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Oromia: #OromoProtests: Gabaasa Fincila Xumura Garbummaa (FXG) Oromiyaa 2016 (September) September 30, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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Odaa OromooOromianEconomistOMN on NILESATOromo Protests defend Oromo National Interest

#OromoPRotests tweet and share#OromoProtests against the Ethiopian regime fascist tyranny. Join the peaceful movement for justice, democracy, development and freedom of Oromo and other oppressed people in EthiopiaFeyisa Lelisa Rio Olympian and world icon of #OromoProtestsQuebec City Marathon winner, Oromo athlete, Ebisa Ejigu, replicates Rio Olympic medallist’s #OromoProtests. p3Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2oromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-center-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympicoromo-oromo-athletes-tamiru-demisse-c-megersa-tasisa-l-and-sport-journalist-adugna-angasu-r-who-are-in-rio-de-janeiro-brazil-for-the-paralympic-2016-show-solidarity-in-a-world-stage-to-oromoathlete-hajin-tola-winner-of-mississauga-canken-5k-race-protests-in-support-of-ethiopias-oromo-peopleathlete-hirut-guangul-joined-the-brave-movement-as-she-won-the-womens-marathon-and-in-solidarity-with-oromoprotests-25-september-2016-this-video-is-viral-on-social-media-in-her-adoration
Oromo Students protest @ Mandii, Western Oromia 25th November 2015Oromo Students protest @ Ambo, Oromia 25th November 2015 picture1

Gaaffiiwwan yeroo ammaastop killing Oromo People#GrandOromoProtests 6 August 2016, in Oromia including in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), the capital.


Oromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa in the social and international media. #OrompProtests global icon. p7

Gincii, Amboo, Jalduu, Gudar, Giddaa Ayyaanaa, Mandii, Najjoo, Laaloo Assaabii, Jaarsoo, Gullisoo, Bojjii, Gujii,Dambi Doolloo, Gimbii, Naqamtee, Buraayyuu, sabbataa, Dirree Incinnii, Adaamaa, Harammayyaa, Mattuu, Baale (Robee), Madda Walabu, Walliisoo, Tulluu Boolloo, Sulultaa (Caancoo), Horroo Guduruu, Buuraayyuu, Dirree Dhawaa, Calanqoo, Ada’aa Bargaa, Baddannoo, Holootaa, Shaashee, Awaday (E. Harargee), Hara Qallo (Goro Dola, Gujii), Gaasaraa (Baalee), Bulee Hora, Jimmaa, Arjo, Heebantuu, Giddaa Ayyaanaa ,Kiiramuu, Ciroo, Dodolaa, Anfilloo (Mugii), Walqixxee, Diillaa, Bishooftuu, Finfinnee,  Yuniversiitii Finfinnee, Geedoo, Asallaa,  Shaambuu, Agaarfaa, Sibuu Siree, Kotobee, Wacaalee, Saalaalee, Machaaraa, Ammayyaa, Tokkee  Kuttaayee, Innaangoo, Baabbichaa, Laaloo Qilee, Hiddii Lolaa, .Mugii, Arsi Nagallee, Baabbichaa, Shukutee,  Baakkoo Tibbee, Jalduu, Gindoo, Buun’dho Beddellee, Grawwaa, Gaara Mul’ataa, Qarsaa, Qobboo (Dardar, Eastern Oromia), Sinaanaa (Baalee), Jimmaa Arjoo, Bojjii, Kombolcha,  Aggaaroo,Tajji (Iluu), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Baabboo Gambel, Daawoo,Tulu Milki (Warra Jarso), Hirnaa, Xuulloo,  Masalaa, Galamso, Bordode, Mi’esso, Waheel, Diggaa, Arjoo Guddattuu, Guraawa, waamaa Adaree, Shabee Somboo, Limmuu Saqaa, Amuruu (Agamsa), Daroo Labuu (Gaadulloo), Yaabelloo, Aliboo (Jaartee Jardagoo), Saasigga, Magaalaa Dafinoo, Dhumugaa, Daroo Labuu (Buraysaa) Begii (Kobor), Mardida Halo Guba (Daroo Labuu), Qassoo, Bonayyaa Boshee, Baalee  (Dalloo Mannaa), Jimmaa Raaree (Magaalaa Gobaan), Nophaa (Iluu), Bordoddee, Togowacaalee, Dooguu, Metekel (Wanbara), Asaasaa, Waabee, Heeraroo, Doguu, Quufanziq (Dadar), Boku Luboma (Miyo, Borana), Eddoo, Dirree (Ada’aa), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Shebel town, Bate, Walanchiti, Warra Jiruu,  Boolee Bulbulaa, Diilallaa, Gannat Haaraa (dodolaa)……………



 

Gabaasa FDG Oromiyaa Sadaasa (November) 12, 13,  25,  26, 27, 28, 30, Muddee (December) 1, 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13,14, 15, 16, 17/18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25,  26, 27,28, 29,30, 31….    2015

Amajii (January) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13,14, 15, 16, 17,18,19, 20,21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29,30, 31……2016

Guraandhala (February) 1,  2, 3,4, 5, 6, 7, 8,9, 10,11,12,13, 14, 15, 16, 17,18,19, 20, 21,22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28,29………… 2016

 

Bitootessa (March) 1, 2, 3,4, 5,6,7,8,9, 10, 11,12, 13,14,15, 16,17, 18, 19,20,  21,  22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 2,28, 29, 30, 31 …………2016

Ebla (April) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5,6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17,18, 19,20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……… 2016

Caamsaa (May) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12,13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20, 21,22, 23, 24, 25, 26,27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 2016

 

Waxabajjii (June) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30 …………………………….2016

Adoolessa (July) 1, 2, 3,4, 5, 6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31……..2016

Hagayya (August) 1, 2,3, 4, 5,6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 ….. 2016

 Fulbanaa (September) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……. 2016

 


#OromoProtests: International Community Alarmed as Ethiopia Crisis Worsens

#OromoProtests. International Community Alarmed as Ethiopia Crisis WorsensEthiopia's scores in freedom in the world 2016, freedom House World Report, January 2016.

Ethiopian regime guilty of crime against humanity

 

Click here for #OromoProtests report 1- 31 August 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st July – 31st July 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st June – 30 June 2016 PDF

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st May 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 30 April 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st March, 2016

Click here for #OromoProtests updates, November 2015- February 29, 2016



For Latest News click here for OromianEconomistonfacebook

 


Ethiopia Human Rights Abuses Spark U.S. Congressional Action


Risk Advisory: Ethiopia | Assessment of government stability amid ongoing protests

The Ethiopian government is looking increasingly unstable, and the security environment in Ethiopia is looking more dangerous.


This is Africa: Ethiopia at a crossroads: apartheid, civil war or reconciliation?


ETHIOPIA’S GRADUAL JOURNEY TO THE VERGE OF CRISIS

The Grand Oromo Rally at the World Bank: #OromoProtests at World Bank Group, Washington DC, while Mr. Secretary listening and receiving an appeal letter, watch the video.


The Grand Oromo Rally: #OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally and Opposing Mass Killings by Ethiopia’s Fascist (TPLF) regime


To the UN Security Council: a plea to intervene to Stop the Bloodshed in Ethiopia, Please click here and sign the petition 


UN Human Rights Commission on human rights violation in Oromia


Open Democracy: The ‘Ethiopian Spring’: “Killing is not an answer to our grievances. #OromoProtests

 


The regime in Ethiopia (Fascist TPLF) has lost any semblance of humanity

 


Daily Mail: Unrest mars Ethiopia’s New Year, Eid parties. #OromoProtests and the Market Boycott in Action


Human rights abuses in Ethiopia require congressional action, Congress Blog, 31 August 2016


Ethiopia: Civil society groups urge international investigation into ongoing human rights violations, 30 August 2016


Press Statement: Centre for Human Rights releases a second press statement calling on Ethiopia, the African Union and the United Nations human rights monitoring mechanisms to take steps regarding the gross human rights abuses in Ethiopia.


Labsa Ficincila Xumura Gabrummaa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo Irraa Bahe: Renewed Declaration of Protest to Culminate Slavery


The Guardian: Olympic medallist Feyisa Lilesa’s gesture was a plea for justice for his people.Click here to read at Oromian Economist, 24 August 2016


EU Ambassadors briefing on Ethiopia, 23 August 2016

Germany: Human Rights Commissioner on the unrest in Ethiopia: Press Release. #OromoProtests

Read more at Pressemitteilung Menschenrechtsbeauftragte zu den Unruhen in Äthiopien


ETHIOPIA MUST ALLOW OBSERVERS ACCESS AFTER DEADLY PROTESTS: U.N. RIGHTS CHIEF

http://europe.newsweek.com/un-rights-ethiopia-must-allow-observers-access-after-deadly-protests-489295


UN calls for probe into Ethiopia protesters killings. #OromoProtests #Africa

UN calls for probe into Ethiopia protesters killings. #OromoProtests #Africa

UN calls for probe into Ethiopia protesters killings. #OromoProtests #Africa

UN Dispatch:A MASSACRE IN ETHIOPIA


Human Rights League: Ethiopia: Death Squad Killings in Oromia Continue as the World Community Responds with a Deaf Ear

Human Rights League: Ethiopia: Death Squad Killings in Oromia Continue as the World Community Responds with a Deaf Ear


The Tigran fascism: Its State repression, violence and genocide in Oromia

The Tigran fascism: Its State repression, violence and genocide in Oromia


Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016

Fiigicha  km 10 Fulbaana bara 2016 biyya Jarmanitti godhame irratti Atileetiin dhalataa Oromoo  Fraa’ol Eebbisaa injifate. Innis akkuma atileetota kanii mormii mootummaaa gabroomfataa irratti qabu Addunyaatti agarsiiseera.

Atileet Firaa’ol dorgommii adda addaa irratti yeroo baayyee injifachuun goota Alaabaa keenya dhugaa ol qabaa turedhaa.

Atileet Firaa’ol dorgommii adda addaa irratti yeroo baayyee injifachuun goota Alaabaa keenya dhugaa ol qabaa turedhaa.

Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2


Another Oromo athlete Demissie Tamiru repeats the #OromoProtests gesture at Rio Paralympics on 11 September 2016.

Gootummaan Oromoo gandaa,aanaalee fi guutuu Oromiyaa irra darbee hamma adduunyaa biyya lafaa raajutti itti fufee jira. Atileet Taammiruu Dammisee seenaa galmeesse!

demissee

Throwing up the “X” in parliament, Swedish MP Mr. Anders Österberg asked the Sweden Government to break silence on killings of Oromo & Amhara protesters in Ethiopia. 30 September 2016.#OromoProtests

throwing-up-the-x-in-parliament-swedish-mp-mr-anders-osterberg-asked-the-sweden-government-to-break-silence-on-killings-of-oromo-amhara-protesters-in-ethiopia-30-september-2016

 

Sean John Combs also known by his stage names Puff Daddy, Puffy, Diddy, and P. Diddy, is an American Hip Hop Recording Artist, Record Producer, Entrepreneur and Actor showing his support for Ethiopian Human Rights Global Movement.

Sean John Combs also known by his stage names Puff Daddy in solidarity with #OromoProtests

#OromoProtest, September 30, 2016


Sagalee Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo (SQ) Qophii Fulbaana 30, 2016

The Grand Oromo Rally, September 29, 2016, #OromoProteststhe-grand-oromo-rally-september-29-2016-oromoprotests

Sochii Diddaa Gabrummaa Saba Oromoo (Sadaasa 2015 – Hagayya 2016)

Gaaromaa B. Waaqasaa Hagayya 30, 2016

 Seensa

Barreffamni kun kan xiyyeefate sochii saba Oromoo sababa moottummaan abbaa irree Itoophiyaa “Finfinnee Karoora Guddicha Oromiyaa waliin walitti dabaluu “Addis Ababa – Oromia region integrated master plan” jechuun base mormii bara 2014 baatii Eeblaa keessa eegale irraa kaasee hanga ammaatti sochiiwan bifa adda-addaatiin adeemsifamaa ture fi ammas kan itti jiru irrati dha.

Karoorri magaalaa Finfinnee diriirsuuf moottummaan Itoopiyaatiin bara 2014 keessa labse, magaala Finfinnee fi magaalaalee 36 naannoo Finfinnee jiran walitti dabaluuf kan aggaamame ture. Sababa kanaanis yoo xiqqaate qotate bulaa Oroomoo miliyoona lamaa ol ta’an qee abbaa isaanii irraa buqisuuf kan karoorfame yoo ta’u lammii isaanii gaaga’umsa irraa baraaruuf barattootni Oromoo yuunivarsitii karoora kana gufachiisuuf sochiii mormii eegalani. Sochiin barattoota yuuniversitii Ambootiin eegalame guyyoota yartuu keessatti gara man barnootaa sadarkaa ol’aanaa fi gidduu galeessa akkasumas gara gandoota Oromoo maraatti babal’ate. Kunis ibidda hoongee ta’ee magaalotaa fi baadiyaalee Oromoo waliin gahuun karoorri moottummaan abbaa irree baafate ibdatti shidame . Loltootni moottummaa Itoophiyaa sochii diddaa saba Oromoo kana gara jabinaan tarkaanfiilee irratti fudhate, Oroomota 80 ol ajjeesani, dhiboota madeessani, kumaatama gara mana hidhaatti guurani. Humna waraanaatti dhimma bahuun yeroof dhaamsuu danda’ani. Yeroof human waraanaatiin ukkamsamee ganna tokkoof eega turee booda qophii fi qindoomina guddaadhaan Sadaasa 2015 keessa magaala Gincii keesatti sochiin bifa haarawaan eegalame. Fincilli diddaa saba Oromoo marsaa lammaffaaf magaalaa Gincii keessatti buruqe magaalaalee fi baadiyyaa Oromiyaa guyyoota yartuu keessatti waliin gahee hanga har’aatti itti baatiiwan sagal oliif osoo wal-irraa hin citiin gageeffamaa jira. Bareefamni kunis sochii diddaa saba Oromoo baatilee saglan dabran keessa ademsifamaa ture irratti kan xiyyefate dha. Continue reading

#OromoProtests, September 28, 2016

#OromoProtests 28 September 2016: Massive rally in Mandi West Walaga following funerwl service for Sanbata Imana who was killed while celebrating Meskel two days ago
https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/videos/10102565646765113/

Guyyaa Har’aa Qeerroon Godina Wallaggaa Magaalaa Mandii Hiriira Guddaa Gaggeessaa Jira.

Godina Arsii Bakkoota Gara Garaa Keessatti Diddaan Ummataa Jabinaa Itti Fufe,Waraanni Agaazii(TPLF)s Ummata Nagaa Goolaa Jira.

Fulbaana 27,2016,Godina Arsii aanaa Doddotaa magaalaa siree keessatti Qeerron Daandii cufee Wallee warraaqsaa Eebisaa Adunyaatin garmaamaa jira.

Kanuma waliin Arsii aanaa Diksiis Hamdaa magaalaa Diksiis keessatti kaabinootni OPDO ummata dararaa turan ammas gocha isaanii kana kan durii caalatti cichanii dalagaa jiraachuu fi miseensota ABO fi OPDO jechuun addaan baasanii namoota miseensota ABO ti jedhanii shakkan hiisisaa fi reebsisaa jiran maqaan isaanii akka armaan yeroo ta’u maqaan isaanii :-

  1. Muhaammad Qotichaa itti gaafatamaa dhimma nageenya aanaa
  2. Inispeektar Tashoomaa Mangistee
  3. Biraanuu Adaree itti gaafatamaa milishaa aanaa
  4. Bulbulee Muhaammad Bulchaa ganda 01Ta’uun beekamee jira.

Gama biroon achuma Godina Arsii lixaa aanaa Shaallaa gandoota ollaa magaalaa Shaallaa keessatti komaandoon ummata isaan dheefa daggalatti gale isintuu shiftaa bosonatti nurratti sooraa jira jechuun reebicha hamaa ummata nagayaa irraan gayaa jiru.ummanni magaalaa Shaallaa fi gandoota baadiyyaa jeeqama hamaa keessa jirra waan.ABO hin deggeriina jechuun kan ummata biyyattii shororkeessaa jiru sirna abbaa irree loltoota TPLF dha.

Arsii lixaa aanaalee Shaashamannee fi Shaallaa jiddutti kan argamu gaara Harree keessatti waraanni Agaazii ummatarraa hidhannoo hiikaa jedhamanii bobbaafaman tarkaanfii ummanni irratti fudhateen waraanni agaazii lama ummataan reebamanii galaafatamuun beekame. Continue reading


https://www.facebook.com/Jawarmd/videos/10102564468516333/

https://youtu.be/BIz0MIIoG1M

#OromoProtests 27 September 2016:

A meeting called by TPLF’s puppets in Oddo Shakkiso district in Guji Zone turns into fierce protest as elders stand up and denounce the regime and vow to fight to death
=========
Godina Gujii aanaa Oddoo Shaakkisoo ganda Magaadoo keessatti walgahiin uummataa mootuummaan waamee gara mormii uummataatti jijjiirameera. Guyyaa kaleessaa Fulbaana 26, 2016 yookiin fulbaana 16, 2009tti, uummanni gaaffiiwwaan ciccima mirgaa abbaa biyyummaafi qabeenyummaa gaafachaa turane. Walgahiin mootummaan yaame kun gara mormiitti jijjiiramuun guutumaa gututti injifannoo ummataatiin xumurameera.

 

 

Birraan baranaa kan bilisummaatti. #OromoProtests during Irreechaa season. September 2016

birraan-baranaa-kan-bilisummaatti-oromoprotests-during-irreechaa-season-september-2016birraan-baranaa-kan-bilisummaatti-oromoprotests-during-irreechaa-season-september-2016-p2

Qabsoonis barannoonis itti fufa. #OromoProtests 27 September 2016

qabsoonis-barannoonis-itti-fufa-oromoprotests-27-september-2016

OromoProtests, East Hararghe, Biabbile, 27 September 2016

 

oromoprotests-east-hararghe-biabbile-27-september-2016


Guyyaa Kaleessaa Godina Wallaggaa Magaalaa Mandii Keessatti Dargaggoo Imaalaa Lidataa Waraana Wayyaaneen Wareegame Har’a Kabajaan Gaggeefamaa Jira.

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#OromoProtests, in South Korea an Oromo woman stands solidarity with Oromo Protests, 24 September 2016

oromoprotests-in-south-korea-an-oromo-woman-stands-solidarity-with-oromo-protests-24-september-2016

OromoProtests, in Egypt, Cairo, solidarity with Oromo Protests on world Peace Day, 24 September 2016

oromoprotests-in-egypt-cairo-solidarity-with-oromo-protests-on-world-peace-day-24-september-2016


#OromoProtests in Arsi (Dodolaa and Seeru) Oromia, 24 September 2016

Godina Arsii Dodolaa fi Seerutti keessatti Fulbaana 24, 2016 mormiin FXG gaggeefamaa oole.

 

oromoprotests-in-arsi-dodolaa-and-seeru-oromia-24-september-2016

Guutoo Giddaa Magaalaa Ukkee Barsiisonni Leenjii Dabbalootaa TPLF Dura Dhaabbachuun Haala Boonsaan Xumuran

Fulbaana 24,2016
Godina Wallagga bahaa Aanaa Guutoo giddaa Magaalaa Ukkeetti Leenjiin barsiisotaa kan torban lamaaf ture har’a Barsiisonni keenya
injifannoodhaan Xumuraniiru…Guyyaa walga’iin kun eegale irraa kaasuun barsiisonni mana barumsaa ukkee sadarkaa 1ffaa fi 2ffaa
Mootummaa nama nyaata kana hadheeffatanii mormuudhaan Mujula kana hin dubbifnu jechuun harkatti didanii Mormii bifa callisuutiin
Xumuraniiru. Haalli kun waan garaa isaan gubeef Sabboona Barsiisaa Akkawaaq Jalduu kan jedhamuun Gaaffii qabdaa, hindubbattuu jedhanii
gaafannaan Sababan Dubbadheefan Xoollayitti hidhame jedhee deebiseef..

Waldaan Guutuu Wangeela Magaalaa Naqamtee Loltoota Wayyaanee TPLFn Goolamaa Jirti,Tajaajiltooti Waldichaas Hidhamanii Jiru.

Fulbaana 24,2016/ Warraakasa biyyoolessaa baatii 11 Oliif akka abidda saafaatti finiinaa tureen kan rifate mootummaan garboonffataau murna bicuu Wayyaanee aangoo isaatti fayyadamuun ilmaan oromoo sabboontota ta’aniifi tajaajiltoota wangeelaan maaliif uummataaf kadhattu jechuun magaalaa Naqamtee keessaa jumlaan mana adabaatti guuraa jira.
Haaluma kanaan  mootummaan  abbaa irree(TPLF) yakka isaa  ajeechaa fi doorsisni inni ummaata biyyaatirraan gahaa ture itti xinnaannaan amma immoo abbooti amaantii sabaaf kadhataan akkasumas uummata isaaniif kan  quqqamaan yakka tokko malee mana  adabaatti guuraa jira.
Hanga ammaattis tajaajiltoonni waldaa guutuu wangeelaa kan  magaalaa Naqamtee keessa jiran keessaa namoonni heedduun hidhamaa jiru.
Teessoon waldaa guutuu wangeelichaa kan inni keessatti argamus 07 keessa yemmuu ta’u namni tajaajiltoota wangeelaa kanarratti yakka duguuggaa sanyummaa raawwachaa jirus nama maqaansaa Fiqaaduu Takilee jedhamuudha.
Yakkamaan kun Waldaa guutuu wangeelaa keessaa nama tajaajilamuuf deeme fakkaachuun tajaajiltoota kanaan Yaa waaqayyo mootummaa kana nurraa buqqisi jechuun kadhattan jedhee mana hidhaatti guursisaa akka jirus baramee jira.
Bifuma walfakkaatuunis yakkamaan Fiqaaduu Takilee jedhamu kun tajaajiltoota kanaan maqaa meeshaa waraanaa guutummaa magaalaa naqamtee keessatti dhukaafamaa jiru isintu maallaqa walitti qabee bitaa jira maqaa jedhuun tajaajiltoota kana mana hidhaatti guursisaa jira.
Kanumaan wal qabatees tajaajiltoonni maqaan isaanii kanaa gaditti eerame mana hidhaatti kanneen gidduuma kana qabamanii jiran keessaa:

  1. Zerihuun Imiru hojiin isaa tajaajilaa guutuu wangeelaa magaalaa Naqamtee.
  2. Kennsaa Alemuu hojiinsaa tajaajilaa guutuu wangeelaa.
  3. Fayyisaa Tashomee hojiin isaa tajaajilaa guutuu wangeelaa.
  4. Kennasaa Darajee Hojiinsaa tajaajilaa guutuu wangeelaa

#OromoProtests, September 24, 2016


#SilentProtest at teachers indoctrination conference continues. #OromoProtests September 2016


OromoProtests, September 22, 2016, Click here at Ayyaantuu News.


 

 

 

Godina Wallaggaa Magaalota Qassoo,Moxee fi Yaamaa Hagaloo Jedhamu Keessatti Diddaan Sirna TPLF Itti Fufee Jira.

Fulbaana 21,2016 Godina Wallaggaa Bahaa Magaalaa Qassoo naannawaa mana barnoota sadarkaa lammaffaatti alaabaa Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo erga fannisanii booda, magaalicha guyya gabaa roobii waldaldalaa oolee wajjin ta’uun hanga halkan kanaatti mormii jabaa geggeessaa jiru.

Achuma Magaalaa Aanichaa Magaalaa Moxee irraa humnk waraanaa bakkichatti sochoosamaa fi tarkaanfii fudhachuu akka qaban ajjeechaa
ilmaan Oromoo irratti raawwachuuf tiki aanaa Waamaa Hagaloo Obbo Girmaa Gurmeessaa fi Tasfaayee Bantii akkasumas namni yeroo hedduu
uummatatti roorrisuun beekamu kaabineen tikaa Wayyaanee Takkaalliny Lammaa jedhama irratti walii galanii waraanni dhiiga uummata nagaa
akka lolaasuuf irratti walii galuu isaanii fi konkolaataan dhaqanii akka uummata goolan waajjira keessattiwal dhabuu. isaaniillee odeessi
waajjiricha keessaa ba’e dabalee addeessee jira.

Continue reading


#OromoProtests Fulbaana (September) 21, 2016: Guyyaa har’aa godina Aarsii Lixaa Aanaa Nansabooti magaala Garaambaamooti barsiisoonni wal gahii wayyanee  dhiitanii bahaniiru.

 

“Barsistonni B/M/ Sabbataa leenjii keessan dura xalayyaa daballii mindaa keenyaa fi kan ji’a 3 dura isa ittin nusossobdan maalirra akka jiru nubeesiftan malee mata duree tokko nutti hinkaasiinaa jedhani didda isaani itti fufanii jiru. Akkuma siyaasa keessaniif dhimmitan dhimma keenyaafis xiquma dhama’aa hamma kun jala muramee nutti himamutti waan tokko illee waliin hindubbannu jedhanii addaan bittinanii jiru. Mana barumsaa sad. 2ffaa barattoota 1,000 maatriki kutaa 10ffaa fudhatan keessaa barattoota 86 qofaatu qabxii pp galchu fide jedhanii barsiisonni kun akkamitti ilaallama qormaanni bara kanaa akkamitti ilaalameet kan bara dhufuuf dubbanna jedhani OPDO cinqaa oolan.”

 


#OromoProtests, SilentProtests, Fulbaana (September) 20 bara 2016:

Barsiisonni YuunvaristiiFinfinnee walga’ii kaleessa eegalan!!

Jalqabuun dura yaada namoonni tokko tokko kennaniin warra walga’ii geggeessu hinqaban jenee harkaa buufne jedhan! Walga’ii eegaluuf jennaan, uummata keenya gochaa gara – jabeenyaan ajjeefamaniif yaadannoo sammuu gochuun yaa eegallu, waan biraa waan goonu hinqabnuu ishima kanallee nurraa yaa argatan jechuun yaadannoo taasifnee akka eegallu ta’ee jira!
Itti fufuun, namoonni hedduun gaaffii barsiisonni gaafatan qofa dhaggeeffachuun ennaa jarri waltajjiirraa deebii kennuu eegalan ka’anii deemu! Waggaa 25 f deebii nuuf deebisaa turtan har’as nutti himaa jirtu! Kuftanii jirtu waan ta’eef hatattamaan aangoo gadi dhiisuu qabdu jechaanii jiru barsiisonni Yunivarsiitii Finfinnee!

Qabsoon itti fufa!!
Jabaadhaa Hayyoota Oromoo!!




Denmark global solidarity rally with OromoProtests, 21 September 2016.

 

denmark-global-solidarity-rally-with-oromoprotests-21-september-2016

 

#OromoProtests Fulbaana 20, 2016: Arsii Lixaa Dodolaatti, qeerroon Ganda Qacama Caree guyya har’aa tarkaanif jajjaboo lukkeelee woyyannee irratti fudhannee jirra jedhu.

OMN: Oduu Fulbaana 20, 2016

OMN: Oduu Fulbaana 19, 2016

OPDO is neither the the cause nor solution for the political crisis

Yesterday the regime announced that the top two puppets in Oromia have been removed and replaced by not so new faces. TPLF is either still dumb and numb about the depth of the crisis or chose to continue insulting the intelligence of our people. The cause of conflict between the regime and the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia is TPLF’s mission of and obsession with building and maintaining the supremacy of Tigreans. They have successfully built a system whereby power and wealth is monopolized in their hand. They are killing, jailing, exiling and reshuffling to preserve such domination. The puppet parties be it OPDO, ANDM or SEPDM were built and maintained to serve as tools of advancing and protecting this Tigrean supremacy. Hence reshuffling men and women at the head of these puppet parties does not make any difference in the ongoing conflict. They could appoint an OPDO or ANDM as prime minister, and still it won’t solve the problem. Since its created to advance TPLF mission of creating and protecting Tigrean supremacy, the so called EPRDF cannot be reformed through changing of guards or policy fixes –solution will come only when the mission is defeated and the regime is dismantled.

Having said this, why are Lemma Megersa & Workineh Gebeyehu chosen as the new place holders in Oromia? It meant to achieve two tactical objectives; to pacify the growing resentment within OPDO rank and file and the bureaucracy in Oromia, and to further militarize the administration in Oromia.

– Lemma is relatively popular among the younger cadres–hence TPLF believes appointing him will give false hope to the bureaucracy and give them breathing time internally. .
– Workineh is a shrewd politician with keen understanding of the role of the cultural sphere. He has long experience of reaching out to Oromo elders and religious leaders every time the regime faces challenge. They hope he can tap into that to isolate young protesters from the masses through the elders.
-The most important reason however is this. Both men come from the security branch having worked as police and intelligence chiefs. As it anticipates and prepares for further escalation into armed confrontation, TPLF believes these guys will be easier to work with the military and intelligence than Mukar ad Aster whom were very loyal but clueless about dealing with the military generals and spy masters who took over through command post.

Well that is TPLF’s calculation. They are still using that very old calculator left behind by Meles. The input, the machine and the output is off the mark. Jawar Mohammed, 21 September 2016


Fulbaana 20/2016  Wayyaanee TPLF  Aangawoota OPDO YAKKA ol-aanaa   ummata Oromoo irratti rawwachaafi raawwachiisaa turan  aangoo ırraa arii’uun yakkamaa biraa bakka buusan.

Uummatni Oromoo, Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo, jaarmiyaaleen qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoo, fi hayyootni fi beektootnı Oromoo sirni abbaa irree hundeen uummata keenyaa fi biyya keenyaarra buqqa’ee uummatni Oromoo bilisummaa isaa gonfachuufi walabummaa isaa deeffachuuf  qabsoo hadhooftuu gaggeessee wareegama qaalii kanfalaa jira malee jijjirama haromsa aangoo abbootii irree Wayyaanee OPDOf qabsa’a miti. OPDOn duras hardhas, borus aangoo ittin uummata Oromoo ficisiisuufi ulee harka mirgaa diinati malee uummata Oromoo bakka hin butuu, uummatni Oromoos OPDO jalatti akka bulaa hin jirree alaabaa OPDO gubee, waajji ishee irraatti duuguufi barbadeessuun itti argisiseera, kanaan booda aangawaan OPDO kamuu maqaa uummatan bakka bu’a jettuun Oromıyaa keessa socho’uu dhaabuu qabdi, uummatni Oromoo OPDO of irraa dhaabuuf of irrattii fi dargaggoota Qeerroo isaa irratti abdata.Kanaafuu  kanaan booda Oduun OPDOn bifa kamiinuu Odeessituu uummata Oromoo hin ilaallatu, OPDOn kan Uummata Oromoo miti, jijjiramni kabeebsaa fi itti fakkeessii  abbootii irreef gurraa hin qabnu!!  Diramaan OPDO kan arman gadii kana!!

1.Muktaar Kadir Bakki dhaloota isaa Godina Jimmaa Aanaa Shabee Somboo kan ta’eefi Presidentii OPDO ta’uun  Nama Uummata Oromoo irratti Waraanni Yeroo Labsamu, Waraana daa’imman, Dubartii ulfaa, Manguddootaa fi dargaggoota qaroo hawaasaa dhukaasee ajjeesaa jiru mediatti bahee kan galateeffachaa turefi waraana uummata keenyarratti labsuu keessatti qooda guddaa kan qabu  OPDO’n Aangoo irraa arii’uun ibsamaa jira!!

2. Asteer Maammoo Bakki dhalootaa GO/I/Abbaa Booraa Aanaa Gachii kan turtee fi  hiddi dhaloota ishee Oromoo hin taanee qubattoota irraa kan dhalatte fi Mınisteraa Sivil Servisii fi itti aantuu itti gaafatamtuu OPDO kan taatee fi yakkaa suukkaneessaa uummata Oromoo irraatti rawwatamuu sadarkaa hojjettootaa hanga uummataatti duguugınsa sanyii gaggeeffamaa jiru keessa harka guddaa kan qabduu aangoo OPDO irraa arii’atamte,

3.Lammaa Magarsaa Iafa-yaa’iin Caffee OPDO ergama diinummaa rawwatamaa jiru keessa kanneen qooda guddaa qaban, utuu arganii fi ilaalanii yeroo dubartiin ulfaa duutuu,daa’imni wareegamtu, manguddoon Gannaa 80 olii fi dargaggootni qaroo hawaasaa yeroo wareegaman ijaafi gurra cuqqallaachaa kanneen turanii fi yakkicha keessa warra harka qaban keessa tokko kan ta’ee angawaa Hogganaa OPDO ta’uun OPDOn Muuddattee jirti.

4. Warqinaa Gabayyoo gaafatamaan poolisii Federaalaa duraanii kan turee fi dhalootaan Oromoo kan hin taane fi yakka ulfaataa Uummata Oromoo irratti dalagamaa jiru keessa harka guddaa kan qabuu itti aanaa hoogganaa OPDO godhachuun OPDOn filattee jirti. Garuu uummataa Oromoo biyyaa keessa fi biyyoota garaagaraa jiran bakka hin bu’an. Oromoon waraanaan wal dura dhaabbachaa jira, hanga mirga isaa kabachiifatee bilisummaa isaa fi walabummaa isaa gonfatutti qabsoo isaa finiinsuun wareegamaa caaluu baasee of kabachiisuuf qophiidha!!


#OromoProtests, September 19, 2016, Ayyaantuu News.


Ogeeyyiin Fayyaa Ilmaan Oromoo Qabsoo Oromoo utubuuf kan ammaa caalaatti hojii aantummaa hojjechuu akka qaban, Dooktoroonni fi Ogeeyyiin Fayyaa Miseensa Qeerroo ta’an waamicha dhiyeessan!

Fulbaana 19,2016

Ogeeyyiin fayyaa kun Hospitaalota irraa walitti dhufanii yaada gurmuu qeerroo isaaniif kennaniin, bara 2014 keessa utuu ogeeyyiin ilmaan Oromoo irraa dhalatan hedduu ta’anii jiranii FDG yeroo sana Oromiyaa keessatti ta’een Qeerroon Oromoo diinaan rukutame,yaalii tokko malee guyyoota sadii booda du’uun isaa kan nama gaddisiisu qofa utuu hin taane,hanqinaa gama keenyaan jirudha jedhan!

 Yeroo ammaa kanas,murni alagaa ilmaan Oromoo abiddaan gubee gara hospitaala Abeet dame Hospitaala  Phaawuloos erga fidee booda,hojjettoonni Hospitaalichaa fi Hospitaalota maraa dhimma hojii tiif gara Hospitaalichaa akka hin seenne taasisuun, kanneen gamoo Hospitaala Abeet irra keessa dhaabbatan kutaa reeffaa kan jala jiru keessatti reeffa namoota abiddaan gubamanii suura kaasuuf yaaltan maqaa jedhuun hojjettoonni hojiirraa arii’aman! Yeroo ammaa kana hojjettoonni kutaa reeffaa keessaa mana callabbeessaa keessatti reeffa ilmaan Oromoo abiddaan gubamanii eegaa jiran dararaa fi sodaachisa tika mootummaa Itoophiyaarraa halkaniif guyyaa boqonnaa dhabuurraan kan ka’e mana isaanii akka gadhiisanii fi kanneen mana qaban immoo mana galanii maatii isaanii wajjin bulaa akka hin jirre dubbataniiru! Continue reading

Godina Wallaggaa Aanaa Guutoo Giddaa Magaalaa Ukkee Keessatti Dararaan Wayyaaneen Uummata Irratti Babal’ate

September 20, 2016
Gochi Wayyaaneen uummata Oromoo irratti raawwachaa jirtu daran daran haadhaa daangaa hin qabne keessa seenee jira. hidhaan adabuun hanqatee qeensa dargaggootaa hanga bubuqqisuuf gara laafina dhabuufiitiin geggeeffamaa jira,darggaggoo Kanneen armaa gadii Magaalaa Ukkee keessatti dararaa guddaa irraan gahaa jiru.
1-Indalkachew kan qeensa irraa buqqisanii reebichaan dararame
2,Takilee…kan maqaa abbaasaa hin baramin
3, Obsa xilahun dafaa….
4- Obbo xilaahun dafaa bulchiinsa magaalaa ukkeeti hojjetaadha. Abbaa obsaati..meeshaa isaani irraa fuudhame kan jiru Continue reading


Fulbaana 18,2016 Godina Arsii keessatti Wayyaanen dargaggoonni ayyaana irreechaa irratti argamuuf akka hin yaanne jechuun maatii dargaggootaa doorsisu eegalee jira.

Fulbaana 18,2016 Godina Arsii keessatti Wayyaanen dargaggoonni ayyaana irreechaa irratti argamuuf akka hin yaanne jechuun maatii dargaggootaa doorsisuu eegaltee jirti.guyyaa har’aa fulbaana 17/2016 Magaalota akka Shaashamannee, Adaabbaa, Ajjee, Waabee, Nageellee, Seeruu, Dheeraa, Itayya, Hamdaa, Siree, Gobeessa fi kofaleen keessatti wal gahiin dhimma ayyaana irreechaa ilaallatu jechuun wayyaanen waamtee manguddoota doorsisaa oolte bakkoota heddutti manguddoonni dheekkamsaan ergamtoota wayyaanee salphisuun.erga yoomii as dargaggoota ayyaana irreechatiif jedhee galmeessuu eegale bakka ilmaan Oromoo itti wal gayanitti argamuuf galmeen maaf barbaachise.ummata oromoo ka lubbuun jiru dhiisaa ka ficcisiiftaniif waan yaadaa jirtan nutti himaa erga biyya bulchaa jirra jettan jechuun gaafilee ciccimoon Afaan qabsiisun addaan bayuun isaanii dhagayame.kuni kanaan osoo jiruu guyyoottan hafanittis maatii dargaggootaa doorsisuuf kaabinoota hanga gandoota baadiyyaatti bobbaasun isii dhagayamee jira.

Gama biraan  Magaalaa Naqamtee Halkan kana dirree Waraanaa fakkaatti naannoo Ganda 05 tti dhikaasni dhaga’amaa Jira, qaama hin beekamnen Agaazii haleelaa Jira

Waldaan Christian Oromoo Magaalaa Finfinnee. – Oromo Christian church in Finifinnee, Oromia, in solidarity with #OromoProtests, 11 September 2016. The church held New Year prayer and solidarity with our people.

 

Teachers who are forced to participate in the 10 day indoctrination conference are engaged in #SilentProtest by refusing to ask, answer of comment. They are also boycotting food provided by the regime.
“Hirmii hin nyaannu!!” #OromoProtests September 2016

teachers-who-are-forced-to-participate-in-the-10-day-indoctrination-conference-are-engaged-in-silentprotest-by-refusing-to-ask-answer-of-comment-oromoprotests-september-2016

“Yuniavrsitii Wallaggaa Kampasii Shaambutti diddaan barsiisonni caldhisuun godhan itti fufee jira. Nama Dr. Balay Shifara jedhamuu mqaan waamtee dubbisuuf yaallaan waci eegalee achumaan dhiisan. Amma laaqana esheen qopheessites lagannee jirra.” #OromoProtests 15 September 2016


“Leenjii Barsiistota irratti Barsiistonni Kolleejjii Polii Teeknika Bishooftuu fi koolleejjiwwan dhuunfaa magaalichaa bakka yokkotti bakka leenjii koolleejjii poli Teeknika bishoftu keessatti hirmaachiseen Barsiistonni CALLISUUN DIDDAA giyyaa guutuu waan tokko otuu hin dubbatin hafanii waan ajaa’ibaati
Jarri nu teechisan keessaa obbo Caalii Xiiqii, Leggesee, fi itti aanaa diinii koollejjii pooli teeknika bishooftu kan ta’e Sulxaan ciigoo kan jedhaman dubbadhaa , yaada qabduu ……… cicci xumaaxum namni tokko dubbatu dhabamee jennaan kan duursanii warra afaan oromoo dubbatuuf hin dandeenye adda baasaanii otuu jiranuu waan jedhan wallaallan warri afaan hin dandeenye jirtu? Mee kan afaan oromoo dandeechan harka baasaa jechuun, Barssiisyonni afaan oromoo akka danda’an ibsachuuf otuu hin dubbatin harka baasan, eegas jedhan amma warri harka baastan maqaa waamanii dubadhaa jedhanii gara dirqiittis hoofuf jennaan Barsiistonni sagalee wal fakkaatun kolfa guddaa daqiiqaa walakkaaf ta’u kolfuun erga yokko deebisanii callisan guyyaan saa akka habashaatti 04/01/2009.” #OromoProtests 15 September 2016.

teachers-who-are-forced-to-participate-in-the-10-day-indoctrination-conference-are-engaged-in-silentprotest-by-refusing-to-ask-answer-of-comment-oromoprotests-september-2016-p1


#OromoProtests 16 September 2016, SlentProtests: Dabballoonni Wayyaanee waan cinqii keessa galte fakkaatti.
Har’a Godina Arsii Aanaa Honqooloo Waabeetti, dabballoonni leenjii barsisootaa kennan waliin hasa’aa turan. Kunis barsiisoonni walgahii teechisaan nu jalaa dubbachuu didan jedhanii haasa’u.
☞yaada kennaa jennaan, cicci
☞waraqicha dubbisaa jennaan, cicci
☞gaaffii gaafadhaa jennaan, cicci
☞adeemsa jijjiirruu jennaan, cicci
☞qarshii 50,000 (kuma shantama) isiniif welcome qopheessine akka aanaatti jennaan, cicci
☞Mee anumaa arrabsaatii asii na ari’aa jennaanis, cicci,
cicciin cicumaan dhumte.
Kanaafuu,jarri rakkoo garaadha qabdi jenne, maal wayya? jedhanii mari’achaa jiru.”


“Barsiisonni magaala finfinnee kutaa magaala kirkos keessatti kan argaman keessaa Mana barumsaa qophaa’ina Abiyoot kirsi(jiisee). leenjii eegaluun dura wareegamtootaaf kadhannaa sammuu daqiiqaa tokko gochuudhaan jalqabani.Akkasumas barsiisonni mana barumsaa Misiraaggootti hirmaatani keessaa dareen tokko dhaggeeffachuu didanii rafnaan yookaan hirmaadhaa yookaan immoo gad bahaa jennaan barsiisotni jechoota ulfaataa itti lakkisanii of irraa arii’aniiru hanga ammaatti namni sadii ol itti jijjiiramus yaada kennuu hin dandeenye qondaalota Tplf harkatti fashaleessaniiru kun injifannoo guddaadha galatoomaa nuuf jedhaa.”


“Lenjii barsisota motumman wayyane qophesiite irratii caliisuun barsisoota univeristy science fi technology adama kessattis akkuma itti fufet jira. bayye kan nama aja’iibu yaada kenuu diduu barisoota qoffaa osoo hin ta’iin yeroo waltajii irra ergaamooni dina oddesituu barsisaan dhagefatuu tasuum hin jiruu. barsisoon bayeen walgahii kessa ta’iin mobile issan irra facebook fayyadamuu, gariin immo ni rafuu, gariin immo dabaaramani ta’uu, waluuma galaati walgahiichi bayye qoradha fi barsisooni waan nama gaddaara (taziiya) ta’aan fakkata, malee lenjii hin fakkatu.”


“Yunivarsiitii Wallaggaa campus Gimbiitti, yeroo amma kana qaamni ani OPDO dha jedhu waltajjii geggeessaa jirurratti waa’ee ajjeechaa lammii keenyyarratti raawwate hundee seerummaa itti uuffisuuf(uumuuf) yeroo yaaleetti iyya galma guutuu fi teessuma reebuun akka afaan hin saaqqanne waan beektu hin qabdu callisi dhiisii jechuun afaan qabsiisaniiru!!”

 


Fascist Ethiopia’s regime is conducting genocide on Konso people.

tplf-stop-killing-the-konso-people

https://youtu.be/zW1y8MZnSSI

https://youtu.be/K2bHQouDr-E

Fulbaana 18,2016 Godina Wallaggaa Horroo Guduruu, Magaalaa Kombolchaa Daandiin Konkolaataa Kana Fayyaata.

qeerroo-abo

#OromoProtests – September 14, 2016click here for morenews


Diddaan Qeerroo Bilisummaa fi Ummataa Itti Fufuun Oromiyaa Bakkoota Hedduutti Diddaan Daandiin Konkolaataa Cufuu Itti Fufee Jira.

abo2Fulbaana 14,2016 Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti daandii cufuun dhaabbataan  itti fufeedhuma jira. torban tokko dura gabaa lagannaan oromiyaa guututti kan taasifamee turee fi daandii cufuun haala wal fakkaataadhaan magaalotaa fi godinaale hundatti ammallee yeroodhaa yerootti cufamaa jiran. Haga ammaatti wayyaaneenis banuu kan hin dandeenye daandiin cfuamee kan hafee jiru Magaalaa shaashamanneetti guyoota hedduu lakkoofsisee jira daandii guddaan ,Boojjii Birmajii Biilaa,Qilxuu Kaarraa, Awwadaayi keessatti daandiin hin banamin torban lamaa ol lakkoofsiseera humna banuu hin dandeenye qabaachuun wayyaanees barameera akkasuma hamma ammaatti duulli hojii dhaabuu adeemsifamee itti fufee dhaabbachuus akka hin qabne waggaa kana guutuu duula hojii dhaabuutti hojetootni walii galaa jiraachuunis beekameera. Magaalawwan negellee,daaroo, mechaaraa, adaamaa fi kkf keessa halkan Qeerroon akeekkechiisa hojii dhaabuu gabaa lagachuu,danddii cufuu uummataa kennee jira barruun kunis magaalota kanneen keessatti bittimdfamee jira. Continue reading


Godina Lixa Shaggaar Aanaa Midaa Qanyii Gandaa Haleeluutti Waraanni Wayyaanee Jiraattota Irratti Yakka Sukkanneessaa Deemisaa Jira.

Fulbaana 13,2016 Godina Lixa Shaggaar Aanaa Midaa Qanyii Gandaa Haleeluutti Waraanni Wayyaanee Kora Bittinneessaa fi loltootni Liyyuu Hayilii Wayyaanee EPRDF/TPLF/OPDO Yakka Suukkaaneessaa Mana Jireenyaa Abbootii warraa Shani(5) İrratti dhuka’aa dhoosuu fi Ibiddaa itti qabsiisuun Barbadeessan.

 Tarkaanfii keessa deebii hin qabne dhiyeenya humni ittisa uummataa miseensa waraanaa fi basaasa Wayyaanee uummata hiraarsaa kan jiru nama maqaan isaa Fedhasaa Ganneetii jedhamuu irratti fudhateen wal qabatee mootummaan waayyaanee humna ittisa uummataa nyaachisaa jirtu , ijoolleen keessaan humna ittisa uummataa waliin hariiroo qabu jechuun uummata nagaa  irratti yakki suukkaneessan rawwatamee jira. Continue reading

Barsiisotii fi Hojjettooti Yuuniverstii Wallaggaa Walgahii TPLF Waame Lagatan

Fulbaana 14 /2016 Godina Wallagga bahaa magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessatti formiin itti fufuun, walga’ii guyyaa har’aa kana yuunversiitii Wallaggaa keessatti geggeeffamaa ooleen  sabboontonni barsiisonni Yuunversiitichaa guutummaan guutuutti wal ga’ii Wayyaanee kana  irratti diddaa  garboonffattuu Wayyaaneef qaban haala ajaa’ibsiisaa ta’een warra wal ga’icha geggeessuuf dhaqan afaan qabachiisanii jiru.
Qaamonni walgaicha mariisisuuf deemanis gaafii gaafachuun mirga keessan gaafa jedhanitti barsiisonnis gaaffii gaafachuu fi yaada isaanii kaasuu waan didaniif profeeseriin yuunversiitii wallaggaa kan ta’e dr Eebbaa miijanaa itti waamuudhaan dirqamaan gaaffii akka kaasaniif doorsisaa akka jiraniif doorsisaa akka oolan baramee jira.
Wal ga’icha irrattis barsiisonni  tokkoyyuu gaaffii kaasuu waan didaniif mootummaan wayyaanee dirqiidhaan gaaffii akka kaasaniif   hiraarsaa akka oole maddeen keenya achirraa nuqaqqaban ifa godhu.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Sagalee Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo (SQ) Qophii Fulbaana 13, 2016September 13, 2016

Godina Lixa Shaggar Gidduugaleessaa Oromiyaa Aanaa Adaa’aa Bargaa Mogoritti Warraaqsii Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Daran Jabaatee Itti Fufe.

Fulbaana 13,2016 Godina Lixa Shaggar Gidduugaleessaa Oromiyaa Aanaa Adaa’aa Bargaa Mogoritti Warraaqsii biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG daran jabaachuun itti fufe. Mogoor  keessatti

1. Sababa sochii duulaa gabaa lagachuu fı uggura dinagdee buusuu torbee tokkoof gaggeeffameen manneen daldalaa fi suuqiiwwaan cufamanii turan banamaa yeroo jirachuun walqabatee waraanni Agaazii Uummata irratti reebicha hamaa gaggeessuun jumlaan mana hidhaatti guuraa jira.

2. Hoojjettootni  Warshaa Simintoo DANGOTE hojii guutummaatti dhaabuun diddaa isaanii kan itti fufani jiran yoo ta’uu qondaalotni wayyaanee aangawootni warshichaa fi abbaa qabenyummaa isaa waayila wayyaanee lammii Naajeeriyaa kan ta’ee kasaaraa guddaaf saaxilamee waan jiruuf warshicha banuuf illee fedhii kan hin qabnee ta’uu argisiisee jira Yeroo ammaa kana hojjattootni warshichaa guutummaan mooraa warshichaa keessa dhaabbatanii argamu. Qeerroon Mogoor qindeessıtootnı sochii warraaqsaa FXG’n keenyaa roga hundan hanga wayyaaneen Oromiyaa gadhiiftee baatutti itti fufa jechuun dhaamsa dabarsan!!


Naqamtee Cufaa Jiru,Diddaan Ummataas Itti Fufee TPLFn Burjaajessaa Jira.

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Exif_JPEG_420Guyyaa har’aa kana Fulbaana 13,2013  Godina Wallaggaa Magaalaa Naqamtee keessatti dukkaanni(Suuqiin) Sabboontota Oromoo gabaa lagatanii turanii Milishoota Wayyaaneen gutummaan cufamaa jira.

Buufata konkolaataa magaalaa Naqamtees ganama irraa kaasee guutummExif_JPEG_420aatti cufamee jira.
Taaksiin magaalaa Naqamtee keessa jiranii fi baajaajjonnis diddaa mootummaa garboonfataa Naqamteef qaban ganama irraa kaasuudhaan akkuma itti fufanitti jiru.
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Gama biraan Goototi Barsiisoti Oromoo Aanaa Ginde Beret akka aadaa isaanii gootummaa hojjetan.
Har’aa Fulbaana 13,2016 Barsiisota Aanaa Gindebert mana barnootaa qopha’inaa fi sadarkaa 2ffaa dirqisiisuun walitti qabanii leejii isinii laanna jechuun dabballoonni TPLF siyaasa isaanii osoo hin dubbatiin duratti gootonni barsiisonni Oromoo itti iyyuun isin ummata Oromoo bakka bu’uu hin dandeessan dhaabi keenya ABO dha isin nu hin bulchitan jechuun itti iyyuun qaanessaa jiru.


Godina Shaggar Kaabaa Aanaa Yayyaa Gullaallee Keessatti FXG Itti Fufee Oole.September 13, 2016

KUNI KUTANNOODHAA. QERROO ADA’AA BARGAA.

Karaan Oromiyaa Keessaa Garam Nama Geessaa???

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Oromia’s freedom flag everywhere in Oromia. #OromoProtests 11 September 2016

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#OromoProtests and Market Boycott continued unabated, September 11 and 12, 2016.  

Commercial bank boycott in Arjo ( East Wallaggaa, Oromia).  “Kuni hiriira baankii daldala xoophiyaa Arjooti”. #OromoProtests 10 September 2016

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#OromoProtests, Boycott Continued Unabated, September 10, 2016

#OromoProtests in Sulultaa, Oromia


https://www.facebook.com/asraar.walloo.75/videos/572606782931869/


Oromiyaa Guutuu Keessatti FXG Jabaatee Itti Fufee Jiraachuu Qeerroon Gabaase.

fxgFulbaana 10,2016 Wayita kana akkuma beekamu haalli ormiyaa keeysa jiru danqaa fi ummanni Oromoos yeroo itti bilisummaa isaa gonfatu fakkaatee jira.
Fooliin Bilisummaa kan urgaa’aa jiruudha. Torban kana sababan dirqama hojif bobbahee tureef caasaan odeesa sochiiwwan Qeerroo fi uummataa kan godinoota hundaa irraa yeroo kana sochiin hubatamu haala jabaa tahuun kan diina abdii kutanna dhumaa fi uummatas kan boonsu tahuun shakkii kan hin qabne tahee mul’ateera.
1.      Godina Qellem wallaggaa irraa magaala Dambi Doolloo fi naannowaa ishee guutummaatti FXG dhowee uummanni magaalicha dhuunfatee kan ture Wayyaaneen humna lakkoofsa guuddaa fi meeshaalee gurguddaa bobbaasuun uummata irratti dhukaasni banamee kan jiru guyyoota muraasa asitti haga ammaatti namni 5n wareegamuun beekamee jira. ijoolleen lama magaala DD ganda 07 keessatti yoommuu tahu kaanis baadiyaattii miidha jabaan uummata irra gahaa jiraatuun odeessi dhufe addeessa. Uummanni FXG baadiyaa keessatti finiinsuun daandii cufuu, riqicha addaan kutuu fi kkf irratti hojeta jira. Fulbaana 6 kaasee magaalli Dambi Doolloo humni uummataa waan isaan sodaachiseef uummanni manaa akka gadi hin baane gootee jirti. Humna addaa daangaa irraa dhufe achi buusuudhaan Qeerroo dhabamsiisuuf meeshaa kanneen akka matiriyeesii fi kkf konkolaataa hedduudhaan magaalicha nannawuun uummata doorisaa turaniiru. Sababa kanatti uummanni guyyoota sadan kana mana keessaa gadi bahuu hin dandahu har’a garuu manaa bahuun garuu bittaanii fi gurgurtaan akka hin jirre magaalicha keessa gabaafamaa jira. Inni kun waggaa kana guutuu irratti hojjenna jechuun naggaadoni itti walii galaa jiran. Tajaajila geejjibaas kennuun itti fufiinsaan akka tahu uummanni ammallee waamicha isaa waliif dabarsaa jira.  namoni hedduunis hidhaatti guuramaa jiru.
2.      Magaala shawaa lixaati hojjettootni baatii tokkoon dura hojii dhaabanii jiru. Godina kana keessatti Amboo, Geeddoo, Gudar, Mugar, fi kkf keessatti duulli hojii dhaabuu milkaawee waan jiruuf Qeerroon caasaa isaa toohachuudhaan kan warraaqsicha butachuuf barbaadanis toohannoo caasaa tolchuudhaan hojii itti fufsiisanii jiru.
Konkolaattotni hedduun barbaadeeffamaniiru. Yeroo kana waraqaan Qeerroodhaan barreeffames ABO fi WBO kan leellesu Shggar  lixaatti haalan bittimfamee argama. Inni kun halkan halkan waan hojjetamuuf humni waraana agaazii jedhamu magaalota sana keessa buufatee jira.
hojiin tikoota dina achi keessa buufatanii jiran halkan waraqaa Qeerroo faca’e bulu ganama osoo uummanni hirribaa  hin kahin funaanuudha. Haala kanaan uummanni qabamee qabamee gadhiifamaa jira.
3.      Wallagga lixaa Gimbii, Najjoo, Mandii, Hoomaa fi kkf keessatti FXG uummataa jabaatee itti fufeetu jira. godinoota kana keessatti haaluma kana wal fakkaataadhaan diddaa gibiraa, gabaa dhiyeessuu, walgahii diduu fi kkf kan wal irraa hin cinneen itti fufeetu jira.  akka lixa Oromiyaa waluma gala injifannoo gurguddaatu jira gama FXGtiin gama tarkaanfii uummata keessaa fi humna FXG keessatti ijaaramee socho’u kan of duuba hin deebineen gumaa gootota waregamanii baasaa jiru, kan adaba basaastota diinatti kennaa jiru magaalota oromiyaa garagaraa keessatti haala wal fakkaadhaan itti fufee hojjetamee jira.
4.      Naannoo FF fi Shaggar kaabaa dabalatee godinoota addaa keessattis Qeerroon uummanni keenya dhiyeessii garagaraa gara FF dhiyeessu irraa deebisaa jira. waggaa kana akkuma karoora keenyaatti dhiyeessii kutuu ,yeroodhaa yerootti daandii cufuu, tarkaanfii fudhachuu, walgahii diduu, gibira kaffaluu diduu, fi kkf mirkaniidha.  Shawaa kaabaa fi naannoo amaaraa kan geessu daandiiwwan bakka hedduutti citanii jiru. Amma mootummaan wayyaanee kufaatii isaa mirkaneeffataa dhufeera. Godinoota biroo oromiyaa keessatti FXG sadarkaa baadiyaatti itti fufee jira waggaa dhufaa jiru kana manneen barnootaa kamuu oromiyaa keessatti akka hin gaggeeffamne akkuma murtii Qeerroo olaanaa irraa darbetti caasaadhan gadi buhee uummanni oromoos FXGf of qopheessaa jira.


Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo kan magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo keessatti argaman fulbaana 05/2016 halkan guutuu barruullee warraaksaa maxxansaa fi bittinsaa bulan.

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Waraqaan kun  uummanni magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishees Ficila Xumura Gabrummaa FXG  akka finiinsaniif waraqaan waamichaa godhameefii jira.
Barruulleen warraaksaa dhimma hidhamtoota mana hidhaa Qilinxoo iirrattis haalaan guutummaa magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessa facaafamaa bulee jira.
Kanneen keessaa:
– Hidhamtoonni balaa abiddaa qilinxootin du’an uummatatti haa mullifaman.
-Hidhamtoonni rasaasa Wayyaanneetiin boqotan uummatatti haa agarsiifaman.
-Biyya isaa irratti abbaan biyyummaa Oromoo haa kabajamu.
-Abbaan biyyaa Oromoodha.
-OPDOn farra qabsoo bilisummaa Oromooti.
-OPDOn diina uummata oromooti jechuudhaan  ,dhaadannoolleen kunneen facaafamaa bulanii jiru.
Mootummaan Wayyaanees naasuu keessa seenuun uummata nagaa karaa irra deeman tumanii manatti olseensisaa jiru.
Uummanni magaalaa Naqamtees guyyaa keessaa naannoo sa:a 11 iirraa kaasuun guutummaan guutuutti suuqii cufuun ,taaksiin akkasumas konkolaataan kam iyyuu karaarra akka hin deemneef walii galteedhaan murteessuun jibba mootummaa Wayyaaneef qaban mullisanii jiru.
Mootummaan gabroonffataan Wayyaanees kirkirffannaa keessa seenuun uummata magaalaa Naqamtee namni tokko suuqiis ta’u kaaffeen,manni nyaataa akka hin cufne  jechuun doirsisaa jira.


Godina Arsii Magaalaa Waabee Eddoo Keessatti Gubachuu Mana Hidhaa Qilinxoon Sababeefachuun Ummanni Diddaa Itti Fufe.

14184553_1584923995145172_2022012586903986552_nGodina Arsii magaalaa Waabee Eddootti Qeerron Bilisummaa Oromoo fi ummanni guyyaa har’aa 4/9/2016 Gochaa sanyii duguuggaa wayyaanen mana hidhaa qilinxootti raawwatte sababeeffachuun mormii godhaa oolun daandii magaalattii seenu kallattii hundaanuu cufaa oolaniiru.Karaa biraatin asuma godina arsii magaalaa Boollootti Qeerron basaastuu wayyaanee Taammiraat Hayluu Assaffaa jedhamurratti gaafa3/9/2016 halkan naannoo saa’atii 6:00 irratti mana isaatii gadi baasun tarkaanfii irratti fudhataniin guyyaa har’aa 4/9/2016 wareegamuun isaa himameera.

Kana malees Godina Wallaggaa magaalaa Jaarsoo keessatti Qeerroon Bilisummaa barruulee warraaqsaa ummataaf raabsaa ooluu fi jala deemtota Wayyaanee akeekachiisaa turuun beekame.


Abbaan Irree Wayyaanee TPLF Godina Arsii Aanaa Dododaa Magaala Dodolaa Ummata Nagaa Rasaasaan Goolaa Jira.FXGs Itti Fufe.

14192776_1093987890686579_478949996451881251_n14184353_1093987947353240_1319711451092704951_nGodina Arsii Aanaa Dodolaa Magaalaa Dodolaatti humnootni abbaan irree Wayyaanee dargaggoo Qeerroo Oromoo Kan maqaan isaa Abdullaxiif Sanbatoo jedhamu 4/9/2016 rasaasan naannoo masgiida fatihii gamoo muniir biratti rasaasa lamaan rukuttee hospitaala Dodolaatti yaalamaa jiruun yaalcha baqaqsanii hodhuutin rasaasni qaama isaa keessaa bahuun himamee jira.Sababuma kanaan ummanni magaalaa Dodolaa guyyaa har’aa hospitaala duratti yaa’un deeggarsa isaaf qaban agarsiisanii jiru jedha gabaasni Qeerroo Dodolaa14203241_1093995064019195_3656063882813952635_n14233035_1093994994019202_6625600833057223318_n

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 


Warraaqsi Fincila Xumura Gabrummaa(FXG) Godina Wallaggaa Magaalaa Naqamtee Keessatti Halkan Kana Bifa Addaan Ka’ee Jira. Wayyaaneen Dhukaasa Banee Jira.

Fulbaana 5,2016
Warraaksi biyyoolessaa galgala sa’a 1:30 irraa kaasee guutummaan magaalaa Naqamtee raafamaa jira. Humni federaalaas uummata irratti dhukaasa banuun uummata goolaa jira. Humni kora bittineessaas magaalaa naqamtee keessaa naannoo boordii jedhamutti uummata rebaa jira. kaan immoo konkolaataatti naqanii butanii badaa jiru. Uummanni akka malee reebamaa jira.

Amma galgala kana Magaalaa Naqamtee Naannoo Boordiitti Uummata nagaarratti sodaa boriitiif dhukaasi banamee jira.Namoonni jireenya isaanii fooyyeffachuuf karaarra daldalanii bulanirra balaan Dhaqqabuu mala,ammaaf addan baafannee hin jirru.Qorachaa jirra nu hordofa waan dhalatu hin beekamu.


 


Diina irra hin bitiini, itti hin gurguriin. #OromoProtests. September 2016

Boycott business of the Woyane ( fascsit Ethiopia’s regime), September 2016

A letter from Oromo political prisoners in Qilnxoo, #OromoProtests September  2016


Duula Diddaa Bittaa Gurgurtaa ilaalchisee xalayaa hogganoota mana hidhaa Qilinxoo irraa ergame.
DIINAGDEEN QAAMA QABSOO KEENYAATI.


Waggaan baranaa kun yoomiyyuu caalaa ilmaan keenya kan itti dhabane, kumaatamoonni kan itti hidhaman, hedduun as buuteen isaanii kan itti dhabame waan ta’eef lammiilee keenya kanneen yaadachuuf guyyoota gaddaa labsineef deebii ajaa’ibsiisaa kennitanii jirtu.Gocha kanaan diinni na’eera. Nutiifi sabni keenya boonneerra. Quuqamaafi jaalala ummata keessaniif jecha gatii guddaa kafaltanii deebii waamicha keenyaaf laattaniif kabaja isinii qabnuufii galata keenya isinii dhiheessuu barbaada Galatoomaa, ulfaadhaa.
Yoo waldhageenye, walitti birmannee, walbira dhaabbanne salphinni nurra jiru kun nurra hin bubbulu, bubbulus hin qabu. Tokkoon tokkoon qajjiisa funyoo morma keenyatti maramee jiru kukkunnee hanga bilisoomnutti waldhaga’uufii walbira dhaabbachuun keenya itti haa fufuu jechuudhaan waamicha biraa qabannee dhihaachuun dirqama nutti ta’ee jira.
Akkuma beektan har’as ajjeechan nurraa hin dhaabbanne, hidhaan itri fufee jira, Ambulaansonni deessotaaf kadhaan biyyoota alaa irraa argaman dargaggoota keenya akka allaattii butanii fiiguuf gandeen keenya keessa wal maruu itti fufanii jiru. Haati ilma deesse har’aas imimmaan ishee hin qoorre. Maqaan maastar pilaanii yoo ka’uu baateeyyuu har’aas ummata keenya lafa isaa irraa buqqisuun hin raawwanne.
Namoonni ilmaan keenya ajjeesan seeratti nuu haa dhihaatan jennee osoo gaafachaa jirruu dheengadda hagayya 16 Muummichi ministeeraa ifatti badhaafamanii jiru. Manni maree jiddu galeessa ADWUI hagayya 18 – 22 tti yaada yeroo irratti marii gaggeessen waa’ee daangaa Tigraayifii naannoo Amaaraa ilaalchisee hiika itti kennuuf murtii dabarsee jira. Karaa biraa garuu waggaa tokko guutuf nagaya dhabiinsaaf sababa kan ta’eefii wareegama lubbuu hedduu kan gaafate dhimmi maastar pilaanii daangaa waliin kan walitti qabate ta’uusaa osoo beekuu maqaallee osoon dhahin bira darbee jira.
Mata dureen kun osoo hin ka’in hafuunsaa yoo xiqqaate waan sadii nutti garsiisa.
1ffaa, Ajjeechaan ummata keenya irratti raawwate sirrii ta’uu isaafii akka itti fufu murtaa’uu isaa agarsiisa.
2ffaa, ummanni kun humaa fiduu hin danda’u jedhamee tuffatamuu isaa mul’isa.
3ffaa, paartii biyya bitu sana keessa bakka bu’aan ummata oromoo kan hin jirre ta’uusaa agarsiisa. Eeyyee kan nuu falmu hin jiru.
Yeroo ammaa kana bulchitoonni keenyaa fi ergamtoonni isaanii qabeenya nusaamaniin alaa fi mana isaanii guuttatanii waggaa haaraa sirbaafi gammachuun simachuuf qophaawaa jiru.
Nutimmoo akkamiin simachuuf deemna? Waggaan itti deemnu kun waan haaraa nuufidee akka hin dhufne mallattoo isaa argaa jirra.
Uffata haaraa bitannee nyaata gaarii nyaannee dhugaatii gaarii dhugnee ergaa “baga geessee” walii dabarsinee bakka bashannanaa deemnee gammachuun dabarsuuf sababa hin qabnu. Haala kanaan yoo dabarsine fooniifii dhiiga ilmaan keenyaa akka soorannetti lakkaawama. Ummanni bilisummaa hin qabne wantoota akkanaa raawwachuun irraa fokkisa, nituffachiisaas. Tokko tokkoon qarshii harka keenyaa bahu eenyu harka gala? Maaliif oola laata? Naanna’ee naanna’ee rasaasa ilmaan keenya ittiin du’an bita, mana hidhaa isaan itti hidhaman ijaara, abbootii irree aangoo irra tursa, nuun ammoo bilisummaa keenya dheeressa.
Kanaaf diinagdeen qaama qabsoo keenyaa ta’uu qaba. Diinatti ulee kenninee na hin rukutin jennee kadhachuu dhaabuu qabna.
Wanti bilisummaa keenyaf hin taane qarshiin tokkolleen bahuu hin qabu, homaa nugochuu hin dandeessan jedhee mootummaa nutti dhaadatu waa gochuu akka dandeenyu yeroon itti agarsiisan amma ta’uu qaba. Karaa diinagdee malli ittiin mootummaa kanarra dhiibbaa gahan hedduutu jira. Ammatti kanneen armaan gadii hojirra akka oolchitaniif lafee ilmaan oromoo nuuf jecha wareegamaniin waamicha isinii dabarsina.
1, GABAA LAGACHUU.
Jalbultiin ayyaanaa kun yeroo itti ummanni keenya fedha isaaniitin ofsaamsisaniidha. Saamicha kana baroota dheeraaf keessummeessinee jirra amma garuu raawwachuu qaba. Guyyaa ergaan kun isin dhaqqabee kaasee hamma bituu diduufii gurguruu diduudhaan humna harka keessan keessa jiru agarsiisaa. Gurraachonni Ameerikaa konkolaachisaan adiin tokko dubartii gurraattii tokko adiif akka iddoo gadidhiiftu ajajee isheen didnaan morma qabee gadi darbate. Gurraachonni salphina kana fala dhaabbachuuf guyyaa tokkoof otoobus yaabuu lagachuuf murteessanii garuu guyyoota 381ffaa miila isaaniin deemuudhaan ulfina isaanii deeffatan. Nutimmoo salphina kana caalu baannee maalif waan qabnu facaasaa deemna? Gaandiin ummanni Indiyaa uffata warra biritish lagatee jibrii foo’atee, dhahee akka uffatu gochuudhaan saba isaa bilisummaa gonfachiiseera. Nutis midhaan keenya, jimaa keenya, buna keenya, horii keenya, damma keenya, dhadhaa keenya, walumaa galatti oomisha keenya gabaa baasuu dhiisudhaan akkasumas meeshaalee , uffata , nyaataa fi dhugaatii bituu dhiisuudhan badiinsa nutti deemaa jiru haa hir’isnuu.
2, ITIYOO TELEKOOMII LAGACHUU.
Mee guyyatti keessumaa yeroo ayyaanaa, nama dubbisuuf , sirba filachuuf, gaaffii gaafachuuf , gaaffii deebisuuf , marii irratti qooda fudhachuuf , baga geessee namaa dhaamuuf, kkf qarshii meeqa akka baafnu yaadaa. Isaan kun ummata bilisummaa hin qabneef barbaachisoodhaa? Mee isa guyyatti baaftan kana ammoo ummata keenya akkuma kana raawwatan yoo xiqqaate miiliyoona 15 ta’u meeqa akka baasu tilmaamaa. Kun hundi rasaasa ittiin duunu bituuf ykn nama nu’ajjeesu badhaasuf ooluu danda’a. Kana duwwaa miti. Dargaggoota keenya maqaaf mana murtitti deddeebi’aa jiran irratti ragaa ta’ee dhiihaachaa kan jiru ragaa teeleeti. Kanaaf haalli humnaa olii yoo numudate malee teelee lagachuudhaan maallaqa keenya haa qusannuu, bilisummaa keenya haa saffisnuu, adaba irraas haa oolluu.
3, BAANKII DALDALA ITOOPHIYAA LAGACHUU.
Qooda baankii daldala itoophiyaa fayyadamnu baankilee biroo yoo fayyadamne , galii mootummaa hanga tokko xiqqeessuudhaan humna isaa laaffisuu ni dandeenya.
Lammileen keenya biyya alaa jiranis gara biyyaatti maallaqa wayta ergan filannoo birootti akka fayyadamaniif waamicha isaaniif goona.
4, LOOTORII LAGACHUU.
Karaalee mootummaan ittiin maallaqa saamu keessaa tokko lootorii bifaafii maqaa adda addaa qabaniini. Kanaaf lootorii biyyoolessaas ta’ee kanneen achumatti soofanii carraa ofii ilaallatan bituu lagachuudhaan qabsoo karaa diinagdee keessatti qooda fudhadhaa.
5, GEEJJIBA LAGACHUU.
Konkolaattota naannoo tokkoo gara naannoo birootti daangaa qaxxaamuranii deeman kanneen magaalattii gara baadiyyaatti ykn Baadiyyaatii gara Magaalatti Meeshaa fi nama deddeebisan, Baajaajotaa fi Taaksii qaammee 1-5 fayyadamuu dhiisuudhaan mana akka ooltan ykn lukaan deemuudhaan qooda akka fudhattan isin yaadachiisa. Konkolaachiftoonnii fi Abbootiin qabeenya konkolaattotas ummata keessaniif aantummaa akka agarsiiftan kabajaan waamicha isiniif dabarsina.
Akkuma hundumti keessan hubachuu dandeessan malli qabsoo nuti eegalle kun biyya kana keessatti baay’inaan hojirra kan oolee miti. Wareegama xixiqqaas kan nama baasisu ta’ee mul’achuu danda’a. Osoo uffata bitachuu danda’anii isuma duraan qaban qulqulleeffatanii yoo tarsa’es hodhatanii ittiin ayyaana oolun hin beekkamne. Waggaa haaraa ittoo lukkuu, Foon , dhugaatii malee simachuunis hin baratamne. Garuu jalqabamuu qaba. Wanti nurraa barbaadamu waan xiqqoodha, oftoo’achuu, fedhii ofii daangessuu, dhiibbaa aadaa fi ollaa jalaa bahuu, Qabsaa’aa kaayyoo qabu ta’uudha.
Mirga argachuuf wareegama kafaluun haaraa miti. Sabni aarsaa osoo hin baasin abbaa mirgaa ta’e hin jiru. Waggaa kana ummanni keenya tokko ta’ee seenaa hojjatee jira. Ammallee hanga cunqursaan nurraa kufutti malleen biroo heddutti fayyadamnee qabsoo keenya itti haa fufnuu. Har’aas borus diinagdeen qaama qabsoo keenyaa ta’ee itti fufa. Dhimma kana ummata hubachiisuuf dargaggoota irraa hedduutu eegama. Kan bilisummaa keenyaaf hin fayyadne qashii tokkollee hin baasnu!!
Hagayya 24 bara 2008
Qillinxoo


Boycott business of the Woyane ( fascsit Ethiopia's regime), September 2016Boycott business of the Woyane ( fascsit Ethiopia's regime), September 2016 letter from Oromo political prisoners in QilnxooBoycott business of the Woyane ( fascsit Ethiopia's regime), September 2016 letter from Oromo political prisoners in QilinxooBoycott business of the Woyane ( fascsit Ethiopia's regime), September 2016 letter from Oromo political prisoners in Qilinxoo p4


Boycott the fascist TPLF and its business. #OromoProtests #AmharaProtests
#OromoProtests 10  September 2016: Market Boycott 5th day continues.

#OromoProtests 9  September 2016: Market Boycott  4th day continues.

Godina Wallaggaa Ummanni Magaalaan Naqamtee FXG Diddaa Gabaa Lagachuu Akka Itti Fufanitti Jiru.

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Fulbaana 09,2016 diddaan gabaa lagachuu guutummaa magaalaa Naqamtee keessatti kan guyyoota sadan darban irra caaluun akkuma itti fufeetti jira.
Godina Wallagga bahaa magaalaa Naqamtee keessatti diddaan gabaa lagachuu daran jabaachuun itti fufee jira.
Guutummaan magaalattiis callistee jirti. Dunkaanonni magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessa jiranis hunduu cufamuun gara diddaa gabaa lagachuutti makamuun mootummaa Wayyaanee nagaa dhorkaa jiru.
Konkolaataan kamiyyuu magaalaa Naqamtee keessa oliif gadi socho’aa hin jiru.
Kanneen walii galtee uummataa cabsanii socho’an immoo tarkaanffii Qeerroo Leeqaatiin haleelamaa jiru.

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Baankonni magaalaa Naqamtee keessa jiranis baankii daldala Ithiyoopiyaa  irraan kan hafe hunduu diddaa gabaa lagachuutti makamuun mootummaa Wayyaaneetti kirkirffannaa guddaa naqanii jiru. Haaluma kanaanis baankonni kanneen akka:

  1. Baankii internaashinaalii Oromiyaa
  2. Baankii hojii gamtaa Oromiyaa
  3. Baankii Awwaash
  4. Baankii Hibirat
  5. Baankii konistraakshinii
  6. Baankii Nib
  7. Baankii Abiisiiniyaa
  8. Baankii Bunnaa fi kanneen kana fakkaatan magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessattiExif_JPEG_420guutummaan guutuutti cufuudhaan diddaa gabaa lagachuu uummata isaanii waliin ta’uun jibba mootummaa Wayyaaneef qaban mullisaa jiru.
    Hanga ammaattis dunkaanonni magaalaa naqamtee keessa jiranis heedduun isaanii fedhii uummataa malee dirqiin samsamaa akka jiran bira ga’amee jira.
    Mootummaan Wayyaanees yeroo ammaa kana diddaa uummanni Oromoo isaaf qabuun riffannaa guddaa keessa seenuun sagalee guddiftuu fidhatee magaalaa Naqamtee keessa oliif gadi deemmuun uummata doorsisaa jira. Uummannis diddaa isaas sodaa tokko malee akkuma itti fufetti jira.

Barattooti Oromoo Boqonnaa Yeroo Gannaaf Yuniversitiilee Irraa Warratti Galan Waraana Agaaziin Qabamee Hidhamaa Jira.

14034982_1612317162399496_7680444488697492511_nWarraaksa biyyoolessaa guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti finiinaa jiruun wal qabatee mootummaan gabroonfataan Wayyaanee ilmaan Oromoo sabboontota ta’an mana hidhaatti guuraa jira.1654404_264658403708853_1370759305_n
Fulbaana 08,2016 godina Wallaggaa lixaa aanaa Mana Sibuu ganda qonnaan bulaa Beengu’aa jedhaman keessaa dargaggoonni agartuu biyyaa ta’aniif saboontota ta’an gara mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiru.
Haaluma kanaan godina Wallaggaa lixaa aanaa Mana Sibuu ganda qonnaan bulaa Beengu’aa jedhamu keessaa dargagoonni Oromoo ganna kana boqonnaaf gara maatii isaaniitti galanii jiran gara mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiru.
Haaluma kannaan dargagoonni maqaan isaanii fi suuraan isaanii kanaa gaditti argamu magaalaa ganda qotee bulaa Beengu’aa jedhamu keessaa butamanii achi buuteen isaanii dhabamabamee jira..13876262_281719605517646_1826905278337307440_n
1,Mitikuu_Indaalu
2,Jaalal_Adunyaa
3,Xilahuun_Asfawuunaan

amboo

Amboon Guyyaa Har’aa Kana Fakkaatti

bishooftuu

Bishooftuu Keessa Guyyaa Har’aa Wayyaaneen Ummatatti Dhukaasaa Jirti.

naqamte

Naqamte Guyyaa Har’aa

Godina Arsii Bulchaan Aanaa Qoree Namni Maqaan Mi’eessoo Duubee Jedhamu Waraana Agaazii Qabatee Ummata Irratti Ukaasisaa Jira.

Bulchaa Aanaa Qoree

Bulchaa Aanaa Qoree

Arsii Aanaa Qoree magaalan Qoree galgala kana 9,2016 dirree waraanaa fakkaattee jirti dhukaasni ummatarratti banamee namoonni hedduun rasaasa Agaazitiin rukutamanii jiru. Namni ummatarratti waraana bansiise bulchaa aanaa Qoree nama maqaan isaa Mi’eessoo Duubee jedhamu yoo ta’uu.Namoota rasaasan rukutaman keessaa kan maqaan isaanii barame

1,Dargaggoo Gammadaa Muddaa Tashitaa

2, Dargaggoo Sayyida Guyyee Galchuu14292445_287315021649945_436158234992706951_n

3, Dargaggoo Jamaal Tibboo kan jedhamaniidha

Kana malees  Qoree fi Ashookatti daandin cufamaa jira waraanni konkolaataa jahaan gara qoree deemaa jira.

Gama biraan ummanni magaalaa Shaashamannee kanneen Wayyaanee jala kaachuun gabaa lagannaa didan irratti magaala keessa deemuun adaba barbaachisu kennaa akka jiran beekame.

Magaalaan Naqamtee Waraana Agaazii Wayyaaneen Jeeqamaa Jirti.

nqFulbaana 8,2016Warraaksi biyyoolessaa diddaa gabaa lagachuudhaan wal qabatee torbee kana magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessatti daran jabaatee itti fufuurraan kan ka’e mootummaan gabroonffattuun Wayyaanee rifannaa guddaa keessa seenuudhaan uummata magalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee irratti dhukaasa banaa jira.
Hanga ammaattis dhukaasa mootummaan gabroonffataan Wayyaanee uummata gaaffii mirgaa gaafachaa jiru irratti bansiiseen lubbuun namoota lamaa irbaata rasaasaa ta’e akka jiru bira ga’amee jira.
Kanneen du’an keessaa kan maqaansaanii nu ga’e:
1,Eebbaa waaqjiraa Bakka dhalootaa magaalaa Siree akka ta’es bira ga’amee jira.
Haaluma Kanaan  Yeroo ammaa kanas mootummaan Wayyaanee lafa seentu dhabdee oliif gadi waraanashee uummata magaalichaarra naannessuudhaan uummata doorsisaa jirti. Gidduuma kana dargaggoonni magaalaa naqamtee sabboontota ta’anis mana hidhaatti akka darbataman bira ga’amee jira. Kanneen keessaa:
1,Dargaggoo heenok Tananyee 2.dargaggoo muluqan  bootee.
3 Dar.Qaaluxee.
4.Dar.Taakuu shitayee
yeroodhaf maqaa abbaa issanii baruu hin dandeenye.  Dargagooni kun gidduuma kana  poolisota federaalattin marfamanii magaalaa naqamtee keessaa naannoo bakka jaamaa jedhamuu butamanii achi buuteen isaanii dhabamee jira.

Guyyaa har’aa Fulbaana 7,2016 FXG Itti Fufee Magaalaan Naqamte Cal-Cal jettee Jirti.

Konkolaataan tokkoyyuu magaalaa Naqamtee keessa oliif gadi imalaa hin jiru. Suuqiinis manni nyaataas hunduu cufamanii jiru.
Mootummaan gabroonffattuu murna bicuu Wayyaanees naasuu guddaan shororkooftee uummata suuqii fi mana nyaataa irra deemuun doorsisaa jirti.
Uummannis sodaa tokko malee diddaa mootummaa Wayyaaneef qabu duula gabaa lagachuutiin mirkaneessaa jira.

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#OromoProtests 8  September 2016: Market Boycott 3rd day continues.
#OromoProtests 7  September 2016: Market Boycott 2nd day continues. All shops are closed in Burayyuu, Naqamte, Bishoftu, Robe, Dodola, Ambo, Gudar, Gimbi, Galessa, Adaba, Najjoo,  Mugii, Awaday, ……..
#OromoProtests Fulbaana ( September 6 2016): Godina Sh/lixaa, Aanaan Dirree Incinnii guyyaa kibxata har’a gaba gudda ture. Horii gaafa ,hoolota,dhadhaa kkf baayinaan kan dhiyaatu ture.
Hata’uu malee gaba dhisaatii manni jereenyaa yuu cufamee jira.
Namnii bakkee dhaabatullee hin jiru,badiyaadha dogogoree llee kan dhufe hin jiru.
Ummanni sirrumatti walitti daberseera jechuudha.

Stores shut their doors in the busy city of Awaday the Khat capital, Oromia, 6 September 2016. #OromoProtests boycott the woyane.

Stores shut their doors in the busy city of Awaday the Khat capital, Oromia, 6 September 2016. #OromoProtests boycott the woyane.


Bank run in Dambi Doolloo, Oromia, 5 September 2016

Fulbaana 5,2016 Ummanni Magaalaa Dambi Doolloo qabeenya baankii Daldala Ethiopia keessaa qabu guutuutti baafachaa jira.

damdamiidammii

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Boycott the fascist TPLF and its business in action. #OromoProtests at Naqamte 6 September 2016

“Nuti qeerroon magaalaa naqamtee ummata baadiyaa hin dhaga’iin dhufaa jiraniif beeksisa haala kanaan qopheessinee karaa walakkaa dhaabnee jirra. isaanis kana dubbisuudhaan ofirra deebi’anii gara mana isaaniitti galaa jiru.”

 Boycott the fascist TPLF and its business. #OromoProtests at Naqamte 6 September 2016 Boycott the fascist TPLF and its business. #OromoProtests at Naqamte 6 September 2016


 Stores shut their doors in the busy city of Naqamte, Oromia, 6 September 2016. #OromoProtests

Stores shut their doors in the busy city of Naqamte, Oromia, 6 September 2016. #OromoProtests

 


Baankiin daldala Ethiopia rakkoo Connection tu nu mudate jechuun ummata magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee mallaqa baasuu dhorke.

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Warraaqsa biyyoolessaa FXG utuu wal  irraa hin citiin ji’a sagalii oliif guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti finiinaa tureen sirni Wayyaanee TPLF naasuu keessa seenuun waan qabdee  lakkisu wallaalee uummata goolaa jira.
Guyyaa har’aa Fulbaana 5,2016 Baankiin daldala Ithiopiyaa magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessa jiru guutummaan guutuutti duwwaa ta’uu irraan kan ka’e sirni  Wayyaanee rifaatuu guddaa keessa seenuun uummata magaalaa Naqamtee goolaa jira.
Rifannaa isaa kana irraa ka’uudhaanis baankii keenya  rakkoo konneekshiniitu mudate jechuudhaan maallaqa uummataa akka isaan hin fudhanneef dhorkaa jira.
Haaluma kanaan uummanni magaalattiis harki caalu maallaqni isaa waan dhowwatameef baayyee rakkachaa akka jiran bira ga’amee jira.
Uummannis morma keenya laanna malee maallaqa keenya fudhannu malee hin gallu jechuun mormii kaasaa jiraachuun dhaga’amee jira.

 

 

‘Attacks on foreign firms in #Ethiopia reflect growing popular hatred for minority #TPLF regime that is steadily losing control.’ Herman J. Cohen  

The Dutch company said crowds of people in the Oromia and Amhara regions torched flower farms as they targeted businesses with perceived links to the government. Flowers are one of the country’s top exports. 2nd September 2016


TPLF’s Dashen beer destroyed by protesters in Amhara state. 29 August 2016.

Baankiin Daldala Itiyoopiyaa Naqamtee Keessaa Duwwaa Hafaa Jira.

Fulbaana 3,2016
Naqamte33Qabsoon Oromoon mootummaa Waayyaanee hubdeen galagalchaa jiraachuun argamaa jira Qabsoo karaa nagaa Qeerroo idil addunyaatiin hogganamu keessatti sagalee tokkoon yaada walii fudhatee hanga diina isaa rifaasisutti har’aan gahee jira.Kunimmoo hangam uummatichi beekaa ta’uusaa addunyaaf ragaa bahaa jira.
Adeemsa kanaan gidduu kana duula gabaa lagannaa akka gaggeeffamuuf labsii labsamaa jiru waliif dhaga’uun Uummanni magaalaa Naqamtee haalaan hojirraa oolchuuf guyyaa sadii asitti baankii qabeenyummaan isaa kan diinaa ta’e Baankii Daldala Itiyoophiyaa keessaa maallaqa qaban baasaa jiru. Kunimmoo dinagdee mootummaatti kuffisuurra darbee hanga waan sochii diinagdee  sochootu dhabdutti gahuuf karaa jabaa saaqa,adeemsi haala beekumsa addunyaa ammaan gaggeeffamaa jiru kun qabsoo biyya Hindii Mataammaa Gaandiin durfamaa turee waliin akkasuma,qabsoo gurrachota Ameerikaa mirga isaaniif duula taaksii lagannaa gaggeessaa turan waliin wal fakkaataadha. Kanarraa walii dhageenyee bakkayyuu dinagdee mootummaa onsuun qabsoo omishaa fi diinagdee mootummaa lagannaa kana akka galmaan geenyu gochi Uummanni Magaalaa Naqamtee hanga baankittiin haguugamtutti maallaqa baafachuun wal sardaa turan ragaa amansiisaa nuuf kenna.Qabsoon nama barateen gaggeeffamu haala kanaan diina mataa jaanjessa.


#OromoProtests 3 September 2016: People are rushing (Bank run) to take out their money from Commercial Bank of Ethiopia. This picture is taken from Kumsa Moroda branch in Naqamte, Oromia.

#OromoProtests, boycott business of the Woyane, bank run in Naqamte, Oromia. 3 september 2016#OromoProtests, boycott business of the Woyane, bank run in Naqamte, Oromia. 3 september 2016. p2#OromoProtests, boycott business of the Woyane, bank run in Naqamte, Oromia. 3 september 2016. p3


Dhaamsa FXG  Birraa 2 bara 2016:

Maallaqa Keessan Baankii Daldala Itiyoophiyaa keessaa baafadhaa!


Akkuma beekamu bara mootummaan Dargii kufe kanneen maallaqa isaanii baankii mootummaa keessatti qusachaa turan kisaaraa galani hafani. Maallaqa isaanii tokko osoo hin argatin mootummichumaa wajjin bade.

Amma immoo maaltu ta’uuf deema?
Mootummaan wayyaanee mormii guutummaa biyyattii keessatti adeemsifamaa jiru dhaamsuuuf/laamshessuuf maallaqa hedduu akka baasaa jirtu ni argina. Kisaaraa guddaa keessa akka seentee jirtus addunyaa guutuutu dhugaa ba’aa jira. Maallaqi kadhaadhaan alaa galus mootummaa wayyaanee kanatti lubbuu deebisuu hin dandeenye. Mootummaan kun maallaqa uummati keenya baankii mootummichaatti kuufataa jiru fayyadamee ilmaan keenya poolisii Agaaziitiin fixaa jira.
Mootummaan kun bitintiraa jirti. Horsossooftee jirti. Kufaatiin ishee dhiyaateera. Kanaafuu, namoonni baankii daldala Itiyoophiyaatti kuufachaa jirtan hatattamaan utuu maallaqa keessan hin dhabin baankiilee Oromiyaatti dabarfadhaa.

Uummati keenya biyya alaa jirtan immoo adaraa gaafa maallaqa firootaa fi maatii keessanii ergitan baankii daldala Itiyoophiyaa hin fayyadaminaa!

Dabalataan maallaqa keessan baankii mootummattii wayyaanee kana keessaa baasuun dinagdee mootummichaas gadi buusee kufaatii ishee saffisiisa.

Kun qabsoo aarsaa osoo hin baasin godhamuudha. Baankii wayyaanee keessaa guuraa qullaatti hambisaa!

Ariitiin kisaaraa of oolchaa! Mootummaa wayaanee immoo kisaaraa keessa galchaa!

Galatoomaa!

Qabsoon itti fufa!

 

#OromoProtests 2nd September 2016:

“Godina Arsii liixaa Aanaa Dodolaa keessaatti woyyaaneen sodaa irraa kan ka’ee Maal akka gootuufi dhiistuus wolalte jirtii. ummataa sodaachsiuufjechaa meeshaa waraanaa kanaa fakkatuu magalaa keessaa asii achii ariaa ooltii. karoorri uguurtaa daldalaa kan mataa isii dhukubsee mootummaan woyyaanee ummataas waliigahii bahaa jechuudhaan keessaa deemtee kadhaataa jirtii. garuu waan nama ajaaibuu ummaanni keenya sodaa cabsee walii afoo dhabachaa jiraa.”

 

“Shawaa Bahaa Aanaa Boossat gandoota Rukeechaa Boqoree, Dongorree Nayyee, Dongorree Furdaa,Hurufaa Kukkurfaa, Rukeetti akkasumas Dongorree Callee Araddaa jedhamanitti halkan sadeessoof poolisii Aanaa, Federaala fi jiraattota giddutti lolli adeemaa jira.Haala dhukaasni humnoota nageenyaa fi ummata giddutti baname keessatti hidhattooni gandaafii caasaan nageenyaa ummatattii hindhukaasnu jechaan ummata tumsaa jiru.”


#OromoProtests mass solidarity rally in Berlin, Germany September 2, 2016.
Fuulbana (Birraa) 2 bara 2016 Hiriirri deeggarsa FXG  magaalaa Berlin, German keeysatti gaggeeyfamaa oole.#OromoProtests mass solidarity rally in Berlin, Germany September 2, 2016.#OromoProtests mass solidarity rally in Berlin, Germany September 2, 2016. p2#OromoProtests mass solidarity rally in Berlin, Germany September 2, 2016. p3


Solidarity with #OromoProtests at European Parliament at the conference/hrearing on crisis in Ethiopia, #OromoProtests, #AmharaProtests and  land grabs in Afar state. 2nd September 2016


Hagayya 2 bara 2016 Gamtaan Awurooppaa Paarlaamaa Keessatti walgahii wa’ee yakka dhimma Oromo irraattii TPLF/EPRDF saba Oromoo fi Amahara akkaasumaan sabaa fi sabbonttotaa Ethiopia daballatee duguuggaa sanyii balleessuuf raawwatee fi Saamicha lafa Itoophiyaa keessatti gaggeffamuu keessumattuu Saamicha lafa Affaar irrati TPLF gaggessu irrati Marii guddaan gaggeeffameera.

Solidarity with #OromoProtests at European Parliament at the conference on land grabs in Afar state. 2nd September 2016

#OromoProtests 2nd September 2016,Qobboo, East Hararge, Oromia : Funeral service for Saladin Shakim, who was wounded on the grand rally and died 1st September 2016. #OromoProtests 2nd September 2016,Qobboo, East Hararge, Oromia, funeral service for Saladin Shakim, who was wounded on the grand rally and died 1st September 2016.

https://youtu.be/AV-N2qla8ew


TRT WORLD Ethiopia’s Oromo Protesters


#OromoProtests 31 August 2016:  Cruelty of the TPLF

You might recall the report about killing of 15 farmers in West Hararge, masala District Choma village over the last four days. You also remember reading how the military prevented people from burying the dead and helping the wounded. Today they are dressing body of dead civilians in military uniform and video taping it. They want to make fake documentary claiming they killed armed combatants.  Jawar Mohammed



Guyyaa hardhaa ilmaan Oromoo 15 Harargee Lixaa Aanaa Masalaa Araddaa Coommaa keessatti ajjeefaman san reeffa isaanii huccuu waraanaa offisuun fiilmii sobaatiif viidiyoo waraabaa jiran. Jawar Mohammed 


The TPLF has continue indiscriminately mass killings  of the peace loving Oromo people everywhere throughout Oromia.
The following 15 innocent Oromo people were killed by Agazi soldiers (Tigray People’s Libration Front) in Choma village , Masala District, West Hararge on August 27, 2016
1.Hamzaa Abdullaa
2.Mohammadnur Kaliif
3.Asiyaa Abbaas
4.Imaam Jaabir
5.Jaabir Mohammed
6.Feesal Abdallaa
7.Adam Mikaa’il
8.Mikaa’il Aliyyii
9.Kaamilee Mikaa’il
10.Shukrii Umar
11.Kaamil Hassan
12.Muraad Ahmad
13.Jaabir Hassan
14.Ahmad Imaamee
15.Jamaal Aliyyee
Our thoughts are with all the victims relatives and families.
May their soul rest in peace!!

 

Pray and fight for Masalaa 26 August 2016 #OromoProtests


 

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IRREECHA – THE COLORS, THE IDENTITY AND THE PRIDE OF OROMO NATION September 30, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Irreecha, Irreecha Birraa, Irreecha Oromo, Irreessa.
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9 comments

Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

Irreecha Oromo 2014 Hora Harsadii, Oromia

Oromia and the continuity its Nile Valley Civilization, Irreecha Malkaa 2015 ( 6409 years since started on upper Nile (Mormore) Valley)Irreecha Malkaa 2015 @Malkaa Ateetee, Gafarsaa, Buraayyuu, Oromia. 11 October 2015 picture18Irreecha Malkaa 2015 @Malkaa Sabbataa, Gafarsaa, Buraayyuu, Oromia. 11 October 2015Oromo, Irreecha Malkaa Oromoo 2015 @Hora Harsadi, Bishoftuu, OromiaIrreecha Malkaa Oromoo kan Bara 2015 (6409 ALO) Onkoloolessa 4, Hora Harsadi. picture3Irreecha Malkaa Oromoo Onkoloolessa 4, Bara 2015 (6409 ALO), Hora Harsadii, Bishooftuu, OromiaOromo from Raayya at Irreecha Malakaa 2015, Hora Harsadi, Bishoftu October 4, 2015Irreecha Oromo 2014 Hora Harsadii, Oromia 4Irreechaa Arfaasaa 2015 (17)


IRREECHA – THE COLORS, THE IDENTITY AND THE PRIDE OF OROMO NATION


This is Africa: Ethiopia at a crossroads: apartheid, civil war or reconciliation? September 30, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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8 comments

Odaa OromooOromianEconomistgrand-oromo-rally-in-solidarity-with-oromo-protests-in-oromia-oromoprotests-29-september-2016



Despite the country’s constitution professing the equality of ‘all the peoples of Ethiopia’, for the past 25 years ‘equality’ has been a factor of who has the most firepower among the rebel groups that toppled the former military regime in 1991. As a result of the political atmosphere in the country, where the best armed takes all, all aspects of the federal government (i.e. intelligence, military, police, state banks, airlines and core sectors of the country’s economy) are now dominated by an elite from a Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that represents only 6% of the general population.
Divide and rule: For 25 years, the TPLF elite has guaranteed its grip on state power through the divide-and–rule tactic of festering ethnic animosity. The Amhara and the Oromo are their prime targets. Hate speech against the Amhara (the second–largest ethnic group in the country)was broadcast on state– and party–owned mass media outlets, denigrating millions of people by referring to them as ‘timkehetegna’, which means ‘the conceited’ The killing and jailing of the Oromo (the largest ethnic group in the country) has been normalised, thereby creating an entire generation of people who feel like second-class citizens in their own country.

Ethiopia at a crossroads: apartheid, civil war or reconciliation?

By , This Is Africa, September 27, 2016 


Ethiopia is seeing an increasing number of civilian protests, which are brutally suppressed by the government. It seems that the elite in power needs to heed the lessons taught by the Rwandan genocide: Do not play with ethnic hatred.

Oromo Liberation Front fighters. Photo: Jonathan Alpeyrie/ Wikimedia Commons

Oromo Liberation Front fighters. Photo: Jonathan Alpeyrie/ Wikimedia Commons

The year-long, nationwide and unceasing popular anti-government revolt in Ethiopia has brought the country’s ‘ethnolinguistic federalismexperiment to a dead end. Despite the country’s constitution professing the equality of ‘all the peoples of Ethiopia’, for the past 25 years ‘equality’ has been a factor of who has the most firepower among the rebel groups that toppled the former military regime in 1991. As a result of the political atmosphere in the country, where the best armed takes all, all aspects of the federal government (i.e. intelligence, military, police, state banks, airlines and core sectors of the country’s economy) are now dominated by an elite from a Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) that represents only 6% of the general population.

 

Divide and rule

For 25 years, the TPLF elite has guaranteed its grip on state power through the divide-and–rule tactic of festering ethnic animosity. The Amhara and the Oromo are their prime targets. Hate speech against the Amhara (the second–largest ethnic group in the country)was broadcast on state– and party–owned mass media outlets, denigrating millions of people by referring to them as ‘timkehetegna’, which means the conceited’ The killing and jailing of the Oromo (the largest ethnic group in the country) has been normalised, thereby creating an entire generation of people who feel like second-class citizens in their own country.

There is a lesson to be learned from the Rwandan genocide: Do not to play with ethnic hatred.

Threatening the country they lead

Unlike the former military regime, which relied on force to crush any opposition but never compromised on the sovereignty of the nation, the current TPLF–led dictatorship is unprecedented in its threat to wreak havoc if its absolute power is contested. The late Meles Zenawi was often seen using this tactic of bullying the country whenever his party’s reckless corruption and unconstitutional dominance over the federal government was questioned.

"The late Meles Zenawi was often seen using this tactic of bullying the country whenever his party’s reckless corruption and unconstitutional dominance over the federal government was questioned." Photo: World Economic Forum/ Flickr

One aspect of the mayhem that Meles designed and his colleagues now desire to unleash isthat of instilling hatred among the people of Tigray and other ethnic groups by turning anycriticism of them as leaders of the country into an attack on the Tigray people. This hate–mongering is evidence that the elite does not have the Ethiopian people at heart, onlypower. The Tigray people have not only been betrayed by the TPLF elite but they are alsobeing manipulated as the party tries to hide its many failing. Tigray deserves peace and development as much as the other parts of Ethiopia, not to be taken hostage by the corrupt and power-hungry TPLF, which is terrorising them.

Read: Ethiopia: Paralympian Tamiru Demisse gestures in solidarity with Oromo protestors

Cracks in the ‘divide and rule’ policy

For the first time in the 25 years of minority control of the federal government, the people of the two major ethnic groups, the Amhara and the Oromo, have come together to create a common front of the oppressed. This unexpected show of unity has sent a shockwave throughthe TPLF elite, who is frantic and has sent in the military, armed with tanks, helicopters and missiles, against civilians – as if people who are simply demanding their rights and equalitywere foreign invaders.

 

Country at a crossroads

The current popular opposition in the Oromia and Amhara regional states is a great opportunity for the government to re–examine its divisive policies, admit to its failings and design a reconciliatory road map that would save the nation from descending further into conflict. The elite, however, still chooses to use special killing squads, military force, burning prisons and killing prisoners in custody.

For the past 25 years, ‘equality’ has been a factor of who has the most firepower among the rebel groups that toppled the former military regime in 1991.

In addition, it is now spending taxpayers’ money and foreign aid on the launching of media campaigns to derail the unity of the Amhara and the Oromo people.

A silent coup

Following the first wave of uprising by the Oromo last year, the Ethiopian military, controlled by the TPLF, has made official its unequivocal allegiance to the ‘Revolutionary Democracy’ policy, which is the governing policy of the ruling party. This act of merging party and government into one practically re-mandated the defence force of Ethiopia into being a mere protector of the minority elite and, by implication, declared the country’s constitution obsolete.

This is a silent coup. This fact becomes evident when one considers the supposed industrialisation of Ethiopia, which is to be led by the military, under the Metals and Engineering Corporation (METEC). This is a corporation under the Ethiopian National Defence Force that is fully controlled by generals who were former TPLF rebel leaders. They were tasked by the late Meles Zenawi with the industrialisation of the country. This dangerous disregard for the constitution amounts to running a government inside a government and is pushing Ethiopia towards being an ethnic apartheid state. This can only lead to more violence.

Flag of the Oromo Liberation Front. Photo: J. Olle/ Wikimedia Commons

Embracing real democracy

Just a few months ago, the government won 100% of the seats in parliament seats. Voterigging is suspected. The whole country erupted in opposition, showing the real danger of authoritarianism.

Sending in an army, equipped with tanks and missiles, against civilians – as the government has done against the people of Amhara – for no reason other than the fact that they exercisedtheir democratic rights, is not how democracy works. Such a display of power is the most cowardly and desperate exhibition of despotism.

It is incumbent on the people of Ethiopia not to fall for the traps set by the elite, who seem more determined than ever to encourage ethnic conflict and hatred through their media propaganda.

 

The path of national reconciliation

Unfortunately, due to the divide-and–rule policy of the government over the past 25 years,Ethiopians have been targeted for their ethnicity: The Amhara, Oromo, Anuak, Somali, Tigray, Kembata, Konso and many other ethnic groups have been targeted at different times. This is a sad reality and testifies to the policy of hate–mongering that is practised by the elite.

Read: Ethiopia abandons Addis Ababa “master plan” after Oromo protests

The government of Ethiopia needs to stop encouraging further division and animosity. No Ethiopian should be targeted for his or her ethnicity. There is a lesson to be learned from the Rwandan genocide: Do not to play with ethnic hatred.

However, it is incumbent on the people of Ethiopia not to fall for the traps set by the elite who now, more than ever, seem determined to encourage ethnic conflict and hatred through their media propaganda. Our silence today will not save us sorrow tomorrow. We should say no to the machetes of hatred that the country’s leaders are selling in their media. We should say no to the use of our name to justify the killing of any Ethiopian.

The martyrdom of our time is saying no to hatred and ethnic conflict while calling for equality and justice for all.


 

The’Lesser’ Known Arabian Slave Trade September 30, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

 


Slave trade existed in the African sub-region for a very long time. On the Arabian slave trade there has been divergent views depending on the background of the scholar who writes. This brief piece therefore makes use of where these scholars share same or similar views/opinions.

While Europeans in their trade of slaves majorly targeted men in West Africa, the ‘Arab’ trade primarily targeted the women of East Africa to serve as domestic slaves, wet nannies and sex-slaves in the infamous harems (This is not to say men were not captured). Their children were born free to Arab fathers, and thus would have been heirs to wealth and status, fully and equally assimilated into the population (good for Arabia, bad for African identity). Their mothers received the title of “umm walad”, which was an improvement in their status as they could no longer be sold. Among Sunnis, they were automatically freed upon their master’s death, however for Shi’a, mothers were only freed so long as their children were still alive; a mother’s value is then deducted from this child’s share of the inheritance. These umm walad, attained “an intermediate position between slave and free” pending their freedom, although they would sometimes be nominally freed as soon as they gave birth.

However, Besteman, 1999 reveals that not all African women were raped or used for sex slavery. The Bantu (Hudwick) were less frequently used for sex-slavery as they were not seen as attractive as Habesha (Ethiopian) slaves. The Somali slavers avoided all sexual contact with Bantu slaves due to perceived racial superiority.

Arab enslavement of Africans was radically different from its European counterpart. It was more complex and varied depending on time and place.

NB:‘Arab’ is not a racial group, but an overarching term hugging Arabs who are African and some who are White and Jewish. (Mizrahi, which includes Syrian, Iraqi, Persian, Kurdish, Egyptian, Moroccan, and Tunisian Jews). This makes any discussion of the Arab slave trade problematic using 21st century identity models.

Scope of the trade

Salt was profitable, gold was more profitable still, but no commodity was more abundant and profitable than slaves. There had always been slavery in Africa, but the Arabs brought to the trade a new thoroughness and energy, unsurpassed in its rapaciousness until the mercantilist economies of the West turned their attention to Africa.

The trade of slaves across the Sahara and across the Indian Ocean also has a long history, beginning with the control of sea routes by Arab and Swahili traders on the Swahili Coast during the ninth century. These traders captured Bantus (Zanj) from the interior in present-day Kenya, Mozambique and Tanzania and brought them to the littoral. The captives were sold throughout the Middle East. This trade accelerated as superior ships led to more trade and greater demand for labour on plantations in the region. Eventually, tens of thousands of captives were being taken every year. The Zanj were for centuries shipped as slaves by Arab traders to all the countries bordering the Indian Ocean. The Umayyad and Abbasid caliphs recruited many Zanj slaves as soldiers and, as early as 696 AD, there were slave revolts of the Zanj called the Zanj Rebellion against their Arab enslavers in Iraq.

Zanj slave gang in Zanzibar - 1889.jpg
Zanj slave gang in Zanzibar – 1889

During the 19th century, the Arab slave trade took a brutal turn. The Portuguese had destroyed the Swahili coast and Zanzibar emerged as the hub of wealth for the Arabian state of Muscat. By 1839, slaving became the prime Arab enterprise. The demand for slaves in Arabia, Egypt, Persia and India, but more notably by the Portuguese who occupied Mozambique and created a wave of destruction on Eastern Africa. 45,000 slaves were passing through Zanzibar every year.

It’s worth stating that in April 1998, Elikia M’bokolo, wrote in Le Monde diplomatique. “The African continent was bled of its human resources via all possible routes. Across the Sahara, through the Red Sea, from the Indian Ocean ports and across the Atlantic. At least ten centuries of slavery for the benefit of the Muslim countries (from the ninth to the nineteenth).” He continues: “Four million slaves exported via the Red Sea, another four million through the Swahili ports of the Indian Ocean, perhaps as many as nine million along the trans-Saharan caravan route, and eleven to twenty million (depending on the author) across the Atlantic Ocean”.

The most expensive enslaved group in Arabian societies were the eunuchs who were castrated men drawn from Europe but also Darfur, Abyssinia, Korodofan and other African nations. Ironically because of their lack of sexual function they obtained great privileges while African female slaves privileges were due to their sexuality. Young boys, victims from raids and wars were subjected to the horrid monstrous inhumane process of castration without anaesthesia which had a 60% mortality. To stop the bleeding hot coals were cast into the naked wound, which was followed by the most blood curdling alien scream a human could make. If the child survived this brutal act there was to be a life of influence and luxury; silk garments, Arabian thoroughbreds, jewels, were bestowed on them to reflect the wealth of their masters.(Hunwick) Strangely eunuchs were both distinguished and greatly revered as elites in Arab society, despite being enslaved. They served as guards and caretakers of mosques as well as administrators.

One of the biggest differences between Arab slaving and European slaving was that slaves were drawn from all racial groups and they were rarely used as a means of crop production; slaves were not the economic engine behind Arab economies. Social mobility was possible “from slave to Sultan” (Mamluks and Najahid dynasty‎), many Africans were used in the armies of Moroccan sultan (17th century) and also in the Egyptian forces during the early days of Islamic expansion.

Unlike the European trade in enslaved Africans, the physical remnants of this trade are very hard to measure. No one has detailed records of numbers lost, or a full chronology of events.

Slavery, mild or otherwise, is a crime against a human being.

 


via THE ‘LESSER’ KNOWN ARABIAN SLAVE TRADE — parallelafrica

The Grand Oromo Rally at the World Bank: #OromoProtests at World Bank Group, Washington DC, while Mr. Secretary listening and receiving an appeal letter, watch the video. September 29, 2016

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The Grand Oromo Rally: #OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally and Opposing Mass Killings by Ethiopia’s Fascist (TPLF) regime September 29, 2016

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Oromia (Irreecha Birraa 2016): Irreechaa celebration at the historic Ginchi town where the #OromoProtests began in November 2015 September 28, 2016

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Ummanni magaalaa Giincii  Ayyaana Irreecha Birraa kan Bara 2016 ( 6410 ALO)  Malkaa Awaashitti haala kanaan Fulbaana 28 bara 2016 kabajatanii oolan.

‘Diina nu dhaanu rabbii nurraa haa dhaanu’,  jedhan.

 

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Crisis in Ethiopia: Drought persists, and nutrition suffers September 28, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomistZenawi the tyrant still rules after death

 

 

Ethiopia is one such part of the world where there is ongoing disappointment, and hope has been severely tested. The country, in the Horn of Africa, has experienced very bad drought since February 2015. There was no harvest at the end of last year, and it’s doubtful there will be much of one this year. Spring brought rain, and some relief, but in some places too much rain led to severe flooding, which displaced 190,000 people. “The majority of Ethiopian farmers are dependent on rain-fed agriculture. Rain failure is a disaster for farmers,” said Argaw Fantu, regional director in Ethiopia for the Catholic Near East Welfare Association. “Some areas are also naturally disadvantaged areas as the rainfall is so erratic, [and because of the] rocky and mountainous nature of the area.”

Though the situation is not as extreme as it was in the 1980s, when some 400,000 Ethiopians starved to death, more than 10 million people are threatened with malnutrition. The United Nations estimates that 15 million people are in urgent need of food aid due to drought, and that 33% of this population is already suffering the effects of severe malnutrition due to agriculture failure and death of livestock, Fides reported. It is estimated that, between October 2015 and April 2016 about 450,000 animals died, severely affecting the supply of milk, especially for children.

 

 

The colored corn and pumpkins decorating the front entrances of homes in North America, the weekend apple-picking ventures, the waning days of the farmer’s market in town all hark back to a time when America was a thoroughly agrarian society. So while “harvest time” may be more of a slogan than anything else anymore, in other parts […]

via Crisis in Ethiopia: Drought persists, and nutrition suffers — Aleteia.org – Worldwide Catholic Network Sharing Faith Resources for those seeking Truth – Aleteia.org

AS: ETHIOPIA’S GRADUAL JOURNEY TO THE VERGE OF CRISIS September 28, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

Addis Standard

“What is being seen right now is that people come out to protest, EPRDF kills. It is trying to govern by the force of arms, but the Ethiopian people are not going to accept that. If things continue this way, we are getting into a very dangerous road. Talking about development while refusing to protect the rights and freedoms of the people, who are the main instruments of development, is both insanity and an embarrassment. Any dictatorial regime can build infrastructure but development, in its essence, is intertwined with the rights and freedoms of the people who benefit from it. Unless EPRDF tries to seek its legitimacy from respecting these rights and freedoms, it is taking the country in a wrong way, to a very dangerous place where there might be carnages.”

ETHIOPIA’S GRADUAL JOURNEY TO THE VERGE OF CRISIS


gebru-asrat

Gebru Asrat

(Addis Standard) — Born in Mekelle, the Capital of the Tigray regional state in the north, Gebru Asrat became one of the early members of the Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), Ethiopia’s all too powerful member of the governing coalition, Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). But Gebru left EPRDF in early 2000 following a major split within TPLF in the wake of the 1998-2000 war between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Prior to that Gebru served as the president of the Tigray Regional State from 1991 – 2001 and was one of the top executive members of the TPLF’s politburo as well as the executive member of EPRDF. After leaving EPRDF, Gebru established the opposition Arena Tigray and became its chairman in 2007. Today Arena Tigray is one of the member parties of the larger opposition block, MEDREK.  In 2014, Gebru has published an acclaimed book: “LualawinetEna Democracy Be Ethiopia” (Sovereignty and Democracy in Ethiopia).  Addis Standard’s

Addis Standard – In your 2014 book “Democracy and Sovereignty in Ethiopia” you argued that TPLF’s culture of secrecy had helped its eventual triumph in overthrowing the militarist Derg and most of the party’s followers were indoctrinated with the propaganda of Stalinist determination. What’s the context of that culture, if you will, in light of the current situation in the TPLF-dominated-EPRDF led Ethiopia?

 GebruAsrat – TPLF was initially formed to pursue a political struggle. In order to meet that political goal through military means, it had established an army. This is one of its features. In its early days TPLF was a Marxist Leninist party. An army needs prudence [and] caution; secrets are not needed to be passed to the opposing group or to the enemy. But there is also fierce centralism which comes from the Marxist Leninist ideology.

These two factors [contributed to TPLF’s culture of secrecy] and helped it for the success of the armed struggle. But later on, after the armed struggle came to an end [with victory] TPLF denounced the Marxist Leninist ideology, and its militarist approach was seemingly replaced by a political program. But what TPLF did was to remove the flesh from its Stalinism structure, not the bone and the skeleton.  It kept the skeleton so that it would help it to rule the people of Ethiopia. It did so by using the fundamental principles of centralism; there is the rule of one party, which now they call the dominant party under the guise of revolution ary democracy.  The party kept its culture of secrecy and its centralism principle because they are convenient to rule [with an iron first].All the talks about democracy, justice, equality and the rule of law were eventually abandoned. Although it somehow shifted the gear to Capitalism during the early days of its rule the transition was not clear either. The party didn’t completely abandon the old Marxist Leninist ways; it selected what it needed to rule, to maintain its power and sustained them. Transparency was lost and a highly centralized one party dominated system was established. This secretive nature of the dominant TPLF and its refusal to be open to the public has impacted the democratization process of the country. More than that the features it has brought from the Marxist Leninist ideology like centralism, the concept of a dominant party and revolutionary democracy has eventually hampered the road to democracy and gave way to our reality today in which one party does whatever it wants.

 AS – There are people who argue that TPLF betrayed its initial noble goals, which were its foundations, after it assumed power. But judging from what you just said above (its culture of secrecy and its loyalty to an out-of-date ideology) one could say that the formation of TPLF was essentially flawed from the very beginning. And it seems that the problems we are witnessing today are the manifestations of those flaws. Am I correct?

GA – We have to clarify this in two ways: there are those who argue that TPLF’s noble goals could have only been attained through [the guiding principles of] Marxist Leninist ideology. I was one of those who believed in this. I used to fully believe that other ways of democratization were wrong; that it would not bring equality, liberty and justice. It was a mixture of belief, philosophy and ideology. So people who saw [the party’s last minute conversion to capitalism] felt they were betrayed. Many of the old guard (the old cadres), were carved in this way, so they clearly felt betrayed. On the other hand there were those even in that time who asked [if TPLF] shouldn’t have to be a democratic organization in which a marketplace of ideas were entertained. People who saw things from this perspective felt like the Marxist Leninist ideology, in its essence, could not have brought democracy. These were people who felt betrayed from the very beginning. At the end both of them have lost. There is no democracy; and there was no Marxist Leninist as it was envisioned in the beginning. Those ardent Marxist Leninist ideology supporters were betrayed because at the dawn of victory when the rebel soldiers entered into the capital the ideology was not even to be mentioned. And those who yearned for democracy were also betrayed because we ended up having a system of one dominant party rule.

AS – In chapter two of your book you explained the rocky relationship that often existed between TPLF and other armed groups that were operating in the country during the armed struggle. As someone who has been in the inner circles of the TPLF both during the armed struggle and afterwards, how do you characterize this nature of TPLF as a party vis a vis its relationship with the other sister parties within the governing coalition of EPRDF?

 GA – Yes I have written that TPLF often ended its relationships with other armed groups, which did not identify with it, by force and war. That was during the time of the armed struggle. Now, these four parties that make up the EPRDF are sister parties. More than that they say they have the same program and objective. But even in that case, there is something that must be known:  these parties are not unified and it is not clear why. If they do not have a program difference, if they have similar national visions, if they do not have a principle or ideology difference, as they claim, they should have been one national party [or] should have formed a unity. But this didn’t happen because there is this notion that EPRDF can keep the interests of each party, so it stayed this way for 25 years.

As it is known, of the four parties the one with the highest influence and the most veteran is TPLF. The amount of influence TPLF has, or we should rather say had, on other parties is not a minor one. This is not visible during eventless and peaceful times. But when there is a problem, things start to surface. For example in 2000, when EPRDF as a governing coalition was hit by a serious crisis, the value of these parties began to be measured by their loyalties to the late MelesZenawi, or TPLF. The leaders of some of these parties have even found themselves in dangerous positions.  Senior party members who have a sense of independence were kicked out and were replaced by others. This is to say that during the times of peace, the parties appear to be equal. Gradually this led the umbrella party to become what we can call a one man tyranny. As a result every party or member, who is not loyal, has faced difficulties.

But now there appear to be changes following the death of MelesZenawi, which had a very big tactical implication to EPRDF. The late Meles was a leader who managed to control and rule all the parties as well as the army. After his death all the parties within EPRDF, or rather senior leaders within those parties, have nominated him/herself to be the next Meles, showing visible signs of an increasing distance between the four parties.

AS  – In the past intra-party or intra-region conflicts which are common in federal states like Ethiopia were effectively managed by TPLF/EPDRF. This was attributed to the absence of the role of opposition parties in any of the regions. Since EPRDF governs all the regions, it has found it to be easier to manage potential intra-party or intra-region conflicts. But recent regional squabbles, for example between the Amhara and Tigray regions, seem to be on the rise. These are not simply expressions of discontent by the people of the two regions.  They are rather conflicts between the two parties governing the two regions. What is at the bottom of this? These are two parties under the same umbrella. What does this say about the two parties which are seemingly loyal to the principles of the mother party EPRDF?

GA – We can call these parties one and at the same time four. They are one because they have a common program and a national vision. On the other hand they are parties formed to maintain the interests of their individual regional interests. So this problem, even if it was not as accentuated as now, was seen before, especially in border issues. There were problems about border demarcation between Tigray and Amhara in two particular places; one in Wolkait, specifically in the place called Dansha; the second around Agaw, in the area called Abergede. There were conflicts. At the end of the day what are these parties loyal to? Their own regions or the country in general? It is not clear. Even if we see them as members of one party, they are also four different entities. So they give precedence   for their respective regions. This in itself creates conflicts; here it is expressed in the form of border conflict. It might as well be expressed in a different form. In benefits, in budget, for instance.So it can stem from the regional interest each party is trying to pursue. But essentially the Wolkait situation can be resolved by following the dictates of the Constitution. The same with Addis Abeba and Oromia. They can be solved following the Constitution. But the questions raised by the public go beyond that. They are questions of basic rights and liberties. They are questions of justice. They are questions of governorship. But in EPRDF’s Ethiopia whenever there is a problem, there is a tendency to externalize the sources. They point fingers at others. They are even saying that the public movement we are seeing now is the doing of the Eritrean government, the doings of our enemies from abroad. I think it is pure insanity to assume that millions are bought by the enemy; it is insane to assume that the Eritrean government has the power, in our country, to mobilize all these people. This externalization is also visible in other ways; whenever there is a problem in Oromia, the others see it as the fault line of OPDO. Whenever there is a problem in Amhara, the others point their fingers at ANDM and so on. They do not see it as a national problem. So when big problems, like we are witnessing now, occur, they tend to pull each other. We have seen it in 2000. It was triggered by the Eritrean question and how sovereignty was handled. There are problems within one party, let alone a front of four parties that are not unified.

 

AS – Ethiopia is experiencing frequent protests almost in every corner. With that in mind some prominent veterans say TPLF/EPRDF is at a crossroads and they are calling for a reform from within. What is your take on that? Do you agree that their prescription of reform within the TPLF/EPRDF is what a better Ethiopia needs now?

In my view TPLF was at the crossroads for a long time now. It’s been a long time but now it is very clear. It is failing to even manage the situation in its own backyard. There are demonstrations, for example the one in Embasenet. There is public discontent. There are questions of absence of good governance and democracy, and the presence of rampant corruption. These problems, through time, have penetrated into the party itself. Last year in August and September when the TPLF held its convention, the questions were raised from within the party. Party members were saying that the party was not in the right track. They criticized TPLF for being so weak that it can’t even manage its own region properly let alone impact the wider country. These questions are still alive.  Now the situation is very critical. For an entire year, there have been public gatherings, public meetings by members of civil servants and the society at large. But as [Albert] Einstein said it well it’s insanity to do the same thing over and over again and expect a different result.  They have tried it for more than twenty years without a change. And now we have reached at a tipping point. This problem cannot be solved in a similar way unless there is a fundamental change in the country. So these people, my older comrades, appear to be concerned by this reality. I agree with the analyses they give about the presence of a critical situation in the country.  I see their initiation to do this as a much needed positive move. However, when we come to solutions they subscribed, I must say that, they have said what I have said personally and as a member of Arena Tigray Party, which is also a member of the larger Medrek. We, as a party, have long put what we saw as the solutions to the problems in Ethiopia on several occasions. Fundamental democratic change is needed, much different from what EPRDF is following right now. If there is no democratization in Ethiopia, the problems will keep on escalating and they will put the country in a very dangerous situation. So I agree with some of what they had to say personally. But there are also suggestions that revolutionary democracy is still right. I disagree with that. It is not right. It hasn’t been right. It never worked. It cannot be a means to cultivate democracy. In fact it chokes it to death. And those commentators are saying that they agree with the principles of the developmental state. This is a scheme to put the entire economy in the hands of the state; to put the land, the budget, the country’s wealth in the hands of the state to oppress the others more easily. So I don’t agree. I do not have any problem with the government putting its hand in the economy. But like the way it is now, when the government controls everything, it becomes wrong. But the main thing is they have seen it that the country is in a critical state. And there are some solutions they suggested, like mass public discussions. But I don’t have the naiveté to believe that EPRDF is capable of reforming itself. I don’t believe that. To be fair, these are not the only solutions they suggested. They also recommended the party to have a dialogue with other opposition parties and to open the political space, which I agree with. If EPRDF reforms itself it might be useful for it. However I, as an opposition, and as someone who is a member of a party representing an alternative way,  I say, as long as democracy is not practiced in its entirety, I don’t see a way out of this quagmire for Ethiopia. There will not be justice. A fundamental change is what is needed; not a mending reform.

AS – But do you believe TPLF/EPRDF is capable of reforming itself? The language of reform has been applied for over 15 years. It’s been that long since the late MelesZenawi himself admitted EPRDF was ‘rotten’ inside out. Can TPLF/EPRDF reform itself or is the fear that if it does it might bring in its own demise takes precedence? Which one do you believe in: is it the unwillingness or the incapacity to reform that’s holding it back?

In my view reform can come in two ways; from the forces within or from the outside public. In TPLF/EPRDF when they talk about reform, it is all about keeping the status quobecause on many of the important questions the party falters.  They believe any change must happen over the graves of the party. They say they are ready to debate but they are not open for debate because they are afraid; they work from the assumption that any change on the status quo will be dangerous for them.  They tried it after the split in 2000 and during elections in 2005, but the results became overwhelming. So they used all means to close until they ended up taking a 100 per cent of the parliamentary seats. They have managed to have eight million members in an attempt to control every village. The recent statement by Prime Minister HailemariamDesalegn can be read in this light. For over a year, he has been saying they have problems of all sorts. But recently he resorted to force as a means to relinquish these pubic demands. All he said was they have the military power and they can control the situation forcefully.  He didn’t solicit political legitimacy. He didn’t see democratization as a solution, unless nominally. So far the way TPLF/EPRDF follows is guided by the principle that it controls the army, the police and the intelligence to rule the country with an iron fist. So the pressures witnessed from within are not making TPLF/EPRDF to reform. Now we have to wait and see how the public demands are pressurizing them into having a reform.

AS – Perhaps getting into the bottom of the party’s way of governing the county may help us understand on whether or not applying the language of reform could yield any result. You have, for instance, served as the president of the Tigray Regional state for about ten years. And one of the long standing problems of TPLF/EPRDF is its failure to implement the federal system as stipulated in the constitution. You had a chance to see how exactly that was played out during your presidency. How do you evaluate, for example, the fault lines in the federal-regional nexus? And what’s its contribution to the current crisis?

GA – This is a good question. Constitutionally speaking Ethiopia is a federated country. There are authority levels and limitations between the Federal government and the Regional governments. But the Constitution is not functioning. EPRDF is not practicing the Constitution. The fundamental rights and freedoms stipulated in the constitution are not respected. They are being muzzled. Human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of organization, are to mention few. My opinion is that the government is not operating following the Constitution.  It must be known that EPRDF is a highly centralized party which has and follows its own program outside of the Constitution. There is nothing like revolutionary democracy in the Constitution; it is a liberal constitution. There is no centralism in the Constitution. The Constitution is designed in such a fabulous manner only to appease the public and the wider world. But what is practiced is EPRDF’s party program. The party releases so many regulations and directives and that is what is used to govern the county. Almost all these papers are written to ensure the hegemony of one party. And all the cadres are guided by these papers. The ‘shared-rule’ and ‘self-rule principles of federalism cannot work in a highly centralized party.  Let me make myself an example. [In 2000] the split within TPLF occurred. When the split occurred, I was the President of Tigray Regional government. I was elected by the Tigray people. But I was sacked by the central government.  This means that the people have no right at all. The party ousts, sacks anybody that it wants to. The regional government, the regional entity has no power at all. This didn’t happen only to me. Abate Kisho, the president of the Southern regions was sacked in a similar manner. In Benishangul and Gambella and Somali regional states the leaders are changed frequently by the order from the EPRDF office. This flawed operation of the Federal system is just one example. But it works in all aspects. The justice system suffers from similar fate as is the military. EPRDF’s central hand is stretched in every aspect.

AS – Often time people talk about first 2000 and then 2005 being the turning points or the downward spiral in the country’s democratic experiment. The implications of these assertions are that all was well before 2000. You were the President of a Regional government before the first turning point in 2000. Do you believe that the country was on the right track before that?

GA– There are two things here: on the one hand I was the President of a regional state, on the other I was a member of EPRDF’s central committee as part of TPLF’s Executive Committee. Decisions were always made not by the regional parliament but by the party’s Executive committee. After that happened, the decision was taken to the public. In what I mentioned earlier as democratic centralism, it is not possible to refuse this. Even if it was wrong, you can’t refuse it. Of course there are possibilities to convince the committeeby raising arguments but it was up to the committee, not the public. One of the flaws of the system, I believe, is this. The party members are everywhere. They are in the Federal system. They are in the civil service structure. And they decide based on the instructions that they receive from above, from the party. Not according to what the public demand and need in every aspect. It must be known that the cause of public resentment, especially now, is this. What the people need is one thing, the party’s interest is another. There is a gap. When I look back at what was happening in the party then, there were arguments and dialogues but when it comes to the relationship between the Federal government and regional states, the dominance lies within the party. It makes the decisions.

 

AS – Despite these blatant failure of the ruling party to implement the federalism arrangement many people, including some opposition parties, point their fingers at the ethnic (some call it linguistic) federalism to be the main cause of the problem the country finds itself today. What is your opinion of that? Do you think the federalism arrangement is something that is worth protecting or something to blame for the country’s problems today?

GA – I don’t agree with such accusations. Federalism can be arranged in various ways. Now, what we have here in Ethiopia is an ethnic Federalism arrangement. There can also be a Federal arrangement based on geography. But the main thing is not this; the main thing is whether there is a condition for the pubic to choose these freely. Is there a condition to protect the people’s rights and freedoms? I believe that is the fundamental thing. As long as there is no democracy, there is going to be a problem. I mean, if there is a democratic system, those things can be debated upon. If the people don’t like them, the people can change them. But in the absence of democracy, there can’t even be a debate. So what I say is the source to all problems is lack of democratic practices, rights and freedoms by and for the public. As I said earlier the current federalism is not practiced rightly.  It’s just nominal. Yes, people work in their own languages, they celebrate their cultures. But when it comes to essential decisions, the Federal arrangement is not functioning at all. As long as there is a dominance of one party, federalism, ethnic or geographical, cannot function. I don’t think the root of Ethiopian problems is this arrangement. Problems were there long before the system came in place.  TPLF and OLF and others started armed struggle in the absence of this arrangement. It was the lack of democracy. In fact what I believe is that, the structuring of the current system has lessened ethnic resentments.  What the Ethiopian people, including intellectuals should focus on is the absence or presence of democracy. Rights and freedoms must be respected. Without doing this all the attempts will be futile. What I am saying is that this is not the root cause of all problems the country is facing today. It is the dominance of one party and the lack of basic democratic practices.

AS When you say the dominance of one party, are you saying EPRDF in general or TPLF’s dominance over EPRDF?

 GA – To make it clear, I don’t think EPRDF is a non-existent entity. Their level of power might be different but OPDO is an existing party. ANDM is an existing party. I don’t think those parties are free from taking responsibilities from whatever is happening in the country. I don’t think they have no influence on what is going on. TPLF used to be the most influential one; I doubt if it is like this now. It’s not clear. When I see what is going on and ask if TPLF has the level of influence it used to have, I have [doubts].  But even if TPLF is the most influential party, the other three cannot be exempted from taking the blame.

 AS – What do you mean when you say TPLF might not have the level of influence it once has?  The protests in Oromia throughout the year and quite recently in Amhara have laid bare not only the level of public discontent, but also the deep seated dissatisfactions by the two parties representing the two regions, the OPDO and ANDM against the all too powerful TPLF. Do you agree with that?

 GA – I find it difficult to answer this question with full certainty. However I tried to explain it earlier. Whenever there is a problem, pointing fingers is very common. In my opinion, for the lack of democracy in the country, for the muzzling of rights and freedoms, and for the rampant corruption all member parties of the EPRDF are blameworthy. They participated in the thievery; they have participated in the oppression so they can’t claim innocence. But as I said earlier pointing fingers is very common. TPLF points its fingers at others. It says it has been betrayed as the recent article on Aigaforum claims. It is nothing more than casting blame on others. And the fact is in a union that was not formed in a democratic way, this is inevitable.  Because whenever individuals or groups become stronger the others develop a sentiment of antipathy. When I see TPLF and others, I don’t think the lower level party members think like the leadership. I don’t think the leadership has enough control, influence, on its own members, like it used to have. It’s weak now. Each party has more than a million members. Those members can’t even control what’s going on in oneKebele, or in one Woreda. So when this happens, instead of saying this happens because of us, because of the roads we follow, they say it’s all about failed implementation, even worse, they say it’s because some betrayed us. It’s an inevitable accusation.

AS – What do you think is the best way to address the country’s not only political and economic but also historical crisis without causing a regrettable outcome? What do you see as prescription for redemption, if you will? 

GA– As I see Ethiopia is a country at the verge of crisis. In this regard I agree with what my previous comrades have written about. The crisis is created. In this reality, there are things not just politicians but also the general public must think about. The first one is that in Ethiopia there is lack of one strong guiding vision. So the main thing, I think, is to have a consensus of vision for the country. When I say this I am not denying the fact that each party has its own vision. But it has become a country without a vision which can gather people around. So in order to salvage the country out of this crisis, we must have more dialogues, more ideas. We need ideas, strong ideas that can gather the public together. But since ideas are not enough, strong institutions are needed. Strong parties are needed.  By this I don’t mean dominant party.I think Ethiopia lacks strong national parties that can gather people of all spectrums together. Some of them incline too much to their region. Some others deny the questions of nations and ethnicity; they claim to be national but their influence doesn’t transcend from one region. So I don’t see alternatives in which strong parties with strong vision can be created. We evaluate EPRDF on many parameters and we understand that the party is finding it difficult to bring forth solutions to the problems the country is facing. Or we are saying the party is in crisis. But we must also ask does the alternative certainly has principles and organizations that can bring forth change? We can’t bring in change using the same ideas. What Ethiopia needs is a change of ideas. Besides that there is yet another question that must be raised. Before now, during the Derg and Imperial regimes, there were problems in the country such as lack of democracy, lack of justice, lack of equality. But the country somehow survived these problems and stayed as one. We should be careful that the current situation isn’t any different.  What I see now dominantly, among the radical opposition and EPRDF alike, is the proliferation of racial or ethnic hatred. We can see that in the state owned and affiliated media there is a proliferation of mixing the ruling party with the people. This will lead us to irrevocable conflicts. There is no weak area in this regard, even if it is small. But sadly EPRDF is using it to its advantage. To put it bluntly, TPLF is doing a lot of mobilization saying to the [Tigray] people that chauvinists are going to invade them and they should gather around it. It is trying to make the [Tigray] people believe that all the critiques it is receiving are critiques not against the party but against the [Tigray] people. This is very dangerous. Similarly there are others who mix up the party and the people and spread rumors that the Tigayans are about to do this or that to this or that people. The opposition finds it easy to collect followers by telling people that what’s happening to them is done to them by Tigrayans. The ruling party is doing the same. They have been doing it for quite a long time actually. Every time an election approaches they tell the people in Tigray that chauvinist Amharas are going to engulf them.  And they tell the Amhara that narrow Oromos are coming to destroy them. And for the Oromo they say the chauvinists are going to sabotage them. This is an age old way of the party. And I believe that it has contributed to what is going on now. If religious leaders in this country were not followers and executers of EPRDF’s program who never slide an inch from the party’s dictates, they would have been important in looking for solutions for the country’s problems. The intellectuals and religious leaders must be part of the solution. So what I see as a strategy to get out of this quagmire is there must be an organization with a strong vision which can be an alternative to the EPRDF and which can gather the people of Ethiopia around this vision.

 

AS – Owing to this monumental failure to uphold the rule of law, many people say the ruling party in Ethiopia has forced its relationship with the people of Ethiopia to become violent. Your own party Arena Tigray has been pushed left and right to a point where peaceful politicking has become virtually impossible. This is leading many people to say that the idea of armed struggle is now becoming the last resort to deal with EPRDF. As a party which is denied the means to a peaceful struggle, do you see Arena Tigray responding to EPRDF’s dominance in what many say is the only means EPRDF understands: armed struggle?

 GA – Your question is right. EPRDF is pushing the people, especially the youth, to the extreme. It made me recall a Central Committee member we once had. He raised an argument that with EPRDF in power it’s impossible to have a peaceful struggle. But we said we have to use the political space that is available, as narrow as it can be, and conduct a peaceful struggle. Otherwise the other way is going to unleash calamity. He finally moved to Eritrea to join TIMIHT. This man represents a way of thinking among the youth. And the narrower the space gets, the more the youth are pushed to pick up armed struggle because they see what they see; they believe peaceful struggle is just getting to jail. But I don’t believe in that; I believe the current movements [the protests in various parts of the country] are essentially peaceful. I have a belief that it is possible to force the government to change. I also believe that it is possible to execute policy in a peaceful way.

Right after the election [in 2015] we have three of our members killed including a member of our central committee here in Addis Abeba. Another of our member was poisoned to death and we have about twenty members in jail. Incidents like this make peaceful struggle difficult. But paying the prices requires us to continue the peaceful struggle. And the protests we are seeing now, I count them as part and parcels of peaceful struggle. Other than that I don’t see anything but bloodshed from armed struggle.

AS – Where is EPRDF taking Ethiopia to?

gebru-asrat

 GA – This is a very difficult question. A hard one. In its own book, it is taking the country to development, to wealth, to job creation, to the providing of health services and what have you. That’s what it says. Of course there are some changes in some regards. This is undeniable. Access to health and education is better than what it used to be. There are foreign and domestic investments. But this cannot be a source of legitimacy for a regime. The main thing is: is there democracy? Are the rights and freedoms of people protected? A person who owns a cart feeds the horse that pushes the cart but it doesn’t mean that he gives the horse freedom. And humans are different from horses, from animals. Freedom is the main foundation and element of development. What is being seen right now is that people come out to protest, EPRDF kills. It is trying to govern by the force of arms, but the Ethiopian people are not going to accept that. If things continue this way, we are getting into a very dangerous road. Talking about development while refusing to protect the rights and freedoms of the people, who are the main instruments of development, is both insanity and an embarrassment. Any dictatorial regime can build infrastructure but development, in its essence, is intertwined with the rights and freedoms of the people who benefit from it. Unless EPRDF tries to seek its legitimacy from respecting these rights and freedoms, it is taking the country in a wrong way, to a very dangerous place where there might be carnages.


Click here to read related article: The Conflict between the Ethiopian State and the Oromo People

AS: CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY: LETTER TO THE EDITOR: WHY DR. TEDROS ADHANOM SHOULD NOT LEAD THE WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION September 27, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

tedros-adhanom-is-one-the-fascist-tple-tyranny-responsible-for-mass-killings-in-ethiopiaOromo child murdered by Fascist TPLF Ethiopia forces in Jimma, Oromia on 16 May 2016Fascist TPLFAgazi forces shooting #Oromprotsters in Babbile town, East Hararge . 14 March 2016Oromo children, victims of fascist TPLF mass killings in Oromia, 2015 and 2016

Dr. Tedros sits in EPRDF’s central committee responsible for the killings of peaceful protesters (of not only  the more than 200 killed during the aftermath of the May 2005 elections) but also for the more than 600 peaceful protesters killed in the ongoing nationwide protests, as per the Human Rights Watch’s latest report.

 


LETTER TO THE EDITOR: WHY DR. TEDROS ADHANOM SHOULD NOT LEAD THE WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION

Dear Editor,
tedros-adhanom-is-one-the-fascist-tple-tyranny-responsible-for-mass-killings-in-ethiopia

(Addis Standard) — As a matter of historical coincidence, both Ethiopia’s Ministry of Health and the World Health Organization (WHO) were established in 1948. Dr. Tedros Adhanom became the former’s first unqualified but politically appointed minister in history and he now wants to take over the later, in a similar and unjustifiable trajectory.

First, it has to be established as to how such a man with all sorts of personal shortcomings, including but not limited to, professionalism, integrity, leadership quality and even humanity made atop Ethiopia’s political hierarchy. Dr. Tedros is the executive member of the TPLF, a party constituting the core of the lofty ruling coalition, EPRDF, which ruled Ethiopia for over quarter a century with an iron fist. TPLF elites hail from the minority Tigrean ethnicity in the north who played a significant role in ousting Ethiopia’s communist dictator, Derg, in 1991 only to appear yet as another version of it under the leadership of the late Meles Zenawi. By effectively annihilating the country’s capable political elites, the late Meles created an amorphous political buffer around himself where opportunist elites such as Dr. Tedros were to be welcomed. The promotion of Dr Tedros from a mere malaria desk expert at the regional health department of Tigray to the ministerial portfolio of Ethiopia in 2005 was part of this trajectory. Accordingly, the biologist-turned malaria entomologist became the first health minister with non-health background in the history of the Ethiopian state.

Following the death of his late mentor Meles Zenawi, the malaria expert even astonished the whole world by becoming, all of a sudden, the minister of foreign affairs in a country home to some of the most experienced career diplomats. In a nutshell, both his shortcomings in professional competence and the typically opportunist twists of the political pathway for his ascendancy to power proves the modes operandi of his party TPLF and how such people like him benefited from that.

It’s true that under his tenure as a minister of health, there were some progresses registered in the country’s health sector. But, the narrative that Ethiopia registered miracles, as even wrongly propagated by few western media, should be filtered so carefully. Ethiopia’s health sector is still categorized by the WHO itself among those “in critical crisis”. Nevertheless, because of the politically motivated decisions made by the regime to crackdown on international NGOs working on human rights (especially after the 2005 elections fallout) thereby channeling some huge international funds only into the health sector, there were progresses made during his tenure as a health minister. This is particularly true in the areas of health facilities expansion and the globally politicized care involving maternity and child health. But below, I outline examples of Dr. Tedros’ grim failures even in these allegedly modest gains.

Corruption: As huge international funds pumped by NGOs & philanthropists to strengthen Ethiopia’s health sector, mismanagement of funds and corruption were the hallmark of Dr. Tedros’ tenure as a minister of health between 2005-2012. This was brought to public attention as some media went on meticulously reporting it. Even the US government was obliged to cut funds for HIV/AIDS by 79% because of such financial mismanagement and corruption.

 Inequality in health: Ethiopia has been praised for its achievements in the areas of maternity and child health. While there could exist some elements of truth in this intentionally hyped story, taking it as such would amount to a gross distortion of the country’s reality. In fact, the progresses made were achieved only for the wealthier class in the health quintiles. According to the latest report by the “Count Down” project, a US-funded project established in 2005 with the aim of assisting countries to generate and utilize empirical evidences in order to track progress towards health-related MDGs – particularly in areas of Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn and Child Health (RMNCH) – the disparity across wealth quintiles – between the poorest 20% and the richest 20% of the population – is extremely high in several indicators. For instance, the under-5 mortality rate, though declined overall, has actually increased among the poorest 20% of the population, from 130 in 2005 to 137 per 1,000 in 2011. Disparities in coverage also remain large across Ethiopia’s administrative regions, and between residents of urban and rural areas. According to this report, not only in remote regions like Afar and Somali, but also in the largest & central region of Oromia, from where 60% of Ethiopia’s GDP comes, a significant majority receive two or less out of eight essential RMNCH interventions; while in Addis Abeba & Dr. Tedros’ homeland of Tigray in the remote north, a vast majority of children receive at least six out of the eight.

Politicization of health: Dr. Tedros left the Ethiopian health sector very much politicized and crippled, which has to be yet depoliticized if it has to function properly. The more than 35,000 female health extension workers trained for six months and deployed across Ethiopia during his tenure, which many praise him for, are more of political cadres who are deployed in rural household families to serve the TPLF than helping health workers. This has been verified by their own internal memos and reports on various occasions.

In addition to these, under Dr. Tedros’ tenure, Ethiopia experienced outbreaks of many rudimentary diseases, like the cholera outbreak in 2006, 2008 and 2011 among others. Even though the Ethiopian law stipulates cholera to be a “mandatory notifiable disease”, Dr. Tedros left the legacy of keeping disease outbreaks “secrete”. Today that legacy remains as cholera ravages the whole country including the capital Addis Abeba.

Even worse, Dr. Tedros sits in EPRDF’s central committee responsible for the killings of peaceful protesters (of not only  the more than 200 killed during the aftermath of the May 2005 elections) but also for the more than 600 peaceful protesters killed in the ongoing nationwide protests, as per the Human Rights Watch’s latest report.

In my view, Dr. Tedros doesn’t deserve to represent the face of such a prestigious global organization as the WHO, which is much regarded as an utmost humane. Ethiopia has many talents and capable leaders both in the health sector and beyond to offer to the WHO if professional competence, integrity and leadership quality are to be considered. Dr. Tedros Adhanom is not one of them.

Girma Gutema

PhD Candidate, University of Oslo

 


The Oakland Institute: Miracle or mirage? Manufacturing hunger and poverty in Ethiopia September 27, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Land and Water Grabs in Oromia.
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Oakland Institute

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Miracle or mirage? manufacturing hunger and poverty in Ethiopia


Oakland Institute, 27 September 2016

 


As months of protest and civil unrest hurl Ethiopia into a severe political crisis, a new report from the Oakland Institute debunks the myth that the country is the new “African Lion.” Miracle or Mirage? Manufacturing Hunger and Poverty in Ethiopia exposes how authoritarian development schemes have perpetuated cycles of poverty, food insecurity, and marginalized the country’s most vulnerable citizens.

A key government objective is to make Ethiopia one of the largest sugar producers in the world. Several sugar expansion plans are underway, including the colossal Kuraz Project in the Lower Omo Valley, which will include up to five sugar factories and 150,000 hectares of sugarcane plantations that rely on Gibe III Dam for irrigation. Studies show that Gibe III could reduce the Omo River flow by as much as 70 percent, threatening the livelihoods of 200,000 Ethiopians and 300,000 Kenyans who depend on the downstream water flow for herding, fishing, and flood-recession agriculture.

Miracle or Mirage? offers lessons from the deadly impact of sugar and cotton plantations in the Awash Valley in the Afar Region, established in the 1950s. The projects drastically reduced land and water availability for people and cattle, undermined food security, destroyed key drought coping mechanisms, and stirred up violent conflicts between different groups over the remaining resources. The establishment of plantations was a critical factor in the 1972-1973 famine, resulting in the deaths of nearly 200,000 Afar people. These findings raise serious questions about the government’s logic behind sugar expansion, with $11.2 billion to be invested by 2020, and much more for irrigation schemes and dams – Gibe III alone cost Ethiopia $1.8 billion.

Using quantitative evidence, the report also details how plantations established in the Awash Valley have been far less profitable than pastoralist livestock production, while carrying massive environmental costs including the depletion of vital water resources.

miracle-or-mirage-manufacturing-hunger-and-poverty-in-ethiopia-study-of-the-oakland-institute-p2

Ogaden: ONLF: The Vicious Ethiopian Regime is Instigating Civil Wars between Somalis, Oromos and Amharas September 27, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomistPAFD NEWSONLF

The Vicious Ethiopian Regime is Instigating Civil Wars between Somalis, Oromos and Amharas

ONLF Press Release,  August 12, 2016


ONLF

After millions in Ethiopia, particularly from Oromo, Amhara and other nations staged peaceful demonstrations during last week and in November last year, the Ethiopian regime is resorting not only to killings, arbitrary detentions and inhumane torture of the peaceful demonstrators, but the regime is unleashing a very sinister plan that is intended to instigate civil war among the different nations in Ethiopia.The regime is using the Liyu police in border areas between the Somali Territory and Oromia to suppress Oromo protesters. What is even more worrying and heinous, is that the regime is using the Somali administrations in Ethiopia, Djibouti, Northern Somalia and others areas in the Somali republic to detain, kill and harass Oromo and Amhara workers. In some towns in Ogaden, the Ethiopian army and associated militia’s detained or summarily executed scores of people of Oromo, Amhara descent or other nations from Ethiopia in support of the TPLF regime. Similarly poor workers are being detained illegally, forcefully transferred to Ethiopia or killed in Somali inhibited territories in the Horn of Africa, including Djibouti. Ogaden Somali Elders and civilians protested against this and were brutally beaten by the Ethiopian Security forces.

This is a deliberate policy to create hatred between Somalis and other Ethiopian communities, in order to forestall any future cooperation. However, such a policy is doomed to fail since Somalis in Ogaden decided that they share common interest with all the oppressed nations in Ethiopia, regardless of Ethnicity or religion. The Ethiopian regime has been committing Crimes against Humanity and War Crimes in Ogaden and has destroyed the wellbeing and livelihood of hundreds of thousands civilians in Ogaden since 2007 and the Somali people are resisting the regime on a daily basis. Unfortunely, innocent Somalis were also targeted in other regions during the protests.

Similarly, ONLF calls upon all national administrations in Ethiopia and their associated militias’ to desist from supporting the regime against the popular resistance and side with the people. The days of the regime are numbered and they shall start thinking about the future.

ONLF calls upon the international community to stop supporting the current regime in Ethiopia by either funding it or not making accountable for its blatant crime against all peoples in Ethiopia.

Finally, ONLF and the Somali people in Ogaden fully and unreservedly supports and sides with all oppressed people in Ethiopia and will not spare any effort to educate Somalis of the traps that is being set up by the Ethiopian regime. Ogaden Somalis and elders have already started calling for all Somalis to stop supporting the callous regime in Ethiopia and participate in the legitimate and genuine uprising against the unrepresentative regime in Ethiopia.

Issued by

The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF)

Member of PAFD and UNPO

August 12, 2016

VOA: U.S. Concern Over Ethiopia September 26, 2016

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The United States is very concerned over the situation in Ethiopia, particularly the instability in the Oromia and Amhara regions.

The United States is very concerned over the situation in Ethiopia, particularly the instability in the Oromia and Amhara regions, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Linda Thomas-Greenfield said in an interview. Speaking in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meeting, Assistant Secretary Thomas-Greenfield called the response by the government to protests an “intense and somewhat harsh crackdown:”

“We have had discussions with the Ethiopian government encouraging that they have dialogue, and that they open the possibly for press freedom, civil society’s ability to function, and that many of the people who have been put in jail be released.”

In Oromia anti-government protests began in November 2015, and they have also occurred in the northern Amhara region.

Assistant Secretary Thomas-Greenfield said the United States believes that the situation in the country could deteriorate and that the Ethiopian government is aware of that possibility as well.

“We’ve met with Prime Minister Hailemariam [Desalegn] in New York, and we have encouraged him to look at how the government is addressing this situation.”

“We think,” she said, “it could get worse if it’s not addressed – sooner rather than later.”

Athletic Nation Report: In Solidarity with the Oromo Protests athlete Hirut Guangul makes powerful gesture in 4-peat. #OromoProtests September 26, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

stop-killing-oromo-peopleStop killing Oromo Studentstplf-stop-killing-the-konso-people

as-hirut-guangul-of-ethiopia-crossed-the-quad-cities-marathon-finish-line-as-the-first-woman-overall-for-the-fourth-consecutive-year-she-crossed-her-arms-above-her-head-in-an-x

Athlete Hirut Guangul joined the brave movement as she won the women’s marathon with a time of 2:44.25.

as-hirut-guangul-of-ethiopia-crossed-the-quad-cities-marathon-finish-line-as-the-first-woman-overall-for-the-fourth-consecutive-year-she-crossed-her-arms-above-her-head-in-an-x-p2


 


Ethiopian Guangul makes powerful gesture in 4-peat


By Drake Lansman, 25 September 2016

MOLINE — As Hirut Guangul, of Ethiopia, crossed the Quad Cities Marathon finish line as the first woman overall for the fourth consecutive year, she crossed her arms above her head in an “X”.

Guanhul became the first QCM four-time champion, but the moment became larger than just her athletic achievement on Sunday morning.

“I like this race,” said Guanhul. “Four-time champion. I’m very, very happy.”

After the race, the 24-year-old said the “X” is a way of protesting the human rights abuses that are taking place in Ethiopia. Guanhul’s simple action is a brave and powerful one that bypasses any language barrier.

Hundreds of peaceful Ethiopian protesters have been killed or arrested by the Ethiopian military this year. Protesters have demanded equality for the country’s Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group that has felt marginalized by the government as it pushes them off their land before selling it.

Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa held up an “X” with his arms as he won silver in the marathon at the Rio Olympics. The gesture has been used as a symbol of strength and peaceful resistance.

Lilesa says he likely will not be able to return home after making the gesture of solidarity. The Oromos also have used the “X” as a sign of their protest.

“The Ethiopian government is killing my people, so I stand with all protests anywhere, as Oromo is my tribe,” Lilesa said at an Olympic press conference. “My relatives are in prison, and if they talk about democratic rights they are killed.”

Guangul joined the brave movement as she won the women’s marathon with a time of 2:44.25.

She won her first QC Marathon in 2012, when she set the women’s open course record of 2:35.07. Guangul’s 2016 win earned her $3,000 in prize money.

Guangul says she enjoys the Quad Cities Marathon, and is happy to be back at the race.


 

The Top 10 Poorest Countries in Africa:  With one of the lowest GDP Per Capita ($505) on the continent, Ethiopia making  the 9th poorest country. September 26, 2016

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Shoppers and vendors make their way down a flooded street in Merkato, one of Africa's largest market areas, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Wednesday, Aug. 29, 2012. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, commonly known as Ethiopia, is the continent’s ninth poorest country. Its 100 million citizens make it the most populous landlocked nation in the world, and the second most populous on the continent after Nigeria.

Surprisingly, the economic situation in Ethiopia only worsened as recent as 2008, when the country’s inflation rose to double digits due to it’s a myriad of factors including its loose monetary policy, high food prices, and a huge civil service wage bill. Thus, the economic problems in the country are considered structural issues in governance, which are gradually being addressed by the government. The country’s best performing sector is agriculture.

Nevertheless, the country’s GDP remains to be one of the lowest on the continent, making it the 9th poorest nation.

The ten poorests countries are:

10. Guinea-Conakry

9. Ethiopia

8. The Gambia

7. The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)

6. Madagascar-

5. Liberia

4. Niger

3. Central African Republic (CAR)

2. Burundi

1. Malawi


9. Ethiopia- GDP per capita: $505.00.

Shoppers and vendors make their way down a flooded street in Merkato, one of Africa's largest market areas, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Wednesday, Aug. 29, 2012. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

Shoppers and vendors make their way down a flooded street in Merkato, one of Africa’s largest market areas, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Wednesday, Aug. 29, 2012. (AP Photo/Rebecca Blackwell)

 

Source: The Top 10 Poorest Countries in Africa

AS: ETHIOPIA: THE GOVERNMENT IS HARVESTING WHAT IT SOWED; NOW IT MUST ACKNOWLEDGE IT! #OromoProtests September 26, 2016

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The truth is that Ethiopians are revolting in the clearest of terms. One need not look beyond what has evolved in Oromia and Amhara regional states over the last ten months where simple, constitutional and even by the ruling party’s lexicon ‘legitimate’ requests by the people of Ethiopia was turned by the government into unimaginable horror.

For a government that deprived the people of Ethiopia any other means to either humble it or talk back to it, this shouldn’t come as a surprise. It is harvesting what it sowed and the least it can do is admit that its way of being a government is not working. If this means dissolving itself, so be it!

 


THE GOVERNMENT IS HARVESTING WHAT IT SOWED; NOW IT MUST ACKNOWLEDGE IT!


Addis Standard,  26 September 2016


 

When news of a 100% victory by the ruling EPRDF came out shortly after the May 2015 general elections, everyone scorned the result; it was too stupid to be true. After all, democratic elections in a multinational state home to a near 100 million odd, which Ethiopia is one, were not supposed to be like this. So, the world was right to scorn the results because nowhere in it would similar experiences go down history books unchallenged.  

Alas, the ruling party in Ethiopia was not only intoxicated by the victory to see what was in the offing, but it was so sure to get away with it, as it did get away with many lapses of political orders in the last quarter a century.

The reason why the world – not the government in Ethiopia – looked at the results of that fateful election with a sheer horror is because the latter is the author, director and main character of the tragic political drama which eventually dragged Ethiopia to the verge of crisis, yet again. And that election was the straw that broke the Camel’s back.  From north to south and left and right Ethiopians are on the streets screaming their ultimate rejection of a government which claimed to have won a 100% of their votes.

Damage from within and outside

There is damage to be sustained when a rebel-turned-government spoils its political capital to become a bullying dictatorship. In all measures, that is what happened in Ethiopia since the advent of May 1991. A federated state tutored by party manifesto; alternative political parties decimated from inside out with their leading members often jailed, harassed and in some cases killed or simply made to disappear from the face of earth; independent media and civil society organizations persecuted in equal terms as terrorists; and academic institutions and religious establishments coerced to dance to the music of the ruling party. Regrettably, that is Ethiopia as we know it since it was declared the ‘democratic republic of Ethiopia,’ although some would discount the first 10 years as a semi-successful democratic experiment.

The result is that military violence has now become the new language in which the government is using to talk back to the people of Ethiopia.  Judging by the look of events it wouldn’t be an overstatement to say that Ethiopians are betrayed by their own government which has no misgivings to turn into the military to answer their questions and control their dissenting voices.

But there is also damage to be sustained from outside when western allies of a dictatorship sugarcoat their terms of reference to declare a dictatorship “democratic” and continue to engage with it business as usual. (See story here).

Such blunders by the west are driven by several factors. Leaving aside the cliché, this magazine posits two of the often neglected factors.

The first is the burning ambition by Ethiopia’s western allies to showcase how the aid business turned a once poster child of famine into a successful budding state with a seemingly soaring economy. Calls by rights organizations, and most importantly, the people of Ethiopia for the west to use constructive diplomatic leverages to tame the government often fell on deaf ears. Ethiopia’s western allies repeatedly opted to hold their nose about the smelly human rights record and the government’s unbridled control of both the political and civic spaces in Ethiopia. But at the same time they continued pumping taxpayers’ money in the name of aid and lavish a repressive state with undeserved international legitimacy.

The second is the concept of not wanting to face the task of opening the Pandora’s Box during what’s often a constitutionally limited term in office practiced by most western governments. President Barak Obama is leaving office and he was under no illusion that speaking truth to the world that Ethiopia was going down the nasty way was going to do him more harm than good.

The result is that there remains no discourse and platform where Ethiopia’s western allies can use to discipline a government they themselves enabled to grow out of control.

True, Ethiopia is a sovereign state whose independence should not be tampered with but there are international laws, for example, that Ethiopia itself is a signatory to. Sadly no western ally is daring to speak out loud when Ethiopian officials use and abuse these laws the same way they use and abuse local laws. The recent flagrant dismissal by the government in Ethiopia of the kind reminder by the UN Human Rights Commission of the need to allow access to UN monitors to investigate recent killings and rights abuses in Ethiopia is one classic example.

This means it should now be up to the ruling party to stop playing illusory for the sake of PR consumption by the west and propaganda for Ethiopians and start facing the inevitable. That means the ruling EPRDF should admit that the country is really on the verge of crisis and that it and only it is responsible for it.

The truth is that Ethiopians are revolting in the clearest of terms. One need not look beyond what has evolved in Oromia and Amhara regional states over the last ten months where simple, constitutional and even by the ruling party’s lexicon ‘legitimate’ requests by the people of Ethiopia was turned by the government into unimaginable horror.

For a government that deprived the people of Ethiopia any other means to either humble it or talk back to it, this shouldn’t come as a surprise. It is harvesting what it sowed and the least it can do is admit that its way of being a government is not working. If this means dissolving itself, so be it!



 

Cultural Survival: Human Rights of Ethiopia’s Oromo People Brought to Light in Rio September 25, 2016

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Human Rights of Ethiopia’s Oromo People Brought to Light in Rio

Cultural Survival, 23 September 2016


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Photo courtesy of: ctj71081/ Flickr


On August 21st, in Brazil, Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa was awarded the silver medal for the Men’s Marathon in the 2016 Rio Olympics. Although this was perhaps one of the greatest sporting achievements of his life, this day will forever be remembered for the political protest he made just before the finish line.  While in the global spotlight,  Lilesa raised his hands above his head in an ‘X’ formation to stand in solidarity with the Oromo people of Ethiopia, who have suffered a crackdown at the hands of the Ethiopian government.

Lilesa is one of the thousands fighting for the rights of the Oromo people. In August 2016, the United Nations’ High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Raad Al Hussein, called on Ethiopia to allow UN international observers to investigate the excessive use of force by the government’s security forces against peaceful protesters in the Oromo and Amhara regions of the country. There is a strong need for organized international pressure on the Ethiopian government. A credible and independent investigation into this country’s Human Rights offences is long overdue. This will be a huge and very welcome step for the people and the country as a whole.

More on Oromo Abuses Here

Human rights abuses have been prevalent throughout Ethiopia’s history, but for the last nine months, protests have erupted in Oromiya, the homeland of Ethiopia’s largest but historically marginalized ethnic group, the Oromo, of which Feyisa Lilesa belongs. The protests are have now spread north, to a second region, the Amhara.

Although these protesters from Oromo and Amhara have different backgrounds, cultures, and complaints, they share a growing fear and frustration with the rule of a third, minority ethnic group — the Tigrayans. As NPR reported, the Tigrayan elite has a “cartel-like grip on the government, military and the fast-growing economy.”  The Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) forcefully rose to power after the fall of the Soviet Union. Since then, there have been numerous human rights violations, with examples like the 2001 killing of forty Addis Ababa university students for simply demanding the academic freedom to publish a student newspaper, to the Killing of 200 Oromo in 2014, according to the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE).

Related: Learn more about the TPLF in Ethiopia here.

The right of peaceful assembly is protected in Ethiopian and International law. Ethiopia’s Constitution states “everyone shall have the freedom, in association with others, to peaceably assemble without arms, engage in public demonstration and the right to petition.” But, after Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 125 witnesses, victims, and government officials, a significant pattern of human rights violations during peaceful Oromo protests was revealed. Examples from late 2015 when the decision of authorities in Ginchi to clear a forest for an investment project triggered protests in at least 400 different locations across all the 17 zones in Oromia, until May 2016, and even into current times, prove there have been massive human rights violations. Numerous reports exposed that in many locations security forces have gone at night, arresting innocent and unsuspecting members of the community such as students and those accommodating students in their homes. Security forces also strategically target those seen as “influential members of the Oromo community, such as musicians, teachers, opposition members and others thought to have the ability to mobilize the community for further protests.” Even more shocking, is that many of those arrested and detained by the security forces were children of eighteen years and younger. Security forces have also been reported to open fire on, and kill peaceful protesters, as well as torture or beat many of the detained Oromo. Many of the females detained have reportedly been raped by security force personnel, while almost none of the detainees have had access to legal counsel, adequate food, or their family members.

An unnamed student said in an interview with HRW on January of 2016, said his friend “was shot in the stomach [at the protest], his intestines were coming out, he said, ‘Please brother, tie my [wound] with your clothes.’ I was scared, I froze and then tried to do that but I was grabbed and arrested by the federal police. Jamal died. They arrested me and took me to Bedeno police station.”

With ongoing events such as these, the people of Ethiopia have appeared to have reached their limit; the brutal force being used by the regime to deter an uprising is starting to backfire, creating new alliances between previously divided groups of Ethiopians such as the Oromo and the Amhara. The regime, struggling to find ways to retain domination, resorts to solutions like the exploitation of Ethiopian resources, land, and opportunities; but this too, is becoming a regime failure.

A press release from The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE)notes, this is a regime, accustomed to using tools like manipulation to divide the people by ethnicity or other differences, furthering ethnic hatred, alienation and isolation, leaving a niche for the regime to squeeze into. It has allowed them to repeatedly commit fatal human rights atrocities against these groups with no fear of a united retaliation; but this is suddenly changing. These methods of turning selected ethnic groups against one another, is being scrutinized by Ethiopians; and previously rival groups are now unifying to challenge it. As SMNE said, “more killing, wounding and use of violence against unarmed civilians on the part of the regime’s security forces are strengthening, not weakening, the movement of the people,” but the movement is just beginning.

Ethiopia’s government has rejected the call for UN intervention and promised to launch its own investigation according to Al Jazeera. With the TPLF now facing a crack in the current power structure of the country,  the government’s resistance to UN intervention was to be expected. The fearful reality is, however, that the TPLF, power hungry, and corrupt, will continue to use illegal force in an attempt to maintain control. But this lack of legal and transparent investigation of human rights violations in Ethiopia strongly implies that the Ethiopian government’s investigation of the ongoing human rights crisis will not be independent, impartial and transparent, and according to Sarah Jackson, Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes. “It is time to step up efforts for an international and independent investigation in Ethiopia.”
For years the government has worked to project a “forward thinking, democratic, and economically progressive image” of Ethiopia to outsiders, while on the inside, achieving the total opposite. For example, laws such as the Charities and Societies Proclamation law (CSO) which is meant to appear as an advocacy network, actually has criminalized human rights and other kinds of advocacy work in Ethiopia, making an equal and  civil society impossible to maintain in Ethiopia. This makes the presence of an independent organization like the UN crucial for the protection of the Oromo people, who are practically inhibited from seeking protection themselves.

According to the Press Release from SMNE, “meaningful democratic reforms, restorative justice, and reconciliation for all the people of Ethiopia, including the current ruling party,” are the essential measures which need to be enacted if Ethiopia is to find peace and avoid total disaster. History shows that the government will not cooperate without pressure from key donor nations such as the the United States, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Canada, Norway, Sweden etc., as well as from major international human rights organizations, to provide leverage critical in obtaining substantial changes for the rights of the Oromo people and governmental structure of Ethiopia as a whole.


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Dictatorial regimes in East Africa and EU refugee crisis September 25, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Free development vs authoritarian model, Uncategorized.
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The crux of the matter is this – both Ethiopia and Eritrea are ruled by equally brutal dictatorial regimes. The only difference is the Ethiopian regime is the darling of the West and the havoc it is creating within the borders of Ethiopia and beyond are conveniently overlooked by Western powers for geopolitical reasons, its mission in Somalia on behalf of Western powers, mainly USA. Specifically, EU is very much aware that the Ethiopian regime is no less a dictator than that in Eritrea.The reader may wonder what has this got to do with the refugee numbers. Here is the logic. Those who decide to travel long distances across deserts and oceans are smart people. Besides they are well informed by the smugglers as well as network of refugees who are already settled in Europe. They know what officials in the other side of the sea want to hear. So, a good proportion of those who register themselves as originating from Eritrea are actually Ethiopian refugees, who know very well that if they declare themselves as Ethiopians then their case would get immediately rejected.In fact, there is strong reason to believe that actually the majority of those who registered as Eritreans are likely to be Ethiopians. There is a corroborating evidence for this – International Migration Organization statistics for immigrants arriving in Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Incidentally, the impact of repressive regime in Addis Ababa is so much that the refugee outflow to Yemen is still unabated, even when Yemen is burning due to civil war.Refugees arriving in this part of the world do declare their true identity, and the majority, about 80%, are Ethiopians. This sharply contrasts with the statistics on arrivals in Europe where refugees anticipate bias due to geopolitics. Otherwise, after all, Eritrea has only about 5 million population. If all of those who are crossing the desert and register as Eritreans were truly Eritreans, then the country’s population would have diminished to a great extent by now.This discrepancy reveals an interesting fact, which EU officials do not want to admit. It is not that EU officials are not aware of these facts, it is just that they do not want to reveal to their general public the havoc their foreign policy is creating by generously, even officiously in the Ethiopian case, supporting some dictators but exaggerating troubles created by others, all depending on geopolitical interests.  We do not live in a world where geopolitical interest can be put aside, but we should not live in a world where every foreign policy should be governed by just geopolitical interests.  If EU or USA chooses to employ security concerns to override all other values of humanity, then there will be no escape from engaging in a web of lies and deceptions even in explaining troubles arriving at their door, like the current refugee crisis, which is essentially a boomerang.It is disappointing to witness the persistence of Western powers in refusing to admit policy mistakes even in the middle of such crisis. This could have given them the opportunity to openly declare their stance regarding the cruel dictatorial regime in Ethiopia, which wins “elections” with 100% and yet remain a persistent offender of human rights: impoverish, imprison, torture, and kill citizens at massive scale. Ethiopia is the only country on earth where double digit economic growth rate has been declared year after year for over a decade but famine and starvation at massive scale is still shamelessly being announced to continue begging for food aid. It is a disgrace to witness the so called international community look the other way.

Source: Dictatorial regimes in East Africa and EU refugee crisis

Oromia: Lola gooticha ummata Oromoo Baalee, Ona Beeltoo fi waraana wayyaanee jidduutti gaggeeffameen ummanni waraana wayyaanee irraa 25 ajjeesee, kanneen 18 ol ta’an madeessudhaan qawwee Kilaashii 18 hidhannoo waliin diinarraa booji’uun injifannoo gonfatee jira September 22, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

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Lola gooticha ummata Oromoo Baalee, Ona Beeltoo fi waraana wayyaanee jidduutti Fulbaana 15 fi 16  guyyoota Lamaaf gaggeeffameen ummanni waraana wayyaanee irraa 25 ajjeesee, kanneen 18 ol ta’an madeessudhaan qawwee Kilaashii 18 hidhannoo waliin diinarraa booji’uun injifannoo  gonfatee jira.


(SBO/VOL – Fulbaana 22,2016) Odeessi Kibba-Baha Oromiyaa irraa SBO dhaqqabe akka hubachiisutti Ummanni Oromoo murannoo jabaa fi gootummaadhaan Humnoota Waraanaa Murni Faashistii fi gabroomsaan gocha bineensummaa akka raawwataniif itti bobbaase dura gootummaan dhaabbachuun Ofirraa qolachuurra dabre, haleeludhaan injifannoo cululuqaa galmeessaa jira.

 

Godina Baalee Ona Beeltoo gandeen adda addaa keessatti ummanni Oromoo “Biyya keenna, Oromiyaa, falmataa irratti dhumnee dhabamna tasa Wayyaaneef dabarsinee hin laannu” jechuun falmaa hadhaawaa mirga abbaa biyyummaa fi bilisummaa Oromoof taasisaa jiru cimsee itti fufuun mootummaa gabroomsaa waliin kokkee hudhee wal qabee jira.

 

Akka odeessa nu gahe kanaatti, waraanni murna Faashistii Wayyaanee, Ona Beeltoo jiraattota gandeen Harree Kolooloo, Tulluu Daraarii fi Hara Ciirraa jedhamanii kan tikfattummaan jireenya gaggeeffatan hidhannoo hiikkachiisuuf wayta yaaletti dura dhaabbannoo jabaan isa mudate. Humnoonni diinaa meeshaa waranaa hamma funyaaniitti hidhachiifamuun ummata Oromootti bobbaafaman Ummanni Qawwee horii isaa bineensarraa tikfatuu fi ofis weerara miliishoota sirna Wayyaaneen bobbaafaman of irraa ittisuuf bitate akka hiikkatu ajaja dabarsan. Akkanaanis “Qawwee akka bitattan kan isin ajaje YKN isiniif dhaame ABO dha, qawwee wanni bitattaniif ammoo mootummaa loluuf akka ta’e qormaataan mirkaneeffannee waan jirruuf, warra qawwee qabdan hunda akka hiikkachiifnu dirqamni nutti kenname” jechuun yoo ummata gandeen Kudhanii naannawa sana jiraatu walitti qabanii dirqiin irraa hiikuuf yaalanitti ummanni akkaan dallanee diddaa fi mormii cimaa agarsiise.

 

 

Ummanni Oromoo doorsisaa fi ajaja humnoota wayyaaneef odoo hin jilbeeffanne akka qawwee hin hiikkanne ifatti itti himee jira. “Nuti qawwee horii/maallaqa keenyaan bitanne. Kan bitanneefis saamicha qabeenyaa fi gaaga’ama lubbuu hidhattoonni Somaalee leenjiftanii qawwee itti hidhuun nutti bobbaaftan ofirraa ittisuufi. Mootummaan erga lammiilee keenya dhibbootaan ficcisiisee fi nu saamsisee booda araara jedhee nu sossobuun ammas balaa biraaf lafa jalaan hojjetuu isaatti dammaqnee akka didannee mootummaa isin ergettuu himnee jirra, qawwee kan bitanneef ofii fi qabeenya keenya balaarraa ittifatuufi waan ta’eef hin hiikkannu” jechuun gootummaan ifatti itti himuudhaan murannoo qaban ibsan.

 

Doorsisaan qawwee hiikkachiisuuf kan bobbaafaman hidhattoonni wayyaanee murannoo jabaa ummatni agarsiiseen rifatuudhaan of duuba deebi’anii gooftolii isaaniitti himuudhaan waraana hedduun ummata Oromootti duulan. Ummata Oromoo qawwee hin hiikkannu jechuutti cichanii fi waraana wayyaanee kaayyoo diinummaa galiin ga’uuf bobba’ee ummatarraa humnaan qawwee hiikkachuuf tattaafate jidduutti Fulbaana 15 bara 2016 walitti bu’iinsi uumame. Waraanni wayyaanee gandeen Ona Beeltoo kanneen akka Harree Kolooloo, Tulluu Daraarii fi Hara Ciirraa keessa heddumminaan qubsiifame ummata marsee dirqamaan qawwee hiikkachiisuuf wayta yaaletti ummanni guutummaan dura dhaabbachuurraa lolli hadhaawaan Fulbaana 15 bara 2016 ganamarraa eegalee odoo addaan hin citin oolee, hanga borumtaa isaa, Fulbaana 16 bara 2016tti, deemuu maddeen keenya gabaasanii jiru.

 

Lola gooticha ummata Oromoo Baalee, Ona Beeltoo fi waraana wayyaanee jidduutti guyyoota Lamaaf gaggeeffame kanaan ummanni waraana wayyaanee irraa 25 ajjeesee, kanneen 18 ol ta’an madeessudhaan qawwee Kilaashii 18 hidhannoo waliin diinarraa booji’uun injifannoo  gonfatee jira. Waraanni weerartuun wayyaaneen bobbaase gootowwan ilmaan Oromoo dura dhaabbatuu dadhabuudhaan reeffa loltoota isaa lafatti gatee baqatuun gara irra bobbaafame, magaalaa Beeltootti akka deebi’etu barame.

 

 

Lola hadhaawaa ummanni Oromoo waraana diinaa dura dhaabbatee falme kanarratti gama ummataatii goototni qaqqaaliin 20ni wayta wareegaman kanneen 25 ol tahan ammoo madeeffamuus odeessi arganne dabaluun ifa godha.

 

Kabajamuu mirga abbaa biyyummaa fi bilisummaa isaaf onnatee falmaa gaggeessaa kan jiru ummanni naannichaa duula wayyaaneen qawwee hiikkachiisuun dhumaatii caalu dhaqqabsiisuuf itti aggaame kanaan daranuu dallanuudhaan gamtaan sossohee weerartootarraa of ittisuu fi naannoo isaatii ari’uuf murannoo qabu agarsiisee jira. “Nuu fi wayyaaneen warra gumaa ti, ajaja mootummaa wayyaanee tokkollee hin fudhannu, hireen qabnu tokkichi hidhannoo qabnuun ofii fi biyya keenya ittisaa wareegamuu dha” jechuun hidhannoo isaanii gonkumaa akka hin hiikkanne firaafis diinaafis mirkaneessan.

 

Jiraattonni Godina Baalee Ona Beeltoo gandeen adda addaa wayyaaneen maqaa ABOtiin qabatee Oromummaan yakkee lafarraa isaan duguuguuf saganteeffatee akka jiru dursanii hubachuun hidhannoo hiikachuu didanii waraana wayyaanee dura gootummaan kan dhaabbatan yoo tahu, ABOn Kallacha keenya, ABOn dhiiga keenya waan taheef yoomiyyuu ni jaalanna ni deeggarra jedhanii wayyaaneetti himuun murannoo qaban ibsan jedha gabaasni arganne.

 

Kasaaraa ummanni gootummaan falmatee waraana isaarraan gahee fi ummanni jaalalaa fi deeggarsa ABOf qabu ifatti mul’ifattuutti kan shororkaawee fi baarage mootummaan wayyaanee xiyyeeffannaa ummataa kallattii isaa jijjiiree bifa sossobbiitiin ummata lolaan dadhabe shiraan jilbeeffachiisuuf “Wanni dhalate kun dogoggora guddaa dha, rakkoon ummata osoo hin tahin ABO dha jechuun afanfajjii uumuuf dhama’anis ummanni fudhatama dhabsiisee jira.

 

Ummanni diduudhaan dura dhaabbannoo fi fincila isaa itti fufuu kan hubate gartuun TPLF, waraana isaa Kumootaan naannichatti dhangalaasuun ummata Oromoo akka bosonuutti adamsee fixuu itti fufee akka jiruu fi ummannis harka laachuu didee murannoon falmataa jiraatuurraa wayta ammaa kana naannichi dirree lolaatti jijjiiramee akka jiru gabaasni arganne ifa godha.

Oromia: Kenyan Government is Held Accountable for Supporting Ethiopia TPLF Dictatorship and Hunting Freedom Fighters September 21, 2016

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Kenyan Government is Held Accountable for Supporting Ethiopia TPLF Dictatorship and Hunting Freedom Fighters

 

OLF Press Release

Foreign assistance from foreign countries near and far has helped the Tigirean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) government of Ethiopia to stay in power unjustly for the last 25 years. Unintentional or intentional, foreign assistance provided to Ethiopia, has made it difficult for the peoples of Ethiopia to free themselves from the imposed orders of the anti-democracy and anti-human rights TPLF regime of Ethiopia.Because of the current popular uprisings in many parts of the country, the TPLF Ethiopian regime is hysterically paranoid, desperate and callous. In the same way the regime has been protecting its power by force and by begging for foreign support. Now the regime is attempting to enlist the help of neighboring and distant states to save itself from collapsing or to prolong its life. The TPLF regime is using its experience of begging for food handouts also plan to stay in power by soliciting foreign assistance in order to weaken domestic protests, armed and unarmed oppositions. By responding to the sinister invitation from the Ethiopian regime, the Kenyan government has agreed to provide military support and has ordered a joint military operation against the Oromo Liberation Army of Southern Zone.Holding Kenya and the sovereignty of Kenya in contempt, the TPLF regime of Ethiopia has crossed borders into Kenya several times and has been inflicting massive damage on Kenyan citizens under the pretext of searching for OLF/OLA. The crimes Ethiopia’s TPLF army is committing in Kenya include, massacre of the Turkana people, abduction and refoulement of Oromo refugees by interfering and infiltrating Kenyan policy and security operatives. Some Kenyan police fulfilled the wishes of Ethiopian government by letting it avoid responsibility for engaging in wanton criminal activities. The fact that the Kenyan government is entering into alliance once again with the Ethiopian regime by ignoring Ethiopia recurrent attacks against Kenyan civilians will make Kenyan people lose their respect and trust for their own government, which is continuously being treated as a puppet for Ethiopia dictatorship. Fulfilling the interests of the Ethiopian government at the expense of Kenyan interest amounts to complicity in the crimes against humanity being committed by TPLF regime inside Ethiopia and in Kenya’s own territory.

By enlisting the assistance of the Kenyan government, the TPLF regime and the Kenyan government have finalized plans to launch a campaign of attacks against the OLA operating in the south. It has been known that Kenya is planning to participate in this anti-OLA campaign by mobilizing its Special Forces unit GSU (General Service Unit), and its infantry (Kenyan Defense Force) and specially KA1 to take action in Moyale area across the border. There is no doubt that Kenyans citizens opposing the action of Ethiopia totalitarian regime and Oromo refugees are going to be the groups that are going to be the most hurt by Kenya’s blind support for TPLF. This military action by the two forces is not new.

Despite the search and joint operation conducted by Kenyan army and Ethiopia regime military repeatedly before, it has been impossible to stop OLF activities in the south. And it is meaningless if it is thought to reverse the ongoing Oromia wide struggle to uproot the TPLF brutal regime once for all.

Like many failed joint past campaigns, there is no doubt that this campaign is also going to fail again. We believe that it’s clear to everyone at this juncture that as long as the Oromo questions ofbilisummaa (freedom) are not answered, the Oromo liberation struggle will not be contained.

The OLF strongly condemns military, security and other forms of assistance the Kenyan government provides to Ethiopia’s tyrannical regime. Because these acts target freedom fighters struggling for the just cause of their people and because it will contribute to depriving the Oromo of freedom and to perpetuating dictatorship and slavery for the majority, the OLF again strongly asks the Kenyan government to stop providing assistance to the Ethiopian regime. Kenya should not be fighting a proxy war in which it has no stakes just to prolong the life of a dictatorial regime of Ethiopia.

Kenya’s government’s participation in wars planned by Ethiopia has no use except expanding the conflict into a regional conflict. It is possible to learn from the long history of the Oromo people that the Oromo have practiced peaceful relations, respect, love and mutual co-existence with neighboring peoples. Violating this long history/code of brotherhood/ good neighborliness, the role of the Kenyan government should not be one of being a proxy war monger on behalf of the TPLF regime that is staggering to collapse because of concerted and unstoppable popular movements at home. The OLF would like to remind Kenya that it will be responsible for perpetuating dictatorship and injustice and slavery against the Oromo people in Oromia and Ethiopia if it proceeds with this an unwelcome alliance and proxy effort with the fragile military regime of Ethiopia. Kenya will be responsible for all the damages this unholy alliance will inflict on the Oromo people and the Oromo national liberation struggle. Kenya should not interfere in the domestic political affairs of Ethiopia by picking Ethiopia’s regime’s side against the will of the Kenyan people who would want a respected and sovereign Kenya.

We call on the Kenyan people to confront and protest repeated unjust and illegal actions by their government, which will negatively impact the relationships between the peoples of Kenya and the Oromo people and others fighting for freedom from military dictatorship in Ethiopia. Kenyan people have the obligation to hold the Kenyan government accountable; they have the responsibility to object to continued Kenyan interference in the domestic affairs of its neighboring country. This actions will harm Kenyan people, Kenyan history and the relationship of Kenyans with their neighbors.

Beyond silently watching the Ethiopian government shed the bloods of the peoples of the Horn of Africa who struggle for their freedom every day, if the Horn of African countries silently watch the military support Kenya gives to Ethiopia regime, history will judge these governments. We appeal to regional governments to stop the Kenyan government for acting as a proxy warrior for Ethiopia in a conflict that does not concern Kenya and its peoples altogether.

Victory to the Oromo People!
Oromo Liberation Front
September 20, 2016

George Soros Is Investing $500 Million in Refugees September 20, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Billionaire businessman and philanthropist George Soros announced on Tuesday his intention to invest $500 million in startups, existing businesses and initiatives founded by migrants and refugees. In an essay for the Wall Street Journal, Soros criticized the “collective failure to develop and implement effective policies” to address the global migration crisis, and argued that although…

via George Soros Is Investing $500 Million in Refugees — TIME

Oromia: Athletic Nation World Report: Athlete Hajin Tola: Winner of Mississauga CanKen 5K race protests in support of Ethiopia’s Oromo people September 20, 2016

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Winner of Mississauga CanKen 5K race protests in support of Ethiopia’s Oromo people.
Ethiopia’s Hajin Tola won the inaugural CanKen 5K road race in Mississauga, Ont. on Sunday and performed a political protest by crossing his wrists to form an “X.” (Photo: Happy Films Photography.)


 

The inaugural CanKen 5K road race was held on Sunday in Mississauga, Ontario, Canada in an effort to strengthen Kenya-Canada relations through sport, business and community. The 5K was dominated by the Toronto Olympic Club as the event attracted some of southern Ontario’s top talent featuring Kenyan and Ethiopian teams.
At the front of the pack, Ethiopian Hajin Tola won in 14:45 and performed a political gesture crossing his wrists above his head in an “X,” done in solidarity with the Oromo people in his home country. The protest is the fourth such notable act by an Ethiopian at a race in the past month.

How the protests got started
Olympic silver medallist Feyisa Lilesa was the first to make headlines in August when he performed the protest in Rio in the men’s marathon. He feared for his life following the race as the protest was directed at the Ethiopian government.

RELATED: Quebec City Marathon winner Ebisa Ejigu replicates Olympic medallist’s political protest.

The protests are being done in response to the government’s displacing of Oromo people outside of Addis Ababa as the municipal boundary of the capital city is extended into neighbouring areas.

Why the “x” gesture?
The anti-government protest is meant to signify being handcuffed at the wrists. The Oromo people, with much of the population living in an area named Oromia, are the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. As many as 500 people have been killed in the protests between November 2015 and June as reported by Human Rights Watch.

RELATED: Paralympic T13 1,500m silver medallist protests Ethiopian government.

Lilesa, the Olympic marathon silver medallist, performed the protest in Rio and said after the race that “If I go back to Ethiopia, I will be killed.” He has since arrived in the United States on a special skills visa and has not returned to East Africa though his family remains in Ethiopia. A GoFundMe page in his name has raised more than US$160,000 for travel and living costs.

RELATED: Ethiopian Feyisa Lilesa lands in the U.S. after staging political protest in Rio.

Also in Sunday’s race was Ebisa Ejigu who won the Quebec City Marathon at the end of August and also protested against the Ethiopian government. Ejigu finished fourth on Sunday in 15:04.

At the Mississauga race, the first three positions were awarded cash prizes of $1,500, $750 and $500 in both the men’s and women’s categories. Jane Murage was the women’s race winner in 17:16. There were a number of notable figures on hand for the inaugural event including Deputy Kenya High Commissioner to Canada Ambassador Jane Onsongo.

The 1K kids dash encouraged the next generation of runners to participate with a medal being awarded to all participants and trophies going to the top three finishers.

The Toronto Olympic Club won the team trophy for fastest average time and Team Umoja won the largest turnout trophy. Team Umoja is mainly drawn from Kenyans living in Canada. Full results can be found here.

Star Tribune: Oromo Olympian draws big crowd at his Minneapolis appearance September 19, 2016

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 Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

Oromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa on the Guardian. #OrompProtests global icon p1

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Fayyisaa’s welcoming moment at Minneapolis Convention center.


Kun Simannaa Fayyisaa Leellisaaf hawaasti Oromoo Minisootaatiin, Fulbaana 18, 2016.
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Star Tribune: Oromo Olympian draws big crowd at his Minneapolis appearance

Marathon silver medalist seen as a hero for his running as well as his political statement.
oromo-olympian-fayyisaa-leellisaa-feyisa-lilesa-draws-big-crowd-at-his-minneapolis-appearance-18-september-2016

TOM WALLACE, STAR TRIBUNE: Oromo (Ethiopian) Olympian Feyisa Lilesa entered the Minneapolis Convention Center Sunday, Sept 18, 2016 to a crowd of about 1000 well wishers. He won the silver medal in the 2016 Games in Rio and crossed the finish line with his arms crossed in an X, symbolizing the plight of the Oromo in Ethiopia.


Lilesa, 26, became a hero to his people and brought global attention to the plight of the Oromo in Ethiopia when he crossed his arms to form the letter X above his head as he crossed the finish line at the Rio Games.

He did the same as he entered the auditorium Sunday and the crowd erupted in cheers.

The Oromo Community of Minnesota said more than 100 Oromo people were killed in Ethiopia in August alone while peacefully protesting the government’s persecution of the ethnic group.

Lilesa, who faces jail if he returns home, has been granted a special skills visa to the United States so he can train and compete. His wife, 5-year-old son and 3-year-old daughter remain in Ethiopia.

His visit to Minneapolis was sponsored by the Oromo Community of Minnesota, headquartered in St. Paul. The group estimates that up to 40,000 Oromo people are living in Minnesota, but the state demographer’s office puts that number closer to 8,500.


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CNN Connect the World: Marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa tells us why it was so important to highlight his people’s suffering at the Rio 2016 Olympics and #OromoProtests September 17, 2016

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Hero Hero, double hero in Olympic Marathon, Rio 2016 and Oromummaa. Oromo athlete. Fayyisaa Lelisa at press conference. p1

CNN Connect the World: Marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa tells us why it was so important to highlight his people’s suffering at the Rio 2016 Olympics and #OromoProtests

CNN Connect the World: Marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa tells us why it was so important to highlight his people’s suffering at the Rio 2016 Olympics and #OromoProtests

 

 

 

Addis Standard & All Africa: Ethiopia: #OromoProtests – the ‘Oromo Street’ and Africa’s Counter-Protest State, part III September 17, 2016

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Ethiopia: #OromoProtests – the ‘Oromo Street’ and Africa’s Counter-Protest State


ANALYSIS 


In the first part of this series, I explored in historic perspectives (particularly with developments in Oromia regional state) the Ethiopian government’s road to becoming a counter-protest state and the systematic ways in which the regime further bolstered its role as a counter-protest state.

And in the second part I discussed about the surge of popular protests in Ethiopia focusing on the socio-political and party architecture in which the ongoing Oromo protests first took shape. In this third, and last, part I will take a close look at the decades-old simmering tensions between the Oromo nation and successive Ethiopian states, discovering what they reveal about the contemporary politics of the Ethiopian counter-protest state vis a vis its relations with the Oromo protests, which, by several measures, have reached a point of no return.

Decades of simmering tensions

Continuous confrontations and tensions between Oromo protesters and the ruling party manifested in Oromia-wide Oromo protests may not be understood fully unless we look back its history. In order to contextualize the on-going Oromo protests, we must consider decades of relationships between the two confronting parties – the Ethiopian state and the Oromo nation – discovering what they reveal to us about the politics of the Ethiopian counter-protest state, and what they suggest about the future prospects of Ethiopia’s political trajectory.

It is indisputable that this massive movement in Oromia is not simply a political phenomenon whose root is limited to the period between 2006-2015; it goes as far back as the 1960s when modern Oromo political activism was born, and even goes as far back as the formation of the Ethiopian state itself.

Yearning since the 1960s for three overarching questions – language, land, and self-rule – Oromo nationalism has been growing more than ever since the introduction in Ethiopia of the multi-national federalism in the early 1990s. While the Oromo question for land has two parts: the homestead (qee’ee) and the Oromo country (biyya-Oromoo), the issue of language became the foundation of identity question. The third, the Oromo question for self-rule in the course of their national struggle, seemed to have been conceived as an ultimate solution capable of addressing the other two.

These three overarching Oromo questions were aired in the 1960s by the Oromo members of the Ethiopian student movement and the Maccaa-Tuulama Self-help Association, and were later on articulated in the early 1970s in the political program of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). These questions have been dealt with piecemeal in the revolutions of 1974 and 1991.

The 1974 revolution succeeded in the promulgation and implementation of a proclamation answering the country’s pressing demand, which was coined through the famous slogan of the student movement – “land to the tiller”; it was able to return plots/homestead to individual peasant households. With the Oromo in view, the 1974 revolution answered the question of qee’ee (homestead) but it had never attempted to deal with the Oromo question of yearning for biyya-Oromoo (Oromo country). Instead it criminalized the demand presenting it as a treasonable crime. The revolution also addressed the Oromo identity claims by allowing some media outlet for Afaan-Oromoo (Oromo language) but the demand to use Latin alphabet (qubee) was made another treasonable crime.

The political change in 1991, however, went far beyond the offers of its predecessor and dealt with more fundamental issues. Demands of Oromo nationalism was legitimized and institutionalized within the state apparatus when the new regime – for the sake of its own legitimacy – decided to offer concessions to decades old national struggles.

Through the federalism arrangement, it created the long sought after Oromo country within Ethiopia in the form of the Oromia National Regional State with its own regional parliament, Caffee Oromiyaa. It also allowed Afaan Oromoo, which had long been criminalized and heavily suppressed under the imperial and socialist Ethiopia, to be recognized as the medium of instruction in schools throughout Oromia.

But as the rule of the TPLF/EPRF began to unfold the problems inherently linked to its system of rule started to unearth. When in 1991 a coalition of rebels overthrew the Derg, the victorious TPLF-led-EPRDF not only took control of the capital city, expanding daily at the expense of Oromo farmers, but also inherited one of Africa’s oldest authoritarian state form, effectively excluding from the country’s politics, economy and cultural manifestation most of the southern peoples (the Oromo included).

As soon as TPLF took control of the center, a dubious, rather feckless Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), where various political groupings, including Oromo parties of which the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was prominent, was organized in 1992. Perhaps as part of its concerns to take the OLF on board, the TPLF recognized Addis Abeba as the capital of Oromia and promised that the interests of the Oromo people in the city would be accommodated.

The Transitional Charter that established the TGE (1991-1995) declared, “The special national and political interests of the Oromo are reserved over regions 13 [Harari State] and 14 [Addis Abeba].” In 1995, Oromia’s interest in Addis Abeba was once again recognized by the constitution that created the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE). Article 49, sub-article 5 of the constitution states that “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Abeba, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Abeba within the State of Oromia, shall be respected.”

However, the whole scheme boiled down into a political manipulation where the TGE gained the support of Oromo parties and the people’s support for the creation of a lasting TPLF-dominated authoritarian regime. When the TPLF dominated EPRDF ensured its control over Oromia, it went on to purge the OLF out of the TGE in June 1992.

In 1995, when the new constitution transformed TGE into the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE), the TPLF dominated government began employing ambiguities in the constitution and walked in earnest to take full control of Addis Abeba.

In Article 49, where issues of Addis Abeba have been stipulated, three of its sub-articles (sub articles 2, 3 and 5) present contrary provisions, a state of affairs that made the gate wide open for the ruling party’s looming interests over the city. After appointing a TPLF veteran soldier as the mayor of Addis Abeba in 2000, the regime took a bold decision in 2003 to shift Oromia’s capital from Addis Abeba to Adama, 100km southeast of Addis Abeba. When the office of the Oromia regional parliament, Caffee Oromiyaa, was thrown to Adama it appeared that the hope of the Oromo to have their government in the city they believe is the center of Oromia was dashed.

Following the 2003 government decision to transfer Oromia’s seat to Adama the leadership of Maccaa-Tuulama Association (MTA) and Addis Abeba University students immediately organized a protest, which was met with brutal crackdown.

The organizers were imprisoned and MTA was outlawed and had its office looted and dismantled. The university itself dismissed nearly 400 students whom it believed had taken part in the protest. While it was clear that thousands of farmers were evicted between 1995 and 2003, it was, however, the decision to transfer Oromia’s capital from Addis Abeba to Adama that gave birth to the Oromo struggle for Addis Abeba.

The declaration of the proposed “Master Plan” a decade later would mean dashed hopes and broken promises; it breaks up into two what has been known in the narrative of modern Oromo political activism as biyya-Oromoo (Oromo country), a reference to Oromia. On one hand, it is a broken promise because it sustains the regime’s tradition of deciding on issues relevant to biyya-Oromoo without the consent of the Oromo nation. In fact, many believed the implementation of “the Master Plan” would come close to restoration of the former Shewa governorate-general, which in turn would mean a renewed wave of cultural invasion on the Oromo as much as a territorial break up of Oromia.

Addis Abeba’s expansion in historical times had scored the highest record in eviction of the surrounding farmers in its environs, namely, Tuulama Oromo, but the EPRDF regime took this to a new level previously unmatched in Ethiopia’s history. Most peasant households have been and still are poor in Ethiopia but they live on their land and depend on its produce for their livelihoods, whatever its sufficiency.

Tuulama Oromo in this regard appear the most unfortunate for encountering endless evictions since at least the 18th century. Left in isolation from the Oromia National Regional State, Ethiopians in all walks of life, and undoubtedly the TPLF/EPRDF regime, the Tuulama Oromo have been forced to bear unbearable projects accompanying the regime’s intent (whatever the name attached to it) of expanding the city of Addis Abeba with no regard to their way of being.

Coherently conscious

The Oromo population constitutes nearly 40 per cent of Ethiopia’s estimated population of 100 million. Some are adherents of Islam (being involved in more than one sect); others follow different sects of Christianity, and still others adhere to Waaqeffannaa, the Oromo indigenous belief system. In rural Oromia, their social organizations exhibit diverse historical experiences and regional patterns. These few remarks help us appreciate the internal diversity of Ethiopia’s largest ethno-nation.

So far, a number of scholars have made serious attempts to understand the contemporary political status of this diversity within the Oromo nation. While some treated them as a nation others seriously question that status. This diversity, for example, in the eyes of Gebru Tareke, an Ethiopian scholar, made the Oromo nation “a vastly dispersed people with no history of political unity since the sixteenth century.”

Another scholar, John Markakis, wrote, “From the beginning of their historic [population movement] the Oromo did not forge unity above the tribal level, nor did they ever coordinate their efforts for a common purpose. Each tribe pursued its own destiny entirely independent of the others, and inter-tribal warfare was the rule rather than the exception.” Historian Bahru Zewde on his part says “… the incorporation of the nineteenth century has resulted in the denigration of Oromo culture and identity,” but plainly denies the fact that an Oromo country has ever existed before the twentieth century; he argues against a map of Oromo country – Ormania – made by a German missionary J.L. Krapf based on primary historical data he collected ‘during an eighteen-years residence in eastern Africa’ in mid 19th century.

 While Gebru Tareke and John Markakis have taken Oromo internal diversity far beyond limits, it is fairly recognizable that Oromo internal diversity led to considerable divisions that played key roles not only in their historical experiences with Ethiopian systems of rule but also in creating within themselves fissured political groupings.

But the fact that the ongoing Oromo protests engulfed the whole of Oromia in merely three weeks’ time threw some light on the perspectives of these scholars – Gebru and Markakis, for example – who consistently argued against the presence of the Oromo’s nationhood.

 By claiming that Oromoness is counterfeit, that it never existed, that Oromo nation possess within itself lots of local and cultural diversity to develop any coherent consciousness and never possessed an overarching sense of “nationhood”, or that they are inseparably intermingled with various other peoples, “the opponents believe that they can divide, destroy, or, perhaps, wish away Oromo nationalism,” to use the words of Herbert Lewis, who wrote The Development of Oromo Political Consciousness from 1958 to 1994.

While this attitude has clear origins in politics and “interests,” it is facilitated by the general social science discourse that still tends to discount or decry ethno-nationalism. Yet this kind of internal diversity which some scholars employed to question the very existence of the Oromo as a nation is seriously called into question with the start of Oromo protests in November 2015.

Many scholars attempted to understand the challenges of the Oromo national struggle in isolation from the political developments in that tumultuous region of Ethiopia and the horn of Africa. But the on-going Oromo movement appears to have overcome lots of deterring factors long-lived in the Oromo national struggle. In less than four weeks what the Oromo people regarded as a serious threat to their national identity caused a union of massive popular movement that engulfed the whole of Oromia.

A case in point is how Oromo national identity, Oromummaa, has been built over decades and the significant impact it has in uniting a population of close to 40 million for a coherent cause. Oromoness is a reference to all those features that make up Oromo personality.

It is constituted by the entirety of the Oromo culture. It is worth noticing that Oromo activists, artists, political commentators, scholars and politicians appear to have successfully campaigned over the last two decades highlighting the fact that Oromummaa transcends differences in political opinions, religions, and all sorts of background, a concept well articulated in the works of Oromo scholars such as Assefa Jaleta.

Readjusting the narrative

Apparently placed at a precarious position, many scholarly works need to be revisited; there is a need to further investigate facts and collect empirical data to create effective analytical frameworks capable of capturing the whole, more nuanced scenario that would help us better understand the Oromo nation and its indisputable place in the Ethiopian state.

Only then can we appreciate and understand why and how various Oromo politicians chose to establish different political parties after the onset of the 1974 revolution; have decided to join rival political groupings not founded for separate Oromo cause; have even joined the dictatorial military regime – a clear indication that even those of similar social and religious backgrounds understood Oromo problems differently and likewise proposed disputing routes of political struggle.

Only then can we clearly comprehend why Oromia has in the last quarter a century exhibited spatial and temporal mismatch on concerns of opposition to the EPRDF regime. Without readjusting our existing narratives it will be hard to understand how and why the 2014 and the on-going Oromo protest movement overlap and deviate.

Our understanding of the cultural and socio-political stances that are being taken through the Oromo protests movement can also be appreciated when placed into context with issues related to the wider Horn of Africa.

A more accurate contextualizing of these stances can be viewed within the affairs of Ethiopia’s broader issues, and their complexities. The same understanding appeared to have been useful to inform narratives shaping the future of the Oromo national struggle. The days of hiding behind Oromo internal diversity as Ethiopia’s numerical majority with subaltern political constructs are gone, and will not come back again.

It is also incumbent upon us to understand that taking opportunities offered in the current multinational federal system, Oromo youth at secondary schools and junior colleges throughout Oromia, and the ever expanding universities have for the last two and half decades propagated their literature, folklore, music, songs, poetry, theatre, drama, and other forms of cultural revival and actions in these concepts of the Oromo cultural movement. Taking into account the growth of federal universities from less than five when TPLF/EPRDF took power in 1991 to over 30 in 2015, it becomes important to see the relationship between this considerable expansion in higher education and the growth in modern Oromo political activism.

While ‘economic solvency’ remains one of the fundamental points of the Oromo people’s opposition to ‘the Master Plan’, for the growing Oromo consciousness it is by no means comparable to the Ethiopian regime’s project of posing immeasurable challenges to the concept of Oromoness altogether, and all of what it means from the central parts of Oromia, the territory the Oromos believe is “handhuura-Oromia” (Oromia’s bellybutton).

Understanding this is at the same time one of the pillars in symbolization and conceptualization of Oromoness in the minds of the Oromo people. It is such understanding of Oromoness which seems to have brought the new generation of OPDO, discussed in part two of this series, to openly speak against “the Master Plan” in April 2014. There is little doubt that the Oromo nation conceived ‘the Master Plan’ as a threat to their national identity. Styled after popular Arsii tradition, “namni lafa hinqabne, nama lafee hinqabne,” (a person without land is a person without bones).

Hope for millions

After nearly five decades of struggle, the Oromo seem to have learnt from experience and history that an attack on one part is an attack on the whole. Collective memory helps a society to understand both its past, present, and by implication, to imagine its future. It is important to underline here that it is the memory of past injustices and the contemporary aims of the TPLF/EPRDF regime against the future of the Oromo nation that has served as one of the most important tools stirring the ongoing protest.

The Oromo protesters believed that “the Master Plan” violates the territorial integrity and identity of the Oromo and their aspiration to become a self ruling nation. In the perspectives of the protesters rallies across Oromia are rallies for self-defence. The progress of Oromo nationalism over decades appear to have succeeded to present the cause of the Oromo of the central region as the cause of all.

While the government employs the same old narrative of “we have made it possible for Ethiopia’s oppressed nations for the first time to use their own language and exercise their cultures,” public political consciousness seems to have navigated far ahead of this narrative.

As protesters have proved for themselves through their practical experiences that the regime has very little room for implementation of provisions in the same constitution drafted and promulgated under its own dominance, they took up constitutional provisions as weapons against it.

In short, the constitution has become for the Oromo protesters what James Scott theorized as “weapon of the weak.” As the protests set out to start the systematic use of provisions in the constitution by dissent voices within OPDO, the protesters and the opposition became united. It is mainly in this sense that the regime’s propaganda to present the protesters as “terrorists” and “anti-peace” failed to bear fruit.

The struggle for Addis Abeba and the adjacent territories presents the Oromo people with a choice between survival and annihilation as a cultural unit and as a nation. It is this understanding that managed to mobilize the entire Oromo nation throughout Oromia region and tested the limits of the counter protest state that Ethiopia is.

This popular perception has clearly succeeded in establishing in the minds of Ethiopia’s single largest nation that “the struggle for Addis Abeba is the struggle for Oromia.” EPRDF’s killing is far from threatening the Oromo people and all indication suggest that there is no turning back. The slogans have now changed from “No to the Master Plan,” “Oromia is not for sale,” and “Oromia needs autonomous self-government,” to “justice for our blood and lives.”

It is also a hope of millions of Oromo and many more that it is upon the Oromo national struggle to give birth to an efficient national political narrative that, while not compromising unanswered historical questions in Oromia, gives rise to a country-wide coalition of political parties that can realize the old democratic demands of the peoples of Ethiopia, a state of affairs Ethiopia had missed to realize at many historical trajectories.

Despite age-old terrains of relations among various groups of peoples in Ethiopia and the Horn, and where the Oromo people deeply and actively involved themselves for generations, Oromo struggle is a struggle for self-rule as well as one for democracy, struggle for both group and individual rights. Signs of overcoming disagreements and standing together for common cause are being observed at this point of the Oromo national struggle. Appreciable is unequivocal banners carried out by Amhara protesters in support of their Oromo brethren and statements made by some Oromo and Amhara political parties and dialogues initiated by their respective media outlets.

TPLF/EPRDF’s approach of facing popular protests with bloody crackdowns is no longer keeping Ethiopia as a state. The persistence of the Oromo people in the face of the counter protest state’s ruthlessness will also soon begin to reflect itself within the Horn of Africa’s fragile peace and stability position. Any concerned party, be it domestic or international, which takes seriously the Horn of Africa’s peace and stability, must not only understand the framework of today’s popular demands (that refuse to turn back in Ethiopia’s Oromia region), but must also become grounded in the particular historical contexts of this framework.

Ed’s Note: Etana Habte is a PhD Candidate at the Department of History, SOAS, University of London. He can be reached at:ittaanaa@gmail.com


Click here to read related article on #OromoProtests: OPINION: THE QILINTO MASSACRE: THE TRUTH SHALL BE REVEALED

Ibsa Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo: “Ayyaana Irreecha Guddicha Bu’aa Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoon Kan Argamee As Gahe Qabsoon Kunuunfanna” September 17, 2016

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Ka'i Qeerro

Oromia and the continuitity its Nile Valley Civilization, Irreecha Malkaa 2015 ( 6409 years since started on upper Nile (Mormore) Valley)Irreecha Malkaa Oromoo kan Bara 2015 Hora Harsadi, Bishoftuu, Oromia, Africa. Onkoloolessa 4,  2015  (6409 ALO)Oromia and the continuity its Nile Valley Civilization, Irreecha Malkaa 2015 ( 6409 years since started on upper Nile (Mormore) Valley)


Ayyaanni  Irreechaa kabajamaa fi jaalatamaan uummata Oromoo miliiyoona kudhanootaan kan kabajamu bu’aa  qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo wareegama qaalii lafee gootota Oromoo fi dhiiga gootota Oromoon tikfamee hardha ga’ee , yeroo ammaa kanattis ayyaana Irreechaa fi aadaa Oromoo kunuunsanii tiksuun dhalootaaf dabarsuuf gootonni Oromoo wareeegama qaalii itti baasaa jiru. Baroota darban keessa ayyaana Irreechaa kabajuuf jecha ummanni Oromoo fi sabboontotiin hedduun waraana Agaazii fi Poolisoota sirna TPLFn hedduu dararamanii jiru, gariin qabsaawotaa fi dargaggoonni Oromoo bakka irreecha kabajatanii fi kabajuuf deemanitti reebamuun kanneen qaamaa hirdhatan hedduu dha. Warri hidhamanii hanga ammaa bakka buuteen isaanii wallaalalme dhibbootaa  hedduu dha. Kanas ta’ee gootonni Qeerroo Bilisummaa hiraarsa kora bittinneessaan osoo hin jilbeeffatiin ayyaana Irreechaa Oromiyaa bakkoota adda addaatti kabajamu sirna miidhagaan kabajachuun aadaa Oromoo aduunyaatti muldhisaa turan. Haalleen dararaa fi gufaatii sirni Wayyaanee TPLF ummata keenya irraan gahu hunda keessa qaxaamuruun bu’aa gootota wareegamanii kan ta’e Ayyaana Irreechaa kana daran midhagsuu fi aduunyaatti muldhisuuf har’a sadarkaa UNESCO itti galmaa’aa jiraachuun qabsoo Oromootiif injifatnoo tokko.

Haala kana keessatti  Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo Ayyaana Irreechaa Birraa kan baranaa 2016 Hora Arsadiitti kabajamuuf yeroo jiru kana keessatti, Oromiyaa fi ummanni Oromoo bulchiisa waraanaa yoomyyuu caalaa suukanneessaa kan ta’e jala galtee jirti. Ayyaanni guddaan saba Oromoo biratti jaallatamaa ta’e kun duula waraana TPLF Oromiyaa fi Oromoo irratti labse kana cabsuun ummata miliyoona hedduun kabajamuuf Oromoota biratti qophii guddaa irra jirama. Bara kana ayyaanni Irreechaa kabajamu kun dhaadannoo  ‘ Ayyaana Irreecha Guddicha  Bu’aa Qabsoo Bilisummaa Oromoon Kan Argamee As Gahe Qabsoon Kunuunfanna”jedhuun kan kabajamuu waan ta’eef Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo  uummata isaa cufa waliin ta’uun ayyaana Irreecha 2016 kabajamu bifa adda ta’een kabajachuuf kan jirru  ta’uu hubachisuun haala kabaja ayyaanaa Irreecha bara kana sadarkaa hundarratti  kabajamu  ilaalchisuun Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo  uummata Oromoo, sabootaa fi sabalammoota kabajaa fi jaalaala ayyaana irreechaa Oromoof qaban hundaaf Ibsa kanaa gadii dabarsee jira.

  1. Ayyaanni Irreechaa bakka uummatnı Oromoo Waaqa isa uume ıttı galateeffatu, kadhatuu fi wal arguun waliin İrreeffachuu Aadaa, Duudhaa, eenyummaa, Oromummaa , Sabboonummaa isaa itti jabeeffatuu fi tikfatu ta’uun gadi jabeessuun hubachiifna;
  2. Biyyaatti Impayera Ethiopia humna waraana mootummaa EPRDF/TPLF gaggeeffamaa jirtu keessatti ayyaanota gurguddoo kabajaman keessa ayyaanni Irreechaa qofti bara baraan loltoota EPRDF, TPLF fi ergamtoota isaaniin uummatni nagaan ayyaaneffachuuf bahuu daandii irratti goolamaa , reebamaa, hidhamaa, daraaraamaa fi hiraarsaa ulfaataan kan isa  mudachaa ture.  Ummatni Oromoo haala rakkisaa kana hundaa tokkummaa fi kabajaa fi jaalala eenyummaa isaa kan ibsuu ayyaana Irreechaaf qabu  obsaa fi murannoon jala dhaabbatee wareegama baasaa kabajachaa har’a ga’ee. Bara kanas TPLF /Wayyaaneen Irreechaa 2016  karaa dhaaba jalee isaa OPDO  maqaaf Aadaaf Turizimiin karoora danqaa tatta’an baafachuun ummati Oromoo ifaa fi bilisaan akka ayyaanicha hin kabajneef shira xaxaa jira.  Karoorri OPDO kun hatattamaan ummata keenya irraa ka’ee Oromoon bilisaan ayyaana qabsoon argate kana akka kabajatu warra karoora shiraa wixinee ummata rakkisu karoora kana akka kaasaan gaafatna;
  3. Mootummaan Wayyaanee OPDOn ummata Oromoo waaqa uumaa kee illee eeyyama koo malee waaqeffachuu fi ayyaaneffachuu hın dandeessuu jechuun mirga uumamaan uummatni keenya qabu  ırraa sarbuun anatu siif beekaa akkan jedhetti malee waaqeffachuu hin dandeessuu jechuun shoroorkaa uummataa keenyarratti gaggeessaa jiran hatattamaan akka dhaabbatu Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo gadi jabeessuun ni hubachiisa.  Jaarmiyaaleen mirga namummaa Idil-addunyaa hundii rakkoo ulfaataa uummatni keenyaa keessa jiru akka hubatanii fi dhiibbaa  wayyaanee irratti akka jabeessus sabboontotni biyya alaa jirtan gadi jabeessitanii akka irratti hojjettan cimsinee gaafatna;
  4. Qeerroon dargaggootni Oromoo haamilee uummata keenyaa fi qabsoo bilisummaa bara dheeraa  ummatni keenya irratti wareegamaa jiruuf kabaja fi jaalalaa qabnu  muldhisuun jeequmsa kamuu osoo hin uumne Oromiyaa, gootota Oromoo qabsoof wareegaman faarsuun ummata haamlessuu fi diddaa sirna gabroomfataaf qabnu muldhisuu irratti jabaannee akka hojjennu hubachiifna;
  5. Ayyaana kana irratti hogganootii fi miseensotiin Qeerroon Bilisummaa Oromoo bakka jirtan hundatti tokkummaa, jaalalaa fi kabajaa ummata  keenyaa fi gootota keenyaa wareegamaa qaalii kanfaluun asiin nu ga’an faarsuun eegumsa naamusaa,daa’immanii , Shamarranii fi Maanguddootaaf akkasumaas uummata keenyaa waliigalaaf akka goonu dhaamsa Oromummaa fi dirqama dhalootaa waliif dabarsina;
  6. Jalbultii Ayyaana İrreechaa barana Fulbaana 20-21, 2016 Wayyaanee TPLF fi ergamtooti isaa OPDOn muddamanii waan qabanii dhiisan dhabuun maqaa waldorgommii İspoortii jedhu gaggeessuun yaada ummataa hanga tokko warraaqsaa FXG irraa jallaisuu dandeenya jettee toftaa dulloomaa ishee butachuun olola afaan fajjii gaggeessuuf akka jirtu saaxilameera. Ummatni Oromoo dhumaa utuu jiruu, hidhaa keessatti  dararaa hiriyyaa hin qabne irra gahaa osoo jiruu biyyi keenya  Oromiyaan waraanaan shororkeeffamaa utuu jiruu shirri itti fakkeessi TPLFn wixinamee OPDOtti kenname kun salphinaa fi farrummaa qabsoo Oromoo waan ta’eef dargaggoonni Oromoos ta’e ummanni Oromoo bakka shiraa maqaa Ispoortiin qopaawee kana akka hin geenyee fi irraa akka of qusatan dhaamsa lammummaa wareegmtoota dabarsina;
  7. Ummatni Oromoo biyya isaa keessatti mootummaa hin qabu; Media Mootummaas hin qabu; poolisii isa eeguu , nageenyaa fi mirga isaa kan kabachiisu hin qabu; Oromoon wal malee homaa waan hin qabneef bakka jirtaan hundatti jaalala, tokkummaa fi kabaja Oromummaa waliif akka qabaattanii nagaan baatanii nagaan qe’ee keessanitti akka deebitaniif akka wal tiksitaniif waamichaa keenyaa dabarsina. Meidaleen walabaa Oromoo jalbultii ayyaana Irreechaa irraa eegaluun ayyaanichaa fi qophii isaa aduunyaatti muldhisuun akka miidhagsitan waamicha keenya dabarsina;
  8. Mootummaan Wayyaanee shiroota garaagaraa jalbuitii Ayyaana İrreechaa rawwachuuf jiru qindeessaa jira. Shiroota kanneen keessa ammaaf kan saaxilame Fajjii qabsoo bilisummaa Oromoo alaabaa ABO har’a uummaatni Oromoo golee fi Oromiyaa cufa keessatti qabatee  ittiin warraaqsa gaggeefataa jiru fi  jaalaalaa, kabaja uummatni ABO faajjii qabsoo isaaf qabu argisiisaa kan jiru kana gaafa jala bultii ayyaana Irreechaa irraa kaasee basaasotiin Wayyaanee bal’inaan karaa irra dhaabbatanii gurguruun nama alaabaa bitu hordofuun qabuuf shira guddaa xaxaa jiru. Ummanni keenyaa fi dargaggoonni keenya kana hubachuun alaabaa Oromoo kan Wayyaaneen gurgurtaaf dhiheessaa jirtu akka irraa hin bitne gadi jabeessinee dhaamsa dabarsina;
  9. Ayyaanii Irreecha birraa 2016 sadarkaa godinaaleetti waan itti fufuuf qabxiilee ibsa kana irratti taarrifaman bakka iyyuutti yaadachaa muuxannoo Hora Arsadiitti argattan irraa kabaja Ayyaana Irreechaa godinaalee irrattis bifa ho’aa, naamusa ol aanaan  fi qindaa’aan akka kabajamu waltaanee gamtaan kan irratti hojjennu ta’uu dhaamsa keenyaa dabarsina.

 

Injifannoon Uummata Oromoof!!

         

                Gadaan Gadaa Bilisummaati!!

 

                Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo!!

         

            Fulbaana 16, 2016 Finfinnee

 

Konso: #KonsoProtests Alert! #OromoProtests Alert! Fascist Ethiopia’s regime (TPLF) is conducting genocide against Konso people (indigenous people in Southern Ethiopia). September 17, 2016

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The current  fascist Ethiopia’s regime also known as TPLF (Woyane), a criminal group from minority Tigray tribe,  in northern Ethiopia is conducting genocidal mass killings against Konso people.  TPLF  has occupied Konso land, killing the people and burning the entire town and villages. The Konso are one  of the very ancient people in East Africa and their historical villages are UNESCO World Heritage.

konso-cultural-landscape

 

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Agazi’s new tactic, burn homes to ground along inhabitants. This was done to Konso people in Aylota-Dokatu & Lulito towns yesterday September 13, 2016. Hundreds homes were destroyed and death is reported. All the Konso people are asking to be granted zonal status which their right enshrined within the constitution. The federation council accepted their appeal last week yet the federal army in burning their homes. Jawar Mohammed


SORRY BUT THE KONSO UNESCO REGISTERED WORLD HERITAGE SITE HAS BEEN BURNT TO ASHES
Xiixaa Buubaa Sardaa• with Darajjee M. Billii

Yesterday, we heard (Listen to VOA Amharic & Afaan Oromoo, transmitted on 9/15/2016 17:30-19:00 GMT), over the past 1 month, both the elected local Konso District leaders & leaders of the Regional State of Southern Ethiopian Peoples Nations & Nationalities (SEPNN) are counter-blaming one another for what they call “genocide on the Konso people”. The Konso People speak Afaan Oromo in its other southern Ethiopian Kushites accent/dialects and still retain the ancient Gada Socio-politico-theological System and Qaalluu Ancestral Spirituality. Moreover, they retain the eschatology of preserving in sarcophagus of the Spirits of the dead that we know in Ancient Kemet/Egyptian turned to a battle ground, the Konso District’s UNESCO registered world heritage site was burned into ash by government security forces of Ethiopia. Konso Cultural Landscape is a 55km2 arid property of stone walled terraces and fortified settlements in the Konso highlands of Ethiopia. It constitutes a spectacular example of a living cultural tradition stretching back 21 generations (more than 400 years) adapted to its dry hostile environment. The landscape demonstrates the shared values, social cohesion and engineering knowledge of its communities. Stone steles in the towns express a complex system of marking the passing of generations of leaders.

On April 2016, William Davidson wrote on the guardian as Protests sparked by the arrest of Konso leader Kala Gezahegn underlined growing tensions between Ethiopia’s central govelrnment and many ethnic populations. Now it has been over a period of 7 months since the Konso people has started protesting against the injustice and maladministration by the forcefully established Zone- Segen Area People’s Zone. The Konso people who were formerly administered under a Special District status in SNNPRS, had been unconstitutionally forced to form a zone with other neighboring ethnic groups, dropping from a ‘Special District’ status to a District in the newly formed zone. That sparked complaints from the people but no one gave an ear to the people that time. The zone government then grabbed three Kebeles from Konso to create a new city structure in Sagan town. This was also followed by the deduction of annual budget allocated to Konso District without being approved by the District council representing the people. This gave momentum to the silent and peaceful popular protests in every corner in Konso since then. Despite the loyalty of the people to the constitution of the country, the government in power at all levels has failed to give a constitutional answer to the people appeal for establishing a self-governed Zone as per the law of the country.
Now, the Konso people is under military siege some months ago. No freedom of movement, no education for children… all offices closed. Worst the innocent farmers are being shot to death by security forces. Konso cultural landscapes tell the incremental story of human progression—how regular people have taken the sum total of their knowledge and applied it to living in their natural surroundings. They are another way in which history comes alive through the built environment, and their importance is recognized by UNESCO. Beside their ten months long protests the indigenous people of Konso now lost both their life and heritage. After 400 years of conservation now Konso-world heritage site is destroyed with fire set by security forces of Ethiopian government, world community have to take part in identifying the cause and take measures on guilty body.


 

Oakland Institute: Ethiopia: The Time for Change is Now! #OromoProtests September 17, 2016

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Ethiopia: The Time for Change is Now!


Last weekend on the eve of two large celebrations in Ethiopia—the Ethiopian New Year and the beginning of Eid al-Adha festivities—the Ethiopian authorities pardoned approximately 1,000 people, 135 of whom had been charged under the country’s draconian Anti-Terrorism Proclamation. Amongst those released were leaders of theEthiopian Muslim community, who have been in jail since July 2012 when they were detained for protesting against governmental interference in religious affairs.1

Ethiopian army soldiers monitoring Suri people during a festival in Kibish. Credit: Oakland Institute.
Ethiopian army soldiers monitoring Suri people during a festival in Kibish. Credit: Oakland Institute.

While the release of these political prisoners is welcome, we must not be fooled by this supposedly “generous” act. The Ethiopian government frequently issues pardons at times of international scrutiny. Before President Obama’s trip to Ethiopia in July 2015, for instance, numerous high profile political prisoners were released, including Bekele Gerba,2 Reeyot Alemu, and several of the Zone 9 Bloggers. Pardons like these are strategic. They are meant to make the Ethiopian government look reasonable, with the hope that the international community will be pacified and look the other way.

But the abuses continue, and cannot be ignored.

Just two days after the pardons, it was reported that two more Ethiopian opposition members had been arrested. On September 3rd, at least 23 prisoners died “under disputed circumstances” when a fire broke out in Ethiopia’s notorious Kilinto jail. Those jailed at Kilinto include numerous Oromo protesters, former World Bank translator Omot Agwa, and prominent Oromo opposition politician, Bekele Gerba. Local news reports allege that prison guards opened fire on the detained during the fire.

And let us not forget the thousands that remain behind bars, having not been included in what appears to have been an arbitrary set of pardons.

Mounting Pressure

The Ethiopian government has good reason to worry about the growing dissent in the country. The past months have seen increased unity in the courageous fight for democracy and human rights. Community members engaged in the struggle told Oakland Institute staff “there will be no jubilation until all political prisoners, regardless of religious or ethnicity, are released.”

International pressure, too, has mounted. On September 12th, Rep. Chris Smith introduced House Resolution 861, entitled “Supporting human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.” The bill recounts the many abuses taking place in Ethiopia – from the impact of the villagization program on the Anuak in Gambella, to the numerous unlawful arrests made under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation; the crackdown on civil society organizations under the Charities and Societies Proclamation to the numerous extrajudicial killings that have taken place during this past year’s protests – and calls for strong action, both by the US and Ethiopian governments. One day later, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights expressed deep concern in his opening remarks before the Human Rights Council regarding the “lethal use of force against protesters, enforced disappearances, and mass detentions” by Ethiopian forces. He reaffirmed his previous calls for an “independent, impartial, and international” investigation.

Solidarity actions are also taking root in the US. On Friday September 16th, the Oromo Renaissance Organization will hold a peaceful rally in Oakland to “denounce the deadly crackdown … on peaceful protesters in Oromia and other regions of the country.”3 Earlier this week, Olympic silver medalist Feyisa Lilesa held a high-profile press conference in Washington DC, bringing significant international media attention to the plight of not just the Oromo people, but those in Amhara and Gambella as well. Lilesa will hold another press conference on September 18th in Minneapolis, hosted by the Oromo Community of Minnesota.4

A Critical Moment for Ethiopia

This is a critical moment for Ethiopia. The US Government, United Nations leaders, and the international media are all paying attention to the abuses taking place, and finally giving these atrocities the attention they deserve. Now, more than ever, the international community needs to follow through on its responsibility. We must not accept the introduction of a bill or the pardoning of 1,000 as enough. Instead, we must continue to call for universal human rights, democracy, and justice across Ethiopia.

The time for change in Ethiopia is now!


Footnotes

 

  • [1] Their sentencing was condemned by the Chairman of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, who called the Muslim leaders “peaceful advocates for religious freedom.”
  • [2] Bekele Gerba was rearrested in December 2015, and continues to languish in jail.
  • [3]The peaceful rally, coordinated by the Oromo Renaissance Organization, will be held on Friday September 16 from 11am – 2pm at 1301 Clay Street in Oakland, CA.
  • [4] The press conference with Feyisa Lilesa, hosted by the Oromo Community of Minnesota, will be held at 12:00pm on Sunday September 18th at the Minneapolis Convention Center, 1301 2nd Ave S., in Minneapolis, MN.

 

RUNNING INTO TROUBLE: A life of discrimination and fear led an Ethiopian marathoner to protest on the world stage September 17, 2016

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At night, Feyisa Lilesa and his friends hid in the farms to evade the security forces who were arresting people across the country. As a 15-year-old growing up in Oromia region, Lilesa says he was always aware that many of his fellow citizens didn’t approve of the government’s treatment. But the moment of awakening for…

via A life of discrimination and fear led an Ethiopian marathoner to protest on the world stage — Quartz

VOA: Congressman Smith and Athlete Feyissa Lelisa at Capitol Hill. #OromoProtests September 13, 2016

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Oromo Olympic marathon athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa in the social and international media. #OrompProtests global icon. p7

 

Press Conference to announce the introduction of a House Resolution “Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia.” Oromo Olympic marathon runner who won silver in Rio, Feyisa Lelisa was invited to this event to make a remark and meet with U.S. Representatives.

 

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Oromo Ethiopian diaspora community optimistic about human rights bill

Several dozen members of the Oromo Ethiopian diaspora community expressed support for recently introduced legislation aimed at curbing human rights abuses in that country during a press conference outside the U.S. Capitol on Tuesday. Click here to read more.


CNS News: Rep. Smith on Ethiopia Rights Abuses: ‘Abomination When You Torture Your Own Citizens,’ click  here to read more.


Related, Media reporting Fayyisaa Leellisaa:-

Afk Insider: 12 Things You Didn’t Know About Ethiopian Marathon Runner Feyisa Lilesa, click here to read. 

 

Washington Post: Olympian Feyisa Lilesa: From Rio to America, I will keep fighting Ethiopia’s oppression, click here to read.

CNN: Olympic runner Feyisa Lilesa: ‘I will be killed if I go back to Ethiopia’, click here to read.

Al Jazeera: Feyisa Lilesa, who won silver for Ethiopia at Olympic Games in Rio, wants “superiority of one ethnic group to end”, click here to read.

Fox Sports: Ethiopian marathoner remains in US on visa after protest


QUARTZ Africa: SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE:Defiant marathoner Feyisa Lilesa has taken Ethiopia’s protests to the United States


The Guardian: Feyisa Lilesa: being an athlete allowed me to be the voice of my people


Mail Online: Olympic runner yearns for peace, fears bloodletting in Ethiopia


Foreign Policy

Tesfa News


 


Oromia: Athletic Nation World Report: The Rio 2016 Paralympic: Athlete Tamiru Demisse showed solidarity with #OromoProtests against the tyrannic Ethiopia’s regime as he claimed a silver medal, following a protest gesture made by Olympic counterpart Fayyisaa Leellisaa (Feyisa Lilesa). Gootichi Oromoo Atleet Taammiruu Demisee Paralympic Riyoo tti tibba injifate mallattoo mormii Oromoo agarsiise. September 13, 2016

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Oromo athlete Tamiru Demisse has registered double victory in the Rio 2016 Paralympic as he stands with #OromoProtests on world stage.

Injifannoo dacha dachaa: Gootich Oromoo, Atleet Taammiruu Demisee Paralympic Riyoo irratti injifannoo irratti injifannoo galmeesse. Akkuma Fayyisaa Leellisaa FXG Oromoo Adunyaatti ibse.

 

Oromo Paralympian makes protest gesture on finish line – video

oromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-in-solidarity-with-oromoprotests-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympic-he-is-the-silver-medal-winneroromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-in-solidarity-with-oromoprotests-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympic-he-is-the-silver-medallist

 

Oromo athlete Tamiru Demisse (Center) shows solidarity in the world stage with #OromoProtests after the final of men’s 1500m of the Rio 2016 Paralympic.He is the silver medal winner at the event. Tamiru Demisse is 22 years old ( Born October 7, 1993).

oromo-athlete-tamiru-demisse-center-reacts-after-the-final-of-mens-1500m-of-the-rio-2016-paralympic

 

Silver medalist Tamiru Demisse also refused to sing #Ethiopia national anthem in protest against the oppressive regime

silver-medalist-tamiru-demisse-also-refused-to-sing-ethiopia-national-anthem-in-protest-agnst-the-oppressive-regime-oromoprotests-11-september-2016-at-rio


Oromo Oromo athletes Tamiru Demisse (C), Megersa Tasisa (L) and sport journalist Adugna Angasu (R) who are in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil for the Paralympic 2016 show solidarity in a world stage to #OromoProtests, 11 September 2016.

oromo-oromo-athletes-tamiru-demisse-c-megersa-tasisa-l-and-sport-journalist-adugna-angasu-r-who-are-in-rio-de-janeiro-brazil-for-the-paralympic-2016-show-solidarity-in-a-world-stage-to-oromo

Atleetiin Oromoo Damiseee Taammiruu ‘RioParalympic’ (Oloompikii qaama miidhamtootaa) irratti Fiigicha meetra 1500 irratti sadarkaa 2ffaan  injifatee harka isaas waliin qaxxaamursee diddaa wayyaanee mul’isee injifannoo dachaa galmeessee jira.Kana kan raawwate Fulbaana 11 bara 2016 tti.  Atleet Damiseen qaama miidhamaa yoo tahu ijji isaa takk0 hin agartu.  Gootichi kun garuu addunyaa irratti  saba isaa, saba Oromoof injifannoo guddaa fi boonsaa galmeesse jira . Wanti nama ajaa’ibu garuu atileetiin kun 1ffaa bahuu ni danda’a ture. Yoo sarara seenuuf xiqqo hafuuf mallattoo fincila xumura garbummaa Oromoo mul’isuuf jedhee hanga inni harka isaa ol qabu duubaa dhufanii bira dabranii saba isaaf jedhee 2ffaa bahuuf dirqame.

Itti dabaleesi  Damisee Taammiruu yoo badhaasa fudhatuus alaabaan Itoophiyaa (wayyanee) akka ol hin baane dhoorkee yoo faaruun alaabaa Itoophiyaa faarfamtuus afaan qabatee jibba qabuuf mul’ise. Akkasumaas wayta baayyee harka isaa ol kaasuun mormii isaa irra deddeebi’ee mul’isaa ture. Atileetiin kun saba isaatiif jedhee wareegama qaalii injifannoo dachaa galmeesse. Innillee Itoophiyatti gale taanaan miidhaa hamaatu isa qunnama. Wayyaaneen aara Fayyisaa mara irratti dabalattee miiti. Kanaaf Oromoon addunyaarra jirtan akkuma inni daandii Fayyisaa Lalisaa baase irra deeme, nutiis daandii Fayyisaaf irra deemne irra haa deemnuuf. Isa waliin  ‘RioParalympic’  irra kan turan Atleet  magarsaa Taasisaa fi gazexeessaa Adunyaa Angaasuu isa waliin  mallattoo fincila xumura garbummaa agarsiisaniiru.


https://oromianeconomist.com/2016/08/29/oromia-athletic-nations-reports-the-winner-of-qebec-city-marathon-marathon-oromo-athlete-ebisa-ejigu-crossed-the-finish-line-in-an-almost-identical-fashion-as-lilesa-did-one-week-earlier-in-brazi/

Quebec City Marathon winner, Oromo athlete, Ebisa Ejigu, replicates Rio Olympic medallist’s #OromoProtests. p2

Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtestsSeptember 2016. p2

Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2

Hariyaan Furii Kaffiyaaloo jettiin,maqaan isaa,Taammiruu Kaffiyaaloo Damiseeti.Taammiruun nama ganna 23ti.

Bara 2000 keessa fiigicha jalqabee bara 2003 keessa ammoo akka dansaa dorgommii jabeeffate.Eegii sunii asitti metirii 400, 800 fi 1,500 irratti dorgoma. Haga ammaatti medaaliyaa 45 caalaa badhaafame.

Taammiruun nama biyya keessaa fi biyya alaalleetti Paralympic dorgmuun beekama.Paralympic dorgommii namii cabaa-baqaa, naafaa fi qaamii akka akkaa irraa hirdhate ka doktoriin mirkanseef irratti dorgomu.

Atileeti Taammiruu Demissee,Rio Biraazil

Atileeti Taammiruu Demissee,Rio Biraazil

Dorgommii Paralympic ta bara, 2016 Fulbaana 7-18,bara 2016 Riyoo,Biraazilitti itti jiran.Atileetota 4000 caalanitti itti jira.

Itoophiyaan dorgommii tanaaf Taammiruu waliin nama shan ergatte.Taammiruun fiigicha metirii 1,500 guyyaa dheengaddaa dorgome irratti lammeessoo bahee mallattoo mormii Oromoo agarsiise.

“Wanta biyya keessatti godhamaa jiru addunyaatti akka beekamu. Dhiiga saba kiyyaatii ka dhangala’a jiru…kan gubachaa jiru saba kiyya waan taheef—namini meeqa akka du’e hin beekna,kanaaf mormii agarsiise,”jedha.

Kanaafuu jedha Taammiruun mallatoon tun mallattoo ummatii “Oromoo hidhamuu isaa, cunqurfamuu isaa agarsiisu waan taheef agarsiise,” jedha.

Atileeti Taammiruun mallattoo mormii Oromo tana yoo dorgommii jalqabe,yoo fixe,yoo badhaasa medaaliyaa fudhate mul’isee dirree keessa fiigaa agarsiisaa ture.Yoo waltajjii irratti alaabaa Itoophiyaa oli baasan afaan qabatee faarsuu dide.

Afaan qabachuun ammoo “ummatii Oromoo osoo waan hedduu qabuu ukkamamuu isaa,osoo wannuma hundaa gochuu dandahuu afaan qabee akka homaa hin dandeennetti ilaalamuu isaa agarsiisaa,” jedha.

Taammiruun mormii tana agarsiisuuf Fayyisaatti na durse malee eegachaa ture jedha.

“Tokkoffaa baheetoo rikordii nan cabsaa tureeyyuu.Oggaa ani harka oli qabu innii gadi jedhee seeneeyyuu.Innii rakkoo hin qabuu.Anaaf rakkoo hin qabu.”

Taammiruun dorgommii jara qaamii miidhamee Paralympic keessatti dorgomaa.Innii diqqeennaan ila tokko dhabee,iltii lammeessoolleen akka dansaa lafa hin agartu.

Taammiruun waltajjii dorgommii addunyaa irratti mallatoo mormii siyaasaa agarsiisuun ‘seera malee’ jedhanii yoo fkn seera sun cabsite jedhanii medaaliyaa sirraa fuudhan maan jetta jennaan “kaan lubbuu itti dhabaa medaaliyaa narraa fuudhuun rakkoo hin qabu,” jedha.

Mormii atileetotii Itoophiyaa dorgommii biyya alaa irratti harka mataa irratti oli qabatanii mallattoo mormii hiriira Oromiyaa agarsiisuu kana, Fayyisaa Leellisaatti jalqabe.

Fayyisaa Biraazilii bahee amma Amerikaa jira.


News Week: Ethiopian Paralympian Tamiru Demisse showed solidarity with Oromia protesters—who have clashed with the country’s government—as he claimed a silver medal, following a protest gesture made by Olympic counterpart Feyisa Lilesa.

Demisse, who competed in the men’s 1,500-meter T13 race for visually impaired runners, claimed a silver medal in the race on Sunday at the Olympic Station in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. As he crossed the finish line, Demisse crossed his arms above his head.The gesture has become widely adopted among members of the Oromo people, the country’s largest ethnic group. Oromo protesters have clashed with Ethiopian security forces in recent months, with Human Rights Watch claiming the unrest has seen more than 400 people killed.


Yahoo: Ethiopia’s Tamiru Demisse (C) reacts after the final of men’s 1500m of the Rio 2016 Paralympic.

The protest by Tamiru Demisse, the silver medalist in the men’s 1,500 m in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday, comes after fellow Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa made headlines during the Olympics last month when he made a similar protest as he claimed silver in the men’s marathon.


The Independent: Ethiopian Paralympic athlete Tamiru Demisse in new finishing line protest against oppressive regime. 1500m runner echoes protest of fellow countryman Feyisa Lilesa.


Daily Mail: The protest by Tamiru Demisse, the silver medalist in the men’s 1,500 m in Rio de Janeiro on Sunday, comes after fellow Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa made headlines during the Olympics last month when he made a similar protest as he claimed silver in the men’s marathon.

The gesture — a sort of X above the head — is a symbol of defiance against the Ethiopian government’s crack-down on anti-government protests that started in the Oromo region in November last year.


Africa News: An Ethiopian Paralympic athlete, Tamiru Demisse, crossed his arms above his head after finishing second in the Men’s 1500m race in Rio. He did same during the medal ceremony.

Tamiru finished behind Algeria’s Abdellatif Baka who took gold in the event. His gesture follows that of fellow athlete Feyisa Lilesa who also won silver in a marathon during the Olympic Games. Kenya’s Henry Kirwa won the bronze medal.

Crossing arms is a sign of protest against Ethiopian government’s treatment of the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. The protests were sparked after the government began extending the municipal boundary of the country’s capital, threatening parts of Oromia and the people’s land rights.


Leia mais:Prata nos 1.500 metros T13, Tamiru Demisse protesta contra governo etíope na chegada e no pódio


Answer Africa. One famous sight from Rio Olympics 1500m race finish line has found it’s way to that of the Paralympics thanks to Tammiru Demisse.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9ODtmI-cyv4
Silver medallist Tamiru Demisse of Oromia/ Ethiopia, gold medallist Abdellatif Baka of Algeria and bronze medallist Henry Kirwa of Kenya. 11 September 2016
silver-medallist-tamiru-demisse-of-ethiopia-gold-medallist-abdellatif-baka-of-algeria-and-bronze-medallist-henry-kirwa-of-kenya-11-september-2016

oromo-oromo-athletes-tamiru-demisse-c-megersa-tasisa-l-and-sport-journalist-adugna-angasu-r-who-are-in-rio-de-janeiro-brazil-for-the-paralympic-2016-show-solidarity-in-a-world-stage-to-oromo
Demisse, Tasisa, Angasu Support Fnd

Beneficiaries of this fund are Oromo athletes Tamiru Demisse, Megersa Tasisa and sport journalist Adugna Angasu who are in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil for the Paralympic 2016. Mr. Demisse won a Silver Medal in the T13 1500 meter race and declared his support for pro-democracy movement in Ethiopia by raising his arms above his head X-style which is the symbol of #OromoProtests. Mr. Bayisa, an athlete, and Mr. Angasu, a sport journalist, from Ethiopia are also in Barzil for the Paralympic 2016. The three men fear persecution for supporting #OromoProtests if they go back to Ethiopia and are seeking political asylum. All fund raised will be used to support the beneficiaries. Please donate whatever amount you can. Thank you. Click here to go to the site

Oromo Paralympic Athletes Support Team

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Ford is solving problems by getting all its employees to think like inventors — Quartz September 11, 2016

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Odaa OromooOromianEconomist

The platonic ideal “Coming together is a beginning; keeping together is progress; working together is success.” —Henry Ford The practice In a lab in Dearborn, Michigan, Ford researchers, led by Mike Whitens and Ellen Lee, spend their days trying to determine whether the future of cars and trucks will be more like things grown in…

via Ford is solving problems by getting all its employees to think like inventors — Quartz

Open Democracy: The ‘Ethiopian Spring’: “Killing is not an answer to our grievances. #OromoProtests September 10, 2016

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The ‘Ethiopian Spring’: “Killing is not an answer to our grievances”


There is every sign that Ethiopia is plunging into a crisis whose scale, intensity, and multiple and interdependent drivers are unprecedented since the founding of the regime in 1991.

Ethiopian PM, Hailemariam Desalegn attends African Summit in Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa January 2016. (AP Photo/Mulugeta Ayene). All rights reserved.

The Ethiopian leadership remains in denial. The long meetings of its ruling bodies have culminated in a report on 15 years of national “rebirth”, in which it awards itself good marks, while acknowledging the existence of a few problems here and there.

Nonetheless, the odd warning signal may be heard – though very seldom – in counterpoint to the general complacency. Hailemariam Desalegn, prime minister and chairman of what is essentially the single party, has gone so far as to warn that the issues facing the regime are a matter of “life or death”,[1]and that Ethiopia is “sliding towards ethnic conflict similar to that in neighbouring countries”.[2]

Well, these neighbouring countries include Somalia, epitome of the ‘failed state’, and Sudan, which has split in two and where civil war is raging in the new Southern State. In this, unusually, he is in agreement with Merera Gudina, head of one of the main opposition parties still permitted to operate, whospeaks of the probability of “civil war […] if the government continues to repress”.[3] There is every sign that Ethiopia is plunging into a crisis whose scale, intensity, and multiple and interdependent drivers are unprecedented since the founding of the regime in 1991, although the impossibility of field research precludes any in-depth and conclusive assessment.

The first, very discreet signs of this crisis appeared in the spring of 2014 in a part of the country where they were probably least expected: in Tigray, where the Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), pillar of the quadri-ethnic party ruling coalition – the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) – seemed both unopposed and unopposable.

Yet the Tigreans loudly and clearly accused “their” Front of neglecting them by only looking after its own interests or, as Hailemariam Desalegn expressed it, of using “public authority for personal gain at all levels”.[4]

The crisis erupted into the open a few weeks later in Oromya, with additional grievances. In the most populous of the nine states and two municipalities that make up federal Ethiopia, a state that is also the country’s economic powerhouse, students took to the streets to protest against the Addis Ababa Master Plan. Their suspicion was that this would inevitably lead to a transfer of sovereignty from the Oromo region to central government and be accompanied by “land grabbing”, the expulsion and dispossession of the local peasant farmers. Protests resumed in November 2015 and continue today at a larger scale that now includes the general population and almost the whole of Oromo State.

Turning up the heat

The heat was turned up a further notch in mid-July with the advent of protests in the historic heart of Amhara State. Together, Amhara and Oromo account for almost two-thirds of the country’s total population. The diversity of the ways of life that characterizes Oromo – farmers and pastoralists, of its religions – Orthodox Christian, Muslim, Protestant, animist, together with its very loose traditional structures, prompts Merera Gudina to emphasisethe chronic division between Oromo political forces”.[5] By contrast, the homogeneity of the Amhara population – in its vast majority small farmers and Christian Orthodox – fosters unity, while its mobilisation is favoured by its sense of hierarchy and discipline. Finally, the parallel protests by Oromo and Amhara, with largely shared reasons and objectives, breaks with their historical antagonism: the dispossession and subsequent exploitation of the Oromo by an Amhara – and Tigrean – elite from the late nineteenth century onwards, embedded their relations in a system that the Oromo have described as colonial.

The toughest demonstrations that the regime had faced followed the contested elections of 2005. They were essentially confined to Addis Ababa, with the young unemployed playing a major role. In all, they lasted only a few days, in two surges. They came in response to a call from established political forces for a very clear outcome – respect for the verdict of the ballot box. The regime reacted in unison with violent repression – killing almost 200 and arresting tens of thousands – immediately followed by a large-scale strategy of political reconquest through the expansion of the quasi-single party and a rallying of the elites. The protests very quickly died down, and the opposition forces collapsed.

This time, the protests affect the country’s two main states. Despite the repression – hundreds killed, thousands arrested – it has been going on for nine months, with varying degrees of intensity. The attempts at dissuasion through fear have not been enough[6] – at least for the moment – to demobilize the protesters, as evidenced by new forms of protest such as the recent “dead city” operations in the Amhara region[7] and the just launched boycott campaign in Oromya.

This time, a whole generation of young people is in the forefront of the protests – the 15-29 age group represents more than a quarter of the population – starting with, but not confined to, all those who have benefited from mass education, who have carried their elders with them. This time, their anger derives from widespread discontent, focusing on three areas.

First, they are fed up not just with the regime’s authoritarianism, but more so with the way it is exercised: supervision and control that are stifling, intrusive and infantilising, imposed everywhere, all the time, on everyone, by a Party that has swallowed up the State. The second focus is the implementation of a federalism that is in theory equitable, but in reality profoundly unbalanced. Tigray, representing 6% of the population, was the epicentre of the rebellion, which threw out Mengistu Haile Mariam’s military-socialist junta in 1991, the Derg. It was headed by the Tigrean student elite that founded the TPLF. This historical role justified its initial primacy.

Twenty-five years on, however, this elite remains vastly overrepresented at the apex of political power, the army, the security services. In addition, through public and para-public companies, it controls two thirds of the modern economy, excluding traditional agriculture.In the specific Ethiopian case… a tentacular and increasingly voracious and arrogant oligarchy… has ultimately filtered down to village level.

The third focus of discontent is the backlashes of the “developmental state”. This system centralises revenues at the summit of power, which supremely decides on its optimal use for development across the country. This strategy has been decisive in the exceptional economic growth of the last decade – probably around 6% to 7% per year – and in the expansion of education and health services alike. However, the centralisation it entails is evidently incompatible with authentic federalism. Moreover, in the specific Ethiopian case, the fact that the functions of political leadership, economic decision-making and the management of public and para-public enterprises are concentrated in the hands of the same people at the summit of the party-state, free of any control and political counterweight, has led to the creation of a tentacular and increasingly voracious and arrogant oligarchy, which has ultimately filtered down to village level.

These flaws have had a cumulative and mutually reinforcing impact. In Oromya in particular, the implementation of development projects dictated from above and often controlled by nonindigenous oligarchs, has frequently been marked by authoritarianism, spoliation and ethnic favouritism. In the case of “land grabbing”, there are multiple instances of land being brutally appropriated and embezzlement of the compensation owed to evicted farmers. The triggering factor for the protests in Amhara region was the authorities’ refusal to tackle the dispute arising from the incorporation into Tigray of the Wolkait region – a thin strip of land in the north that was part of the imperial province of Amhara – imposed after 1991 without public consultation of any kind, together with the transfer of western areas to Sudan, a process conducted in total secrecy.

“Thief!”

The demonstrators’ slogans and targets speak for themselves. They have attacked prisons to free the inmates. They have ransacked public properties, not just offices, vehicles, etc., but also health centres, unemployment offices and cooperatives, places they see as existing more to control the population than to perform their purported functions.They have ransacked public properties…  they see as existing more to control the population than to perform their purported functions.

They have gone after local party bosses and their possessions – the lowest layer of the oligarchy – targeting government representatives as much as the despoilers. They have burned businesses owned by national and foreign investors (farms, factories, hotels, etc.) because they symbolise an external stranglehold over Oromya and the Amhara region. “Oromya is not for sale” was one favourite slogan. In short, the demonstrators are targeting both the persons and property of those they see as having obtained position and/or wealth at their expense, through the patronage of the ruling power. “Thief!” is one of the most oft repeated slogans.

In Oromya, the conviction of having remained second-class citizens in a system dominated by a “northist” minority, and in the Amhara region of having become second-class and of feeling permanentlyhumiliated and marginalized[8] because a part of the Amhara elite was dominant in the imperial era, is less and less tolerated. The assertion of ethnic identity and the demand for the full rights associated with it are at the heart of the demonstrations. “We want genuine self rule”, cry the Oromo, “We are Amhara”, declare the crowds in the historical capital Gondar, or in Bahir Dar, the new capital. However, these claims are also taking a very worrying turn. In Oromo, demonstrators have gone after Amhara and Tigreans, as well as their properties. Tigreans have been targeted in the Amhara region. However, distortions of every kind in the propaganda war make the reality difficult to grasp. In particular, were the rioters targeting arrivistes more than Tigreans, or vice versa? Anyway, Tigreans are even beginning to leave certain areas, notably in a “mass exodusfrom Gondar.[9] Some go so far as to speak of “ethnic cleansing”.

There are pressing calls for these practices to cease, both on social media and from the legal opposition. But as Beyene Petros, one of its leaders, explains:we’re just watching… people are coming out spontaneously… political parties are bypassed”.[10] By contrast with 2005, this popular protest is largely independent of the legal opposition, and even the illegal opposition groups, such as the Oromo Liberation Front, the oldest and most radical of the Oromo “nationalist movements”, and Ginbot 7, heir to one of the big opposition parties of 2005 and considered a pan-Ethiopian movement.There is no secret central command orchestrating events.

There is no secret central command orchestrating events, although there is no doubt that informal clandestine networks, with links to the diaspora, are contributing to basic coordination and the exchange of information. “These protests are at the level of an intifada”, claims Merera Gudina,[11] or rather at the level of what could be called an “Ethiopian Spring” reminiscent of the “Arab Springs”.

‘Arab plot’

In addressing this situation, the ruling power clings stubbornly to a binary, reductive and simplistic analysis. True, it quickly shelved the Master Plan, an entirely unprecedented turnaround. It also reaffirmed the self-critique that emerged from the congresses of summer 2015: beyond the immense benefits that it has brought – peace and development – its action has been marred by failures and deficiencies, notably with regard to corruption, bad governance, unaccountability and youth unemployment. The narrative is that these are the only failings that the “public” condemns, which makes them “legitimate”. It has undertaken to correct them and “to discuss with the people” in order to tackle them more effectively.

So the legitimacy of these “public” claims is accepted. But those who demand more are supposedly driven by a “destructive agenda” manipulated by “destructive”, “anti-peace”, “anti-development elements”, “bandits”, or even “evil forces” and “terrorist groups”, “extremist Diaspora members who have negotiated their country’s chaos for money”, which are puppets of “foreign actors” or “invaders”, starting with Eritrea. It is they who are “hijacking” peaceful demonstrations and turning them into illegal and violent protests. Websites close to the TPLF, among the few accessible in Ethiopia, are more explicit: according to them, the wave of protest is simply the outcome of an Arab plot, led by Egypt, in which Asmara, the OLF and Ginbot 7 are mere “foot soldiers”. Their real purpose? “To destabilise” Ethiopia, repeats the government, “the total disintegration of Ethiopia as a country”, according to these websites.[12]

To attribute the crisis to external, foreign conspiracy is unjustifiable. Eritrea, still in an on/off state of war with Ethiopia, and Egypt, deeply alarmed by the construction of a colossal dam on the Nile, would undoubtedly welcome a weakening of Ethiopia. It may even be that they are trying to fan the flames. But they do not have the means to light the fire and keep it burning. And the ruling power’s claim that they have been able to do so is itself an admission of weakness: for them to succeed, the regime must already have been resting on weak foundations.

This externalisation also exempts the government from having to consider the grievances at the heart of the protests, going far beyond a few personal failings and deficiencies in implementation. Externalisation is also used to justify repression as the only possible response: there can be no compromise with the enemies of the motherland. It would therefore be pointless to move beyond the use of force and engage in the political sphere, as it did in 2005. Above all, however, the government rejects this option because a political response to the protesters’ demands would require it to question its whole political structure and policy.

‘Intellocracy’

The TPLF is a child of the student movement of the end of Haile Selassie’s reign, radically Marxist and above all Leninist. From its creation, it adopted the movement’s analysis of Ethiopian society. The peasantry – still 80% of the population today – backward and illiterate, the working class tiny and in any case ‘trade-unionist’, the ‘national’ bourgeoisie equally small and anyway indecisive, assigned an irreplaceable role to “revolutionary intellectuals”, as Lenin defined them. They are the only ones able to develop the path that would bring Ethiopia progress and well-being, and therefore the only ones with the legitimacy to impose it on Ethiopians, willingly or by force if necessary.[13]

This conviction remains. Just a few years ago, Hailemariam Desalegn explained: “due to poor education and illiteracy, the Ethiopian public is too underdeveloped to make a well reasoned, informed decision”; so the “enlightened leaders” have “to lead the people”.[14] At the other extreme, every local official is convinced that his position places him within the circle of “enlightened leaders” and that he has the right and duty to assume all the authority associated with that role.

This messianic vision creates an unbridgeable divide between a handful of ‘knowers’, an ‘intellocracy’, which alone has the legitimacy and the capacity to exercise power, and all the others, the ‘ignorant’, in other words the people, reified and bound to obey in its own interests, whatever it may think. It justifies a totalising ascendancy in every sphere, exercised through an age-old hierarchy on which the Leninist formula “democratic centralism” confers a modern and revolutionary dimension. Or, in this particular case, “revolutionary elitism” or “elitist centralism”.[15] Of course, the outcome has been exactly the same: centralising excess and denial of democracy, culminating with the installation of a “strong man” at the apex of a pyramid of power. Meles Zenawi, the prime minister until his death in 2012, would become the acknowledged fulfiller of this role, drawing on immense rhetorical skills backed by an exceptional intelligence.

In this binary vision, the political spectrum is inevitably polarised at two extremes. The ruling power is the sole promoter of peace and development. Those who oppose or merely question it are assigned to the “anti-peace”, “anti-development”, “anti-federalist” camp, as “chauvinists” or “narrow nationalists”, threatening the Ethiopian state and the integrity of the country. Although masked in the early days of the TPLF by the collective operation of the leadership, this conception of ruling, monopolistic and exclusive to the point of extreme sectarianism, is in essence undemocratic. It legitimises the use of force whenever those in power deem it appropriate.

A new middle class

However, a growing section of the population is no longer prepared to be stifled, undervalued and marginalised. A new middle class has emerged, essentially in the public sector, in services and – largely unrecognised – in the countryside, where a rump of recently enriched farmers has emerged. 700,000 young people are in university, 500,000 have obtained degrees in the last five years.[16] In a country of close to 100 million inhabitants, the number of mobile phone customers has reached 46 million, internet users 13.6 million,[17] compared respectively with fewer than a million and 30,000 ten years ago. Satellite dishes have sprouted on the roofs wherever electricity is present, breaking the public television monopoly. It is estimated that 4 million Ethiopians live abroad, but still maintain close relations with their native country. Millions of Ethiopians are suddenly connected to the world. More globally, the demands society now places on the regime are commensurate with the upheavals brought about by the development it has driven. In this sense, the regime’s very successes have come back to bite it.

Ethnic faultlines are also imprinted in the regime’s DNA. From the mid-1980s onwards, the TPLF carried its combat against the Derg from the regional to the national level. At least within the country’s two major “nations”, Oromo and Amhara, it thus had to find ethnic political movements to join it. But rather than forming partnerships, which would have entailed power-sharing, it imposed its grip on them. That is the original sin of federalism ‘Ethiopian style’.

Rather than reaching agreement with the spearhead of anti-Derg struggle in Oromya, the OLF, it created the Oromo People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO), drawn from among its Oromo or simply Oromifa-speaking prisoners. This structure would be confined to the rank of ‘junior partner’, even more than the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Amhara component of the EPRDF, although its initial nucleus had been an autonomous group. The new Oromo and Amhara elites that joined this structure did so more out of opportunism than by conviction, and in general at least without recognising their leaderships as legitimate representatives.

Federalism, which was supposed to achieve a harmonious balance in inter-ethnic relations, has in fact as practised led ultimately to their deterioration. It faced an insurmountable contradiction. On the one hand, it promoted new ethnic elites to political, administrative and economic functions; on the other, it continued to keep them subordinate, while sharpening ethnic identities. Large parts of these elites, and moreover large swathes of their nations, are no longer prepared to tolerate this.

Deepening faultlines

Ultimately, the exclusiveness and top-down approach are having a negative impact on the economy. In the first phase, the party’s control over the State and the modern sector encouraged the mobilisation and effective use of resources. At this time, the ‘developmental state’ proved its worth by delivering remarkable economic growth. It has to continue if the regime wishes to tout it as a pillar of its legitimacy.

However, this model is on the wane. The developmental state has gone off the rails, diverted by the oligarchical dynamic. The onus is on private investors, in particular foreign investors, to take over from public investment to drive structural transformation towards a globalised market economy. However, the governing power’s obsession with maintaining control is stifling those investors.

Finally, the party political discipline imposed on the technocracy smothers its professional capacities and its confidence. This is one of the primary sources of frustration. It also hampers the effective use of the resources essential for growth in an increasingly complex economy. Yet even at its current rate, that growth is unable to absorb the two to two and a half million young people entering the labour market each year, including new graduates, contributing to the anger that is now exploding in the streets.

In light of these contradictions, the fault lines are deepening. The discontent of the Tigreans has triggered the emergence of a ‘reforming’, pragmatic and politicised current inside the TPLF, which wants to rally them by making the Front work for them again. It advocates breaking with the “rule of force”, an immemorial feature of Ethiopian history.

It underlines that the only way to achieve long-term stability, beginning with peaceful changes of government, is through the step-by-step introduction of the “rule of law” by full and integral application of the constitution, notably the separation of powers, the exercise of fundamental liberties and an authentic federalism.[18] It would have to be “consociationalist”. The chief nations would be equally represented, with decisions taken by consensus, so each would possess an effective right of veto. The second “traditionalist” or “conservative” current rejects significant change and argues for continuity. Essentially, it takes the view that Ethiopia is not yet mature enough for democratic move, and still needs to kept under iron control. A website close to the TPLF argues:“the people are not ready yet in every aspect and meaning of the word (democracy). Any attempt to accelerate that process other than its natural course… can only lead to darker places”.[19]

Reflecting the intensity of this division, these websites are full of heated debate between those who show real understanding of the protests and those who utterly condemn them, between those arguing for immediate political openness and those calling first and foremost for the crushing of the unrest. However, they agree on one point: an unprecedentedly virulent condemnation of the leadership of the Front, which is deemed inept and incapable of handling the situation.

This political division has also reached the ranks of the ANDM and OPDO, but here the focus is on federalism.  The “ethno-nationalists” reject the asymmetries of the current federal system and are keen to assert their party’s autonomy from the TPLF. Their adversaries are considered too weak to fend for themselves and vitally in need of the TPLF’s support. So, the OPDO base has literally disintegrated. At its summit, there is overt opposition between Abadula Gemeda, who expresses understanding for the claims of protesters and is the only leader who enjoys real popularity, and Muktar Kedir, who is perceived as an insubstantial apparatchik imposed by the TPLF. The same applies to the problematic destiny of Gedu Andergatchew, President of the Amhara region, number two in the ANDM and the Movement’s real heavyweight in terms of popularity, and the official number one, Demeke Mekonnen, a much criticised figure who is nevertheless supported by the TPLF.

This ethnicisation of the political landscape is also apparent in the deterioration of relations between TPLF, ANDM and OPDO. Discussions with their rank and file members and a reading of their websites give an insight into their mutual mistrust.

In the TPLF, there is an iron belief that the “rotten chauvinists” and “revanchist”Amhara, controlled remotely by Ginbot 7, have “hijacked” the ANDM, are intent of restoring their former hegemony by “overtaking the position of TPLF in the Ethiopian politics” and are even once again forcing Tigreans “to defend our existence from extinction”.[20]

In the ANDM, there is a conviction that the TPLF wants to continue to make Amhara pay for the former dominance of some of their elite, to marginalize them and to dispossess them of ancestral lands.[21] For the ordinary OPDO party official, nothing has changed since the nineteenth century conquests: exploitation, oppression, marginalisation, or even quite baldly “genocide”. Hackneyed as it clearly is, the word is widely used, symptomatic of a paranoia that casts doubt on what remains of the unity at least at the base of the EPRDF.

These fractures were born since the initial formation of the ruling power. Meles Zenawi widened them, but succeeded in masking them by maintaining an iron grip over the tensions that they engendered. The present wave of protests has exacerbated them.  They are splitting, not to say cracking, the party, from its summit to its 7 million member base, which is torn between loyalty and discipline, the material advantages of membership, and the ever-growing swell of popular aspirations within it.

In Oromya, part of the OPDO pushed behind the scenes for overt opposition to the Master Plan. The regional police were unable to cope or adopt a prudent ‘wait and see’ strategy. Today, they are virtually out of the game, and the federal police and army have had to intervene. The OPDO has essentially been relieved of the government of Oromya, which is under military administration via a “Command Post” based in Addis Ababa and headed by Hailemariam Dessalegn.[22] In the Amhara region, at least the big initial demonstrations were held with the support or tacit approval of part of the ANDM, although officially forbidden. Out of their depth, the Amhara State authorities had to request army intervention. The region has been placed under military command.[23]

The growing number of leaks of documents and recordings of discussions at the highest level of government and the State-Party are testament to the fact that frontline leaders now have one foot in the government camp and one in the protesters’ camp. Villages and entire local areas are taking advantage of the dilution or even disappearance of public authority to set up embryonic forms of self-government. In places, the State-Party’s local structures have placed their organisations at the service of the protesters. Armed men, who can only be village militiamen in principle strictly under local government control, have fired in the air alongside demonstrators. They are necessarily involved in fatal ambushes on soldiers and attacks on military depots. Desertions and overt acts of insubordination are taking place.

Losing authority

By contrast with 2005, when neither the federal nor regional governments lost control, today – at least at certain times and in certain places – they have lost authority over their own agents and even their monopoly on the use of force. Hailemariam Desalegn had to concede: “chaos” has broken out “in parts of Oromia and Amhara states”..[24] There has been a shift from demonstrations to riots, and then from riots to pockets of insurrection. Militiamen and farmers hold hundreds of thousands of weapons. The transition from unrest towards a scattered armed peasant revolt (a “jacquerie”), is a possibility.

The crisis is not only about a change of government, or even regime change. It is systemic, because it is rooted in the form in which contemporary power has been exercised since its bases were laid down in the middle of the nineteenth century. This has been theocratic, authoritarian, centralised, hierarchical, ethnically biased, monopolising the country’s resources.

“Intellocracy” has replaced theocratic feudalism, but other main traits have been more or less transposed in an updated form. The ruling power faces more or less the same demands as those it addressed to Haile Selassie’s regime forty years ago: rule of law; fair use of assets, beginning with land (“land to the tiller”, went the slogan; denunciation of “land grabbing’” now); the “national question”, in other words a balanced relationship between Ethiopia’s 80 “nations, nationalities and peoples”; and, at the crossroads of the land issue and the “national question”, the border conflicts between the states.They want to rule in the old way, and people are refusing to be ruled in the old way

They want to rule in the old way, and people are refusing to be ruled in the old way”, is Merera Gudina’s concise summing up.[25] What the protesters – and indeed the “reformists” – are demanding is huge: the shift from an imposed, exclusive and closed system, to an accepted, inclusive and open system. This would require a total reconstruction, an outcome that the successors of Haile Selassie, then of Mengistu, failed to bring about.

For the moment at least, this goal is well beyond the EPRDF’s capacities. Firstly, it is paralysed by its divisions. These range from personal conflicts to business rivalries, from old ethnic tensions to new political disagreements. Secondly, the Front would risk disintegration if the “reformists” tried to force through their views. Whatever side they are on, its leaders know that a split would be fatal to everyone. They are obliged to maintain unity, with the result that they seem for now condemned to immobility.

Opening up

The majority of the Front perceives opening up as a leap in the dark and a fatal threat to its positions and its interests.

Opening up to the opponents of the Front would have to go hand-in-hand with an internal opening up. It would inevitably threaten numerous unfairly acquired positions.

Until now, the rule of winner-takes-all has reigned. In the general perception, or at least ‘Abyssinian’ perception, authority is either absolute or moribund: if it accepts concessions, it implicitly acknowledges that its end is imminent. To open up would therefore trigger a sharing of power, which could culminate in total loss of power.

Opening up would also mean a historic shift. For centuries, power has been “northern”, Abyssinian. A fair representation of the different ethnic components is inconceivable without the Oromo, the largest ethnicity, playing a central role, a role moreover that they are demanding.

That would be an even more hazardous leap for the TPLF, abandoning its domination and betting that a genuinely democratic federalism would emerge. In other words, that nations or a coalition of nations much more populous than the Tigreans would not impose majority rule, threatening the preservation of what for the Front is non- negotiable: Tigreans remaining in charge of Tigray.Finally, power and enrichment go together.

Finally, power and enrichment go together. From the summit of the state-party to its most modest ranks, official positions and oligarchical rents are mutually reinforcing. This material dimension is an overwhelming reason to preserve the status quo. In particular, the vast majority of the Front’s members think that it is right that their commitment and obedience should be rewarded with direct or indirect favours.

To open up, but to whom, in what domain, and to what point? Everyone agrees that the protest movement has neither a recognised leadership nor a clear programme, which is its major weakness. Would it consider itself authentically represented by the legal opposition, enfeebled through repression and its own divisions, or by the more radical illegal opposition, whose real representativeness is impossible to assess? Would these very diverse forces agree on a sort of shared programme of demands?

Up to now they have always stumbled over two crucial points: whether to maintain public ownership of land – far and away the primary asset – or to privatise it; and whether to accentuate or to temper federalism. For the moment, the voices making themselves heard cover a very wide spectrum of demands, from the launch of a national dialogue through to the total and immediate overthrow of the EPRDF. And history tells us that in such circumstances the extremists quickly prevail over the moderates.But the word compromise has no direct translation in Amharic…

Yet short of plunging the country into chaos, there exists no credible alternative to the existing authority, except in the long term. Supposing the EPRDF were to decide “to rule in a new way”, it would only do so on condition that it remained in control of a very gradual and therefore very long process of change. Which of its adversaries would accept this? On one side or the other, all-or-nothing politics have so far been the rule. But an inclusive and open system cannot be created unless all the stakeholders, without exception, are ready for compromise, in other words ready to make reciprocal concessions in order to reach an agreement. But the word compromise has no direct translation in Amharic…

Worst case scenario

So every scenario remains possible, including the worst-case. The regime may decide to continue on the same trajectory, relying on repression and the acceleration of its recovery plan for the state-party. It could be that the machinery of repression will stifle the protest movement. This machinery is extensive and experienced. It is even possible that the army could decide to take matters into its own hands, if it thought that the political leadership was failing. Its effective head, Samora Yunus, has always said that “the army is always vigilant to safeguard the constitutional order.[26]

But will it be able to, especially if protest intensifies, and in particular if it takes root in the rural areas? From a leaked record of a meeting of army chiefs, it seems that some are uncertain about the physical capacity of the troops to hold firm on multiple fronts, and above all about the risks of insubordination, or even mutiny, resulting from the ethnic divisions in their ranks.[27]Killing is not an answer to our grievances

Even supposing that simple repression works, the probability is high that it would only offer the regime a period of respite before, sooner or later, a new – even more devastating – surge of unrest. To prevent this, it has just decided to put on the table the question of Wolkait and the relations between Addis Ababa and the Oromo lands around it, and above all to “sack and reshuffle party and government officials including Ministers” in the coming month, all through wide-ranging discussions “with the people”.[28]

But even the legal opposition judges these reforms to be “cosmetic”.[29] Up to now, these discussions have always consisted in a massive process of self-justification, with no genuine consultation of the people, which is unable – or does not dare – to make itself heard. Moreover, this promise is an old chestnut. The struggle against the dark triad of corruption, bad governance and unaccountability, on the agenda since the early 2000s, has had no impact. The campaign to “purify” the state-party of its black sheep, launched with much fanfare in the autumn of 2015, has been a damp squib. It touched only minor officials, while none of the senior figures – some are notorious for their corrupt practices – was affected, leading the population to conclude that the campaign was nothing but a smokescreen.

This triad of failings extends from top to bottom of the EPRDF. It is hard to see how the Party could put an end to them in response to what it sees as the main demand emanating from the people, without putting itself at high risk.

Killing is not an answer to our grievances”, cry the demonstrators. For the moment, however, no other genuine answers are to be heard or seen, unless basic common sense, not to mention democratic aspirations, were to prevail in the ruling power.


Click here to read at Open Democracy

Daily Mail: Unrest mars Ethiopia’s New Year, Eid parties. #OromoProtests and the Market Boycott in Action September 10, 2016

Posted by OromianEconomist in #OromoProtests.
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oromoprotests-boycotts-fascist-ethiopias-regime-tplf-the-criminal-group-and-its-businessDiina irra hin bitiini, itti hin gurguriin. #OromoProtests. September 2016

Unrest mars Ethiopia’s New Year, Eid parties



With New Year festivities set for Sunday and Eid parties scheduled the following day, in any other year Burayu’s sheep and cattle market would have been at its busiest this weekend.

But after months of on-off trouble in the central Oromo region — home to Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group — this small town close to the capital, Addis Ababa, is in virtual lockdown after a call for a general strike against the government’s stance on Oromo demands.

Closed shops in Burayu town, about ten kilometres from Addis Ababa in Oromia regional state

Closed shops in Burayu town, about ten kilometres from Addis Ababa in Oromia regional state

“I’ve never seen the city like this,” said a grocer manning one of the few market stalls still open.

“The police came and said we have no right to close our shops and if we close, they’ll close us for good.”

But despite incessant police patrols up and down the streets, most of the shops have remained shuttered.

“The whole Oromo region is ruled by the military,” said 26-year-old Abdisa, who vows while chatting with a couple of friends that his family’s small cafe will stay shut until the New Year, as agreed by the shopkeepers.

“This boycott is a way of showing our disagreement with the government,” adds Abdisa, who gave no family name.

The lockdown, he says, is a sign of respect for those killed in the Oromo region since November, which rights groups say number in the hundreds.

With security forces readily using live bullets against demonstrators, there have been fewer protests in recent days.

– ‘People choice is my choice’

“We don’t want to celebrate the New Year with joy … They’re killing people with guns. We need the killings to stop,” said Falmata, a young university graduate unable to find a job.

And when talk focuses on Ethiopia’s last elections in May 2015, when the ruling EPRDF coalition — in power for a quarter of a century — won every parliamentary seat, Falmata’s anger boils over. “This result is totally false,” he says.

It was a government decision a few months later to appropriate Oromo lands for an urban development scheme — a decision now rescinded — that raised fears by Oromo farmers of expropriation, triggering months of deadly trouble.

“The plan brought a lot of blood, and that blood started everything”” said Falmata.

“We don’t want this regime to continue, it’s ruled by a few people dominated by the TPLF,” he added, referring to the Tigray Liberation Front that overthrew Mengistu Haile Mariam’s dictatorial regime in 1991 but is now also accused of monopolising political power.

The unrest, the first such protests in a decade, has spread to the northern Amhara region. In August, simultaneous protests took place for the first time in the two regions that together account for 60 percent of the country’s people.

The protests were violently suppressed by security forces who opened fire on crowds in several places leaving at least 100 dead, according to rights group Amnesty International.

In Burayu, the main bus station is deserted, with activists stopping all traffic to western Oromo, where the protests have been specially violent.

Civil disobedience appears to be growing in the region, with artists now openly joining the protest movement.

“I am on the side of the people,” popular singer Abush Zeleke said on Facebook. “People choice is my choice. I am not going to perform any concert.”

Local media says around 20 artists have decided to boycott New Year celebrations on Sunday.

closed shops in Burayu town, about ten kilometres from Addis Ababa in Oromia regional state.Most traders have closed their shops and called for a general str...

closed shops in Burayu town, about ten kilometres from Addis Ababa in Oromia regional state.Most traders have closed their shops and called for a general strike against the repression of anti-government movement that affects the Oromo region.

Most traders have closed their shops and called for a general strike against the repression of anti-government movement that affects the Oromo region

Most traders have closed their shops and called for a general strike against the repression of anti-government movement that affects the Oromo region.


See also related sources at:-Godina Wallaggaa Horroo Guduruu Aanaa Abbaay Cooman Finca’aa Qeerroon Karaa Cufee Gabaa Lagachuun FXG Gaggeessaa Jira.

 

Godina Wallaggaa Ummanni Magaalaan Naqamtee FXG Diddaa Gabaa Lagachuu Akka Itti Fufanitti Jiru.

 

Magaalaa Awadaay Guyyaa Har’aa

awadaaawadaay

 

The Huffington Post: The Ethiopian Intifada is a Response to extreme Internal Repression September 10, 2016

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Quebec City Marathon winner, Oromo athlete, Ebisa Ejigu,   replicates Rio Olympic medallist’s #OromoProtests. p2Athlete Fraol Ebissa Won the Germany 10Km race and shows his solidarity with #OromoProtests. 4 September 2016. p2#OromoProtests iconic picture

Boycott the  fascist TPLF and its business. #OromoProtests  at  Naqamte  6 September 2016


The Ethiopian Intifada is a Response to extreme Internal Repression


By Yohannes Woldemariam  The Huffington Post, 15 August 2016


Ethiopians cite disputes over land, ethnicity and indiscriminate killings of protestors as the real causes of the Ethiopian “intifada”. But if one believes the Ethiopian spokesman, Mr.Getachew Reda, the protests in Gondar and Oromia are somehow remotely orchestrated and stage managed from Eritrea. Mr. Reda, with his outrageous claims, is increasingly sounding as clownish as the late Saddam’s information minister, comical Ali. He rarely addresses the real causes of the protests: the forceful incorporation of Wolkayt region into Tigray or the daylight land robbery in Oromia― all in the name of “development”. The government spokesman attributes the Oromo, Muslim, and the Wolkayt protests to infiltration from Eritrea, Saudi Arabia or Egypt. This false claim is another example of utter contempt and disrespect for the people by an arrogant government official who is out of touch with the heartbeat of the people.

It is true that there is no love lost between the ruling regimes in Eritrea and Ethiopia but it is absurd to believe that Eritrea, even it so desires can stir up the kind of uprising occurring in Ethiopia. It simply has no such power to do so. The border between the two countries is one of the most militarized borders in the world and one under heavy surveillance. An uprising of this scale cannot be initiated by an outside force. Such a claim is an insult to the pride and intelligence of the Ethiopian people.

The overwhelming narrative in the Western media portrays Ethiopia as a source of stability in a troubled region, as an economic powerhouse with a potential to surpass Kenya and join the club of countries like South Africa as well as a pacifying regional force and a bulwark against terrorism. There is little critical reporting on the country which means international readers have a skewed and partial picture at best. Unless one has the time and the motivation to dig deeper, one would not know that the Tigrean Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant group within the ruling coalition, has in fact destabilized the region, rules over a deeply divided and aggrieved populace, which in actual fact is responsible for worsening terrorism in Somalia. The core of the