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Ethiopia plants 350m trees in a day to help tackle climate crisis, #GreenLegacy July 29, 2019

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Ethiopia plants 350m trees in a day to help tackle climate crisis

National ‘green legacy’ initiative aims to reduce environmental degradation

Anna Ploszajski, The Guardian, 29 Jul 2019 

The prime minister, Ahmed Abiy, plants a tree in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
 The prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, plants a tree in Addis Ababa. Photograph: Aron Simeneh

About 350m trees have been planted in a single day in Ethiopia, according to a government minister.

The planting is part of a national “green legacy” initiative to grow 4bn trees in the country this summer by encouraging every citizen to plant at least 40 seedlings. Public offices have reportedly been shut down in order for civil servants to take part.

The project aims to tackle the effects of deforestation and climate change in the drought-prone country. According to the UN, Ethiopia’s forest coverage was just 4% in the 2000s, down from 35% a century earlier.

Tree planting ‘has mind-blowing potential’ to tackle climate crisis

 Read more

Ethiopia’s minister of innovation and technology, Dr Getahun Mekuria, tweeted estimates of the number of trees planted throughout the day. By early evening on Monday, he put the number at 353m.

The previous world record for the most trees planted in one day stood at 50m, held by India since 2016.

Dr Dan Ridley-Ellis, the head of the centre for wood science and technology at Edinburgh Napier University, said: “Trees not only help mitigate climate change by absorbing the carbon dioxide in the air, but they also have huge benefits in combating desertification and land degradation, particularly in arid countries. They also provide food, shelter, fuel, fodder, medicine, materials and protection of the water supply.

“This truly impressive feat is not just the simple planting of trees, but part of a huge and complicated challenge to take account of the short- and long-term needs of both the trees and the people. The forester’s mantra ‘the right tree in the right place’ increasingly needs to consider the effects of climate change, as well as the ecological, social, cultural and economic dimension.”

Read more from Oromian Economist social media sources:

The figures of today’s States In Seedling Plantation:
1. Oromia 211,938,515
Finfinnee city 3,523,857
Dirre_Dhawaa  city 258,993

 State of Oromia total = 215,721,365
2. Amhara State 70,564,872
3. Southern Ethiopia nations 54,352,762
4. State of Tigray 9,557,340
5. Benishangul_Gumuz 1,431,177
6. Somali Regional State 847,482
7. Gambella 530,141
8. State of Afar 445,896
9. Harari 182,625

Total = 353,633,660

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OSA 33rd Annual Conference Held in Oromia, Finfinne #OSAinOromia July 27, 2019

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Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) waggoota 33 booda Finfinneetti eegale #OSAinOromia

Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) waggoota 33 booda Finfinneetti eegale

BBC Afaan Oromoo, 26 Adooleessa 2019

Pirezidantii Itti - aanaa Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa sagantaa kana irratti argamaniiru

Yaa’iin Waldaa Qorannoo Oromoo (OSA) 33ffaa Magaalaa Finfinneetti bakka hayyuulee fi qondaaltoonni motummaa olaanoo argamanitti Yunivarsiitii Rifti Vaaliitti eegale.

Dhaabbanni seenaa fi aadaa Oromoo qorachuuf hundaa’e kuni magaalaa Finfinneetti yaa’ii yeroo taa’u waggoota 33 keessatti kun kan duraati.

Yaa’ii kana irratti haasaa baninsaa kan taasisan pirezidantiin waldichaa Aadde Kuulanii Jaalataa ammaan dura seenaa dogoggoraa namoonni seenaa Itoophiyaa barreessaa fi himaa turan sirreessuu keessatti OSA qooda guddaa baheera jedhaniiru.

Dabalataanis, seenaafi aadaa Oromoo qofa osoo hin taane waldaan kuni addunyaan seenaa saboota kaan kan akka Hadiyyaa, Walaayittaafi kk akka hubatu gargaareera jedhan.

Pireezidantiin Itti – aanaa Naannoo Oromiyaa Obbo Shimallis Abdiisaa sagantaa kana irratti kan argaman yoo ta’u hojii dhabbati OSA’n hojjataa tureef galata argachuu qaba jedhaniiru.

Haala siyaasaa Itoophiyaa keessa tureen dirqamee biyya alaatii hojii qorannoofi barnootaa kan hojjetaa ture OSA fi michoonni isaa injifataniiru jedhaniiru.

Ummata Oromoo maraan baga ijoolleen keessan biyyatti isiniif galan jedhan jechuunis Oromoo harka fuudhan.

”Osooma mortuun mortuu hortuun horti, iniifannoon Oromoo itti fufa!” kan jedhan Obbo Shimallis, dhaloonni amma jiru duudhaa sirna gadaa abbootii isaa cimsatee akka deemuuf qo’annoo fi qorannoo taasisu cimsuu akka qabu dhaamaniiru.

Obbo Shimallis itti dabaluunis, keessummaa tajaajilli lammummaa amma mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa eegalee akka hojiirra oolu gochuuf akka deeggaran hirmaattota gaafataniiru.

Aaddee Kuulanii Jaalata pirezidaantiin waldichaa gama isaanitiin, OSA seenaa fi aadaa deebiisanii dagaagsuu qofa osoo hintaane dirqama ‘roadmap’ dhalootatti agarsiisuu qaba jedhan.

Hayyoonni fi beektonni Oromoo injifannoo Oromoo fi ummanni Itoophiyaa argate akka itti fufu gochuu keessatti gahee guddaa bahuu qabna jedhaniiru.

Yaa’ii guyyoota sadiif gaggeeffamu kana irratti hayyoonni Oromoo fi Prof Asmaroom Laggasaa dabalatee qorattoonni seenaa Oromoo fi jaallattoonni Oromoo hedduun biyya keessaa fi biyya alaa irraa hirmaataniiru.


Qorannoo akkamiitu dhihaate?

Pirofeesar Baqalaa Guutamaa waraqaa qu’annoo mata dure ‘Federalism and Identity’ jedhu jalatti dhiyeessaniin, ‘Itoophiyaan yeroo ammaatti sirrni federaalaa akka hojjatu taasisuun alatti fala biraa hinqabdu’ jedhaniiru.

Mootummaan yeroo ammaa biyya Itoophiyaa bulchaa jiru sirna Federaalizimii bu’uuressullee ofumaan naannolee olaantummaadhaan bulchaa waan tureef federaalizimii dirqamaan saboota walitti fide jedhamee komatama.

Biyya akka Itoophiyaa sab-daneessa taate kana keessatti Federaalizimiin saboota walitti fidu dirqama ta’uu kan dubbatan Pirofeesar Baqqaleen namoonni sirni federaalizimii qoodiinsa uuma, biyya diiga jedhan sirrii akka hin taane dubbatan.

Federaalizimii sabdaneessaa dhugaadhaan bu’uuressuuf sirni dimokiraasii jiraachuun dirqama kan jedhan hayyuun kuni paartii fi mootummaan adda ba’anii hojiisaanii hojjechuu dhabuun rakkoo hamaaf sirna kana saaxiluu dubbatan.

Federaalizimii dhugaan garuu aadaa fi seenaan akkasumas duudhaan naannolee hundaa yoo beekamee fi kabajamedha.

Sirna Federaalizimii sab-daneessaa hin hordoftu taanaan Itoophiyaan baay’inaa fi garaagarummaa Saboota keessa jiru hooggantee deemuun hin yaadamus jedhan.

Mirga dhuunfaa kabajuu fi mirga gareef beekamtii kennuun utubaa sirna federaalizimii ta’uu qabas jedhan.

Eenyummaa ofii qabatanii Itoophiyaa ta’anii jiraachuun utuu danda’amuu sabummaa kee gatii Itoophiyaa ta’i yaadi jedhu balaa sirna federaalizimiiti jedhan.

Furmaata rakkoo keetii anatu siif beekaa osoo hin taane hirmaachisuudhaan namni hunduu rakkoo isaaf qaama furmaataa akka ta’u haala mijeessuutu nu baasas jedhan.

Gama biraatiin mata duree ‘Aangoo Diinagdee fi Siyaasaa mootummaa giddu galeessaan qabame’ jedhurratti waraqaa qoranno kan dhiyeessan Dr. Ammayyuu Godessoo Itoophiyaa keessatti rakkoo guddaa kan ta’e mootummaan federaalaa aangoo mootummaa naannolee keessa seenuun sarbuu isaati jedhan.

Mootummoota naannoleef aangoo qooduu dhabuu, saboota hundaaf beekamtii kennuu dhabuu fi qoqqoodanii bulchuuf yaaluun sirna federaalizimii biyyattiirraan dhiibbaa ga’eera jedhan.

Haala jiruu fi jireenya hawaasa daangaa Oromiyaa fi Beenishaangul Gumuz irratti waraqaa qorannoo digirii sadaffaa(PhD) isaanii kan hojjetan Dr.Ammayyuun waldhabdee saboota gidduutti yeroo sana uumamaa tureef Ministira Dhimmoota Federaalaa yeroo sanaa komatan.

Ammas taanaan sirna hunda walqixa tajaajiluu fi ummata Itoophiyaa hundaaf ta’u fiduuf Paartileen Siyaasaa waliin mari’achuu akka qaban dhaamaniiru.

Hayyoonni lameen erga waraqaa qoranno dhiyeessanii booda gaaffilee ka’aniif deebii kennaniiru.

Gaaffilee ka’an keessaa mootummaan Itoophiyaa amma bulchaa jiru akkaataan dhufiinsa isaa gama humna waraanaatiini, akkamiin sirna dimokiraasii mariirratti hundaa’e bu’uuressuu danda’a jedhuuf paartileen siyaasaa Oromoo kanarratti dirqama akka qabantu himame.

Gaaffii walitti dhufanii sirna federaalizimii uumuun haala Itoophiyaan amma keessa jirtuun dhuguma furmaata ta’aa jedhuuf waldanda’uun dhimma ijoo ta’uutu himame.

”Lammiileen Itoophiyaa hunduu aadaa fi duudhaa, eenyummaa isaanii qabatanii walitti dhufanii waldanda’uudhaan waliin jiraachuu danda’u, yoo tokko balleesse, inni kaan danda’aa, akkasiin waliin jiraachuutu furmaata ta’a” jedhan Pirofeesar Baqqaleen.

more at #OSAinOromia

Oromia: Koonsartii Deeggarsa Walloo (Adoolessa 20, 2011 – July 27, 2019) July 26, 2019

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Chatham House Prize: Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa. July 20, 2019

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Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister, Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia

Abiy Ahmed is nominated for his efforts to transform civic leadership and advance plural politics and free speech in Ethiopia, as well as for ending decades of hostility with Eritrea, progressing gender equality and injecting hope for a more peaceful and integrated Horn of Africa.

Abiy Ahmed

Within months of coming to power, Abiy Ahmed sought to rehabilitate Ethiopia’s decades-old authoritarian regime – releasing thousands of political prisoners, decriminalizing opposition groups and initiating reforms to repressive laws. He also appointed a gender-balanced cabinet along with the country’s first female head of state and first female president of the supreme court. Under Abiy, Ethiopia has moved from being one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists to a country with growing press freedom.

The prime minister’s swift action to bring about peaceful relations with Eritrea paid immediate dividends, bringing neighbouring countries into the fold and boosting plans for regional integration. The speed at which he opened civic space and moved to dismantle the politics of animosity and suspicion in the sub-region has been striking given Ethiopia’s entrenched political, security and economic challenges. He has fostered optimism about his potential to help develop good governance and effect positive change in national, regional and global affairs.

Abiy Ahmed’s dramatic appearance on the political scene in 2018, and the once unimaginable achievements registered within such a short period, make him a source of hope for the youth in Ethiopia and throughout Africa, the youngest continent in the world. He has become one of the new faces of African leadership – one that promotes ethical leadership, rights and freedoms, despite the risks this incurs, and his actions deserve recognition on the international stage.

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Chatham House Prize 2019 Nominees19 July 2019

Ethiopia: Communities in diaspora held massive rally to show their support for PM Abiy Ahmed’s reform July 11, 2019

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FP: Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control July 6, 2019

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“Too little attention was paid to characters like Asaminew, who were licensed to act from expanding islands of power amid the breakdown of party structure and control.”

FOREIGN POLICY DISPATCH

Abiy Ahmed’s Reforms Have Unleashed Forces He Can No Longer Control

Ethiopia’s prime minister oversaw the chaotic release of thousands of prisoners, including many ethnonationalist militants. His amnesty may now be coming back to haunt him.

BY NIZAR MANEK | JULY 4, 2019

Members of the army carry a coffin covered with the Ethiopian flag in Addis Ababa on June 25, in preparation for the funeral service of the Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, Seare Mekonnen, who was assassinated on June 22.

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia—Former comrades in arms described retired Brig. Gen. Asaminew Tsige, who was shot dead on June 24, as a mediocre soldier and a poor administrator. Asaminew was gunned down by government forces two days after allegedly masterminding the assassination of three senior officials of Ethiopia’s Amhara state, including its president—events labeled part of “an orchestrated coup attempt” by the Ethiopian prime minister’s office.

Asaminew had a long history in Ethiopian military circles—and in rebel movements. He was an ex-rebel fighter in the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement in the struggle that in 1991 felled the Derg, a Marxist junta that preceded Ethiopia’s current ruling system. Asaminew met in 2009 with leaders of the banned opposition movement Ginbot 7 in Dubai, according to members of that movement. On April 24, 2009, the National Intelligence and Security Service and Federal Police Joint Anti-Terrorism Task Force arrested 35 people allegedly involved in plotting a coup against Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government; most were members of the military or the police. Asaminew was one of them, and he was imprisoned for nearly a decade.

Last February, Asaminew emerged from prison, having allegedly faced solitary confinement and torture, among tens of thousands of prisoners released following a 12-point reform plan handed down by Ethiopia’s ruling politburo in December 2017.

The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But it  has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.Under Abiy Ahmed, who became Ethiopia’s new leader in April 2018, Asaminew was honorably retired with full pension rights—and he was appointed by Amhara state later that year to head its administration and security bureau. The effort to release and reintegrate former rebels who had once sought to overthrow the federal government was widely hailed as a bold reform effort. But as the high-profile June 22 killings have shown, that policy has also unleashed forces that Abiy may no longer be able to control.

Tremors have already rippled through the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the federal army, whose manpower mirrors the ethnic makeup of the country’s ruling coalition and has been increasingly involved in internal peacekeeping amid innumerable conflicts that have over the last year turned Ethiopia into the world’s largest source for internally displaced persons associated with conflict.


Abiy has brokered an anarchic political opening, leading the four branches of the ethnically-based ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)—Tigrayans, Oromos, Amharas, and ethnic groups from the south—to undertake a grandiose personnel restructuring and rebranding. Asaminew’s own appointment to the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP) central committee in October 2018 was part of that trend.

According to security insiders, Asaminew relied on hardliners affiliated with the Amhara Democratic Forces Movement, who, after returning from Eritrea amid an historic peace deal between the two countries, agreed last November to merge with the ADP. One of his two deputies in the Amhara security bureau, Alehubel Amare, had fled to Eritrea and formed the ADFM with other military defectors after the alleged coup plot of 2009, and another, the retired Brigadier-General Tefera Mamo, had been imprisoned with Asaminew.

Abiy’s intention was, in December 2018, to broker a merger between the ADP (which is part of the EPRDF) and the more radical National Movement of Amhara, or NAMA (which is not). This trend was replicated in Abiy’s native region of Oromia with a planned merger between the Oromo Democratic Front, an opposition movement returning from exile, with Abiy’s own Oromo Democratic Party, which is part of the EPRDF.

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

Just as the communist nomenklatura in the former Soviet republics survived through adopting nationalist rhetoric when the Soviet Union began to face a crisis due to rising regional nationalism, the EPRDF’s ADP absorbed existing undercurrents of radical Amhara ethnonationalism in an effort to refurbish its damaged credentials

 by appeasing hard-liners in advance of competitive elections intended for 2020.

This ethnonationalist revival in a federal state has unleashed pre-Derg forces seeking to revive a world of feuding dynasties and provincial lords with their own armies competing for dominance based on who has the most weapons while seeking incorporation of so-called ancestral lands into Amhara state, including irredentist claims in other regional states and even in neighboring Sudan.

Prior to his death, Asaminew was overall commander of Amhara state’s special police forces, police, and militia, over which he had direct influence; he did not have a command role in the ENDF. Such militias historically played a pivotal role in Ethiopia’s internal security during the era of princes, between the 18th and 19th centuries, during which nobles had their own militias from their respective communities to defend their territory and security in the absence of any effective central authority.

They were also present during the Red Terror under the Derg, when so-called people’s militias were established largely from the peasantry and empowered to act against so-called anti-revolutionary individuals and groups. In Amhara state, after the Eritrean-Ethiopian War of 1998-2000, residents of North Gondar and the military and police faced attacks from insurgents linked with Eritrean-supported groups. As a result, militias were increasingly entrusted to operate at the grassroots level as local first responders to lawlessness.

The ADP selected Asaminew to its central committee as part of a pivot toward the incorporation of returning opposition forces. The party’s decision to then crown Asaminew as the head of Amhara state’s administration and security bureau—a role accountable to the regional president and supervising all regional security organs—was seen as a way of absorbing and neutralizing hard-liners. But it ended up fueling a bitter power struggle at the core of a fragmenting EPRDF and threatening the survival of the federal coalition’s constituent branches.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

Fractious forms of ethnonationalism are now emerging all across Ethiopia—a country of more than 80 ethnic groups—raising the perilous prospect of a Yugoslav-style breakup.

 Mutual animosity between regional states is contributing to a national crisis, with a race to strengthen regional security forces amid rising distrust of federal forces—similar to the distrust of the Serb-dominated Yugoslav National Army by Slovenes and Croats in the early 1990s, as they built up their own territorial defense forces.

As regional nationalism grows, competing irredentist claims are on the rise. One of Amhara state’s borders is with Tigray state. Amhara nationalists want to reclaim the districts of Wolkait and Raya, which they say were annexed to Tigray after the Tigrayan-led EPRDF came to power. Amhara nationalists also want part of Oromia, Al-Fashaga in Sudan, and the federal capital, Addis Ababa—and NAMA labels the EPRDF’s Tigray People’s Liberation Front (which governs Tigray) as a “terrorist group,” according to Christian Tadele, a NAMA politburo member—riling neighboring Tigrayan nationalists.

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