efficiently coordinated.”

A political decision

The Ethiopian government has been candid about the restrictions being in response to year-long anti-government protests in which hundreds of people have died.

It has singled out social media as a key factor in driving unrest. Since the beginning of October, there has been a spike in violence resulting in millions of dollars’ worth of damage to foreign-owned factories, government buildings and tourist lodges across Oromia Region, initially ground zero for the dissent.

“Mobile data will be permitted once the government assesses that it won’t threaten the implementation of the state of emergency,” government spokesman Getachew Reda – who has since been replaced – told a 26 October press conference in Addis Ababa.

Security forces
James Jeffrey/IRIN
Security forces ready to crackdown

The Oromo are the country’s largest ethnic group, constituting 35 percent of the country’s nearly 100 million population. They have historically felt ignored by successive regimes in Addis Ababa. In August, similar grassroots protest broke out among the Amhara, Ethiopia’s second largest ethnic group. The ruling EPRDF is portrayed by opponents as a narrow, unrepresentative clique that refuses to share power.

Ethiopia is not alone in its approach to political unrest. Around the world, as countries become increasingly integrated with online technology, the more autocratic governments are blocking the internet whenever they deem it necessary.

“The trend appears to be growing because more people are going online and using the internet, often through the use of mobile connections,” said Deji Olukotun of Access Now, which campaigns for digital rights. In 2016, it documented 50 shutdowns, up from less than 20 in 2015.

“People are enjoying the freedom and opportunity that the internet provides, which enables them to organise themselves and advocate for what they want,” Olukotun told IRIN. “In response, governments are shutting down the net to stop this practice.”

Bad timing

An aid worker, who didn’t want to be identified as her agency needs to renew its government permit, explained how she relies on Skype to communicate with far-flung colleagues.

“Before, it was hard enough, but now Skype is even more unreliable,” she said. “People can’t connect with colleagues in the field; people miss invites to meetings, can’t arrange logistics.”

The squeeze comes at a particularly bad time for Ethiopia, beyond the impact of the protest movement. Ten million people are in need of food aid as a result of drought. The Oromia and Amhara regions, where most of the anti-government unrest is happening, have some of the largest numbers of people requiring assistance.

“Websites like the famine early warning system, FEWSNET, which provides detailed regional analysis and projections on food insecurity, cannot be accessed by most stakeholders,” said an international development official.

“Some modern software systems for things like pharmaceutical supply-chain management are not working to their full capacity – making it harder to accurately track inventory and deliveries.”

Phone
Andrew Heavens/Flickr
Careful what you say

Many humanitarian organisations, including UN agencies, are heavily reliant on cash transfers to government organisations that conduct work on their behalf. They are finding it much harder to account for funds.

Another aid worker, again speaking to IRIN on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of operating in Ethiopia, said everything was getting delayed, including the rolling out of new programmes.

“If we can’t email or phone, we can’t find out how money has been spent, and if we can’t account and there’s no transparency, we can’t authorise new spending,” the aid worker said.

Post-truth

The importance of social media to people’s lives in Ethiopia is magnified because they so distrust mainstream media, largely controlled by the EPRDF.

“Many Ethiopians are fed up with local and state media and so they turn to diaspora news,” said Lidetu Ayele, founder of the opposition Ethiopia Democratic Party. “The problem is, a lot of things they’d view as gossip if heard by mouth, when they read about it on social media, they take as fact.”

The worst disaster during Ethiopia’s protests occurred at the beginning of October. After police and protesters clashed at a traditional Oromo festival beside a holy lake, a stampede ensued that left about 100 people drowned or crushed to death.

Social media didn’t hang around. It pulsed with claims a circling government helicopter had fired down into panicking crowds.

“My brother was telling me on the phone he was about to protest, and asking me how I couldn’t after the government had done something like that,” an Addis Ababa resident, who is half Oromo and half Amhara, recalled about the days following the stampede. “But I said to him, ‘Don’t be an idiot, it isn’t true.’”

Witnesses and journalists at the event had confirmed that the circling helicopter was in fact innocently dropping leaflets saying “Happy Irreecha”, the name of the festival.

Loading aid
James Jeffrey/IRIN
Unintended consequences

Policy backfire?

Even before the state of emergency, Ethiopia was one of the most censored countries in the world and a top jailer of journalists, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Independent media does exist in Ethiopia, but it struggles. Last month, the Addis Standard, a well-respected private magazine, announced it was stopping its print edition due to the latest round of restrictions.

“The government has created this problem for themselves,” remarked a freelance Ethiopian journalist.

The Ethiopian diaspora in the United States maintains a strong cyber presence and is rallying to the political reform movement. Jawar Mohammed, a particularly prominent US-based social media activist, has 500,000 followers on Facebook, and broadcasts information and footage from protests demanding an end to EPRDF rule.

“The diaspora do amplify what’s happening, but it didn’t start with us,” Jawar said in an interview earlier in 2016.

Internet shutdowns between mid-2015 and mid-2016 have lost the Ethiopian economy about $9 million, according to a recent report by the US-based Center for Technology Innovation at the Brookings Institution.

“Internet disruption slows growth, costs governments tax revenue, weakens innovation, and undermines consumer and business confidence in a country’s economy,” said report author Darrell West, vice president and director of governance studies at the Brookings Institution.

“As internet-powered businesses and transactions continue to grow to represent an increasingly significant portion of global economic activity, the damage from connectivity disruptions will become more severe.”

Olukotun of Access Now said such blackouts were particularly damaging for developing countries “striving to embrace the digital economy and innovation”.

“We’ve seen juice sellers, online banks, courier services, and internet companies all lose drastic amounts of money during disruptions,” he said.

But for the ruling party in Ethiopia, a country that has known centralised authoritarian rule for millennia, the concept of ceding any of that control is anathema.

“Censoring the internet is not a solution to the protests or resistance,” said Karanja, the Kenyan researcher. “It is a blockage to the democratic trajectory of a country.”

Oromia: BBC Afaan Oromoo: BBC’n Afaan Oromootiini tamsaasu bara haaraa 2017 eggalee akka calqabu ifa godhee jira. Afaan Oromoo is one of the 11 world Languages of BBC ‘s new radio-broadcasts. The first new services are expected to launch in 2017 November 16, 2016

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bbc-afaan-oromoo-in-2017afaan-oromoo-and-other-5-african-languages-on-bbc


Gammachuu:  BBC’n Afaan Oromoo akka calqabu ifa godhee jira.


The BBC World Service will launch 11 new language services as part of its biggest expansion “since the 1940s”, the corporation has announced.

The expansion is a result of the funding boost announced by the UK government last year.

The new languages will be Afaan Oromo, Amharic, Gujarati, Igbo, Korean, Marathi, Pidgin, Punjabi, Telugu, Tigrinya, and Yoruba.

The first new services are expected to launch in 2017.

African languages:

  • Afaan Oromo: Language of Ethiopia’s biggest ethnic group
  • Amharic: Ethiopia’s official language
  • Tigrinya: The main working language of Eritrea, along with Arabic. Also spoken in Ethiopia
  • Igbo: An official Nigerian language. Also spoken in Equatorial Guinea
  • Yoruba: Spoken in south-western Nigeria and some other parts of West Africa, especially Benin and Togo
  • Pidgin: A creole version of English widely spoken in southern Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea

Pidgin – West African lingua franca

Asian languages:

  • Gujarati: Native to the Indian state of Gujarat but found around the Indian subcontinent and the world
  • Marathi: From the Indian state of Maharashtra, including India’s commercial capital Mumbai
  • Telugu: Huge numbers of speakers, like many Indian languages, primarily in Andhra Pradesh and Telangana
  • Punjabi: One of the world’s most populous languages, it is widely-spoken in Pakistan and parts of India
  • Korean: Spoken in North and South though the dialects have diverged. Pop culture slang and foreign loan words are notably more common in the South
line break

“This is a historic day for the BBC, as we announce the biggest expansion of the World Service since the 1940s,” said BBC director general Tony Hall.

“The BBC World Service is a jewel in the crown – for the BBC and for Britain.

“As we move towards our centenary, my vision is of a confident, outward-looking BBC which brings the best of our independent, impartial journalism and world-class entertainment to half a billion people around the world.

“Today is a key step towards that aim.”

‘Relevant as ever’

The plans include the expansion of digital services to offer more mobile and video content and a greater social media presence.

On Wednesday the BBC launches a full digital service in Thai, following the success of a Facebook-only “pop-up” service launched in 2014.

Other expansion plans include:

  • extended news bulletins in Russian, with regionalised versions for surrounding countries
  • enhanced television services across Africa, including more then 30 new TV programmes for partner broadcasters across sub-Saharan Africa
  • new regional programming from BBC Arabic
  • short-wave and medium-wave radio programmes aimed at audiences in the Korean peninsula, plus online and social media content
  • investment in World Service English, with new programmes, more original journalism, and a broader agenda

https://oromianeconomist.com/2015/09/10/oromia-bbcn-afaan-oromootiinis-akka-tamsaasu-waamichi-dhihaatebbc-consider-afan-oromo-for-your-new-radio-broadcasts-to-ethiopiaeritrea-as-a-matter-of-priority/

Oromia: Two very popular Oromo music artists, Teferi Mekonen and Nafisaa Abdulhakim have been kidnapped by fascist Ethiopia’s regime forces and are being tortured November 16, 2016

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Free our lovely singer artists. Free Teferi Mekonen. Free Nafisaa Abdulhakim.

polular-oromo-artist-singer-teferi-mekonenvery-popular-oromo-cultural-music-artist-nafisaa-abddulhakim


Artist Teferi Mekonen was kidnaped  on 15 November 2016. Since then his where about is unknown.

Wallisaa jalatama fi kabajama kan tahe Tafari Mokonnin guyyaa har’a, Sadasaa 15 bara 2016 humnaa nama nyaata wayyaaneettin ukkafamun isaa beekame.

 

polular-oromo-artist-singer-teferi-mekonen

 

 

 

Artist Nafisaa Abdulhakim was bitten and arrested  on 12 November 2016 from her home in midnight in Burayyuu town, Oromia. She is being tortured at the hands of cruel fascist Ethiopia’s TPLF Agazi forces. Both Artist Teferi Mekonen and Nafisaa Abdulhakim are open to the same dangers as other Oromo nationals in TPLF’s  torture chambers.

Wallistuun Oromoo   jallatamtuu fi beekamtuunNafiisaa Abdulhakiim humnoota tikaa fashistii wayyaaneetiin ukkaamfamte. Mana jireenyaa ishii Buraayuu irraa  Sadaasa 12 bara 2016 butanii wayita ammaa mana hidhaa hinbeekamne keessatti hiraarfamaa jirti.

 

very-popular-oromo-cultural-music-artist-nafisaa-abddulhakim

http://www.oromp3.com/component/allvideoshare/video/nafisa-abdulhakim-mimmieessituu-jaalalaa-new2015-oromo-music

 

Genocide in the making in Oromia

As Atrocity Crimes Rise in Oromia, Security Assistance and Aid Keep Flowing to Ethiopia

The Oromo in Egypt: Why Have 11,000 Ethiopians Fled Their Homeland? November 15, 2016

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The Oromo are the single largest ethno-national group in northeast Africa. In Ethiopia, they are estimated to comprise 50 million out of the country’s total population of 100 million.

Although the Oromo group is the largest among the country’s 80 ethno-national groups, it is the most oppressed group in Ethiopia and is subjected to torture and arrests from the government for demanding their rights.

“You’ll be oppressed just for being an Oromo; I was a teacher and I was telling students how to protest peacefully against what our territory is facing and the violations the government made,” Boushra told Egyptian Streets.


The Oromo in Egypt: Why Have 11,000 Ethiopians Fled Their Homeland?

NADA NADER, Egyptian Street,  
 
Students watch a movie being projected in the playground
Students watch a movie being projected in the playground of the African Hope Learning Center. Photo: Marwa Abdallah

A couple of weeks ago, a video that made the rounds on social media showed an Egyptian man chanting during an Oromo conference in Egypt that the Oromo will get their rights and come to power in Ethiopia.

The video resulted in minor disturbances in the otherwise stable Egyptian-Ethiopian relations for a few days, with a spokesman from the Ethiopian government accusing “elements” in Egypt of financing, arming and training armed groups in Ethiopia to undermine the government.

Egyptian authorities swiftly denied all such accusations, reiterating its full support and respect of Ethiopia’s sovereignty.

Although the rift was short-lived and has since been forgotten, it is a fact that the presence of the Oromo people in Egypt has been increasing as of late.

The Oromo are the single largest ethno-national group in northeast Africa. In Ethiopia, they are estimated to comprise 50 million out of the country’s total population of 100 million.

Although the Oromo group is the largest among the country’s 80 ethno-national groups, it is the most oppressed group in Ethiopia and is subjected to torture and arrests from the government for demanding their rights.

Among the Oromo community, the majority is Muslim but there are also Christians and individuals of other religions living together in harmony without any discrimination within Oromia territory.

Since the Ethiopian government decided to implement the so-called “Integrated Addis Ababa Master Plan” to expand the Ethiopian capital, which is classified as one of the capital cities witnessing the greatest growth, it started dislocating the Oromo people from their farms without giving proper compensations.

Oromo demonstrations surfaced in Ginchi – about 80 kilometers southwest of the capital – in November 2015, with the Oromo protesting against the selling of the nearby Chilimongo forest, land seizures and the ongoing evictions of Oromo farmers.

Human Rights Watch accused Ethiopian security forces of killing 400 people during the protests. The chaos from the protests resulted in the imposition of martial law in the country, which remains under effect until this moment.

Last August, the Oromo and Amhara groups – which, together, form 80% of Ethiopia’s population – protested against the government for marginalizing the two groups, depriving them of their rights and barring them from holding top positions in the country.

Clashes during the protest resulted in the death of seven protestors who were calling for the release of political prisoners, freedom of expression and an end to human rights violations.

The Ethiopian authorities’ violations against the Oromo people have pushed many of the latter to flee the country, with some of them seeking refuge in Egypt.

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in Egypt, there were 11,192 Ethiopian asylum seekers in Egypt as of September. The number increased noticeably after the clashes between the Oromo and the Ethiopian authorities.

“Of course there’s a significant increase in numbers of Ethiopian refugees,” Tarek Argaz, a media official at UNHCR, told Egyptian Streets. “Since a year and a half, the number of asylum seekers was around 5,000.”

“The reason behind the increased flow of Ethiopian refugees to Egypt is that the Ethiopian authorities can’t arrest us here,” said 25-year-old Abdi Boushra, Director of the Oromo Volunteering Association School in the upscale Cairo neighborhood of Maadi.

Boushra says he fled Ethiopia after being detained for a year after being accused of being a member of the Oromo Liberation Front, an armed group that is outlawed by the Ethiopian government.

“You’ll be oppressed just for being an Oromo; I was a teacher and I was telling students how to protest peacefully against what our territory is facing and the violations the government made,” Boushra told Egyptian Streets.

“I got arrested for a year. Then I fled from Ethiopia to Sudan. I’m like many people who fled from Sudan to Egypt by smugglers through the desert. We paid around USD 300 to reach Egypt.”

Boushra says he spent three months in Sudan but described his time there as a “nightmare,” saying that Sudanese authorities extradite asylum seekers back to Ethiopia.

“If we went there, we will be killed,” Boushra says. “We never imagined to live in Egypt before because of the different culture and language but we come here to feel safe.”

Ashraf Melad, a lawyer and researcher on refugee affairs, described the legal situation of Ethiopian refugees in Egypt.

“The 2014 Egyptian constitution insisted to protect any asylum seeker but there’s no refugee law in Egypt. Egypt is only permitting asylum seekers to live on its land,” Melad told Egyptian Streets. “In case of committing crimes, the Minister of Foreign Affairs alerts the country of the asylum seeker who committed the crime.

“In [Sudan’s case], there’s an implicit convention between the Sudanese and Ethiopian governments of extraditing Ethiopian opposition and asylum seekers. It’s a deal which had no place in Egyptian-Ethiopian relations,” Melad added.

“The UNHCR is keen on giving each refugee his right and make sure that he deserves our help. We decreased the period for discussing the papers of people who seek asylum after they got the yellow card to live legally in Egypt from 28 months to 16 months to accept him as a refugee or not,” UNHCR’s Argaz said. “I consider this as an achievement because we have an increasing flow and a limited budget.”

Noura Mohamed, a house maid who fled from the conflict in Oromia with her 14-year-old son, resorted to smugglers to help her make her way to Egypt through Sudan, like many other Ethiopians fleeing their country.

“The [situation] in Oromia was unbearable. The security comes to arrest you in your home just for being Oromo,” Mohamed told Egyptian Streets. “The government killed my father during clashes.”

Mohamed says that, after working as a maid in Kuwait, she returned to Ethiopia, where she and her husband were detained for demonstrating “and for being an Oromo citizen in the first place.”

Mohamed was released after three months, while her husband is currently still in prison in Ethiopia.

“I wanted to bring up my only son, so I decided to flee no matter what will happen; there’s nothing worse than what we experienced,” Mohamed says.

However, she says that she is struggling in Egypt, where her monthly salary is EGP 1,500 but her rent is EGP 1,000 per month.

“The UNHCR gives me EGP 1,050 in annual expenses for my son but of course this isn’t enough,” she says.

To add to Mohamed’s woes, schools are not accessible to many asylum seekers in Egypt, making it difficult for her to secure an education for her son.

“Asylum seekers have no right to [enroll] their children in Egyptian schools; there are schools for refugees but we noticed that many Oromo children evade these schools because they’re irrelevant to their identity and language,” Boushra says.

In an attempt to address this issue, Boushra says that the community decided to establish a school to teach Oromo children the Oromo language, as well as English, Arabic and other subjects such as math and science.

“We are working in the school as volunteers and there are no fees for children,” Boushra says, adding that the school currently has 150 students but remains free of the supervision of any educational authority.

The school was established in hopes of helping the Oromo people in Egypt maintain their identity as they work to integrate themselves into the society as a whole.

While a number of Ethiopian refugees say they don’t face racism or ethnic discrimination in Egypt, seeking refuge in Egypt is not without its challenges.

Everyday, many refugees who enter Egypt illegally gather in front of the UNHCR headquarters in the 6th of October satellite city, waiting for their turn to be accepted as asylum seekers and begin integrating themselves in Egyptian society.

Olympics dissident: Ethiopia could ‘become another Libya’ November 15, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Olympics dissident: Ethiopia could ‘become another Libya’

EXCLUSIVE/ Ethiopia – one of the EU’s largest recipients of development aid and a key partner in the new Emergency Trust Fund for Africa for halting the flow of migrants – garnered unwelcome headlines last summer, when Olympic athlete Feyisa Lilesa raised his arms in protest at the treatment of the Oromia and Amhara peoples.

He talked to EurActiv.com’s development correspondent, Matthew Tempest.

Since then, the government has declared a state of emergency, as – according to Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International – at least 500 people have died at the hands of the security services.

Interview by EurActiv last month, the Ethiopian Ambassador to the EU refused to put an official figure on the death toll. But speaking to EurActiv today, Feyisa said that the real death toll was over 1,000 and his home country – from which he is now about to seek political asylum – could end up in a Libya-style civil war.

[This interview was conducted via a translator]

When I spoke to the Ethiopian ambassador to the EU last month, he made a public assurance that you and your family would be safe. Do you trust that?

This is what they always say. I might be killed or imprisoned if I return home.

ETHIOPIAN AMBASSADOR: ‘ANTI-PEACE ELEMENTS’ TOOK ADVANTAGE OF OROMIA, AMHARA PROTESTS

Ethiopia is a secure, stable country in the Horn of Africa, says Ethiopia’s Ambassador to the EU, Teshome Toga. However, he admits “gaps” in governance have fuelled year-long protests that have left hundreds dead.

EurActiv.com

The symbol that the TV cameras at the Olympics caught you doing with your arms in Rio, is that supposed to symbolise the ‘X’ of a voting ballot paper? Because Ethiopia is, at least technically, a democracy.

No. It is a sign my people make above their heads to show the police they are unarmed. If we had our hands in our pockets, we might be shot. It is to show our protests are unarmed and peaceful, and to represent the fact that we are all in a prison [Ethiopia].

And why are you here today in Brussels?

To meet with MEPs from the European Parliament to discuss our situation in Ethiopia, and with the head of cabinet for the Parliament President. It was very successful.

And what is your personal situation at the moment?

I have not sought political asylum yet. I have been in the USA long-term since two weeks after the Rio Olympics.

Have your family and relatives back in Ethiopia had any threats from the authorities there?

I am very, very concernced about my family. We live around 60 miles from Addis Ababa, west of the capital, in the Oromia region.

They might attack us in different ways, indirectly. Only 1% of my family actually have jobs. Yet the wife of my brother, who is a journalist, was fired from her job two weeks ago. With no reason given.

They are advancing on us with other measures.

The crux of the issue in Ethiopia seems to be that whilst it is a democracy in theory, the Tigray people have disproportionate power as opposed to the Omoria and Amhara peoples?

Yes – as you say, it is a “democracy”. But the key government and military and defence and police and economic positions are dominated by them [the Tigray].

‘STATE OF EMERGENCY’ DECLARED IN ETHIOPIA AS PROTEST DEATH TOLL RISES

The Ethiopian government on Sunday (10 October) declared a state of emergency, following a year-long spate of unrest which spiked in a week of deaths and attacks on buildings and foreign companies.

EurActiv.com

Based on what you hear from people on the ground, what do you think the death toll from protests over the last year to 18 months would be?

Oromia is a very large region – probably as big as two or three European countries. It has no big road network and very little infrastructure, so it is difficult to get numbers.

But I would say 500 is a very, very small estimate. I would say it is at least 1,000.

And as a voice and a face of the Oromia people now, what would your ideal solution be to the question of representation?

The demand from the public is really not all that complicated at all. It is a demand for equality, for basic human rights, and for an equal share of resources.

And are you optimistic that can happen without further bloodshed?

I am concerned. It is very difficult to be optimistic. At the beginning of the protests [in late 2015], for the first week or two, I was optimistic. But the government crackdown soon came, and this situation has continued.

Ethiopia could become like Libya.

Is that your worst nightmare?

I am very much concerned at this kind of conflict could emerge because they [the authorities] are trying to create tensions between the Amhara and Tigray and others, and because of that, things could get worse in the region.

All though my school life, we had this. In Grade 9, three of my friends were killed by the regime. It continued in 2014. The epicentre was to the west of Addis Ababa. There were other major incidents, killing, repression, and exile.

Repression in the past year was very intensive, even as I was training [for the Olympics]. I have no other job, I was just training. Three months before Rio, they asked me to participate [in the Olympic team], and it was at that point I decided to make my gesture.

And what is your life like currently?

I am now in Arizona. I have permission to stay in the US. Running is my job, and it is my survival. I had much help from the Ethiopian diaspora of exiles, with people helping to facilitate my visa, and fundraising there for me.

FURTHER READING

The Ethiopian embassy to the EU offered an official response to this interview, which EurActiv.com is happy to publish (15/11/2016):

Though Feyisa Lilesa has the right to share his opinion about the situation in Ethiopia, it is important to give a nuanced view of the reality in the country.

The exact number of demonstrators who died during the protests is still investigated by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC). A previous report by EHRC in June 2016 on the unrests that started in November 2015 established that the measures taken by the defense forces and the federal police in collaboration with the public to control the situation were proportionate, though in some specific cases security forces used excessive force to control the violence. According to this report, 173 people died including 14 members of the security forces and another 14 public administrators. Following this report, the Ethiopian Prime Minister H.E. Hailemariam Desalegn has shared the regrets of the government for the avoidable deaths which occurred despite the professional conduct of security forces.

Furthermore, the claim that the Ethiopian authorities are «trying to create tensions between the Amhara and Tigray» is not grounded in reality. Each region is self-administrated, and the national Parliament, the government cabinets and other institutions are representing the different peoples according to their size.  With more than 80 ethnic groups in the country, the authorities have no better option than insuring peaceful coexistence between the different communities and exercising democracy, which has yet a very young history in the country − merely 25 years.

Finally, Feyisa Lilesa is implying that Ethiopia could become «another Libya», probably thereby meaning that the country could fall into chaos and instability. This might in fact precisely be the agenda of extreme anti-peace forces trying to divide the country and take advantage of a situation of chaos which would suit their hidden agendas. Widespread attacks encouraged by some extreme diaspora elements targeting public and private properties, including several foreign investments providing thousands of jobs to local communities testify of this agenda of destruction and chaos. However, the government is fully committed to restore order in the country for the benefit of the citizens and development of the country. The Prime Minister has, in accordance with the Constitution and with the approval of the House of People’s Representatives, announced a State of Emergency beginning of October. Since then, peace and order have been restored throughout the country, and some of the measures have been eased in the meantime, including lifting of travel restrictions for diplomats.

It is to be hoped that the commitment of the authorities and the public will further improve the situation in the country. However, unbalanced and biased comments in the media such as this interview are not helping to advance in this direction.


 

Oromia: OBS TV Journalist Abdi Gada arrested for broadcasting Oromo cultural news November 15, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.
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OBS TV Journalist Abdi Gada arrested for broadcasting Oromo cultural news

 

Oromo Broadcast Service (OBS) TV journalist Abdi Gada  arrested in Ethiopia. OBS TV is not even a news media, it is rather a history or discovery news channel. The TV never got involved into #OromoProtests. The broadcasting is based on images  from Oromo cultural ceremonies, Oromo history with elders interviews, etc


OBS-Oromia Broadcast Service Television journalist Abdi Gada went missing in Adama, Oromia (Ethiopia) last Wednesday. His whereabouts is not known yet.

An Oromo, Ethiopian journalist missed in Adama/Gazexeessaa Abdii Gadaa achi buuteen dhabame.

 abdii-gadaa
Journalist Abdi Gada

An Oromo, Ethiopian journalist is missing in Adama. OBS-Oromia Broadcast Service Television journalist Abdi Gada went missing in Adama, Ethiopia last Wednesday. His whereabouts is not known yet. His family, friends and colleagues have been looking for him in all areas of detainees and prisoners including Ma’ikelawi, and Zeway (Batu). Many of his family, friends and colleagues believe that Journalist Abdi Gada was kidnapped by Ethiopian security forces because thousands of Oromo people are missing and have been arrested in Ethiopia. Journalist Abdi Gada was one among 20 Oromo (Ethiopian) journalists who were dismissed from the Oromia Radio and Television Organization in 2014, in a single day.——————————-


Gaazeexeessaan  TV OBS-Oromia Broadcast Service, AbdiGadaaRoobiidarbiteAdaamattihojiidhaquufakkamanaabahettiachibuuteenisaadhabameera.  Gaazexeessaankun, bara 2014 keessagaazexeessitootaOromoo 17 dhaabbataRaadiyoo fi TV Oromiyaakeessaasababatokkomalee ari’aman keessaa tokkoakka ta’eefi, saaniinbooda TV OBS keessa kan hojjataajiruudha.

Namoonni itti dhiheennaan gaazexeessaa Abdii Gadaa beekanu akka jedhanitti, “haaluma yeroo ammaa Oromoo irratti raawwamaa jirutti isarrattille raawwatame jennee shakkina malee, Abdiin waan balleesseefi yakki inni hojjate hin jiruu; diina biraa itti shakkinulle hin qabnu” jechuun himan. Gabaasa guutuuf oduu OMN 14.11.2016 caqasaa.

OMN: Oduu Sad 14, 2016

The Slovak Spectator: Slovak and Czech tourists robbed in Ethiopia November 15, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Travel to Ethiopia.
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Slovak and Czech tourists robbed in Ethiopia

A group of six Slovak and four Czech tourists was attacked by armed robbers in western Ethiopia; driver killed.


The Slovak Spectator, 14 November 2016


A group of six Slovak and four Czech tourists was attacked in Surma woreda near the town of Mizan on November 7. They were robbed of their credit cards, money and other precious things, Irena Valentová from the Czech Foreign Affairs Ministry confirmed to the Novinky.cz website. She also said a female Slovak tourist was injured in the attack. The attackers shot an Ethiopian driver during the incident who died after being transported to the hospital.

Head of the Bubo Travel Agency, Ľuboš Fellner, whom the Czech website cited, said the incident occurred in the so-called green zone considered to be fully safe. The Slovak Foreign Ministry confirmed the case for the TASR newswire on November 11, adding that the Slovak tourists were aided by the local representation office in Addis Ababa with receiving new documents and returning home.

The tourists subsequently returned home, according to the news reports.

The Foreign Ministry recently warned Slovak citizens not to travel to Ethiopia, due to a worsened security situation that resulted in temporary state of emergency starting October 8, for six months. In case they decide to travel to the country anyway, Slovaks should at least register with the voluntary electronic registration system on the FAM website.


Click here to read related News: Zarpa News: Ethiopian Airlines:  Thriller night over Crete! | Plane “lost” the engine! 

Alarm sounded at dawn Sunday in Athens FIR when aircraft Ethiopian Airlines sent out distress signal because the engine died!

Immediately the state apparatus was activated to help the aircraft to land safely at the airport Eleftherios Venizelos.

The aircraft sent out a distress signal at 3:40 and was on Crete, while later in 4:15 landed safely in Athens.
The route was performed from Ethiopia to Italy.

Source: onalert.gr


 

As Atrocity Crimes Rise in Oromia, Security Assistance and Aid Keep Flowing to Ethiopia November 15, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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As Atrocity Crimes Rise in Oromia, Security Assistance and Aid Keep Flowing to Ethiopia

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(Oromo Press, 14 April 2016 ) — In Oromia, Ethiopia, and in the Diasporas where significant numbers of Oromo people live, the first year anniversary of the Oromo mass uprising against the repressive policies of the Ethiopian regime is being observed worldwide this month.

The anniversary is being observed with mixed feelings and outcomes: with jubilation that the Oromo struggle for self-government has reached a critical mass effectively crippling the colonial civilian administration of the Tigrean-led Ethiopian regime in Oromia; with dismay at the failure of the international community to take meaningful action against the regime that has killed over 2500, maimed tens of thousands and imprisoned and tortured hundreds of thousands of civilians in Oromia alone.

All who observe the tragic developments in Oromia and Ethiopia know that major donor governments to Ethiopia such as the US, EU, England and Canada along with international financial institutions such as the World Bank and IMF have remained dangerously silent on the wide-ranging atrocity crimes the Ethiopian government has been committing against civilian populations in Oromia and other regions of Ethiopia.

The international community is failing once again in Oromia, Ethiopia in stopping crimes against humanity and genocide despite providing a whopping USD 3.5B a year to the Tigrean-led Ethiopian government in “development aid.”

According to a report by The Oakland Institute, a US-based public policy think tank that has produced several credible reports on massive violations of land rights in Ethiopia, development aid makes up 50-60 percent of the national budget. Instead of improving the human condition, aid has been unquestionably used by the Ethiopian government to implement contested and malicious programs aimed at enriching the ruling elites at the expense of impoverishing and dislocating millions of farmers from their ancestral lands.

In Oromia, and dozens of cities around the world Oromo communities staged protests against the mass killings and the massive abuses in their homeland all year round. They marched in front government offices in Washington, London, Ottawa, Brussels, among other cities, demanding donors to end supporting repressive Ethiopian regime and urging intervention to stop the carnage.

Despite these recurrent and desperate pleas, all the protesters have received from the US, UK, Canada, and the EU has been lukewarm press releases and expressions of concern. The protesters wanted donors to intervene in stopping mass atrocities by withdrawing aid and by imposing other sanctions against the the leadership of the regime. To their disappointment and frustration, foreign aid/security assistance to the Ethiopian government have actually increased simultaneously with massive repressive measures by the Ethiopian government, including mass killings during the Grand Oromo Protests of August 6th and the Irreecha Massacre of October 2, 2016 and the declaration of state emergency on October 9th justify military rule through “Command Posts.”

After the state of emergency, state-led mass atrocities continued in the dark because the regime fully disrupted all means of communication, including the internet, social media applications and diaspora based radio and satellite television broadcasts.

Tepid and misconstrued statements from the US State Department, the African Union, and the European Union, which contained no action or even a threat of meaningful action against the genocidal behaviors of the Ethiopian government, have at best signaled to the regime that donor inaction meant approval to the regime to proceed with violent measures against defenseless civilians.

A quick review of US security assistance to Ethiopia between April 2014 and November 2016 (periods of intense mass uprising in Oromia) shows that aid increased as state-led atrocity crimes increased there. According to Security Assistance Monitor, a Washington DC-based policy group that “tracks and analyzes U.S. security sector assistance programs worldwide,” Ethiopia received funds in the following areas and amounts: “Military & Police Aid $1,270,000(2016); Humanitarian & Development Aid $402,613,000(2016); Arms Sales $5,763,335(2014); Trainees 49 (2014).”

Data shows that US military and police aid to Ethiopia spiked from $1.5M in 2014 to $25M in 2015. This declined back to slightly over 1.5M in 2016.

The popular expectation is that donor countries and financial institutions would stop security assistance and development funds to Ethiopia at this juncture when the Ethiopian regime is engaged in massive atrocity crimes in Oromia and Ethiopia. The tragic reality is that aid money continues to flow into Ethiopia despite massive totalitarian repressions.

Donor countries and major international financial institutions are among international actors with significant leverage in their hands—aid—to demand the respect for human rights and end to genocide, and to create a new broad-based inclusive and democratic order in Ethiopia. Donors have been reluctant in using this leverage.

Generating further instability and uncertainty, donors have so far failed in their responsibility to protect majority civilian populations from atrocity crimes by an ethnic-extremist minority regime. If this trend of inaction continues, donor countries would be one of the biggest losers because they have effectively alienated the majority by enabling minority totalitarianism over them.

The Oromo and other persecuted peoples of Oromia-Ethiopia should organize and form strategic alliances not only to reverse the ongoing genocide, but also to prove to the world that a determined and organized majority shall win and install a just and democratic order worthy of international support.

Genocide in the making in Oromia November 15, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Genocide in the making in Oromia

 Brief account on the Oromo protest from Nov. 2015 – Nov. 2016

By Tarekegn Chimdi (PhD)


Background

The Oromo people constitute over 40% of the total population and a single largest national group in Ethiopia. Since the date of colonization by the Abyssinians at the end of 19th century, their political, economic, social and cultural life was undermined. Historians noted that after more than three decades of fierce wars of resistance their demographics were reduced from 10 million to 5 million. They were faced with cruel subjugation, exploitation, discrimination and marginalization; forced to slavery and servitude. Their egalitarian and democratic system of governance known as Gadaa was abolished. Successive regimes in Ethiopia had been furthering their subjugation and repression through heavy-handed cruel, inhumane policies (be it under the guise of democracy or socialism). The current Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led totalitarian regime is the worst the Oromo people witnessed.

The TPLF dominated authoritarian regime ruled for a quarter of century with complete control on political, economic and social life in Ethiopia after toppling over a century old Amhara hegemony in 1991. Currently, it controls 80% of the economy through its conglomerate the Endowment Fund For the Rehabilitation of Tigray (EFFORT), 98% of the military and security leadership controlled by the TPLF membership, 100% of the parliament controlled by the TPLF and its puppet People’s Democratic Organisation (PDO)s remotely operated. As a result, the TPLF elites and PDO operatives amassed billions of dollars from trading on the natural resources under their control; restricting the ownership of businesses and industries, sprawling real estates and mansions in big cities; foreign direct investment, aid and leasing millions of hectares of lands to foreign investors. The TPLF operatives benefitted from the illicitly maintained economic, political and security power without observance of the rule of law.

On the other hand, the Oromo people were faced with rampant human rights abuses and systematic repressions that were repeatedly reported by international human rights organizations and yet largely ignored. Untold sufferings and systematic repressions in the last 25 years include extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, raping and torture. However, the Ethiopian government champions itself for being the fastest growing economy and key ally in the fight against terrorism to hide its genocidal character against the Oromo people. The reality on the ground shows that the Oromo people are targeted on the basis of their racial origin. As a result, over 95% of the prison cells in Ethiopia are filled with the Oromos and Afan Oromo has become the official language in prisons.

Land grabbing as a trigger to peaceful protest in Oromia

Land grabbing negatively affected the livelihood of millions of farmers and forcibly evicted from small subsistence farming, pastoral and grazing areas. Forced eviction and relocation in the name of investment that was orchestrated by internal and foreign actors, has evicted over 1.5 million Oromo farmers without their consent and compensation from around Finfinne (Addis Ababa) in the past ten years. Millions of hectares of arable land was confiscated mainly by agribusinesses from foreign multinational companies and the ruling regime (TPLF) cadres and their operatives resulted in the uprooting and destitution of the millions that led in part to further the starvation of the ten millions of peoples in Ethiopia. Such unethical and inequitable investment had been observed to yield abysmal poverty, food insecurity, broken communities, loss of identity and culture and aggravated environmental degradation. Above all the Oromo people in and around Finfinne (Addis Ababa) became the epicenter of the episode and in a way it reflects the way the Oromo people were conquered, robbed off their land and properties, reduced to serfs and slaves, and kept under inhumane subjugation.

The dynamics of the land grabbing that was aimed to expand Finfinne (Addis Ababa) by ~2000% from the current 54,000 ha to 1.1 million ha started with the horticulture industry, mainly the cut flower plantations. In less than a decade, several dozens of cut flower investments from within and abroad mushroomed within the radius of 80km surrounding Finfinne (Addis Ababa) to takeover the land from subsistence farmers that fed millions before the change of ownership. The establishment of these plantations and the expansion of real estate within the peripheries were the stepping stone to establish the boundary of Finfinne Special Zone of Oromia which later to be incorporated into the infamous “Addis Ababa and the Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan” or shortly “Master Plan”, in 2014. Similarly, Midroc’s and Karturi’s farms were meant to benefit and export crop produces into their countries of origin; jatropha, castor oil and sugar cane plantations were not established on non-arable terra nulis land, but on small subsistence farms whose owners were forcibly evicted without (with small) compensation and the security to their livelihood deprived. In general, the Oromo people are deprived of their livelihood by the Ethiopian successive regimes. As a result of deep historical and current grievances, suffering from oppression, exploitation and persecution for years, the students staged peaceful protests over Oromia for years and the response were being quelled heavy-handedly by the security forces of the Ethiopian government. The announcement of the infamous “master plan” further triggered the already deep-rooted grievances to explode. The plan was opposed by the Oromos from all walks of life: Oromo political parties, civic organisations, students, farmers, etc. for several reasons as it was unconstitutional, not inclusive and without the consent of the people. Moreover, it was deliberated to destroy the identity, livelihood, culture and language of the Oromo people.

War on Unarmed Oromo Protesters

In May 2014, the Oromo students from different universities, secondary schools and the general public from all over Oromia engaged the Ethiopian government in a peaceful protest in tens of thousands to denounce the “master plan” and voice their legitimate concerns. In the demonstration that started at Ambo, 100km from the capital, more than 50 civilians were shot and killed by the Ethiopian government security forces. In total over 80 unarmed civilians were killed in different parts of Oromia the same momth. Several hundreds of unarmed civilians were injured and thousands were arrested. The Ethiopian government shelved the implementation for a while until it issued final version of its master plan in the last quarter of 2015.

On November 12, 2015, peaceful student protest broke at the town of Ginchi, 80km from the capital to the West of Addis Ababa, against the sale of Ginchi stadium to an investor and the clearing of Chilimo forest. The government security forces killed two students and the population were angered. As a result, peaceful protests engulfed all parts of Oromia within two weeks. In order to legitimize its discriminatory policies, the Ethiopian Government issued a decree for Oromia to be ruled under martial law from the end of December 2015. Over 50,000 regular and special army was deployed under the command post led by the Prime Minister, Head of Army, Police and Security Chief to stop the protest mercilessly.

In Figure 1, the maps in the years 2015 (upper) and 2016 (bottom) show the distribution of protests from November 2015 – November 2016. In the last one year, peaceful demonstrations were staged mainly by the students and farmers across almost all Oromia districts at least once. They were all peaceful until turned violent by the heavy-handed measures of the Ethiopian security forces. As shown in Figure 1, 2015 (upper) in the last quarter of 2015, there were sporadic protests in Oromia that matured to cover all parts of Oromia intensively, some parts of Amhara and other southern regional states after July 2016.

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Figure 1: the maps of the distribution of protests in 2015 (upper) and 2016 (bottom)

Table1 below shows the scale of fatalities over one year period across the states in Ethiopia. The total number of fatalities from November 12, 2015 to December 31, 2015 was 137 in total, with Oromia at 102. In the year 2016, violent crackdown from the Ethiopian security forces spread all over Oromia and a total of 1855 persons were killed in the last ten months. The security forces also reacted violently against protesters in Finfinne (Addis Ababa), Amhara, Dire Dawa, Somali and Southern Nations and Nationalities (SNNP). In the Amhara state, the protests that started in July 2016, in Gondar, was triggered by the opposition of the inclusion of Welkait district into the Tigray state. Over 233 persons were killed in this state in the last five months in Gondar, Bahir Dar etc in relation to peaceful protests. Similarly, in Konso and Gedeo districts of the Southern Nation and Nationalities and Peoples (SNNP) state dozens of protesters were killed. The data shows the cause of fatalities in the Gambela, Somali, Harari and Tigray different from peaceful protests. In general, the scale and distribution of the protests and fatalities in Oromia over the other states indicate the degree of harshness and discriminatory measures carried out by the Ethiopian government and the genocide is in the making against the Oromo people.

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Table1: the scale of killings over one year period (Nov.12, 2015 Oct. 29, 2016)

By definition the killings of over 1000 people from the same social group in a year qualifies the term “genocide” and killings of unarmed civilians in mass also refers to “massacre”. The graph in figure 2 shown below covers the daily fatalities across Oromia and Finfinne (Addis Ababa) where those killed are from the Oromo national group. In the graph the killing from the beginning of August 2016 to the end of October 2016 was covered. The first peak corresponds to the killings on the Oromia grand protest staged all over Oromia on the 6th of August 2016 and over 188 people were killed by the Ethiopian security forces. On this particular day, peaceful protests were held in over 200 towns and cities across Oromia and Finfinne (Addis Ababa) (see figure 3) and tens of thousands were arrested from all over Oromia and Finfinne in inhospitable remote malaria infested Tolay, Awash Arba, Huriso and Dhedhessa military camps.

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Figure 2: the scale of killings by the security forces in Oromia and Finfinne (Aug. Oct.2016)

The second peak corresponds to the killings at Qilinto maximum-security prison located in the southern part of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) on September 3, 2016. A local newspaper    Addis    Fortune    reported    that    the    government    security    forces indiscriminately shot at the prisoners after fire broke on the premises. The government sources report 23 prisoners died of suffocation from fire. However, the Ethiopian Human Rights Project (EHRP) put the figure to 67 and the Oromia Media Network also reported additional two killings. Local sources alleged the Ethiopian government sources for starting the fire and indiscriminately shooting the prisoners.

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Figure 3: the map showing the geographical coverage of protests in Oromia on August 6,2016

The third peak in Figure 2 corresponds to the Irreechaa massacre at Hora Arsadi of Bishoftu town, 40km to the East of the capital that occurred on October 2, 2016. On the Irreechaa annual thanksgiving festival, over 2 million Oromos from all over Oromia were gathered to celebrate. The Ethiopian government agitated and provoked the festival by installing its close operatives and cadres to takeover the stage from the legitimate leader of Gadaa (Abba Gadaa) who is in charge of the event. The celebrants were angered and started chanting slogans and crossing wrists above head – the popular sign of Oromo protest. The security forces deliberately started roaring Humvee in the crowd, hovering helicopter in the sky, firing the tear gas and bullets to suffocate the people on a narrow space. Most of the people perished in the ditch and the lake. Some sources put the death toll at 55 and above citing the cause of death simply as a deadly stampede. However, local and opposition sources put the figure of the death toll to at least 678. It is the responsibility of the government to protect the people away from the ditch through fencing and/or soil filling; avoiding any provocative acts, unblocking the safe exit and panicking the population on narrow space unless it deliberated and planned to cause massacre.

After the Irreechaa massacre, the Oromo people reacted with deep sorrow and responded through difference means of peaceful resistance against the Ethiopian government. The roads to different parts of the Oromia and Ethiopia were blocked, the economic boom of the TPLF elites was devastated. In a week to Irreechaa massacre, the Ethiopian government declared state of emergency that applies to the other states as well. The security forces reportedly killed more that 283 people (see figure 2, the fourth peak) in one week of the state of emergency.

Summary

The Ethiopian security forces continued their unparalleled genocidal crimes of torturing, raping and killings, largely hidden from the eyes and ears of the international observers, embassies and the media. Records show that over two thousand Oromo civilians (students, farmers, teachers, civil servants, elders, leaders and members of the Oromo opposition party) were killed in the last one year from live bullets of the Ethiopian security forces. Witnesses out of Oromia show exceptional heinous crimes of killing that includes children from age 1 to the old men to the age of 80, pregnant women and mothers, a mother killed with her two sons, three siblings from the same parent. There are evidences of mothers and siblings ordered to sit on the dead body of their loved ones after being killed by the security forces. Wives and daughters were gang raped in front their husbands, loved ones and parents. Moreover, every independent Oromo person is routinely subjected to harassment, extrajudicial killings, imprisonment, rape and torture. Several thousands were wounded from live bullets and estimated over 50,000 were arrested in different detention camps in remote areas labeled as “terrorists” without convictions and/or rare trials.

The TPLF/EPRDF is still acting with impunity despite continued call for investigation into the genocidal crimes it commit by the renowned international human rights organizations, the UN Human Rights Council, African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights in the last several months. The western governments such as US, UK, Canada, Australia and others issued the statements of concern and travel warnings which may not be enough to curb the looming dangerous situation. The Ethiopian government had been major recipient of direct investment and economic aid earnings mainly from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), the US, UK and the EU used to further human sufferings. Western governments are requested to sanction, use their diplomatic leverage to pressure the Ethiopian government to allow an independent UN and African Commission investigations over the massacres, completely halt the state of emergency and remove command posts from the villages, unconditional release of Oromo politicians and civilians from detention camps. Furthermore, the perpetuators of the massacres must be brought before international tribune to curb the genocide in the making in Oromia.

References

  1. The data for this analysis was extracted from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) database http://www.acleddata.com/
  2. Tarekegn Chimdi “Systematic repression and rampant human rights abuses against the Oromo People in Ethiopia (2008) ” presented at AFSAAP conference, “The Oromo People and Finfinne (2004) ” intervention at the UN office of High Commission for Human Rights http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/IPeoples/WG/IGFM1-oromo-4b.doc
  3. Addis Fortune newspaper on Qilinto prison indiscriminate killings 4. Human Rights Watch, Society for Threatened Peoples and Amnesty
  4. International reports in 2015 and 2016
  5. Press releases from the UN Human Rights Council, African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights, foreign offices and governments
  6. News from Oromia Media Network, Al Jazeera, VOA, DW and others

#OromoProtests: A year on struggle: This is a video made by Swedish students in Skara about the protests going on in Ethiopia. #OromoRevolution November 13, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Odaa OromooOromianEconomisttweet tweet #OromoProtestsGrand #OromoProtests, Ambo, 7 August 2016#OromoProtests iconic pictureOromo Students Protests, Gincii, Central Oromia, Nov. 12, 2015#OromoProtests, Qabosoon itti fufa jedhu aayyoleenstop-killing-oromo-peopleOromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa on the Guardian. #OrompProtests global icon p1oromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-center-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympicoromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-in-solidarity-with-oromoprotests-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympic-he-is-the-silver-medallistQuebec City Marathon winner, Oromo athlete, Ebisa Ejigu, replicates Rio Olympic medallist’s #OromoProtestsAthlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2kindi-asefa-toronto-waterfront-half-winner-protests-in-support-of-oromo-people-oromoprotests-oromorevolution-16-october-2016as-hirut-guangul-of-ethiopia-crossed-the-quad-cities-marathon-finish-line-as-the-first-woman-overall-for-the-fourth-consecutive-year-she-crossed-her-arms-above-her-head-in-an-xan-oromo-youth-hero-shanted-down-down-woyane-on-the-face-of-mass-killers-tplf-agazi-at-bishoftu-2nd-october-2016-oromoprotestsorompoprotests-picture-from-the-economist-13-october-2016oromorevolution-thefinalmarchforfreedomoromorevolution-oromoprotests

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This is a video made by Swedish students in Skara about the protests going on in Ethiopia that have been going on for more than a year. Share the message and you definitely don’t need to be oromo to support this!
SHARE! SHARE! SHARE!

Deeggartoota oromoo biyya Sweden kan magaalaa Skaratti baratan. Kani oromoon fira godhatte. Qabsoo teenyaaf akkanatti fira horachuun barbaachisaadha.

Det här är en video gjord av svenska elever i Skara om oroligheterna i Etiopien som har pågått ett helt år. Dela videon och budskapet. För man behöver definitivt inte vara oromo för att stå i solidaritet med oromo folket!
DELA! DELA! DELA

Thanks to Aseel Ajaj, Asma Tribis, Avura Omorojor, Hanna Berg, Julia Andersson, Klara Mäkitalo, Martynas Valkiunas, Omar Tribis and Sam Boekelman. And Elin Abelsson for recording!

#OROMOPROTESTS #OROMOREVOLUTION

 


Oromia (Gincii): Barattoonni Magaalaa Giincii fi naannawaashii hiriira bahuun karoora Maaster pilaanii Finfinnee balaaleeffatan. November 13, 2015,  Posted by OromianEconomist

Pambazuka News: Some thoughts on the deteriorating situation in Ethiopia. #Oromorotests #OromoRevolution November 13, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Ethiopia is descending into possible civil war. With the recent declaration of a state of emergency, the country is in turmoil due to exploitation of the long-suffering people of Oromia, Ogaden, Gambella and other ethnic groups by the ruling TPLF elite in partnership with international enablers such as China and the United States. TPLF exploitation and widespread repression have created highly rebellious resentment among the people.

The revolts in Ethiopia have the potential for creating radical, beneficial changes in the political order or instigating complete chaos that crosses its borders and destabilizes the entire fragile Horn of Africa region, for the outcomes of such uprisings have varied considerably from country to country. These protests can be the catalyst for building a new and democratic Ethiopia or end up in tears and disillusionment, as in Libya, South Sudan and many other places in the world. Countries emerging from dictatorships are particularly vulnerable and Ethiopia is certainly under a vicious dictatorship.

The events in Ethiopia are being described as “Intifada,” “Ethiopian Spring” or as something akin to the Color Revolutions in the Ukraine and Georgia and the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests in China. During the uprising in 2005 protesting the rigged election, the late chief of the Tigrean Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF) and Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, did say that there would not be any more Color Revolutions in Ethiopia. That uprising was put down with hundreds dead and thousands in concentration camps.

This time, however, the revolts are widespread and they appear beyond the power of the state to control and put down. Apparently, Mr. Zenawi spoke prematurely. Technological innovation is a very important part of this current political mass mobilization which is why the government has moved with cutting Ethiopia off from the internet and dismantling satellite dishes from the homes of ordinary citizens. Drawing on satellite television, mobile phones and the Internet, the revolts are spreading. Within seconds, activists send their messages against the tyranny. Unsurprisingly, the TPLF oligarchy is extremely fearful of social media websites like Facebook, Twitter and the diaspora media.

In this piece, I want to reflect on three points:

1. The celebrity factor: Feyisa Lilesa Versus Prime Minister Halemariam Desalegn

2. Mr. Abay Tsehaye’s reference to Rwanda

3. The newly declared State of Emergency

The celebrity factor: Feyisa Lilesa versus Prime Minister Halemariam Desalegn

In the wake of the Rio Olympics, the profile of the Ethiopian uprising got a boost from Feyisa Lilesa, with his heroic act of crossing his arms on winning the silver medal for marathon, a signature symbol of solidarity of the oppressed Oromo nation to which Feyisa belongs. The influence of the celebrity athlete for social change is formidable, and Feyisa has emerged as a powerful voice for the struggle of his Oromo people, causing nervous shivers in the beleaguered regime. What the death and imprisonment of thousands of Oromos couldn’t accomplish in Ethiopia was achieved by his symbolic act at the finish line. Now the whole world is clued into the terrible conditions in Ethiopia and beginning to learn about the plight of the Oromo people.

Other Ethiopian athletes have since used their successes to follow suit. Ebsa Ejigu, Tamiru Demissie and Hirut Guangul have used their international successes to publicize the plight of their country’s men and women to an international audience. This trend is likely to continue now as other athletes and celebrities are losing their fear of retaliation and becoming more and more willing to participate in what has become a growing national movement. Yes, these athletes will pay a price. Lilesa is now separated from his wife and children and beckoning an unknown fate. Life in exile will not be easy even for famous athletes. But compared to those losing lives and limbs to bullets in Ethiopia, it is a small price to pay. They are heroes, and their names are already inscribed in history books.

The TPLF reaction to Lilesa’s heroic act can be gleaned from statements given by PM Hailemariam Desalegn. Although the PM is from the Wolayta ethnic group, which was traditionally relegated to the periphery of the Ethiopian mainstream, he has become a willing accomplice and spokesman for the TPLF. Most people regard him as an accidental PM who happened to be in the right place and at the right time when his powerful boss, PM Meles Zenawi passed away in the summer of 2012. He was handpicked as Zenawi’s deputy because he wasn’t a threat and, as a non-Tigrean, served as a convenient cover and a token representing “diversity” for the TPLF. He is so loyal to the late PM, he still refers to the Meles “vision” in his public pronouncements. Most Ethiopians know that he is just a figurehead with no real power. Yet, in an interview conducted with the online Foreign Policy.com, he is quoted as saying:

“It’s me who sent [Lilesa] to Rio for the Olympics, and we expected him to come back after winning the medal. . . . [T]his is not the capacity of the man himself. It’s something which has been orchestrated by someone else from outside.”

It is remarkable that the PM has the audacity to say he sent Feyisa Lilesa to the Olympics, as if Feyisa needed his charitable permission. It is crystal clear that Feyisa earned his place in the Olympics.

One can readily concede that he may have acquiesced to nepotism by sending to the Olympics the unqualified son of the head of the sports federation, Robel Kiros Habte, who made Ethiopia a laughing stock with his hopeless performance in a swimming race. But no one can doubt that Feyisa went to the Olympics because he was Ethiopia’s best hope for the marathon. And he delivered in no unmistakable terms by winning a silver medal competing with the best and the elites in the world. It is hard to believe that Desalegn referring to Feyisa actually said: “This is not the capacity of the man himself” – thus exposing his own pomposity, shallowness and contempt for the Oromo hero. Clearly, Desalegn has sold his soul to the TPLF devil. To suggest that Feyisa cannot think for himself and act on his own is inexcusably ignorant and arrogant and unbecoming of a prime minster.

Feyisa is not only a fine athlete; he is also a dignified, proud, principled and articulate Oromo and Ethiopian, as he amply demonstrated during the press conference in the Washington D.C. rally where Congressman Chris Smith also spoke. Also, in a direct reply to the PM’s insult, Feyisa quipped:

“I was not surprised by his comments because individuals who are always controlled by others tend to assume everyone is that way as well. . . . Unlike the prime minister, I make my own decisions and speak for myself.”

Indeed, Desalegn is a sellout with little dignity, reading and parroting whatever script is given to him by the TPLF. The pretentious PM has replaced the real world with a make-believe virtual world. It is for this reason that he is unable to see realities on the ground; he is temporarily sheltered behind a wall whose mortar is sychophantic servitude and a wicked willingness to say and do anything to appease his TPLF benefactors.

It is beyond regrettable that Desalegn is unable to see the rapid downside toward further chaos and civil war in Ethiopia that is due to the abject misery and oppression suffered by the people who are subjected to the policies of those he is serving and to whom he has sold his soul. He calls himself a born-again Christian with a straight face. How would Jesus himself, who stood up to the hypocritical Pharisees and threw the money-changers out of the temple in Jerusalem, have regarded a man like Desalegn, who is in bed with the TPLF elites who are the modern day equivalent of the Pharisees in Ethiopia and whose words and actions rarely match? The human suffering that is the result of the violent and continuous repression cannot be seen from inside their ideological castles resting on the thin air of empty rhetoric and shameless self-promotion.

Desalegn would be well advised to keep his mouth closed to spare himself more disgrace. He has already sunk into the deep end of an abyss. It is depressing to see a human being selling out his people and becoming a slave of oppressors.

Invoking the specter of Rwanda

The TPLF ideologue and one of the real powers behind the throne, Mr. Abay Tsehaye, in an interview with the pro-government Radio Fana, compared the situation of Rwanda in the early 90s to the current situation in Ethiopia. He correctly stated that Rwanda was comprised of only two ethnic groups (the Hutu and the Tutsi), really not much of a country, and was on the verge of disintegration. He went on to say that reconciliation occurred and the country recovered. In Ethiopia with over eighty ethnic groups, if the situation goes “out of control,” he concluded, Ethiopia will cease to exist as a country. Every thoughtful person worries about this. However, one can reasonably surmise from his analysis that Ethiopia under the control of his Tigray-dominated government, who make up only six percent of the Ethiopian population, is his guarantee for holding the country together. Mr. Tsehaye fails to recognize the draconian hegemonic policies of his regime as the very reasons for the grim state of affairs in the country. As the Ethiopian uprising makes clear, the various ethnicities are no longer buying TPLF shenanigans and see the TPLF itself as the main cause of Ethiopia’s predicament, as the country descends into possible civil war.

For anyone willing to see the truth, Ethiopia is in a state of turmoil due to the exploitation of the long-suffering people of Oromia, Ogaden, Gambella and other ethnic groups by the TPLF elite in partnership with international enablers such as China and the United States, the principal rivals in Africa and the Horn region. The TPLF exploitation, in which valuable resources and political roles are dominated by a minority elite that has transformed itself into an oligarchy, has created highly rebellious resentment by the victims while reinforcing a sense of ethnic identity and consciousness. Faced with increased intrusion into their lands by so-called international investors, by the displacement and stunted developments they experience and by the breakdown of their social fabric, Ethiopians are mobilizing to resist.

The government’s state-driven development projects financed by international investors and partners bypass the rural peasants and pastoralists, alienating the people and reinforcing the politics of deep ethnic hierarchy. Recent events have made it clear that TPLF’s “constitutional federalism” has more to do with its divide-and-rule strategy and its elitist allocation of national resources, comparable to actions of the former Soviet Communist Party, which retained tight control over its regions through local parties. The TPLF set up People’s Democratic Organizations, local versions of the ruling party, which squeezed out traditional authority.

The co-opted ethnic leaders from these regions have either completely lost credibility, are sitting on the fence, or are jumping ship to support the resistance. Key former government figures like Junedin Sado are breaking their silence and speaking out with scathing attacks on the regime. He has apologized to the Ethiopian people for the time that he served under the regime. The so- called coalition that the TPLF built is beginning to unravel. Some Amhara and some Oromo are coming together against the TPLF, overcoming but not necessarily forgetting, the legacy of the historic oppression by Amhara elites which began with Menelik II.

Abay Tsehaye and TPLF leaders will need to face reality — if they have it in them to be truly concerned about Ethiopian unity. Oromo historical grievances are not myths, as some revisionist history asserts. Oromo land is the most fertile and lush in Ethiopia, in contrast to the northern Ethiopian highlands with its rugged mountains and thin soils contributing relatively little to national economic production, but the Oromo have been alienated from control over their land throughout the 20th century first by the Amhara and now by the new TPLF overlords.

Acutely divided societies in which no single faction can impose its view might find an ability to arrive at political compromises in a constitutional form. But in Ethiopia, the hegemonic Amhara and now the Tigreans have excluded others from real power-sharing making true constitutionalism elusive. The leaders see the state as a prize to be won, a basis for private accumulation and patronage. But there is not enough patronage to go around, and those excluded from it mobilize their co-religionists and ethnic groups in an increasingly unmanageable opposition.

The State of Emergency

In response, the TPLF is relying on intensified repression by security forces, ethnic loyalists and the army. And for the first time in twenty-five years, the regime has declared a State of Emergency, clearly showing how rattled it is by the rebellion in the country. The Prime Minster announced:

“The cause of this (state of emergency) is that anti-peace forces in collaboration with foreign enemies of the country are making organised attempts to destabilise our country, to disrupt its peace and also to undermine the existence and security of its peoples.”

This response undoubtedly means more sticks and further erosion of civil liberties in the country but is unlikely to quell the unrest. One of the targets of the State of Emergency is the Internet and Social Media. PM Desalegn did make it a point to rant against diaspora media and the Internet during his appearance in September at the United Nations General Assembly:

“In fact, we are seeing how misinformation could easily go viral via social media and mislead many people, especially the youth…Social media has certainly empowered populists and other extremists to exploit people’s genuine concerns and spread their message of hate and bigotry without any inhibition…it is critical to underline one matter which is usually given short shrift, both by the media and others. It is simply hypocritical to deny that some of our countries have been targets for destabilization activities carried out with no accountability by people and groups who have been given shelters by States with whom we have absolutely no problems.”

The regime that Desalegn serves is responsible for suffocating the Ethiopian people by denying them any alternative media. The Ethiopian government is one of the top jailers and harassers of anyone daring to publish or practice independent journalism within the country. Now, Desalegn is shedding his crocodile tears about his inability to control and suppress social media and broadcasting emanating from the diaspora. While he has a point about the inherent potential for the abuse of social media, the regime is responsible for bringing criticisms on itself. In the absence of media freedom in the country, social media and broadcasting from the diaspora acquired enormous significance for Ethiopians hungry for information. It is clear that Ethiopians no longer trust the regime and have little confidence in official government news, which in reality is mostly propaganda.

Authoritarian regimes adopt various forms of censorship to depoliticize the population and prevent the questioning of their legitimacy. By definition, authoritarian regimes demand strict submission by the media to their political authority. They do so by publishing or broadcasting deceptions in order to maintain their power structures. For example, the regime’s media censored Feyisa’s symbolic gesture in Rio while proclaiming that Feyisa is a national hero and welcome to return home, without any consequences.

The advent of the Internet has somewhat leveled the playing field by empowering regular Internet users to become content producers by utilizing decentralized and distributed networks such as social media. These uses of media pose a great danger to dictatorial regimes, which are moving to subvert, block social media and limit internet use, as in Ethiopia today.

China is the leading culprit in creating the technology to enable censorship which it is sharing with the Ethiopian government. This suppression of the media will not succeed. Freedom-loving people find ways to circumvent these barriers and make determined efforts to stay informed – and, in turn, to inform the whole world.

* Yohannes Woldemariam is an educator and author. This article previously appeared on the Huffington Post’s Contributor platform.

Oromia (Ethiopia): Bishoftu Massacre: #IrreechaMassacre: The day that changed the game November 10, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests, Irreecha, Irreecha Birraa.
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#OromoProtests image, Addis Standard

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P. 5 – #IrreechaMassacre: The day that changed the game (By Addis Standard staffs)

“I saw people who had fallen inside ditches and deeper pits. I saw people who had no one to pick them up. I saw people suffocated by the smoke of the tear gas”

P.8 – A survivor’s account (By Bekel Atoma Boruu)

“Those who ran to save their lives from the teargas bombs and the gun shots pulled themselves and one another to the nearby 6 meters long ditch in front of the podium. The tear gas bomb thrown at the mass increased the number of people running to the ditch not seeing what is in front of them; besides they were blinded by the heavy smoke from tear gas”

P.10 – Irreecha is sacred! We cannot let them take it away (By Ayantu Ayana)

“I keep asking myself how dare they kill on sacred grounds and on a sacred day. How dare they? All those people muddied and bloodied in their beautiful and colorful clothes. All those lives lost. Should mourning be all we do these days? “

P. 13 – Into the heart of Irreecha: Why is it so important to the Oromo? (Buli Edjeta Jobir, Guest Writer)

“An amazing part of the Irreecha ceremony is its absolute orderliness, the reigning of absolute peaceful aura, the showering of love and mutual respect, the sense of oneness and unity. In all the Irreecha ceremonies recorded over the last two decades, after its first rejuvenation, there has never been a single stampede or injury recorded.”

P. 17 – Irreecha: A defining moment in a hallowed land (By Prof. Ezekiel Gebissa, Special to Addis Standard)

“In 2016, it was clear that the largest gathering of Oromos from Oromia’s all corners would be a scene of expression of anger in the wake of the government’s brutal crackdown of Oromo protests during the preceding ten months.

AI: Ethiopia: After a year of protests, time to address grave human rights concerns November 10, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Ethiopia: After a year of protests, time to address grave human rights concerns

Amnesty International, 9 November 2016


 

Nearly one year on from the start of a wave of protests that has left at least 800 people dead at the hands of security forces, the Ethiopian government must take concrete steps to address grave human rights concerns in the country, Amnesty International said today.

The protests began in the central Oromia region on 12 November 2015, in opposition to the Addis Ababa Masterplan, a government plan to extend the capital Addis Ababa’s administrative control into parts of the Oromia.

 

A year after these deadly protests began, tensions in Ethiopia remain high and the human rights situation dire
Michelle Kagari, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

“A year after these deadly protests began, tensions in Ethiopia remain high and the human rights situation dire, with mass arrests internet shutdowns and sporadic clashes between the security forces and local communities, especially in the north of the country,” said Michelle Kagari, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes.

“It’s high time the Ethiopian authorities stopped paying lip service to reform and instead took concrete steps to embrace it, including by releasing the myriad political prisoners it is holding merely for expressing their opinions. They should also repeal the repressive laws that imprisoned them in the first place, including the draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation that has also contributed to the unrest.”

Even after the Addis Ababa Masterplan was scrapped in January 2016, protests continued with demonstrators demanding an end to human rights violations, ethnic marginalization and the continued detention of Oromo leaders.

The protests later expanded into the Amhara region with demands for an end to arbitrary arrests and ethnic marginalization. They were triggered by attempts by the security forces to arrest Colonel Demeka Zewdu, one of the leaders of the Wolqait Identity and Self-Determination Committee, on alleged terrorism offences. Wolqait, an administrative district in the Tigray region, has been campaigning for reintegration into the Amhara region, to which it belonged until 1991.

Just as in Oromia, security forces responded with excessive and lethal force in their efforts to quell the protests. Amnesty International estimates that at least 800 people have been killed since the protests began, most of them in the two regions.

The Ethiopian government’s heavy-handed response to largely peaceful protests started a vicious cycle of protests and totally avoidable bloodshed. If it does not address the protesters’ grievances, we are concerned that it is only a matter of time before another round of unrest erupts
Michelle Kagari, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes

One of the worst single incidents took place on 2 October 2016 when at least 55 people were trampled to death in a stampede during the Oromo religious festival of Irrecha, held in the town of Bishoftu, about 45 kilometres southeast of Addis Ababa. Oromo activists blamed the stampede on the security forces who they said fired live rounds and tear gas into the crowd causing a panic. The authorities deny any wrongdoing.

No protests have been observed since a state of emergency was declared on 9 October, but this has come at the steep price of increased human rights violations, including mass arbitrary arrests and media restrictions, including internet blockages.

“The Ethiopian government’s heavy-handed response to largely peaceful protests started a vicious cycle of protests and totally avoidable bloodshed. If it does not address the protesters’ grievances, we are concerned that it is only a matter of time before another round of unrest erupts,” said Michelle Kagari.

“The restrictive measures imposed as part of the state of emergency only sweeps the underlying issues under the carpet. To fully address the situation, the government must genuinely commit to human rights, including by amending legislation like the anti-terrorism proclamation to bring it fully in line with Ethiopia’s human rights obligations; and ensure its people can enjoy their right to express their opinions including those which criticise government policy and action; and their right to peaceful assembly.”

Background

Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 includes an overly broad and vague definition of terrorist acts and a definition of “encouragement of terrorism” that makes the publication of statements “likely to be understood as encouraging terrorist acts” punishable by 10 to 20 years in prison.

The ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has repeatedly promised to undertake fundamental reform in governance, but has shown no overt sign of genuine commitment to reform. It continues to use excessive force against largely peaceful protesters, labelling them as anti-peace forces, instead of acknowledging and addressing their legitimate grievances.

Crossing Arms: The Plight and Protest of the Oromo in Ethiopia November 8, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests, Uncategorized.
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#OromoProtests against the Ethiopian regime fascist tyranny. Join the peaceful movement for justice, democracy, development and freedom of Oromo and other oppressed people in Ethiopia
Under the false impression that the TPLF/EPRDF are adequately democratic entities, the global community continues to uphold support and offer aid to the government. In the 2015 general elections, the ERPDF won one hundred percent of parliamentary seats. in the previous election the party won 99.6%. Election results like this one reveal that the government is, in all reality, authoritarian, masking their lack of democratic principles with elections as well as the elimination of rivaling civil society groups and independent media.

Crossing Arms: The Plight and Protest of the Oromo in Ethiopia


Equity statement: Accurate information on African politics and culture is extremely difficult to attain. Western countries routinely delegitimize African professionals and news outlets by sharing biased accounts of issues occurring in African countries to African people. I have done my absolute best to adequately research and interview in order to offer the most accurate account of the political situation in Ethiopia and plight of the Oromo people. If you or a loved one is affected by the current situation in Ethiopia or Oromia, and/or you feel that any information is not accurate, please feel free to comment and discuss below.

The Oromo community makes up nearly fourty million people, mainly residing within the borders of Ethiopia. The Horn of Africa, a pastoral hub, is continuously marred by its colonial history; one of the main factors creating ethnic, economic, political, and social instability today. Their colonization and fusion into Ethiopian society disrupted the established and independent, political structure of the Oromos while also placing a massive ethnic group in a subordinate position to two other smaller ethnic groups, the Amhara and Tigray.

The current political group in power, The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is facing scrutiny for its treatment of minority groups. Following the establishment of the 1994 Constitution, after Eretria’s secession and independence, local and international sources began to suspect that the members of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), later reorganizing into the EPRDF, manipulated the country’s constitution for its own aims:
“The TPLF-dominated EPRDF intentionally included Article 39 [The right to secession] in Ethiopia’s 1994 Constitution so that the Tigray region could loot Ethiopia of its resources, use the Ethiopian military to expand the borders of Tigray, and then secede from Ethiopia”.

Under the false impression that the TPLF/EPRDF are adequately democratic entities, the global community continues to uphold support and offer aid to the government. In the 2015 general elections, the ERPDF won one hundred percent of parliamentary seats. in the previous election the party won 99.6%. Election results like this one reveal that the government is, in all reality, authoritarian, masking their lack of democratic principles with elections as well as the elimination of rivaling civil society groups and independent media. Peaceful, anti-government protests erupted across the Amhara and Oromia regions following the election results. Between November 2015 and August 2016, at least 500 protesters were killed by security forces and thousands detained under terrorism charges.

10,000 people march for Oromo demonstration in Seattle Washington.

10,000 people march for Oromo demonstration in Seattle Washington. Credits: https://biturl.io/VRsTq4

Successive government leaders have been cited by Human Rights Watch and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) for human rights abuses as well as non-democratic and severe “iron-fistedness” against dissension; such as, “the Charities and Societies Proclamation of 2008. This restricts Ethiopian non-governmental organizations from embarking on any human rights-related work if they receive their funding from foreign source” according to Adeyinka Makinde of Global Research. The EPRDF has the capacity to stamp down any and all forms of dissension due to its “full control of the security apparatus, the military, the police force and the intelligence services, dominated by ethnic Tigrayans”. EPRDF also legitimizes the use of extreme force under its “vaguely drafted counter-terrorism laws”.

Why Now?

The most recent protests and government crackdown have entered international focus with figures such as Olympic silver-medalist Feyisa Lilesa crossing his arms in solidarity with the Oromo people during the Rio 2016 Olympics.

Feyisa Lilesa crosses his arms in solidarity with the Oromo people when finishing 2nd in the 2016 Rio Olympics Marathon Race. Credits: https://flic.kr/p/LgPMgh

The Oromo people endured oppression for the past century; the question remains as to why, finally, the Oromo peoples’ protests have gained traction.

In an interview with Gemechu Mekonnen, an undergraduate student studying at the University of Minnesota Twin Cities, an Ethiopian, and an Oromo, he explained that the oppression of the Oromo people reached a tipping point around a year ago when the government planned to enact what is coined “The Master Plan” to seize Oromia land. Farmers around the capital would in turn, lose their source of income with little to no compensation while the government sold their property, arguably for some the most fertile land in Africa, to foreign investors such as China.

Man holds sign in protest of Ethiopian government Master Plan to seize Oromo property. https://biturl.io/VRIOf5

Man holds sign in protest of Ethiopian government Master Plan to seize Oromo property. Credits: http://bit.ly/2fqlO5B

The lack of representation, subjugation and oppression of the Oromo group by ethnic groups such as the Ahmara and Tigray resulted in an “unsurprising amount of frustration and resentment”. the Ethiopian government had, “already taken the dignity, voice, and lives of so many, [that] the Oromo people finally said ‘enough is enough’ to the government’s unjust actions”.

Understanding a country’s history and human rights record, while necessary, is not sufficient to comprehend the opinions, needs, and future of an ethnic group. Mekonnen’s insight offers a rare and intimate perspective on the plight of the Oromo people, their tenacity, and their unwavering battle for self-determination:
“The ‘why now’ really comes rooted in many different now. Whether it’s the influence of globalization revealing more of the world to Ethiopians [and to] Oromos, the emboldened and educated students and youth [who] question the status quo, or the blatant lack of respect for the land and life of their people, all these [factors] were important in catalyzing the active voices for change that now exist. The more the government tries to arrest journalist, suppress independent media, and kill opposition leaders, the more the people protest”.

The more pressure the international and domestic community puts on the government, the greater the voice the Oromo people have to advocate or their rights domestically and on a global stage. However, signs of progress are small and incremental. On October 2nd 2016, an estimated 678 civilians were killed and countless injured by government forces in what is now infamously known as The Irreecha Massacre. Nearly two million people from across Oromia assembled to celebrate Irreecha, a festival marking the changing of seasons. Irreecha, for many Oromo, is a setting for “resistance and reaffirmation of identity” where attendees sing revolutionary songs and denounce human rights abuses. Following what the attendees considered a politicization of the festival, an individual openly defied the organizers (who were affiliated with the government) and spoke out against the EPRDF. Security forces responded by firing bullets and tear gas on the unarmed participants. Repeatedly hearing news about the tragic loss of life of his people leaves Mekonnen feeling “a sense of hopelessness”. He describes “a recurring feeling dread, not for what could happen to me, but for what is most likely happening to the family I have in Ethiopia”.

The situation in Ethiopia reaches far beyond its borders. The Oromo peoples’ struggle, while inadequately understood by the rest of the world, is catalyzing what will be true, grass-roots changes. There remains much reform that needs to be done regarding Oromo self-determination and within the Ethiopian government itself, but the process has begun. It is important for the international community to recognize the atrocities occurring within Ethiopia as well as stand in solidarity with the Oromo people and the victims of violence and human rights abuses.

Click here for more information and to donate to The Advocates for Human Rights

Ethiopia is one of the 19 poorest, unhappiest, unhealthiest, and most dangerous countries in the world November 8, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Development, Development & Change, Development Studies, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Free development vs authoritarian model.
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The Independent: The 19 poorest, unhappiest, unhealthiest, and most dangerous nations in the world

(Comoros, Ethiopia, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Libya, Niger, Guinea, Pakistan, Burundi, Angola, Mauritania, Iraq,  Chad, DR Congo,  Sudan, Central African Republic, Afghanistan, Yemen).


Many of the countries that feature toward the bottom end of the index have been hit hard by wars and outbreaks of disease.

The countries are generally lacking in strong economies, governments, and education systems.


The Legatum Institute, a London based research institute released its 10th annual global Prosperity Index, a huge survey that ranks the most prosperous countries in the world, on Thursday 3rd November 2016.

Prosperity may mostly be used to talk about money, but the Legatum Institute thinks there is more to it than that.

The organisation compared 104 separate variables to come up with its list. These variables include traditional indicators like per-capita gross domestic product and the number of people in full-time work, but also more interesting areas such as social tolerance and how good a nation’s internet is.

The variables are then split into nine subindexes: economic quality, business environment, governance, education, health, safety and security, personal freedom, social capital, and natural environment.

We’ve already shown you the 25 countries that the Prosperity Index rated as the most prosperous, or in other words, the happiest, wealthiest, and most crime-free places on earth. Now it’s time to look at the countries at the other end of the list.

Many of the countries that feature toward the bottom end of the index have been hit hard by wars and outbreaks of disease. They are generally lacking in strong economies, governments, and education systems.

We’ve taken the bottom 19 countries from the Legatum Institute’s index and ranked them in reverse order, where No. 1 represents the “least prosperous” country.

The index looked at the 149 countries in the world that have the most available data. As a result, it should be noted that certain prominent countries, including Syria and North Korea, do not feature because of a lack of available data.

19. Comoros — The tiny island nation of the Comoros is pretty safe in the grand scheme of things, ranking 69th out of 149 countries. However, it ranks as one of the least prosperous nations thanks to bottom 20 scores in five of nine subindexes, including being 135th in the entrepreneurship subindex.

18. Ethiopia — Ethiopia scored pretty well in some subindexes, but low levels of entrepreneurship and opportunity, and a bad score in the education subindex mean that the Legatum Institute ranks it as one of the 20 least prosperous countries on Earth.

ethiopia-getty.jpg
(Getty Images)

17. Liberia — It was hit badly by 2014’s Ebola virus epidemic, and almost 5,000 people were killed in the country. As a result Liberia’s score in the health subindex was in the bottom five, its worst individual subindex score.

16. Mali — While it scored in the top 100 nations for personal freedom and social capital, Mali was pushed down the Prosperity Index by having a bottom five education score.

15. Nigeria — Nigeria may have one of Africa’s most powerful economies, but it scored pretty poorly in all nine subindexes, with its lowest rank being in safety and security, reflecting the presence of militant groups like Boko Haram and the Niger Delta Avengers.

nigeria-crisis.jpg

14. Libya — After the ousting of brutal dictator Muammar Gaddafi, it was hoped that Libya would prosper, but a power vacuum and years of fighting have ravaged the country. The Legatum Institute puts it in the bottom 10 for personal freedom, governance, and entrepreneurship.

13. Niger — Niger faces similar problems to Nigeria when it comes to terrorist groups like Boko Haram, although it scores relatively highly (87th) for safety and security. Its worst individual subindex score came in education, where it was 3rd last.

12. Guinea — Despite a natural environment ranking in the top 60 globally, terrible scores for health and education keep Guinea’s overall ranking incredibly low, making it the 12th least prosperous nation surveyed.

11. Pakistan — Despite having fairly good scores for both economy and governance, Pakistan was ranked as one of the seven most unsafe countries on Earth. It has the worst natural environment of any nation, according to the Legatum Institute.

pakistan-sectarian-killings2.jpg

10. Burundi — Improving its position from the 5th least prosperous nation in 2015, Burundi’s top score came for personal freedom (101 out of 149). It was dead last when it comes to social capital.

9. Angola — Angola, on Africa’s south west coast, is oil rich, but not at all prosperous, according to the Legatum Institute. It is in the bottom 20 countries in all nine subindexes.

8. Mauritania — The North African country has a pretty good score for social capital (it’s 82nd out of 142 countries) but is in the bottom 15 for six of the 15 sub-indexes, meaning that it comfortably makes our list as one of the least prosperous countries on Earth.

7. Iraq — As one of the areas occupied by ISIS, it is not hugely surprising to see Iraq rank in the bottom three of the safety and security subindex. Despite ranking in the top 100 in one subindex — social capital — Iraq ranks 143rd out of the 149 countries surveyed.

iraq-smoke.jpg

6. Chad — In 2014, only the Central African Republic was less prosperous than Chad. Last year it was the 4th least prosperous, but it has improved its position again this year. It’s highest subindex score came for natural environment.

5. Democratic Republic of Congo — Citizens in the Democratic Republic of Congo have to contend with the country being ranked as the second most unsafe country in the whole Prosperity Index. Its top subindex score was 131st in social capital.

4. Sudan — Sudan has fallen from 134th last year to 145th now. The country’s citizens are the second-least free of any in the Prosperity Index, and it ranks in the bottom ten for all but two subindexes.

south-sudan1.jpg

3. Central African Republic — As its name suggests, the country is located in the heart of Africa. The nation has improved its standing from least prosperous in 2015 to 3rd least this year, despite ranking in the bottom 10 in all but one subindex.

2. Afghanistan — Ravaged by war for decades, it is perhaps unsurprising that Afghanistan ranked as having the worst personal freedom of all countries surveyed, and the third-worst for governance. These factors, combined with poor scores across the board make it second-least prosperous of any country surveyed, the same position as 2015.

1. Yemen — Devastated by civil war, Yemen is dead last in the economy, entrepreneurship, and governance subindexes, second last in social capital, and in the bottom three for personal freedom.


Click here to read on the 25 richest, healthiest, happiest, and most advanced countries in the world

Oromia (WBO): Tarkaanfii WBO Godina Kibba-Baha: Irree fi Gaachanni Saba Oromoo, Waraanni Bilisummaa Oromoo Diina Haleele November 8, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in WBO.
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Tarkaanfii WBO Godina Kibba-Baha

 

(SBO) Gootichi Humni Addaa WBO Godina Kibba-Bahaa, Baalee keessa socho’u Onkoloolessa 27 – 29 bara 2016 lola hadhaawaa waraana weerartuu wayyaaneen bobbaase waliin godinicha keessaa bakkoota adda addaatti gaggeesseen injifannoolee cululuqoo galmeessee jira. Waraanni Bilisummaa Oromoo Godina Baalee keessa sosso’u lola kanaan loltoota wayyaanee 70 ol tahan ajjeesuu fi madeessudhaan meeshaalee waraanaa Saglii lamaatis diinarraa hiikkachuun dantaa QBOf oolchuu Ajajni WBO Godina Kibba-Bahaa beeksiseera.

Haaluma kanaan Onkoloolessa 27 bara 2016 Godina Baalee Ona Raayituu bakka Waldaya Laga Dharroo jedhamutti galgala keessaa sa’aatii 5:00 hanga 6:00tti Humni Addaa WBO waraana mootummaa wayyaanee sochii Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG fi sochii WBO dhabamsiisuu akeekkatee Somaaliyaarraa Gammoojjii Baalee keessa qubsiifame haleelee jira. Humni diinaa heddummina qabu kun akeeka diinummaa bakkaan gahuuf halkanii fi guyyaa odoo olii-gadi fiiguu gootowwan miseensota WBOtiin haleelamee kasaaraa mudateera. Gootichi Humni Addaa WBO Godina Kibba-Bahaa lola

Waldaya Laga Dharroo irratti wareegama qaalii baasuudhaan injifannoo galmeessaniin:

  1. Loltoota wayyaanee 10 battalumatti ajjeesuu,
  2. 15nii ol madoo akkaan hamaa taasisuu
  3. Qawwee AKM-47, 10 hidhannoo guutuu waliin
  4. Bombii harkaa F1 jedhamu 30
  5. Rasaasa AKM baay’inni isaa 1200 tahu,
  6. Boorsaa duydaa 10 lola kanarratti humna diinaarraa booji’uudhaan qabsoo bilisummaa ABOn hogganamuuf akka oolche Ajajni WBO Godina Kibba-Baha Oromiyaa beeksisee jira.

Guyyuma kana galgala gartuun Mahaandisoota Humna Addaa WBO, Miinoo farra-namaatiin daandiiwwan kallattii Sadiin Ona Raayituu, Qarsaa Allaattii fi Ona Sawweenaa irraa humni waraanaa wayyaanee ittiin loltoota isaaf birmachuuf malurratti tarkaanfii fudhatee jira. Mahaandisootni WBO miinoo farra-namaa daandilee waraanni wayyaanee humna isaa WBOdhaan haleelameef birmachuuf irra gulufaa turerra kallattii Sadeeninuu dursanii awwaaluudhaan:

  1. Loltoonni 10 battalummatti miinoon itti dhuka’ee daaraa yoo tahan
  2. 16 ammoo haalaan madaa’anii qaamaa hir’achuun kasaaraan irra gahuu Ajajni WBO Godina Kibba-Bahaa dhaamee jira.

Irree fi gaachanni saba Oromoo WBOn godina Baalee keessa socho’u haleellaa humnoota wayyaanee Oromiyaa weeraran irratti raawwatu jabeessee itti fufuun, Onkoloolessa 28 bara 2016 Ona Sawweenaa bakka Kaarra Dhaddoo jedhamu lafa marfata gaaraa keessatti tarkaanfii haxxeetiin diinarratti milkii gonfateera.

Gootichi Humni Addaa WBO ganama sa’aatii 6:20 hanga 7:00tti tarkaanfii haxxee hidhee miinoo farr-namaa awwaaleen fudhateen humna waraana wayyaanee sakattaa WBOf bobbaafaman keessaa 8 ajjeesee, 12 ol kan madeesse yoo tahu, loltoonni diinaa tarkaanfii WBOtiin madaahanis waldhaansaaf gara mana Yaalaa Gindhiiritti geeffamuun mirkanaawee jira. Madoon loltoota wayyaanee keessumaa kanneen miinoo farra-namaatiin madaahan miidhaan irra gahe akkaan cimaa tahuurraa Gindhiir irraa gara Finfinneetti dabarfamaa jiraachuu Ajajni WBO Godinichaa dhaamsa ergeen hubachiiseera.
Guyyuma kana, Onkoloolessa 29 bara 2016, humni addaa WBO loltoota wayyaanee madoo isaanii fe’atanii deemaa turan Ona Sawweenaa Mudhii Harooressaa bakka jedhamtutti haxxee hidhee dhukaasa sardaa itti banuun madoolee baatanii deemaa turan dabalatee loltoota wayyaanee 12 hojiin ala gochuun qawwee AKM-47, 6 hidhannoo guutuu waliin booji’eera.

Waraanni Bilisummaa Oromoo lola hadhaawaa Godina Baalee bakkoota adda addaatti taasisee injifannoo cululuqaa itti galmeesse kanarratti wareegama gootummaa qaalii baasuullee Ajajni WBO godinichaa dabaluun hubachiiseera.
Ajajni WBO Godina Kibba-Baha Oromiyaa dhaamsa dabaluudhaan dabarseen falmaa hadhaawaa fi ulfaataa goototni muratoon WBOn lubbuu jijjiirraa hin qabne baasanii gaggeessaa jiran akkasumas wareegama Qeerroo fi ummanni Oromoo biyya keessaa itti dhumatee kafaluun qabsoo finiinsaa jiru kana gariin dhala Oromoo odeeffannoo haala adda addaatiin dhageenyuun itti qoosuu fi gara-dabarsuuf yoo tattaafatanii fi dhiigaa-lafee teenyatti qoosuu wayta barbaadan dhageenya.

Oromoo! Nuti kan duunee awwalcha malee hafaa jirru maaliifi? Wareegamni keenya garaa isin hin nyaanne? Qeerroon guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti akka bosonuutti adamfamuun waraana weerartoota wayyaaneen ajjeefamanii akka saree gatamaa jiranis akkuma WBOdhaa awwaalcha dhabanii, ummatni keenya yeroo ammaa kana baddaa fi gammoojjiin hundi waraanaan marfamee akkuma bosonuu adamfamaa jira. Sabni bakka seenuu fi waan tahu wallaalee halkanii fi guyyaa hiraaraa jira. Qeerroon hammi carraa argatan bosonatti nutti dabalamee ajjeesee du’uun seenaa yoo hojjataniis hedduun carraa kana dhaban, ilmaan boru biyyaa fi sabaaf bu’aa meeqa buusan, hegereen abdii Oromiyaa dargaggoonnii fi shamarran hedduun harka duwwaa shiftoota wayyaaneen qacaleetti nu jalaa nyaatamaa jiran. Kun qaama eenyuu ti? Kun isin hin laalessuu? Maraafuu ilmaan Oromoo dhiiga Oromummaa dhugaa qabdan hundaaf dhaamsi keenya akkaan ifaa fi gabaabaa dha.

ABO fi WBOn kallacha, gaachana abdii saba Oromoo ti. Dhalli Oromoo bilisummaa hawwu kamuu ABO fi WBO jabeeffachuun alatti falli qabu hin jiru. Kanaaf dhalli Oromoo ABO fi WBO diina ajjeesee ofiif wareegama baasaa jirurratti olola ergama diinummaa oofuufii oofsisuun yakka diinummaa irraa adda baafnee tasa hin ilaallu.

Beekaas tahe wallaalaan namootni, murnootni biyyoota alaa teessanii nyaattanii, uffattanii, maatii teessan akka gaarii guddifatuun nuhii dhiiga keenya dhangalaasaa dawaa tokkoon maleetti madoo teenya qunbii itti hidhannee yaallachaa jaallan wareegaman irra tarkaanfannee falmaa hadhaawaa gochaa jirrurratti gochi ololaa fi sochiin Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa akka dadhabuu fi laaffatuuf karaa fi bifa fedheenuu hojii farrummaa fi yakkaa QBO irratti raawwataa jirtan akka irraa dhaabbattan akeekkachiifna. Tahuu baannaan sabni keenya sabummaan itti dhagayamu diinaa fi isin hunda ija takkaan akka ilaaluu qabu gadi jabeesinee dhaammanna.

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!
Ajaja WBO Godina Kibba-Baha Oromiyaa


Odeeffannoo waraana wayyaanee keessaa bahe

Sadaasa 9,2016

(Oromia press) — Naannawa Qabridaar Zoonii Bahaa Kutaa Waraanaa 33ffaa keessatti Waraanni Wayyaanee Walitti gara galuudhaan Qondaalotni Wayyaanee kan Sabaan Tigree tahan Afur (4) akka Ajjeefaman dubbata. Sababni walwaraansi kun irratti eegalames, Warraana zoonii bahaa kutaa waraanaa 33ffaa tin ” Deemtanii Nageenya Harargee Bahaa fi Lixaa ykn Addeellee fi Cirootti akka eegsiftan” kan jedhu Ajajni erga dabree booda, waraanninis Dhaadannoo ” Gaaffiin ummataa haa deebi’u, Ajajoonni TPLF qofti nun ajaju, ABO’n Gaachan ummataatii fi kkf erga jedhan booda walitti gara galuudhaan wal dhahan jedha maddi oduu amanamoo kun.

Kanumaan wal qabatee, Warri meeshaa waraanaa wajjiin badanis Hedduu akka tahaniifi Joollee waraana kana keessa jirtus Nama 52 akka hidhanis ni dubbata.
Odeeffannoo dabalataas hordofnee isiniin geenya,
Gadaan Gadaa bilisummaati.
Qabsoon itti fufa!


 

The Final Desperate Emergency Martial Law of Ethiopia and its Implications November 8, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomistan-oromo-youth-hero-shanted-down-down-woyane-on-the-face-of-mass-killers-tplf-agazi-at-bishoftu-2nd-october-2016-oromoprotestsNo To Fascist TPLF Ethiopia's genocidal militarism and mass killings in Oromia, EthiopiaFascist TPLFAgazi forces shooting #Oromprotsters in Babbile town, East Hararge . 14 March 2016

The Final Desperate Emergency Martial Law of Ethiopia and its Implications

By Ibsaa Guutama


Emergency declaration simply means government issuing laws that could enable it control natural or man made crisis by suspending certain provisions of civil rights and/ or personal liberties for a given time and surrounding. Empire Ethiopia claims to have laws all through its existence. But it has been abusing human rights as if it was permanently under emergency situation. From among them the last twenty five years were those we tasted and are wounding our memories. Wala’ita, Sidaamaa, Ugadeen, Mazhangir, Benii Shangul, Afar and Koonsoo can be cited among those subjected to genocide. Once, Wayyaanee leader said that he can take measures simply for not liking someone’s eye colors. It has been about a year since the Oromo started uninterrupted peaceful protest because such arrogance and abuses became more burdensome and painful than ever. The energy released is so great that it has already shaken government of Wayyaanee from the foundation, attracted attention of world community and caused great devastation to human life and property. The Oromo are sure to at least end their subjugation by aliens. Protest later expanded to Amaaraa centers of Goojjam and Gondar. When they felt TPLF is losing grip over the empire many groups started to rally to get a share in the result as well as to stop Oromo national movement from dictating the outcome. Some want to share power with Wayyaanee, others want to totally replace it and still others to liberate their nations. Many look forward for the day and are making preparations, to participate in 1991 type transitional arrangement. It is like the saying, “Hearing someone saying Porridge Creek all women went out with stirring rod”. Claiming to suppress this protest, TPLF has issued what seems its last emergency declaration to enable it control the crisis itself created. This declaration is a martial law that puts the whole country under military rule. All constitutional rights are suspended. Major intentions of this declaration are continued occupation of Oromiyaa and hindering Amaaraa from getting the opportunity to replace Tigree.

The paradox is TPLF declaring that, wearing the mask of Kawa Xoonaa, the last king of free Wala’ita who was wounded and taken captive during 1884 colonial war in which half the population of the kingdom perished. This living captive mask seems to have come as harbinger of something final as the war was for Xoonaa. Southern Peoples and Oromiyaa will rise together as fallen together despite the quisling bait to derail their drive to freedom. Oromiyaa’s having rich natural resources, big manpower, intelligent and industrious population, the capacity to absorb aliens is a source of envy for so many. It is also different from the colonizers in nationality, language, culture and history that too had stayed scaring them. Therefore Oromo cannot ask “Why do they hate us?” They hate them because of what they have and who they are as well as the beacon of hope Oromo could be for all under colonial oppression. This deep sited feeling never seems to go away. A single utterance of an Oromoo nationalist at a conference they heard eavesdropping from afar had brought out all their ill wishes for Oromiyaa.

They have already taken solidarity placard at Amaaraa rally as a magic wand that has taken away Oromo aspirations for freedom and damped Oromo question once and for all. Solidarity with the abused is a righteous step of a humane society. But when it is attached to sinister motives and fail, it could create frustration among the unaware audience. There was no agreement between the two communities and so no betrayal as cried. They did not even notice that majority Oromoo have no vision for Ethiopia. Even taking it further they dared to question Lawyers’ Association leaders why they made separate meetings, “Are you not Ethiopians? They know that among them there are those that have decadent ideas like theirs but they crossed the red line because of their contempt for Oromummaa in those people. Be that as it may under the circumstance how can one come together with open heart? The so called “Forces of unity” as baseless as they are contribute to divisiveness rather than understanding among peoples.  It is better to keep them at bay so that their hate does not generate harm.  Contact with homeland Amaaraa and other peoples can continue if there is good faith.

The peoples generally called Habashaa stood together after crossing the Red Sea for advantage it gives them over people that were different from them in culture and language; otherwise they had never submitted to common constitution; their bond was that of marriage of convenience. They grabbed the name Ethiopia gradually from Greeks reference to peoples of Kuusaa and other African blacks and started using it off and on until Haayila Sillaasee officially declared it in 1941. It is a stolen name that replaced Kush in all records, spiritual and temporal. By adding all recorded history of Kush Itophiyaa they enriched their own. That helped them march under one mythological name, against their other African peoples. It was observable that whenever they get the opportunity they can even marginalize or push out each other from overseas relations. Without doing research on “The Book” he is carrying an opportunist Pentecostal priest who is saying people should listen to what he is thinking not to what he says, is heard meddling in nature of Ethiopia without knowing how it was formed. Ethiopia is not made in heaven but in Greek language.

The Amaaraa, leading in raids and battles in the past had taken other peoples and tried to impose on them by force Ethiopianism and their language, culture, religion, and history though not fully successful. Even that was reversed in i991 by recognition of TPLF of the right of nations and nationalities to be free. Pseudo Amaaraa organized as Ethiopian faced difficult after the fallout from power when it found it was not wholly Amaaraa. Those still are organized around the name “Ethiopia”. That is why Mallaa Amaaraa Party could not pick up because the “forces of unity” are halfhearted though more inclined to Amaara. They are mostly the “forces of unity” that formed Mallaa Amaaraa party. The gray area between Amaaraaness and Ethiopianism of “forces of unity” is blurring the cause of the Amaaraa and its relations with others. Expressing and exhibiting photo of Oromo prisoners at Amaaraa rally is a blessed deed and same was also expressed from the counterpart; but “force of unity” desecrated it. They tried to harass those with different opinion from them showing contempt for the nation. Freedom of expression is basic requirement in a democratic relation. They tried to hijack the good gesture between two struggling peoples for their own wicked end.

Tigree didn’t mix much with others but marched under the name Ethiopia without giving up own identity. Therefore when its chance set in it did not face problem but mounted the saddle under TPLF, with one army, one language and one culture betraying long standing Habashaa tradition. Old Nafxanyaa were disoriented when they dismounted from the saddle; therefore to get back to own identity came out as a test for them. It doesn’t seem Amaaraa and Tigree Nafxanyaa has ever disagreed as this time. What under lies their present quarrel is control of the empire accelerated by territorial infringement. Even the difference in banner that they made much fuss about is not difference in colors but about emblem. All past regimes had different emblems but had never been a point of dissension as the present. Historically use of flags with emblems is limited, most subjects use only green yellow red colors without emblems. Since the reign of Minilik, now for the first time Amaaraa and Tigree do not have one flag while Amaaraa and “forces of unity” seem to entertain the same.

Tigree has broken a covenant but it may not be something to complain about for they had come doing that on each other. Unlike the rift with colonies like Oromiyaa that are alien, theirs is internal contradiction emanating from TPLF’s greed, which seems momentary. From Amaaraa view, their boundary line is violated, their emblem with lion is replaced, and covenant of Habashaaness betrayed by Tigree. Oromo lost a country, identity threatened, life endangered and Oromo unity came under question. That is why transnational solidarity being fanned could be a source of misunderstanding because it is spontaneous and no agreement made as to its depth and breadth.  Amaaraa grievance is between Tigray and Amaaraa and so internal Ethiopian problem. Oromoo grievance is against Ethiopian ruler at this time, the TPLF. The solution for Amaaraa is accepting Takkazee as the border line between Amaaraa and Tigray and fair power sharing in future Habashaa government. Both Amaaraa and Oromo are asking respect for their rights from TPLF; they both were answered with bullets. Therefore they can probe how to coordinate their operation for the moment to stop it. This does not change the context that Oromo and Amaaraa are sovereign and equal people that can freely determine their destiny. As free people and good neighbors they can be great together.

As for fundamental question of Oromo it will be answered when right of nations to national self-determination is implemented for them. Whoever does not accept those cannot be their partner. The Oromo nation has the largest population in the Horn of Africa. Who have the authority to tell them how to lead their lives? The only thing they asked is for the occupation by minority to end. The world is in the process of forming a new world order which hopefully will offer justice to the so far suppressed. Its mission is to bring the world closer for economic purposes not to erase national identity as some want to mistakenly interpret it. Look at Quebec, Scotland, Catalina and Britain, were they running away from their union or were they welding it?  Can Ethiopian empire remain in the way it was, as aggressor? If Oromo youth says Oromiyaa is for Oromo, who can deny this legitimate demand. If you think their question is not legitimate let us put that to Oromo referendum? If you have any reasonable suggestion for the Oromo put it on the table not on the forum of insults and threats from those that call themselves “forces of unity”. These so called “forces of unity” are floating self-fabricating community of Old Nafxanyaa leftovers, who do not want to join where they legally or originally belong. These should not be confused with children of foot soldiers that lived integrated with the people even before land proclamation of 1974.  The most vocal of them are from garrison centers turned towns. Still the loudest are those in Diaspora that are already citizens of another country. It is only direct discussion between peoples that could create harmony and bring to an end centuries of mistrust not those baseless “forces of unity”.

However because people do not tell each other on the face some smart Alek can create confusion so that clear demands on the other side is not understood. For example, majority Oromo don’t want to be called Ethiopians or Habashaa. Since they believe Oromiyaa belongs to the Oromiyaans any one that wants to occupy her has to cross over their dead bodies. Victories Ethiopia registered at different battles on which individuals with Oromo blood had shown heroic deeds are not taken as their own.  They do not believe intermarriage and interbreeding can create political unity. They see country and individual relations separately. To treat their neighbors with respect and love is their culture. Oromo support strong union to be formed between peoples of Africa based on the will of each nationality. If a people try to put another under it without the other’s will and abuse, Oromo will stand with the abused. All relations with Oromo youth have to be based on points listed above. Don’t get surprised, after more than a century of oppression and dehumanization you have failed to break Oromo will, let alone in this era of advanced technology. If you have anything to negotiate about, base yourself on said stand. Be those neighbors or those born and brought among them, only proper and respectful approach, not insults as they used on their serfs are acceptable.

Under present treacherous situation, descendents of the Amaaraa that did not join the great colonial campaign but remained in their country are struggling to sort out themselves from myriad of peoples and assert their identity and unity.  However there is now a strange breed “forces of unity” claiming to be Amaaraa after colonial campaign leaders. The campaign recruited from peoples it captured on its way as soldiers and christened and Amaaraanized them. Those are their descendant calling themselves “Forces of unity” and want status of Oromiyaa as a colony to continue. They also intend to take towns in Oromiyaa including Finfinnee as Nafxanyaa Island in Oromiyaa Sea if they cannot control the whole country. Actually their regrets are discovering being from groups they have been despising so far. They do not want to integrate with them but curb their own territory in the mindset of Oromiyaa.  That will remain a dream for there shall never be half way liberation for Oromiyaa. They are also manipulating Oromo born from different ethnic groups as if they were aliens belonging to no group but ambassadors to Ethiopia from Mars. They always cite their marrying into each other, as an entitlement to the colonies. In that case Oromo have many in-laws in the world to claim Oromiyaa.

Not focusing on basic problem does not bring sustainable solution. Unlike the feudal system the capitalist system does not spend time and energy on vain glory but material benefit. These run away must realize that there is more benefit by investing as Oromiyaans than fighting the Oromo to be Ethiopian. Problems for the region are the empire system and elites with colonialist mind set.  The Empire has to get uprooted and thrown away for all peoples to be free. It has been a moral burden for many thoughtful peace loving ordinary Ethiopians who could have advanced their civilization rather than wasting time suppressing other peoples and become obstacles for their freedom and progress. Maintaining colonies are no more acceptable under the new world order.  It is possible to talk of the next phase between those that agree on this.  Abyssinians have to be satisfied with their own territory which includes Amaaraa country and Tigray collectively called Ethiopia. The dream of Imperial Ethiopia as theorized by ancient Egyptian monks will only remain a dream. The campaign to realize it has come to the end after about one and a half century and has to march back home.

With conquest of Oromiyaa the Nafxanyaa, enriched themselves with produces and natural resources, land and man power but did not plough back to their mother country like the Tigreans are now doing; majority of its descendents didn’t even visit their ancestor’s land. In 1974 they came to realize their mistake of abandoning the mother country which they could have escaped to, but it was too late.  Though it may be hard on them to get down from the pinnacle of power and live as equals with their tenants still where they were born is their country. In this case unless it is a mental problem there is no one that has no country. It is individual’s choice; but Oromiyaa will not remain under occupation for their sake. The matter did not emanate from being mix or lack of country but the desire to deny Oromo nationhood and sovereignty over Oromiyaa. This is how a mind formed by propaganda of over seven centuries thinks. The paradox of Amaaraa colonialism is thus, if not psychologically, the motherland did not get material benefit from colonial army exploits like classical colonialism or like present day Tigray, from wrong perception of pioneer Nafxanyaa.   As for relations of the Ethiopian Empire and the colonies it was not different from those of the Italians, French and British except their crudeness, level of technological development and similarity of their skins.

Those that call themselves “mix” are not from different races but black begot black. They were not born into white, yellow or red races. Those that fan this issue are narrow minded segregationist with chauvinist outlook and self-created identity crisis.  Because a child is born from Italians or Chinese, Oromiyaa will not become these countries. Ethiopians have codes to differentiate them and the colonies one is “Nitsu Etiyophiyaawii” (pure Ethiopian) and the other “minamintee” to mean the impure.  When Oromo youth started to wash off the impurity to become pure Oromo it was taken as treachery. Oromo purity is not that of blood but that of outlook. There are youth that are of non-Oromo ancestry but Oromiyaans that are involved in Oromo struggle and are paying no less sacrifice than others. Oromo born from different ethnic groups are among the top liberation heroes Oromo have. The majority, “colonial hopefuls” instead of standing with the oppressed class started to trace DNA. They became “force of unity” and those to whom injustice was done were branded “traitors, secessionist, narrow nationalists, divisive” for fighting for independence. The most ethnically eclectic nation by policy are Oromo.  It needs to be a visionary and self-confident, to recognize the right of nations to national self- determination.

Ethiopia is not a people but a myth and curtain to hide behind. It has served its purpose during colonial days. With colonial period de facto gone with its privilege for colonial hordes, Ethiopia can go back to her precolonial territory.  The matter concerns Amaaraa and Tigree. As their simpletons used to write, if Oromo are considered as “ciisanyaa” (tenants) with no country, it means peace is not desired and so the struggle will continue and truth shall prevail. Peoples that lost their history, culture, tradition and flag to colonialism are now coming out raising their resistance banner to claim their proper place among nations of the world. No one can tell them you are this or that without their will, but have to be treated as equals.

Oromo do not have any problem in forming any types of relation at any level as siblings and in equality with freed peoples. Since they have identical experience in life under oppression and contempt what they require to reconstitute themselves are similar. “Forces of unity” have to take note that calling Oromo gosa (tribe) which they are not is offensive. Ethnic also means a societal group that has similar culture, language and similar experiences not “gosa”. Gosa is a division of society above family lower than “qomoo”. Oromiyaa is a nation of several ethnic groups; even if it were single ethnic nation there is nothing wrong for such a great civilization and should not be presented as if natural law was broken. One chooses what one wants to be and no one has the right to impose own will on another. Who are they that want to ensnare over forty million people?

Wayyaanee is an outlaw that originated from the people of Tigray.  Its ancestors conquered Oromiyaa when it was not in a situation to defend itself. And it is now replacing them to accomplish their mission of destruction and add something of its own. Now the situation in the surrounding and in the world has changed. For this reason unless TPLF goes back to its den peacefully, it will be inevitable for it to leave by force, in the manner it came. Oromiyaa is for the Oromo, on what basis does Tigree or anybody claim to rule over them?  It happened from fire power imbalance at certain point of history a little more than a century ago. Now there is no moral or legal justification for continuation of the occupation. So far TPLF and those before it have ruled threatening with gun, and frightening with imprisonment and killings.

Now being numbed by abuses and fear of sufferings gone, peoples from all corners have risen saying enough is enough to the Wayyaanee. Instead of trying to abandon inherited tradition of oppression it is issuing laws to strengthen it. It has realized that its fall is nearing and that it cannot escape from the axe of justice.  For that reason TPLF has declared emergency Martial Law to cover crimes to be committed henceforth as if crimes of the last twenty five years will be forgotten. Measures it is going to take will not be different from the past in quality; number of actors and their concentration and frequency of action may change.

Free measures (netsa irmijaa) to incapacitate, loot, search, rape, kill and imprison without any consideration are going to be sanctioned, just like in their established tradition. The Oromoo had survived to the present even from the most unimaginable cruelty on human standard committed by their rulers starting from Teedros until this day.  Like them all, this one also has been trying to erase the Oromo from this planet. The Oromo have sprouting stumps that no amount of cutting can stop them sending out new shoots that can continue the fight for independence replacing the fallen ones. It is over a century since Oromiyaa totally came under military occupation. The present law may be taken as a psychological war to disrupt the revolutionary momentum that has almost crippled TPLF. Even though it is deploying all war machines it acquired as dependent of foreign powers to massacre the population in a desperate move, it cannot revive but can create damage with the last kick for life, which indeed are nowadays being reported daily.

From now on home burglaries, confiscations of communication and writing materials, gold, cash and live animals and materials of high value are going to be the norm. Torture, killings and rapes are going to be committed with higher rate unseen before not by will of soldiers involved alone, but as standing policy of TPLF government. Already it is told that thousands of snitches are employed to be paid lucrative amount for any piece of information on violation of emergency law. It is tempting for many to get the payment even if it were fabricating information against innocent compatriot, which has already started to be told. Under cover of emergency many institutions and machineries are going to be moved to safety of Tigray to be used after Wayyaanee retreat. So far protesters had imposed on themselves disciplinary limitation but henceforth it should not be expected under the emergency one. Culturally Oromo gives protection for unarmed peaceful persons that do not collaborate with the enemy and those that are war captives. It should not be a surprise if they also issue a proclamation countering enemy’s emergency declaration. Everyone has to be careful that it will be difficult to live with each other if one favors the enemy, give it comfort, or serve it as snitch. The situation demands to stand with the people at this time when injustice is being done, otherwise keeping silent could be considered as being an enemy collaborator. Both the war and its outcome are going to affect many relations.

Peoples started protest against Wayyaanee when the oppression reached intolerable level. The level so reached is one that made dying fending off preferable rather than live being tortured by it. Organizations operating under people’s name did not reach out for them for unknown reasons. For this reason they rose on their own. They started unarmed protest to give TPLF a chance to rethink its policy of genocide. They showed there crossed arms in front of them to show they were unarmed. But the response they got was rain of bullets. TPLF rather burned prisons with prisoners. It even disrupted religious celebration by scaring the crowd with helicopters, bombs and guns, killing many by stampede in addition to those that fell with gun shots. TPLF crimes are no less that Laurent Gbagbo who is now in Dan Haag had the world do not have double standards. TPLF caused peaceful struggle not to work for that country. As a result it seems protests are starting to changing colors. For this TPLF is solely responsible no one else; its abuses, like killing imprisonment, lootings, humiliations and suppressions are the cause for it.

Wayyaanee is making noise against this transparent movement saying there are foreign hands like those of Eritrea and Egypt involved through local political organizations without presenting any believable evidence. This is peoples’ movement and belongs to no organization. No one would have disliked if organizations have the ability to lead. It is the expectation of all that they strengthen themselves and give the movement a pattern. But instead they seem to have been conditioned to going around and socializing with adversaries of their nation to satisfy personal egos. TPLF ‘s Agaazii and federal police are all over Oromiyaa and Somalee Special Force in Eastern Oromiyaa are raining havoc over the people but no one is seen coming for the rescue. Had the movement got foreign support as alleged those blamed were African countries. Is it not on countries outside Africa that Wayyaanee depends for most of its administrative budget including those for armaments, training and management of its army? Are not Agaazii and police that mow down the peoples in particular foreign trained?  Do they believe foreign aid is blessed only for Tigrean warlords even today, like the British did after the battle of Maqadalla, when they denied captured armaments to Oromo forces that defeated Teedros with them and gave it to Tigrean outlaw? Since Oromiyaa is a country occupied by force she has all the right to defend herself with all means. The baboon sitting on its own bald butt points to another baboon’s and says look at his bald butt; Wayyaanee sits on its own bald butt and points to others’ butt that is even not bald at all.

Had Wayyaanee got the brain, it should not have opened its mouth about foreign interference in the empire’s affairs.  Wayyaanee thinks it has to use all the accusations on others that Darg used against it twenty five years ago. Most part of what Darg used to say were not totally false as that of the Wayyaanee; they were true. Oromo culturally do not like lies; and they do not hide the truth. Even if their own people lie they despise and reject them. It doesn’t mean there are no persons that changed their behavior because of sniffing around with aliens like the heifer that spent a day with the donkey. Such are dregs of Oromummaa. Any one that wants to befriend the Oromo should not lie or try to cheat the Oromo if they want to be partners in peace with them. As for foreign aid if help comes from anywhere it is welcome.

Oromo protest has put Wayyaanee out of balance. The emergency declaration it put out is only to give legal coverage for what it was doing unconstitutionally just yesterday. In the short days remaining to it in power, it is going to use the declaration as a cover to loot individuals’ property and to further humiliate the peoples. It is going to go away even without taking into consideration the fate of its PDOs, which it set against their own people. It wants to rub all its dirt on other countries rather than looking around for own redemption. Like its past practice it may perform criminal acts and prepare a drama to have caught foreign agents with evidence. OLF as usual is going to be the main character in the drama. OLF as formulated by the pioneer liberation fighters is the one that is self-reliant and independent. This is what continues haunting Oromo enemies; OLF the beacon of Oromo freedom. Look for the real not the impersonation. Our people have to watch what is going on around them and get prepared physically and temperamentally.  Our struggle is to win but must also be ready to accept win, win situation.

Oromo have produced many knowledgeable. But their level of political consciousness is still lagging behind that of the people. It is worrying to see some young persons ready to give up their rights before they get them. The winning Oromo outlook is that listed by the initial objective principle or Kaayyoo. That is why great value is attached to the name OLF by the Oromo even under situation of organizational weakness. Oromo intellectuals moving as professional or activists are expected to enrich and advance not emaciate it. It will be helpful if they function as people’s cadre not politicians. The recent efforts to bring together Oromo of different political views are a good beginning. From the first we learn that such meeting should stay private and no public broadcast allowed. Views raised by participants were taken out of context and some wounding words were thrown by the cacophonous “forces of unity”. It also exposed deviations in Oromo camp. It will be a step forward if such convention could achieve consensus on common rules of Safuu for all Oromo to observe. For now better keep ongoing Oromo deliberations stay within the Oromo audience until official statements are given. Any convention has to be guided from the home and reflect national aspirations not that of diaspora alone which live in freedom and have choices. Their messages have to be transparent showing clear stand and vision of the Oromo for Oromiyaa and its neighbors. What must be known is that at the end it is the Oromo people alone that can determine its future not TPLF, “Forces of unity” or even Oromo organizations. Enemy agent among cadres should be watched out.

Cadres of the people have to be the vanguard revolutionaries, courageous enough to challenge the status quo. With years of struggle the Oromo have forced the empire state to accept series of rights like those in the last constitution issued by TPLF/EPRDF government.  Nothing less than that is to be considered. It is the time when only the revolutionaries can produce result not tail wagging reactionaries. Oromo struggle is a national struggle and its priority is strengthening and enabling Oromo to get ready for emancipation and also to face third parties in unison. The blood of Oromoo children that spilled is not for deceptively hogtying the nation and throwing into enemy camp. Therefore those that are waging sincere struggle to empower their people have to watch out as not to be deceived by pusillanimous spineless Oromo Ethiopianists who are openly and clandestinely conspiring to sabotage Oromo struggle.

Even though Oromo organizations are many all claim in one way or other to have objectives to make Oromo life better and different from the past. Some might has slipped from the initial objective that Oromo struggle mapped out fifty years ago. That mission is not yet accomplished. Because some slipped into opposite camp before reaching the goal, the wheels will not turn back. Unless deviants can turn the wheel of Oromo revolution back, they are of no use to “forces of unity” however much they swear loyalty and being cosmopolitans. Presence of Oromo organizations that say we are there for you must be felt in the surrounding not from far off. Leadership is one that leads and not be led. It is how such vacuum is filled and consensus on minimum rules of Safuu that Oromo conventions have to try finding panacea for.

Criticizing or praising past or present actors discriminately, is an unproductive diversion that could harm the struggle; and so needs caution as not to create rift between freedom fighters at this time of national crisis. That doesn’t mean we will pass glaring sabotages on our struggle without exposing but we have to know the right place, time and audience. Oromo at home are dying on each other to bring about freedom and justice for all. It is a mass movement that no particular group could claim except the Oromo people. Any effort to advance Oromo revolution should be supported unconditionally. There are many that are trying to have access to the field of struggle denying this is arrogance and unproductive. Rather how to coordinate all efforts that will strengthen Oromo capabilities must be sought.  If wrongs are observed they have to be pointed out internally. Any negative information is of value only for the enemy.

Wayyaanee has renewed the over a hundred years campaign and declared genocidal war on the Oromo. Nafxanyaa descendants are wiggling to detract Oromo struggle for which millions were sacrificed from its right course denying the sovereignty of Oromo over Oromiyaa. To build support they are seen trying to agitate Oromo children born from non-Oromo parents to break safuu and join them. With contempt they want us to wave their flag, which they carried when they broke us and want us to applaud their rulers that committed genocide on us and suppressed our freedom and they praised our galtuu as if they are representatives we sent them. Knowing all this there are Oromo elites that trot after them like dogs conditioned to leftovers. The heroes they praise at every occasion are Teedros, Yohaanis, Minilik and other avowed enemies of Oromo. They do not realize that at least we have liberated our minds and the way we relate to them is not as before that of slave and master. The can no more impose their will on Oromiyaa and no more will Oromo bow for aliens. It is only with this understanding that they ought to approach the Oromo, their benevolent host. They always talk of Ethiopian unity which no Oromo opposes as long as that doesn’t include Oromiyaa in it. If they want unity with Oromo it is not impossible but the approach has to change. There is no one in this world that speaks for Oromiyaa except the Oromo. Let alone with preconditions to meet or talk to, Oromo are not willing to talk to any one that rejects the right of nations to national self-determination. That is also a test for Oromummaan.

Amaaraa in homeland and Oromo have no grudges between them. They have led similar life of destitution under Nafxanyaa tyrants. From Amaaraa generation of the colonial campaign era, before a century and half there were persons that participated as rank and file in those campaigns. Probably if not psychological boost they benefited them nothing but imposed on them rule of tyrants. Both have countries they love in which they bring up offspring, pursue their faith, resources, and culture and bury their dead in.  These peoples if they desire, they have the opportunity to deliberate on African unity, security of Horn of Africa and the protection of their mutual interest. To overcome the danger facing them directly today, they can also coordinate their operations. Normally, peoples want their boundary, security and their identity and interest not to be abused; not one to get dominance over the other. Dominance is the usual desire of those with autocratic mindset. Oromo do not have the culture and interest to deny other people are their freedom or conduct campaign against them. The advantages Oromo have in that region include having rich natural resources, having the biggest man power and their people being intelligent and industrious. Those are also what put them in disadvantage. Rulers of empire Ethiopia are one enemy. They want to monopolize their resources, deny their freedom and keep them suppressed. The group that calls itself “force of unity” also wants to get back to past oppressive system from which it was overthrown and do the same thing. Oromo give priority to peaceful resolution for problems in that region. If one comes with violence they will not give up without defending themselves. To bring peace to the region Oromo and Amaaraa in the homeland can play a great role.  Sane people know war is devastating and so do not hurry to say, “Bring it on!” There is no doubt that those that fight for birth right and justice shall overcome. Unless one sticks to national kaayyoo, there is no way to win trust from compatriots. That is why many run to the unknown rather that live in suspense with one that wavers at every turn. This problem has to be overcome in order to wage a victorious struggle. The solution may be to reexamine and put ones house in order so that there will be trust among freedom fighters and no enemy agent is implanted in their mindset. They have to be self-reliant and ready to pay necessary sacrifice until victory. The blood of our kids, mothers, fathers and siblings will not remain spilt in vain. The struggle shall continue until it germinates freedom! Oromiyaa shall be free! Justice to all human beings!


Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents!

Ibsaa Guutama

November 2016


 

State of emergency: Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s government command post soldiers raping and killing November 8, 2016

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

Ethiopian government command post raping and killing

Via Beekan G Erena, Ayyaantuu.net, 7 November 2016


Ethiopian government command post raping and killing times and tactics ,and the story of two ladies raped by TPLF soldiers.

fascist-ethiopias-regime-forces-are-conducting-rape-and-mass-killings

We never forget our victims


The time was nearly around 7:00pm when the girl was walking to shop. The command post stopped, slapped her for no reason and asked where she is going. Next one of the command post members forcefully grabbed her cell phone and asked her if she has husband. The girl told them that she is a high school student living in a rented room. Then the soldier who grabbed her cell phone put her under gun point and asked her to walk to her rented room. He entered into the girl’s room following her. Then he beat and raped her to unconscious. At 12:00pm when she become conscious, he was not around but all of usable and portable properties of her were taken and all other properties like books, water glass, coffee cup, electronics etc were broken and dismantled. Exactly the same thing happened to another woman who were living alone in a rented room and were running to shop after work. The student girl was Oromo and the other woman was Amhara living in Oromia and was there for job. From which ethnic group this soldier could be?

As you can understand from the above story, almost all the rapping, killings, tortures and kidnappings made by the so called Ethiopian command post are happening during the night. Regarding their manner of operation, they usually break and enter into any house they want in the midnight where people are sleeping. Once they entered, there is no any form of dialogue, instead they just start beating, raping, kidnapping and sometimes shooting. The soldiers are either racially motivated or instructed to do so that they are so hateful to the people.

In conclusion, Ethiopian command post operation time is during dark night (to hide their harshly crime.) and the tactic is they put you under gun point beat you badly to unconscious. Only after beating one to unconscious, they either rape, robe or kidnap by throwing the victim to their vehicle. Sometimes people are dying of the beatings.
Question 1: Is this the time, operation, and manner of operation (tactic) that Ethiopian parliament approved to be applied to the people?

Question 2: Can anyone, who feels the sufferings of the people, write open letter to Hailemariyam Dessalegn with copy to Oromia and Amhara regional governments to control the time and operation of these racially acting soldiers and police?

Finally, however, the night is long, the day will come!


 

Africans will spur creativity and innovation by celebrating their own excellence — Quartz November 6, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, African Beat, African Literature, Uncategorized.
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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomist

This week, Wole Soyinka, the first African to win the Nobel prize in literature, said he wanted another award: The Grammy. Speaking at Oxford University, Soyinka was responding to Bob Dylan’s recent crowning as the winner of the prestigious literature prize, when he said: “Since I’ve written quite a number of songs for my plays,…

via Africans will spur creativity and innovation by celebrating their own excellence — Quartz

Expression of Strong Opposition to the Candidacy of Tedros Adhanom, Fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister, to Lead the World Health Organization. #WHO November 6, 2016

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Expression of Strong Opposition to the Candidacy of Dr. Tedros Adhanom, Ethiopian Foreign Minister, to Lead the World Health Organization

OSA

October 30, 2016

Dr. Margaret Chan
Executive Director,
Office of the Director General, World Health Organization (WHO)

From: Oromo Studies Association (OSA)


Re:  Expression of Strong Opposition to the Candidacy of Dr. Tedros Adhanom, Ethiopian Foreign Minister, to Lead the World Health Organization


Dear Dr. Chan,

On behalf of the Oromo Studies Association Board of Directors, the Executive Committee and its membership, we are writing to express strong opposition to the candidacy of Dr. Tedros Adhanom to serve as Director General of the World Health Organization. OSA members have been studying health issues along with other matters which affect the well-being of the populations in the Horn of Africa for thirty years, since our founding in 1986. OSA’s opposition to Tedros Adhanom’s candidacy to the top WHO post is based on four principal points:

  1. Dr. Adhanom is unqualified in terms of medical training and professional experience for the position for which he has been put forward.
  2. Dr. Tedros Adhanom politicized Ethiopia’s Ministry of Public Health while in office and the corruption under his leadership became legendary.  He failed to ensure fair distribution of resources to all regions and peoples; his tenure was marked by episodes of denial of care to tens of thousands who deserved treatment during a cholera outbreak.
  3. Adhanom has been complicit in crimes against humanity committed by the Ethiopian regime since he assumed Politburo membership.  While he has served on its Executive Committee, the TPLF has been charged with genocide, ethnic cleansing and widespread human rights violations.  He cannot be absolved from responsibility.  He was complicit in violation of international laws and conventions while serving as the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia when hundreds who were victims of orchestrated security force brutality against protesters, starting in 2014 and continuing until the current day, October 2016.
  4. Tedros Adhanom’s negligence and lack of responsibility while serving both as Federal Minister of Public Health and as the top diplomat in Ethiopia disqualifies him from assuming moral leadership as WHO Director General. His policies and practices while serving in Ethiopia have been contrary to the very principles enshrined in the WHO conventions.

Regarding lack of the professional experience required to serve the World Health Organization, please note that as soon as Dr. Tedros Adhanom received his degree in community heath in 2000, he was appointed as the Director of the Health Bureau of the regional state of Tigray. Very shortly afterward, he was appointed as the Deputy to the Federal Ministry of Health.  By 2005 he was appointed as the Federal Minister of Health. His rapid rise to power was based, rather than on a proven record of competency, on his membership in the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that has dominated Ethiopian politics since 1991.  In 2012 he was moved into the Foreign Ministry, the position he still holds.

The World Health Organization champions the connection between human rights and health. Achieving the highest attainable standard of health (health being defined as “a state of complete physical, social and mental well-being…”) is a fundamental right possible to ensure only if people are free from torture, from inhumane and degrading treatment, from discrimination or exclusion and able to freely participate in identifying their social problems and finding solutions. To the contrary the TPLF/Adhanom government exposes the peoples in Ethiopia to poverty, homelessness and disease and torture or killing of those who oppose their policies, through massive farmer evictions, confiscation of land and resources and withholding services which severely limit the choices in life of the dispossessed.

Since Ethiopia was also signatory to WHO’s 2005 “International Health Regulations” Ethiopia’s Ministry of Public Health was obligated to report to WHO any sign of a cholera epidemic.  Dr. Adhanom’s failure to declare the cholera outbreak in Oromia demonstrates his disregard for the kind of responsibility required by WHO from member states. Appointing such an official to serve as Director General of WHO will be adding insult to the injury already suffered by thousands of Oromo families who lost their loved ones due to his dereliction of duty in the position of Ethiopian Minister of Public Health.  Whether Dr. Adhanom’s refusal to declare a cholera outbreak was out of utter negligence of responsibility or was a politically motivated inaction, he violated his main duty and highest moral responsibility of a minister of heath, which is to save lives. With this malfeasance in his record, it would be scandalous to select him as the Director General of WHO.

Again in 2016, as occurred in 2008, a cholera outbreak is building in Oromia with the same result that the Ethiopian government is failing to report it.  This move to hide the extent of the problem reveals a pattern that gives support to the belief of many residents of Oromia that it is the intent of this regime to reduce the Oromo population in Ethiopia.  We urge the WHO to give attention to this pattern.  Oromo are reminded that the former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi boldly asserted “the majority can become minority.”  Such politicized mishandling of public responsibility is beyond malfeasance. And a key member of the regime responsible should not be advanced to an even more elevated level of international public trust.

Our second objection to Dr. Adhanom’s candidacy concerns corruption and politicization of the health services. Regarding corruption, when Dr. Adhanom was Ethiopian Federal Minister of Health his office was characterized by widespread misappropriation of aid funds. For example, “the Global Fund to fight AIDS Tuberculosis and Malaria,” was used to carry out politically motivated programs. In 2010 unacceptable allocation of funds led to a 79 percent cut in United States’ financial assistance that was desperately needed for the treating HIV/AIDS patients across the country.   Adhanom’s record in office indicates that he would not meet the minimal requirements for the WHO Code of Conduct in conducting the work of the office of Director-General.

Our third objection to Dr. Adhanom’s candidacy pertains to his complicity as Foreign Minister in the violation of international conventions. Exploiting the ‘opportunity’ provided by the international war on terrorism, the leaders of the TPLF regime have deliberately characterized all independent Oromo activists and Oromo political organizations as “terrorist” and prosecuted them under the so-called “Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009.”  The Ethiopian regime has sent security agents across international borders to kidnap, deport or kill those it suspects of opposition.  Back in Ethiopia the deportees are imprisoned, tortured and many are killed without mercy.

The crime of crossing international borders and kidnapping asylum seekers has been intensified and extended to other Ethiopian refugees under Dr. Adhanom’s tenure as Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister. Of particular concern to OSA is the disappearance of an iconic figure who is the holder of Oromo sacred knowledge.  Kidnapped by Ethiopian security agents abroad in the last two years is Dabbasaa Guyyoo, a highly respected 88-year-old, Gadaa historian, cultural guru and thinker. Mr. Guyyoo, who is considered by many as the Dalai Lama of the Horn of Africa, was kidnapped on September 27, 2015. He lived under the protection of the UNHCR for 35 years in Kenya and travelled extensively internationally to teach about Oromo traditional knowledge. It is believed that he has been deported to Ethiopia as Tedros presided in the responsible role in government. Also among Adhanom’s government’s well-known victims are Andargachew Tsige of Ginbot 7, an Ethiopian opposition party in exile, who was kidnapped on 23, June 2014 while in transit at Sana’a Airport in Yemen and deported to Ethiopia. David Ojulu, an Anuak refugee from Gambella, was kidnapped on December 17, 2013 in Juba, South Sudan, and deported to Ethiopia. Both Andargachew and Ojulu remain in prison in Ethiopia. Dr. Adhanom’s candidacy should be obviated by his complicity in such human rights violations in Ethiopia that have been extensively documented among others by Amnesty International (AI), Ethiopian Human Rights League (EHRL), Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA), the Oromia Support Group (OSG) and Human Rights Watch (HRW).

Since 2010, the Ethiopian regime, has been involved in large scale rural and urban land transfers which have evicted hundreds of thousands of Oromos and others exposing them to homelessness, poverty and disease.  The most infamous of such actions of the regime was the Addis Ababa Master Plan (AAMP) exposed in 2014, whose design was launched to expand Finfinnee/Addis Ababa to twenty times its current size evicting millions from their homes and impacting over six million Oromo in the vicinity.  By 2014, while Tedros Adhanom served as active leader in the ruling party structure, the AAMP had already caused the destruction of the livelihood of over 30,000 Oromo households or 150,000 men women and children when it caught public attention. This act of “ethnic cleansing” was openly referred to as such by inside participants.  The design called for denial of livelihood to Oromo farmers in the vicinity of Addis Ababa, but also the suppression of Oromo culture, language and identity in its path.

When its enormous threat against the Oromo people was exposed in April 2014, the AAMP was met by peaceful protests with massive turnout from Oromo students and farmers across the region of Oromia. The response of the TPLF regime to peaceful demands to stop the project were to send government security forces to fire live ammunition into groups of peaceful Oromo student demonstrators, killing 70 innocent individuals, including an 8-year-old boy, wounding around one thousand unarmed civilians while detaining nearly 50,000. By the end of 2014 the protest abated in the wake of assurances that the program would not proceed.

The student protest against the Master Plan was re-ignited, however, in November 2015 by an incident in Ginchi, a small town 80 km west of Addis Ababa, which revealed that the Master Plan was indeed proceeding apace despite assurances.  The news and the protest spread rapidly across Oromia, becoming a national uprising. The response from the government was brutal everywhere, ushering in destruction across the country. On January 21, 2016 the European Union condemned the brutal crackdown by Ethiopian security forces in Oromia.  By June 16, 2016 Human Rights Watch reported that over 400 Oromo nationals had been killed by government forces and that thousands wounded and tens of thousands had been detained without trial or charge.  At the time these events were known to be unfolding in Ethiopia, its Foreign Minister, Tedros Adhanom was put forward as a candidate for Director General of WHO!  It is an outrage.  Since his nomination, the killing has escalated while Tedros Adhanom continued to preside actively as Ethiopia’s top diplomat, its Foreign Minister, intensifying brutality in the implementation of these policies.  He cannot be absolved from responsibility for their lethal impact.

The peaceful resistance which persisted for months in the Oromia region, even in the face of deadly retaliation, spread to other regions by mid-summer.  In July 2016 protests were mounted in the second largest and second most populous Amhara region. On August 6-7th, 2016 protests in the Amhara and Oromia region were met with a brutal crackdown by the regime’s forces, killing at least 100 in the Oromia region and 70 in the Amhara region. The death toll was likely much higher.

Circumstances have deteriorated under Adhanom’s recent tenure.  On September 3, 2016, gunfire broke out at the Kilinto Prison in the capital city Addis Ababa where around three thousand five hundred prisoners had been detained in connection to the Oromo protests.  Within hours the facility erupted in flames. The wrapped bodies of about two dozen prisoners were delivered to the local hospitals. Deliberately causing the death of prisoners is an obvious crime against humanity, for which Dr. Adhanom shares responsibility as a leading member of the group who set this policy.

Dr. Adhanom’s comment on events that culminated in a massacre were to defend his government’s worsening brutality.  Last week he shamefully blamed the victims of the Irreecha Massacre and the media who reported the events for what had happened (see Africa News, Oct. 24, 2016). The massacre took place at the Irreecha Oromo cultural and spiritual festival which was attended by over two million persons on October 2, 2016 at sacred Hora (Lake) Arsadi in the town of Bishoftu, Oromia, about 50 km south of Addis Ababa. Taking anti-government slogans shouted by festival goers as an excuse, Ethiopian government forces fired barges of teargas and bullets from the ground and charged the massive crowds of celebrants using an Ethiopian government helicopter gunship.  If the purpose was to create pandemonium and cause the highest possible number of causalities, then the Ethiopian government authorities were not disappointed at what they achieved.  Hundreds of men, women and children were killed. There are many more individuals who are still missing and hundreds who were wounded without recovery.

Following the horrors of the Irreecha massacre, on October 9, 2016, the Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency over the entire country, shutting down internet, communications via social and telecom media.  In an attempt to make it impossible to count their victims or to track their arrests, the government has created conditions where they pursue perceived enemies with impunity.  The Ethiopian blackout is complete and the people more desperate than in any previous condition described above.

Dr. Adhanom should not be allowed to escape from accountability for these crimes committed by the government in which he holds a central responsible position, by finding refuge in one of the United Nations most revered bodies.  To elect him would be a travesty.  He does not deserve this honor and he is not qualified professionally or morally to assume this office.

Dr. Adhanom’s tenure as head of the Ethiopian Federal Ministry of Health revealed a disturbing lack of ethics.  He should be barred from assuming moral and administrative responsibility for leading the WHO. In fact, we see his consideration for appointment to serve as Director General of WHO to be a disservice to the purposes for which WHO was established.  Ignoring such a record could bring damage to the reputation of the UN, and injury to the morale of those who work under the auspices of WHO to improve the health all people across the globe.

We call upon the member states of the United Nations to investigate the information provided here and reject the candidacy of Dr. Adhanom for this high office.  To do so will provide .

We urge all who are committed to safeguarding the integrity of the WHO to oppose Dr. Tedros Adhanom for the position of Director General of the World Health Organization.

Sincerely,

Professor Mekuria Bulcha

Chair, OSA Board of Directors

C.C:

  • Fadéla Chaib, WHO Spokesperson, WHO Department of Communication,

Email: chaibf@who.int

  • Gregory Hartl, Coordinator, Media Relations,  E-mail: hartlg@who.int
  • Tarik Jasarevic: E-mail: jasarevict@who.int
  • Christian Lindmeier, Spokesperson & Communications Officer,

E-mail: lindmeierch@who.int

 


OSA

The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) is an independent international scholarly organization, which holds not-for-profit status in the United States. The main objectives of OSA include (but are not limited to): (1) to serve as an umbrella organization in guiding, developing and promoting scholarship on the history, economy, health, education, politics and welfare of the Oromo and other people in Ethiopia, and (2) to foster understanding between the Oromo and other people in Ethiopia and globally. OSA members include Oromo, other Ethiopians, Africans, Americans, Australians, Canadians, Europeans, Japanese and many other nationals.


Well, Ethiopia’s man who pretends to represent Africa can not even understand the very simple questions asked by the audience after his presentation. Dr. Adhanom plans to reduce the WHO down to a regulatory enterprise and a security agency (the violent & repressive concept that he learned from his TPLF bosses) rather than making it a prestigious standard setting body for the global health. Alas!  Amboo Ilma Arsee   #VoteNo4Adhanom
#CluelessTedros was used to get praise from international community by presenting cooked numbers to show case false expansion of healthcare in Ethiopia. But when he was faced with group of experts vetting candidates for for WHO directorship, he could not understand or answer very elementary questions. This guy was so intoxicated with his own propaganda, he decided to run for WHO directorship and expose his own incompetence the lies of his regime.  Jawar Mohammed

 

 


Human Rights League: Ethiopia: How Many More Must Die Before there is an Intervention? November 6, 2016

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Odaa Oromoooromianeconomistoromoprotests-image-from-financial-timesFascist TPLFAgazi forces shooting #Oromprotsters in Babbile town, East Hararge . 14 March 2016oromo-youth-murdered-by-fascist-ethiopias-agaziforces-in-arsi-kokosaa-dstrict-on-17-october-2016Oromo child murdered by Fascist TPLF Ethiopia forces in Jimma, Oromia on 16 May 2016 p2

 


Ethiopia: How Many More Must Die Before there is an Intervention?

HRLHA  Calls for  International Intervention to end Human Tragedy in Ethiopia


November 6, 2016

As is well known, the current state of volatility in Ethiopia  was sparked off  when the Killing squad “Agazi special force” started shooting directly at  the Oromo high school students  peacefully protesting in Ginchi town in Oromia on November 12, 2015.

The crisis that followed has been characterized by senseless killings, torture, abduction and unwarranted imprisonments in concentration camps of those who vehemently opposed the actions of the government force against peaceful protests by those demanding that the government of Ethiopia stop its injustices against the Oromo people and respect their fundamental rights.

This reckless action of TPLF/EPRDF against protestors reignited the grievances of injustice and inequality the Oromo population has faced for over two decades from minority Tigrian elites. In the next few days, the protest quickly spread all over the Oromia regional state. Since then, the protests have included Oromos from all walks of life. After nine months of protests  in Oromia Regional State, the Amhara Regional State joined the protest.  Meanwhile, the special force Agazi has continued killing indiscriminately the people of both regional states.

International and regional human rights organizations have continued to shed light on the killings, torture, detentions and abductions in Oromia and Amhar Regional States  while the world community has remained silent.

The massacre on October 2, 2016 at Irecha, an Oromo Thanksgiving festival  where over 1000 Oromos were massacred and thousands wounded- on the ground and from gunships in the air- has changed the situation dramatically. The peaceful protests have turned violent and several government owned properties have been destroyed and more killings and detentions have followed.

On October 8, 2016, the TPLF/EPRDF government declared a State of Emergency to cool down the situation. As the actions of the government show, the State of Emergency was introduced as a cover to continue the killings, torture and detain in concentration camps more Oromos and Ahmaras instead of cooling down the situation. After the State of Emergency was declared, thousands of Oromos  and Amharas have been killed and tens of thousands arrested.

The HRLHA  has received from its informants  a partial list of those picked up from different  showa zones (centeral Oromia) from October 8 – November 2, 2016 and held in Tolai Military camp .

The following are the numbers of abducted Oromo youths detained in Tolai Military Camp presently.

partial-lists-of-the-numbers-of-abducted-oromo-youths-detained-in-tolai-military-camp-october-8-november-2-2016

The following are the names of Oromos,  mostly youths  among the abducted and their whereabouts are unknown

few-of-the-names-of-oromos-mostly-youths-among-the-thousands-abducted-and-theire-whereabouts-are-unknown-october-8-november-2-2016

The 2003/2004 Genocide against Darfur in Sudan is a striking lesson; the people there were killed indiscriminately and, more sadly, the perpetrators would go unpunished until it culminated in a full genocide. What is happening in Oromia and Ahmara  regional states today resembles more or less what happened at the embryonic stage of the Darfur genocide in Sudan.

Even the AU, whose headquarters is in the center of Oromia/Addis Ababa, gave late voice after thousands of Oromo children, seniors, men and women had been massacred by the TPLF/EPRDF killing squads.

The donor governments such as USA, UK, Canada and government agencies (African Commission  on Human and Peoples’ Rights, EU Human Rights Commission and  UN human rights council) have expressed  their concerns without taking  any concrete actions. Such inaction doesn’t reflect the AU’s  and the UN’s obligation under their own Constitutive Act, which provides for intervention inside a member state against genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes.

This is a cosmopolitan ideal of protecting people inside states against mass atrocities as a matter of common obligation. The Responsibility to Protect (R2P), coined in 2001 under the leadership of the Canadian government and adopted by 150 heads of states and governments in 2005, obliged the international community to intervene to stop atrocities.

As a matter of principle, a state shoulders the primary responsibility to prevent and protect its own citizens against horrific acts, but if it is unable or unwilling to prevent and protect its population from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, the responsibility is thus shifted to the international community.  It states, “ when a state is unable or unwilling to protect its population from genocide, war crimes, crime against humanity and ethnic cleansing, the international community has the responsibility to intervene”.

The UN Charter’s first and most essential aim is to “maintain international peace and security”. However, when the UN was first created, it was an enormous undertaking based on hope.

The most immediate motivation for the creation of the UN was to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, just the kind of war in which Allied powers were then embroiled, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights which were being so fragrantly and brutally violated by the Axis powers.

Today, one critical question on everyone’s lips is whether the United Nations is living up to its mandate, more particularly, of maintaining international peace and security. Amid ongoing human rights crises in Ethiopia it is hard to figure out what exactly the UN & AU have done to uphold their responsibilities. Nevertheless, it is not too late to act today.  

For the Ethiopian human rights crisis, two ways can be helpful in restoring peace and stability. In this, the international communities and agencies (AU, EU & UN) can play a decisive role:

  • Major donor governments, including USA, UK & Canada, should stop funding the authoritarian TPLF/EPRDF government
  • Put pressure on the TPLF/EPRDF government to allow neutral investigators to probe into the human rights crisis in the country as the precursor to international community intervention

Therefore, the HRLHA again calls upon the international community to act collectively in a timely and decisive manner – through the UN Security Council and in accordance with the UN charter on a case-by – case basis to stop the human tragedy in thiopian.

Copied To:

  • International Committee of the Red Cross
    19 Avenue de la paix
    1202 Geneva
    Switzerland
    Tel: +41 22 734 60 01
    Fax: +41 22 733 20 57
  • UN Security Council
    Office of the Ombudsperson
    Room DC2 2206
    United Nations
    New York, NY 10017
    United States of America
    Tel: +1 212 963 2671
    E-mail: ombudsperson@un.org
  • UN Human Rights Council
    OHCHR address:
    Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
    Palais Wilson
    52 rue des Pâquis
    CH-1201 Geneva, Switzerland.
  • Africa Union (AU)
    African Union Headquarters
    P.O. Box 3243
    Roosevelt Street (Old Airport Area) | W21K19
    Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
    Tel: (251) 11 551 77 00 | Fax: (251) 11 551 78 44
    Webmaster: webmaster@africa-union.org
  • African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
    31 Bijilo Annex Layout, Kombo North District
    Western Region,
    P.O. Box 673 Banjul, The Gambia
    Tel: (220) 441 0505, 441 0506
    E-mail: au-banjul@africa-union.org
  • The US Department of State Secretarate Secretary
    His Excellency Mr. John Kerry
    WASHINGTON, D.C. HEADQUARTERS
    (202) 895-3500
    OFMInfo@state.gov
    Office of Foreign Missions
    2201 C Street NW
    Room 2236
    Washington, D.C. 20520Customer Service Center
    3507 International Place NW
    Washington, D.C. 20522-3303
  • UK Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs
    The Rt Hon Philip Hammond MP
    Parliamentary
    House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA
    Tel: 020 7219 4055
    Fax: 020 7219 5851
    Email: hammondp@parliament.ukDepartmental
    Street,
    London, SW1A 2AH
    Tel: 020 7008 1500
    Email: fcocorrespondence@fco.gov.uk
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The Hamilton Spectator: Local Oromo community speaks out for peace. #OromoProtests #OromoRevolution November 6, 2016

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Local Oromo community speaks out for peace

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By Natalie PaddonHamilton Spectator, 4 November 2016


Hamilton’s Oromo community may be small, but they want it known they are standing with their brothers and sisters back home.

A group of about 20 members of the Oromo Community of Hamilton stood outside City Hall Friday, holding signs with photos of struggles faced by people in Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia.

Canada is known for its tradition of peacekeeping and contributing to the United Nations, said Abraham Turem, 51.

“I hope this government will follow that line of thinking to advocate for peace in that country.”

The gathering commemorated the first anniversary of the “climax” of peaceful demonstrations in the region, which is home to most of Ethiopia’s estimated 40 million Oromo, said Solomon Germossa. The Oromo are the country’s largest ethnic group.

Since November 2015, the government has used “excessive and lethal” force against what is largely peaceful unrest started mainly by students, says a Human Rights Watch report.

The demonstration was initially a response to authorities’ decision to clear an environmental area for a development project, the report says. Protesters feared the plan would further displace Oromo farmers, many of whom already lost land for similar projects over the past decade, it says.

The plan was cancelled in January, but the unrest has continued and now reflects broader concerns shared by many Oromo, the report says. As of June, it was estimated more than 400 people had been killed, thousands injured, tens of thousands arrested and hundreds — “likely more” — taken from their families.

Friday’s group said thousands of people have been killed and tens of thousand are in prison.

Germossa, a registered nurse, said he hasn’t been able to reach his 11 brothers and sisters in Ethiopia since last month.

“We are extremely worried about our family at this point,” he said. “Even when we go to work, our mind is always there.”

The Ethiopian government restricted use of social media so connecting with family members has been impossible, he said.

“We don’t know if our mothers, our brothers, our sisters are alive or in jail,” Germossa said. “We are almost in the dark.”

There are about 50 to 60 Oromo families in the Hamilton area, he noted.


 

One Of The World’s Best Long Distance Runners Is Now Running For His Life November 4, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomistOromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa on the Guardian. #OrompProtests global icon p1

Oromo Olympian Fayyisaa Leellisaa (Feyisa Lilesa) draws big crowd at his Minneapolis appearance-18 September 2016

Oromo Olympian Fayyisaa Leellisaa (Feyisa Lilesa) draws big crowd at his Minneapolis appearance-18 September 2016

Oromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa in the social and international media. #OrompProtests global icon. p7


One Of The World’s Best Long Distance Runners Is Now Running For His Life

As marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa crossed the finish line to win the silver medal at the Olympics this summer, he raised his arms over his head in an X to defiantly protest the Ethiopian government’s treatment of his fellow Oromo people. Three months later, unable to go home or see his family, he contemplates the price of being a world-class athlete speaking out.


As 26-year-old Ethiopian Olympic marathoner Feyisa Lilesa neared the finish line at the 2016 Rio Olympics with what would be a blazing time of 2:09:54, fast enough to win a silver medal in the men’s marathon, he felt no sudden wave of euphoria.

Instead, Lilesa took a deep breath and carried out the plan he’d dreamed about from the moment he was selected to compete in Rio: He crossed his arms above his head in an X. Putting them down for a quick moment and raising them again, he held the gesture as he ran through the finish line with his country’s strife running through his head.

“I knew by all accounts I was supposed to feel happiness in that moment, but all I could think about was the people dying back home,” the long-distance runner told me in Amharic when we spoke in Washington, DC, in September.

Lilesa’s gesture was unfamiliar to most international viewers, but Ethiopian audiences around the world recognized it immediately as the sign associated with anti-government protests stemming from Lilesa’s home region of Oromia, which have been growing in breadth and intensity since November 2015. The #OromoProtests contend that the country’s current government represses its largest ethnic population both culturally and economically.

Later, after flowers were placed around his neck at the end of the race, Lilesa prepared to make a second statement — this time at the post-race press conference. Stepping up to the conference-area podium with his official jacket unzipped — to disrupt the block text bearing Ethiopia’s name — he raised his arms once again and crossed his wrists above his head, spotlighting a wristband in Oromo colors: black, white, and red. If the first gesture could have been interpreted as spontaneous, Lilesa used this second one to make evident his long-held plan to speak out.

Feyisa Lilesa crosses the finish line to win silver during the men’s marathon. Matthias Hangst / Getty Images

Despite government spokesman Getachew Reda’s insistence that Lilesa would receive a “hero’s welcome” if he returned to Ethiopia, Lilesa told reporters in Rio he knew he could not go home without either being either jailed or killed for his actions. In fact, subsequent airings of the Olympics in Ethiopia did not show his gesture, and few state-run print publications covered that or even his win — at all.

Lilesa told journalists he’d seen the government’s duplicity with his own eyes: “The state-run Oromia TV posted on Facebook after I won saying, ‘Feyisa Lilesa successfully sent the terrorists’ message to the international community,’ but they immediately took down that message and changed their narrative” to a more positive one echoing spokesman Reda’s statement.

Rule 50 of the Olympic Charter forbids explicit political activity, decreeing that “No kind of demonstration or political, religious, or racial propaganda is permitted in any Olympic sites, venues, or other areas.” But sports — and the Olympics in particular — have long played host to protests both quiet and overt, a stage for the world’s greatest to express both physical rigor and patriotic dissent.

In 1968, American gold and bronze medalists Tommie Smith and John Carlos were sent home from the Summer Olympics in Mexico City and suspended from the US team for raising a fist in the air as they stood on the podium during the national anthem. In the aftermath of the protest, they lost their medals, their reputations, their friends, and in Carlos’s case, a marriage. Lilesa had never heard of John Carlos and Tommie Smith before he protested, and Colin Kaepernick’s national anthem protest had not yet garnered headlines. Becoming a hero or entering historical record was never part of Lilesa’s plan.

But online, Ethiopians around the world were discussing his historic show of solidarity. All over Facebook, Viber, and WhatsApp, Oromo people were changing their avatars to pictures of Lilesa with hands raised and wrists crossed in front of him. At the end of his race, he’d emerged a hero to Oromos everywhere, even with his own future uncertain.

Days later, Lilesa saw rumors on social media that his friend Kebede Fayissa was among the countless dead after a fire — and officers’ bullets — erupted at a prison just outside Addis Ababa. He called home from his Rio hotel; confirmation of the news strengthened his resolve to continue speaking out.

American athletes Tommie Smith (center) and John Carlos (right), protest with the Black Power salute at the Summer Olympic Games, Mexico City, October 1968. John Dominis / Getty Images

For Lilesa, the choice to protest came at tremendous personal cost. His wife and two young children, whom he did not inform of his plan to protest, live in the nation’s capital. He kept the decision from them, afraid they might compel him to change his mind. As an athlete, he supported them and his extended family, living a fairly comfortable life compared with those around him: He had his own house, a car, and an athletic career that had been thriving since he’d won the Dublin Marathon at only 19. Athletes are among the most respected public figures in the country, and remaining publicly apolitical — or even performing gratitude to the Ethiopian Athletics Federation — would have eased Lilesa into a simpler life. But amid the chaos that ensued after his protest, Lilesa lost valuable training time; his diet changed in transit, and the stress of impending exile wore on him.

The resultant series of setbacks will keep him from competing in this year’s New York City Marathon. Afraid to return home amid worsening political unrest, Lilesa is now training in Arizona for April’s London Marathon. Nine thousand miles away from his wife, his children, and the community he holds closest, he contemplates the personal cost of his protest.

To stay silent with the world’s eyes trained on him would have been a wasted opportunity to attract the media and political attention Lilesa believes is necessary to bring about change in Ethiopia. Progress in the region has not been linear, but Lilesa’s actions marked a catalyst: In the months since his protest, Western media coverage of the country’s political affairs has both increased and taken on a more widespread critical lens. “The little happiness I feel now is because I was able to show the world our desire for peace and it’s reached the world’s media,” he said.

But Lilesa himself lives in fear despite being one of the world’s most celebrated and talented elite athletes, the course of his life and career effectively derailed by the decision to speak out. At the apex of his career, one of the best runners in the world is now running for his life.

Feyisa Lilesa, photographed on September 13, 2016. T.J. Kirkpatrick for BuzzFeed News

The Oromo account for almost 40% of Ethiopia’s population — an estimated 39 million people — and a disproportionate amount of the nation’s elite runners. Born in 1990, Feyisa Lilesa grew up in Jaldu, a district in the West Shewa region of Oromia. The child of farmers, he was the second of seven children raised in a farming community about 75 miles west of Addis Ababa. Like many children in the surrounding area, Lilesa grew up thinking of running as a way to get to his classes — or as fellow runner Biruk Regassa told me, “When school is far, everyone is a runner.”

Since November 2015, protests in the region have sprung up in response to what the government called its “Addis Ababa Integrated Regional Development Plan,” or “Master Plan.” The plan outlined the method by which the federal government would integrate the capital city, Addis Ababa, with surrounding towns in Oromia.

“When school is far, everyone is a runner.”

Concerns over the proposed expansion were raised in 2014 by farmers who feared the government’s ongoing takeover of their land would expand under the plan. Uniting under the hashtag #OromoProtests, citizens of the region organized to make their concerns known: The re-zoning plan would constitute an effective government takeover of their land, yet another blow to their autonomy and livelihood after years of ongoing repression.

In January, however, the Ethiopian government announced it would abandon the Master Plan following the deaths of an estimated 140 protesters in clashes with federal security forces. The televised government statement, which has since been removed from the state media where it was originally aired, cited a “lack of transparency” and “huge respect” for the Oromo people as reasons for the decision to scrap the widely opposed plan. But activists — and Lilesa himself — contend the plan was just one flash point in Oromos’ ongoing struggle for equal rights.

The presiding political coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), rose to power in May 1991. Before the May 2015 elections, the EPRDF, led by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, held all but one seat in the nation’s 546-seat parliament. Amid widespread claims of intimidation and suppression of media, the coalition secured a landslide victory, claiming every single seat. Many opposition leaders contend that the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front party, which represents Ethiopia’s Tigrayan minority (approximately 6% of the population), holds all the power within the ruling EPRDF coalition — and by extension, within the country. The Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, another one of the EPRDF coalition’s four parties, is viewed by many as a comparatively toothless group.

The Oromos have found an unlikely ally in the Amhara, the nation’s second-largest ethnic group. The Amhara comprise about 27% of the population; together, the groups account for about 62% of Ethiopia’s estimated 100 million people. After over a century of oscillating tensions, the two ethnic groups are coming together to protest what they say is shared repression under a Tigrayan-led government and the #AmharaProtests movementhas been rapidly gaining steam. Many people, Lilesa included, note that the groups’ unprecedented union against the EPRDF could portend “Rwanda-like” ethnic conflict in the country.

Lilesa said he has been bearing witness to ongoing discontent in Oromia since well before this round of protests. Born just a year before the EPRDF came into power, he grew up seeing the repression of his people — so helping protesters came as second nature to him.

“People are being exiled from the place I was born, so I tried to do what little I can to help; sometimes I give them my shoes or a little money,” he said. “But after I started doing that, people told me the government had become suspicious of me. Because I trained in the countryside, I feared they could come at any moment and just snatch me.”

Lilesa during the men’s marathon post-race press conference. Lucy Nicholson / Reuters

It’s part of what made him take his protest to the Olympic stage, pushed by a growing sense that only international intervention would change the situation in Ethiopia for the better. Protesters and opposition forces had been agitating for so long and facing only violence in return because their pleas were not heard by international press, he insisted.

“I would have regretted it for the rest of my life if I didn’t make that gesture,” he said. “I knew that the media would be watching, and the world will finally see and hear the cry of my people.”

“We just want peace, we just want equality,” Lilesa said. “That’s why people are still protesting. Even if [the government] says there is no Master Plan anymore, they are still killing us.”

Human rights organizations estimate state forces have killed over 500 protesters in the last year, with elections taking place against a backdrop of “restrictions on civil society, the media and the political opposition, including excessive use of force against peaceful demonstrators, the disruption of opposition campaigns, and the harassment of election observers from the opposition.”


From the minute Lilesa crossed his wrists as he crossed the finish line in Rio, things moved quickly. He says the moments immediately following his gesture still feel like a blur of cameras and rapid-fire questions from journalists, but he remembers his fellow Ethiopian athletes’ embrace as he left the Olympic Village vividly.

“The athletes cried. They sent me off with tears,” he said. “I’m usually not the kind of person that cries, but they actually made me cry, saying goodbye.”

“The federation officials knew that they would get in trouble if they spoke with me or if they helped me,” he continued. “They gave me some signs and gestures but that was really it because they could not really do much because they presumably had concerns for their safety.”

T-shirts made for Lilesa’s welcoming ceremonyHannah Giorgis / BuzzFeed News

Within hours of his protest, a GoFundMe page to support Lilesa and his family was launched and exceeded both its initial $10,000 goal and the subsequent $40,000 goal. It has since raised a total of over $160,000, much of which has been set aside for Lilesa’s legal expenses. Oromo friends like Bayissa Gemechu, a sports agent who had just left Rio after his wife Tigist Tufa competed in the women’s marathon a week earlier, raced back to his side. By the time Gemechu arrived back in Rio to meet Lilesa, the US embassy had already heard of his case — and made the decision to allow him to apply for a special skills visa into the country from Rio instead of insisting he return to Ethiopia to do so.

Bonnie Holcomb, an American anthropologist who has been closely involved with the Oromo community since living in Oromia during the last years of Emperor Haile Selassie’s reign in the early ’70s, also played an integral role in supporting Lilesa from the US and facilitating his contact with Brazilians who would ensure his safety. Holcomb, the co-author of a book investigating Ethiopia’s political history, reached out to Brazilian friends who helped shepherd Lilesa’s visa application process.

The Brazilian couple contacted their local friends, who then worked quickly to support Lilesa, sending officials from the foreign ministry to take him to the airport and begin his temporary visa application to stay in Brazil. Fearing he would be sought by Ethiopian authorities, Lilesa had left the Olympic Village immediately. Alone in his hotel, he was terrified when the Brazilian officials knocked on his door.

But when the Brazilian officials entered the room, they greeted him with smiles instead of the violence or the detainment he’d feared — and took him for coffee. On the car ride to the airport, he called friends in the US to inform them he was safe. By the time he made it to the US embassy after securing his temporary Brazilian visa, Lilesa was surprised by his newfound celebrity among Brazilians and how excited people were to see his medal.

Fearing he would be sought by Ethiopian authorities, Lilesa had left the Olympic Village immediately.

“People were fascinated and they wanted to touch it and they wanted to look at it,” he said. “There was a moment when everybody stopped working and they were just lining up to look at the medal and that sort of made me realize that this is a big deal.”

Gemechu saw the warm reception firsthand when he walked around Rio with Lilesa: “Most of the time we were outside around the beach, and a lot of people there, they watched [him] on the TV and media, so we had fun. They said ‘Oromo!’” he recalled while raising his hands above his head to replicate the now-famous gesture. Stopping to high-five Lilesa periodically on the street, they heralded him as a champion of resistance whose symbolic act spoke to communities well beyond his own people. This support didn’t make up for being away from his wife and two young children, but it helped sustain him for the long, lonely journey ahead.

Lilesa at a press conference in Washington, DC, on Sept. 13, 2016. T.J. Kirkpatrick for BuzzFeed News

A conference at Washington, DC’s Phoenix Park Hotel on September 13 was an opportunity for Lilesa to keep attention on the issue he’d brought to the world stage at Rio and his second big hurdle after arriving in the United States. Earlier in the day he had held his first news conference outside the US Capitol, where he implored Congress members to intervene on behalf of the Ethiopian people. Congressman Chris Smith later announced the introduction of House Resolution 861, “Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.”

Stepping up to the podium, Lilesa immediately thanked the journalists in the DC hotel’s conference room, noting that freedom of speech is not a right he takes lightly. The urgency of the protests had been suppressed by state-run Ethiopian media and largely ignored by the West — until, of course, Lilesa.

“We Oromo have not had access to you in the media,” he told journalists through an interpreter, OPride.com founder and editor Mohammed Ademo. “We have been cut off from you. We have not had a free press in our country.”

Ethiopia has come under fire for restricting journalists’ freedoms in recent years. Ahead of the May 2015 elections, government forces had tamped down on dissidents, most notably charging nine bloggers and journalists with terrorism and arresting eight of them under the guise of the 2009 anti-terrorism law (one member residing in the US was charged in absentia).


Lilesa’s first language, like many other Oromo people, is Afaan Oromo. He speaks Amharic in a soft, self-conscious cadence. Lilesa is at his most vibrant when he speaks in Afaan Oromo, especially with the runners who approached him after the press conference. They came to him with beaming smiles, ushering him into hugs to thank him for his gesture. He was visibly relieved to be alongside people who are almost family. Among them was Demssew Tsega, a marathoner who has been in the US for seven months now. Tsega also testified at the news conference announcing House Resolution 861 on Capitol Hill.

One day last December, Tsega wound up amid a crowd of peaceful protesters on his way home from training for the marathon in Sululta, a city 20 miles north of Addis Ababa. Along with four other athletes, Tsega joined the protest. When government security forces came to apprehend protesters, three runners got away — but Tsega and another teammate didn’t.

“Because I’m a runner and the security forces recognized me since they’d seen me on TV before, they were especially keen on capturing me,” he told me in Amharic in October. “They jailed me for two days and tortured me on my feet so I couldn’t run anymore.”

Lilesa with runners Ketema Amensisa and Demssew Tsega, advocate Obang Metho, and runner Bilisuma Shugi Courtesy of Andrea Barron

Upon his release, Tsega did not seek treatment for his injuries at the local hospital because it’s run by the government.

“I was afraid they would arrest me again if I went to the hospital,” he said. “Before I lived with my family in Addis Ababa, but after [my arrest and torture] I hid in the countryside.”

When the notice that Tsega had met the minimum qualification to compete in the marathon arrived, he was conflicted. With injured feet, he had no hope of racing, and it seemed all his training had been for nothing. But he took the opportunity to secure a visa and came to the United States, knowing it was his only shot at accessing treatment for his injuries and one day racing again.

“They’re still looking for me now,” he said. “[The government] still harasses my father; they took our land.”

Sitting next to Tsega at a downtown Silver Spring restaurant, fellow long distance runner Ketema Amensisa sighs. Before the government took 75% of their land, Amensisa’s family had 20 cows in Gebre Guracha, a central Ethiopian town in the North Shewa region of Oromia. Stripped of their primary means of income, the family of subsistence farmers has been struggling to survive since.

“We miss our country,” Amensisa said. “When we don’t have any other options as a people, we stand beside the government because we fear for our safety if we say otherwise.”

The two runners paused their stories intermittently to check in on Momina Aman, a teammate who arrived later in our conversation. Tsega mentioned repeatedly that he wants to take her to TASSC, the Torture Abolition and Survivors Support Coalition, the organization that’s been helping him access medical care for his foot, immigration support, and psychological care.

“I came to this country because Ethiopia’s government killed my father, stepmother, my sisters, and my brothers.”

“I came to this country because Ethiopia’s government killed my father, stepmother, my sisters, and my brothers,” Aman said through tears. “The rest of my brothers and I were only spared because we were in Addis Ababa.”

“We were in Addis Ababa when we got the call that our family had been killed,” she continued. “Recently another one of my brothers was beaten and left to die by government security forces.”

Aman’s brother was one of the 2 million attendees of this year’s Irreecha celebration the first weekend of October. Irreecha, the annual thanksgiving holiday that marks the shift from Ethiopia’s rainy season to the warmth and bounty of the dry months at the end of September, draws crowds of up to 4 million from across Ethiopia to the town of Bishoftu, about 25 miles southeast of Addis Ababa, to pray and sing alongside the crater lake Hora Arsadi. The festivities are filled with color and calm, an opportunity to reflect on the changing seasons and their attendant harvests.

But this year’s Irreecha took place against the backdrop of heightened police presence in Oromia. State forces encircled festivalgoers, eventually firing a mixture of tear gas and bullets into the crowd after attendees began reciting chants associated with the #OromoProtests movement that has grown in the region in the last year. Some reportsestimate up to 678 people were killed between authorities’ violence and the resultant stampede.

When reports first emerged that the festival had turned violent, Aman stayed up all night trying to call her brother. She reached him in the morning, relieved to hear he was shaken but safe.

The festival’s deadly turn was covered widely in international press, despite the Ethiopian government’s control of state-run media in the country. Questions about Ethiopia’s future as beacon of the once-promising “Africa rising” narrative surfaced again in the West, pointing not only to the massacre but also to the simple gesture that put enough attention on Ethiopia for its people’s suffering to even matter outside the continent.

Immediately after the bloodshed at Irreecha, the government declared a three-day period of mourning. One week later, it announced a six-month “state of emergency,” under which the army was deployed nationwide and access to social media and mobile internet indefinitely suspended. In three weeks, over 2,000 people were detained for participating in anti-government protests, which government officials blamed on “foreign anti-peace forces” from neighboring Eritrea and Egypt.

“They laid their actions bare,” Lilesa said of the state of emergency. “But there’s nothing new here.”

A celebration of Irreecha held in Maryland the morning after the bloodshed in Ethiopia. Hannah Giorgis / BuzzFeed News

Even amid the uncertainty of the government’s state of emergency, Lilesa remains a beacon of hope for runners like Tsega, Amensisa, and Aman — and for Oromo people around the world.

In the time between Lilesa’s protest and his arrival in the US, two more Ethiopian runners had repeated the gesture as they crossed finish lines around the world. On August 29, Ebisa Ejigu won the Quebec City Marathon and followed in Lilesa’s footsteps. On September 11 — Ethiopian New Year — Tamiru Demisse did the same as he claimed the silver medal in the men’s 1,500-meter T-13 race at the Paralympics in Rio.

Even those who have not protested themselves see Lilesa’s actions as a path forward, an opportunity to rally around one another especially as Ethiopia’s government continues its crackdown. It’s an act they see as fundamentally patriotic: If he didn’t love his country, he wouldn’t want it to be better.

For Tsega, Lilesa’s action and the ensuing media attention was a matter of life and death: “I know sports and politics don’t always go together, but when situations are this urgent, it’s something you have to do even if it kills you. Leaving his children, wife, and all his possessions behind, he… I don’t even have the words. He did all that for his country, for his people.”

“I know it was hard to say that,” Amensisa added. “But after Feyisa did it, he opened up a new path for us.”

All of them are hopeful for the potential of Lilesa’s spotlight on the issue to attract more international intervention in the area — especially from the US, long a military ally of Ethiopia. In the weekend following his arrival in the US alone, there were over 60 news stories on Lilesa and the Oromo protests.

Many of them called for the US government to halt aid to Ethiopia until the totalitarian nature of security measures in the country are addressed. Some of the sanctions being sought by the community are reflected in Congressman Smith’s House Resolution 861 and the identical 21-cosponsor Senate resolution introduced in April.

But Lilesa’s impact reverberates far beyond runners’ circles, community events, and the dense Ethiopian population of the DC metro area. As conversations about athletes’ political voices continue to gain steam following Kaepernick’s silent protest of the American national anthem, Lilesa remains a lightning rod for a community divided by both politics and geography.

On Twitter, the hashtag bearing his name is most often used to share updates on news regarding the community at large. Facebook and Viber — when not being axed by the government — remain digital organizing hubs. And on Snapchat, a massively popular channel for Ethiopian and Eritrean youth held a discussion about Oromo politics earlier this month while one of its hosts wore a shirt printed with Lilesa’s name and face.

“How could I feel the same comfort I did before? How could I feel happiness?”

“BunaTime” (taken from the Amharic word for coffee) draws an average of 15,000 views per Snapchat story, and Ethiopian and Eritrean youth from around the diaspora take turns hosting it for several hours at a time. Its attendant Twitter and Instagram channels boast almost 10,000 and 37,000 followers respectively.

The Oromo-led Snapchat teach-in drew both excitement and ire from young viewers. But hosts were clear: Lilesa, and the #OromoProtests, are the future — not just for the Oromo community, but for all of Ethiopia.

And Lilesa is committed to keeping his career going, despite the complications. He has been training in Arizona since last month. The choice to head west was made partly because of the state’s altitude, and partly, Gemechu joked, because “he don’t like snow.” Lilesa had briefly considered Kenya as another training location, but fears that the Kenyan government’s close relationship with Ethiopia’s would lead to his extradition kept him from pursuing that option. He would’ve been closer to his family, but recent developments in Ethiopia reinforce his decision to stay away from the region.

“The crisis puts [runners] in a position where we can’t focus on our training,” he said. “If this continues without any change, Ethiopia may not win as many medals as it used to.”

Lilesa won’t be running in the New York City Marathon in November, but he has plans to run in both December’s Honololu Marathon and next April’s race in London. The return to the sport he loves has left him energized, but tensions flaring up back home — and his own distance — continue to sap him of energy.

“I left my country and I live in a strange country,” he said when we spoke recently. “How could I feel the same comfort I did before? How could I feel happiness?”

Lilesa photographed on September 13, 2016. T.J. Kirkpatrick for BuzzFeed News

Both his own future and that of his country feel tenuous at the moment, a heavy sense of both revolutionary excitement and dread hanging over both. Lilesa speaks to his wife and children regularly, but hasn’t seen any of them since August 17. “I don’t feel weight on myself since I did what I did, because I believed in it,” he said. “But I do worry about my family back home.”

He was careful and exacting when speaking of his 5-year-old daughter and 3-year-old son in hushed tones: “I don’t want to look at my children any differently from others in my country who are being killed,” Lilesa said. “They face the same fate and the same destiny like all other children in Ethiopia.”

He knows he cannot return to them until the political situation changes, but hopes now that he will one day be able to see them in the US if it doesn’t. The decision to live here for now — even and especially in exile — weighs on him, a sense of guilt pervading his words as he responds to the fact that Oromos around the world now consider him a hero.

“The one who leaves isn’t a hero,” he said recently. “Heroes are the ones who go and fight alongside the people.”

Global Journalist: Ethiopia’s State of Emergency & #OromoProtests November 4, 2016

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Global Journalist: Ethiopia’s State of Emergency

Global Journalist, 4 November 2016

CREDIT AP PHOTO


Until recently, Ethiopia has been hailed as an African success story. After a decade of strong economic growth, the country has begun to shed its image as a famine-struck wasteland.

But repression by Ethiopia’s authoritarian government has sparked demonstrations that have led to the deaths of hundreds of protesters this year.

The movement gained worldwide attention at the Rio Olympics when the country’s silver medal-winning marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa crossed his wrists above his head at the finish line in a symbol of the protest movement.

On this edition of Global Journalist, we explore the dangerous ethnic tensions fueling the unrest and the government’s effort to silence its critics after declaring a state of emergency.

Joining the program:

  • Tsedale Lemma, editor of the Addis Standard magazine, an Ethiopian magazine forced to stop publication in October
  • William Davison, Ethiopia correspondent for Bloomberg News
  • Birhanu Lenjiso, an Oromo rights activist and former lecturer at Ambo University in Ethiopia
  • Felix Horne, a senior researcher on Ethiopia and Eritrea for Human Rights Watch

Assistant producers: Bryce Arthur, Eloise Speleers, Menchen Xin  Supervising producer: Vera Tan  Visuals editor: Anadil Iftekhar  Audio engineer: Pat Akers Director: Travis McMillen Host: Jason McLure


 

“Open Letter to Government of Ethiopia” From Lotte Leicht, EU Director, Human Rights Watch. #OromoProtests #OromoRevolution #Africa November 4, 2016

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Open Letter to Government of Ethiopia From Lotte Leicht, EU Director, Human Rights Watch

fascist-tplf-armed-security-forces-watch-as-protesters-stage-a-protest-against-government-during-the-irreechaa-cultural-festival-in-bishoftu-oromia-ethiopia-on-october-02-2016


Fascist TPLF security forces  watch as protesters stage a protest against government during the Irreechaa cultural festival in Bishoftu, Oromia (Ethiopia) on October 02, 2016. © 2016 Getty Images


November 4, 2016

Minister of Foreign Affairs
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
P.O. Box 393
Addis Ababa
Ethiopia


Re: Human Rights Watch Reporting on Ethiopia


Dear Minister,


Human Rights Watch notes the October 22, 2016 blog post of Dr. Tedros Adhanom, then minister of foreign affairs, on the Ministry’s website about our recent presentation to the European Parliament’s subcommittee on human rights and committee on development and concerns for our research into security force abuses.

Human Rights Watch’s research and recommendations are grounded in international human rights law, including regional human rights treaties. This applies to our research on Ethiopia and the other 90 countries where we work globally. As with all countries, we welcome engaging with Ethiopian government officials regarding our research and recommendations prior to and after we publish findings. Before any major report on Ethiopia is published, we provide a summary of our findings to the government for comment and seek to meet to discuss our findings and recommendations. Our letters and responses received are included in the report or on our website. To date there has rarely been a direct response from the Ethiopian government to our communications.

Because we have not received a response to our research queries or requests for meetings, we cannot exchange information that may illuminate our conclusions, or explain to government officials how we reached our conclusions.

We go to great lengths to corroborate victim accounts and other research findings. As a general practice we make corrections to our reporting when clear and corroborated information contravening our findings comes to light. For your information, our corrections page is at: https://www.hrw.org/corrections.

In most of the contexts in which Human Rights Watch works, we do not make our sources public or reveal identifying details, because those interviewed have genuine fear of reprisals or other security concerns. The safety of those we interview is a primary consideration in everything we do.

In Ethiopia, the government’s harassment and arbitrary detention of individuals providing information to civil society has effectively been codified in the state of emergency directive, underscoring the need for those sources to remain confidential. Detention of individuals providing information to journalists, both domestic and international, has also been previously documented by Human Rights Watch and others.

The decreasing space available for independent voices to express a range of views and to have those voices be heard by the government has contributed to the current human rights crisis in Ethiopia. Recent statements directed toward international organizations who conduct independent, corroborated research is illustrative of this growing intolerance for divergent opinions and perspectives. Nevertheless, Human Rights Watch will continue to encourage the government’s feedback on the substance of our research.

Need for an independent investigation

Recent calls for an international investigation reflect the gravity of human rights violations that we and others have documented, but also the lack of a credible, transparent, and impartial national investigation into the abuses that have occurred since November 2015. The June 2016 Human Rights Commission oral report to parliament that largely exonerated the state security forces did not meet basic international standards. No one, including several parliamentarians who have spoken to Human Rights Watch, has seen a written version of the report, which reaches conclusions very different from those of all other organizations who have documented abuses. If a written version of this report exists we urge you to publicly release it. We remain concerned that an impartial international investigation is needed and those implicated in serious abuses be held to account. We have called for such investigations in other contexts, most recently Burundi, South Sudan, and Eritrea – some of which your government was quick to support. The thousands of victims of human rights violations deserve justice and accountability.

The inquiry board set up by parliament to monitor abuses under the state of emergency provides another opportunity to demonstrate impartiality. While the lack of opposition voices on that board raises concerns, it still presents an opportunity to willfully monitor abuses and show that those responsible for serious abuses will be held to account.

We reiterate our desire to meet with representatives of the government in Ethiopia or elsewhere to discuss our research findings, and welcome specific information on your efforts to meaningfully investigate allegations of abuses, hold perpetrators to account, and provide redress for victims.

Sincerely,

Lotte Leicht
EU Director
Human Rights Watch

International Business Times: Jawar Mohammed: This is why Oromo people don’t care about cabinet reshuffle November 4, 2016

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irreecha-oromo-2016-oromoprotests-bishoftu-horaa-harsadiGrand #OromoProtests,Tarkaanfii itti aanu By Jawar

People are demanding a new democratic government elected by the people. To really meet protesters’ demands, the government should release political prisoners, they should remove the military from villages, towns and universities and start a dialogue on a transition to a more democratic government.

 

IB Times Exclusive interview with executive director of Oromia Media Network

By , IB Times, November 3, 2016


 

The Ethiopian government recently reshuffled its cabinet in a move seen by some as a result of months of anti-government protests. The parliament approved the list of 21 ministers proposed by Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, who said the appointments were based on people’s skills rather than their political affiliations.

As some key posts were given to ethnic Oromo, some claimed the reshuffle was part of measures the government said it would take to reduce grievances expressed by some ethnic groups.

In October, Ethiopia declared a six-month-long state of emergency following unrest in Oromia, and occasionally in Amhara.

The response to the protests, labelled as the biggest anti-government unrest Ethiopia has witnessed in recent history, has resulted in the death of more than 500 people since November 2015, a figure the government later confirmed.

In Oromia, people demonstrated against perceived disenfranchisement and lack of inclusion in the political process as the government is dominated by the Tigray minority. They also called for an end to land grabbing, claiming Oromo farmers are forcibly evicted from their farms.

Government reshuffle ‘no meaning for Oromos’

Jawar Mohammed, executive director of Oromia Media Network (OMN), banned under the state of emergency, explained Oromo people are calling for a radical regime change, not a government reshuffle.

People are demanding a new democratic government elected by the people. To really meet protesters’ demands, the government should release political prisoners, they should remove the military from villages, towns and universities and start a dialogue on a transition to a more democratic government,” he told IBTimes UK.

Mohammed, who lives in the US, also claimed Ethiopians have not been affected by the state of emergency , with the exception of a restriction on internet access.

“Oromia has been under a state of emergency for the last 12 months, the military is there, all the civil and political rights have been suspended, people have been arrested,” he alleged.

“Yes, some media outlets have been banned, but this is nothing new. OMN has been jammed some 20 times since March 2014. Even before the state of emergency, they were already arresting people, breaking down satellite dishes and jamming our transmission, what they did now was to officially admit what they were already doing and reassure investors that they are taking measures, beefing up security.”

Ethiopia Oromo Oromia
People walk near a burnt-out truck in the compound of a textile factory in the town of SebetaTiksa Negeri/Reuters

Attacks on foreign-owned companies

During anti-government protests, Oromo people attacked foreign-owned factories in Oromia, acts of violence that could result in a reduction in investments in the country.

Ethiopia strongly condemned the attacks, which it blamed on “anti-peace forces who aim to destabilise the country.” The government also claimed the situation in the country has gone back to normal since the state of emergency was implemented.

However, Mohammed claimed protests have halted only because it is harvesting season and rallies are bound to restart. He also said people will, once again, attack foreign-owned factories as they were allegedly “built on lands that were illegally taken from farmers or lands owned by the ruling party.”

“These are not xenophobic attacks. In fact, protesters have not touched a single investor physically,” he said. “The targets are strategically chosen because people need to now that investments in Ethiopia, until a democratic system is in place, is not safe. Click here to read more….


Click here to read the whole interview: Oromia Media Network executive Jawar Mohammed believes Ethiopia wants him dead

Travel News: UK holiday firms abort holidays in Ethiopia November 3, 2016

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Oromo children, victims of fascist TPLF mass killings in Oromia, 2015 and 2016No To Fascist TPLF Ethiopia's genocidal militarism and mass killings in Oromia, Ethiopia

UK holiday firms abort holidays in Ethiopia


 Travel News, 1st November 2016

addis-ab-apSeveral UK holiday firms have cancelled forthcoming holidays to the East African nation of Ethiopia. The decision by the likes of Saga and Kuoni comes in the wake of a UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) warning that many regions and towns in the country are now unsafe.

The travel companies say people with pre-booked Ethiopian holidays can choose alternate destinations or apply for refunds. The Foreign Office updated its Ethiopian travel advisory last month.

In the revision, the FCO noted that it was advising against all but necessary travel to a huge swath in the centre of the country. This stretches down from the nation’s northern frontier with Sudan to Awasa and roughly corresponds to the states of Amhara and Oromia.

This area covers the country’s capital, Addis Ababa, plus popular tourist sights and destinations such as the Debre Birhan Selassie Church to the north of Lake Lana and the Simien Mountains. The Foreign Office advice also states that Britons should avoid certain areas in the northeast, southeast and west of the country altogether.

The FCO did explain that while it was generally advisable to stay away from most of the regions close to the border with Eritrea, certain locations were reasonably safe. These include the Debre Damo mountain monastery and the town of Yeha and its renowned 2,700-year-old tower.

Following months of civil unrest and violent clashes, the government of Ethiopia declared a state of emergency on 9 October 2016. The FCO says this is expected to last for a minimum of six months. The advice added that the emergency decree empowers government security personnel to carry out random searches, break up oversized gatherings of people and enforce curfews.

Ethiopia on the brink? Politics and protest in the horn of Africa November 2, 2016

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Ethiopia on the brink? Politics and protest in the horn of Africa

Report  from Relief Web    Peace Direct 02 Nov 2016 View Original


Ethiopia is 12 months in to a political crisis which has seen at least 1,000 people killed. But unless the government introduces significant reforms, it will get worse, says Andrea Carboni.

An unprecedented wave of protests has shaken Ethiopia since November last year. These protests have revealed the fragility of the social contract regulating Ethiopia’s political life since 1991, when the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front coalition (EPRDF) overthrew the Derg and assumed power. This tacit agreement between the ruling coalition and the Ethiopian people offered state-sponsored development in exchange for limited political liberalisation. After twenty-five years of EPRDF rule, frustrated with widespread corruption, a political system increasingly perceived as unjust and the unequal gains of economic development, hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians have now descended into the streets, triggering a violent reaction from the state.

As we enter the twelfth month of the uprising, violence shows no sign of decreasing in Ethiopia. In its efforts to put down unrest, the government has allowed the security forces to use lethal violence against the protesters. According to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, more than one thousand people are estimated to have died as a result of violent state repression since last November. Thousands of people, including prominent opposition leaders and journalists, have been arrested and are currently detained in prison.

International concern

International institutions and non-governmental organisations have expressed major concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in the country. The UN Human Rights Council called for “international, independent, thorough, impartial and transparent investigations” over the repression in Ethiopia, a request that was swiftly rejected by the government. Ethiopia’s Information Minister instead blamed “foreign elements” linked with the Egyptian and the Eritrean political establishments for instigating the rebellion and arming the opposition.

Rather than stifling dissent, state repression has contributed to escalating protests. Violent riots have increased after the events in Bishoftu on October 2, when a stampede caused by police firing on a protesting crowd killed at least 55 people. In the following days, demonstrators have vandalised factories and flower farms – including many under foreign ownership – accused of profiting from the government’s contested development agenda. An American researcher also died when her vehicle came under attack near Addis Ababa. Although protesters have largely remained peaceful and resorted to non-violent tactics, these episodes of violence raise concerns over escalating trends in the protest movement.

Unrest and repression

The geography of unrest is also telling of the evolving protest cycle in Ethiopia. The protests originated last November in the Oromia region, where the local population mobilised to oppose a government-backed developmental plan which would displace many farmers. The Oromo people, who constitute Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group,accuse the EPRDF of discriminating against their community, and its local ally, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), as being a puppet in the hands of the Tigray-dominated ruling coalition.

Until mid-July, the unrest had largely remained confined to Oromia’s towns and villages. Local tensions around the northern city of Gondar inaugurated a new round of protestsin the Amhara region, where regionalist demands joined the widespread discontent with state repression. In the following weeks, protests spread further into the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’, the native region of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, as local communities began to stage anti-government protests. Episodes of communal violence and attacks against churches have been reported in Oromia as well as in other ethnically mixed areas of the country.

Despite increasing dissent, the government seems unwilling to mitigate its repressive measures. Internet access was allegedly shut down in an attempt to hamper the protest movement, which uses online media and social networks to disseminate anti-government information. On October 9, the government introduced a six-month state of emergency, the first time since the ruling EPRDF came to power in 1991. At least 1,600 people are reported to have been detained since the state of emergency was declared, while the Addis Standard, a newspaper critical of the government, was forced to stop publications due to the new restrictions on the press.

Polarised politics: government and opposition

These decisions notwithstanding, it is unclear how the EPRDF can manage to restore the government’s authority and preserve investor confidence by adopting measures that continue to feed resistance. After pressure from German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Hailemariam pledged to reform Ethiopia’s electoral system, which currently allows the EPRDF to control 500 of the 547 seats in Parliament. These limited political concessions are unlikely to satisfy the protesters’ demand for immediate and substantial change, since the proposed reform would only produce effects after the 2020 general elections.

According to the opposition, this is the evidence that the Tigray minority, which dominates the upper echelons of the government and the security apparatus, is unwilling to make any significant concessions in the short term. By labelling the opposition’s demands as racist and even denying their domestic nature, the government is leaving little room for negotiation and compromise and risks contributing to the escalation of the protests.

For over a decade, Ethiopia has been one of the fastest growing economies in Africa. Foreign investments – most notably from China – have funded large-scale infrastructure projects, including the recently inaugurated railway to the port of Djibouti.

The on-going unrest is likely to have a negative impact on Ethiopia’s economy, reducing the country’s considerable appeal among foreign investors and tourists. The demonstrations have revealed the growing discontent of the Ethiopian people, and especially of its disenfranchised youth, over the EPRDF’s authoritarian and unequal rule. The EPRDF therefore needs to implement far-reaching reforms and embrace dialogue with the opposition to prevent the current unrest from deteriorating.

The Daily Vox: What you need to know about the situation in Ethiopia November 1, 2016

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What you need to know about the situation in Ethiopia


Since October 6th, Ethiopia has been in a nationwide state of emergency. To help understand the situation, the Daily Vox spoke to members of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) – vice chairperson Muhamad Ismail Omar, and chairman of the National Intelligence Bureau, Hassan Muhammad Moalin.

What’s up with this crisis in Ethiopia?

Well, the government has recently declared a state of emergency and are going full authoritarian-dictator on their citizens for the anti-government protests that started November last year. It’s pretty lit – but not in a good way. Since the start of the protests, the death toll is said to be over 500, and the military is on a national crackdown – soldiers have even been pulled out from Somalia and are deployed in high-tension areas.

Beyond that, the government has implemented strict restrictions and banned a number of activities in the country which undermine basic human rights. Among the list of activities that have been banned:

  • citizens are not allowed to post on social media,
  • there is no free assembly,
  • crossing one’s wrists in political gestures,
  • the travel of diplomats more than 40km out of the capital, and
  • watching foreign-based television stations, Ethiopia Satellite Television and Oromia Media Network – which are being referred to as “terrorist” media by the state.

But why are Ethiopians protesting in the first place?

It started when the current regime started seizing land from the ancestral home of the Oromo people for a “development” project to expand Ethiopia’s capital city, Addis Ababa – ominously referred to as “the master plan”. After over 100 people died protesting this land grabbing, things snowballed into a nationwide anti-government uprising based on a number of issues relating to ethnic tensions, social inequality, the state’s repression and lasting political grudges for historic injustices.

To understand the dynamics at play then, we need to go back a bit.

Since before its national borders were drawn, the area now known as Ethiopia was always divided regionally along ethnolinguistic lines.

Image via Wkipedia https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/05/Ethiopia_regions_english.png

Image via Wikipedia

Those from the northern highland region – the Amhara people and Tigrayans – have enjoyed occupying positions of power and privilege. However, the Oromo, for example, who make up the majority population in modern-day Ethiopia, are severely underrepresented in terms of political, economic and social power. Another region worthwhile noting is the Ogaden region which was originally part of Somalia, and thus most its inhabitants are ethnically Somali – some from the Ogaden region have been militantly pushing for self-determination.

“Historically what we call Ethiopia was called Abyssinia. The Abyssinian highland and the Abyssinian people, ancestors to the Amhara and Tigrayan people, dominated other oppressed peoples. So actually I would say they have occupied this land – the land of the Oromos have been occupied by the Abyssinians,” said Omar.

Ethiopia has a long history of being ruled by minorities. Until 1991, it was the Amhara people in power under the rule of the Communist Derg government, led by Mengistu Haile Mariam. Since his overthrow, led by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, Ethiopia has been ruled by the coalition party, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). This is the ruling party which the current protests are targeting – partly because the EPRDF is made up predominantly by Tigrayan people, but mostly because the regime is considered entirely oppressive. So there’s a long history of Ethiopian ethnic tension, as well as struggle against minority rule.

“So regardless of the master plan, even in the Amhara region they are fighting. Not only the Oromos, who people are saying to mislead the international community that they are uprising because of the masterplan, the master plan is only the most recent of the oppression which is centuries-old,” said Moalin.

Then what are people demanding in the protests?

It’s not clear at this point, since there is no strict sense of unity across the various regions that are uprising.

“The Amharas, they are fighting for democracy, whereas we are fighting for self-determination of the Ogaden region. Unless these rights have been obtained, the uprising which has paralysed the economy, and which has paralysed the unity of the Ethiopian people, [will continue]. The Ethiopian people are not united, the Oromo are fighting on their own, as are other regions,” said Omar.

What’s the way forward for the Ethiopian people then? Is there a need for international intervention?

Well, hopefully it doesn’t come to that. Despite the region’s disunity across historically drawn ethnic and regional lines, the current government has provided a common enemy for the people of Ethiopia.

“Yet there is hope for we do have one common aim, an enemy to overthrow and get rid of this despotic regime and its tyranny. We have now been forced to understand each other. We are now aware of each other and have created the People’s Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PFD). This is an alliance that incorporates most of the groupings and created an umbrella organisation to reinforce each other economically politically – even media wise we have to collaborate,” said Omar.