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RAGAA MILIQEE BA’E: [Waxabajjii 30, 2020] poolisisiin Oromiyaa maqaan isaa Magarsaa Yaaddessaa Eenyutu Ajjeese August 5, 2020

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Ragaa miliqee ba’ee fuulla FB Tsegaye R Ararssa irratti Afaan Amaraan maxxanfame hiikkoon Afaan Oromoo kunooti. Dubbisaa.


Fakkiiwwan barreeffamaa armaan gaditti agartan gaafa reeffi Aartist Hacaaluu Hundeessaa mooraa Galma Aadaa Oromoo keessa ture sana [Waxabajjii 30, 2020] poolisisiin Oromiyaa maqaan isaa #Magarsaa_Yaaddessaa jedhamu eenyu akka ajjeesee fi akkamitti akka ajjeefame kan ibsu dha. Odeeffannoon kun deebii shakkamtummaa poolisiin ajjeechaa kanaan shakkamee, Abdullaaziiz Gazzaalii, poolisii isa qorateef kenne irraa argame (Poolisoota odeeffannoo jabaataa kana nuuf kennan osoo hingalateeffatin hindabarru).Dubbii himatamaa kana irraa hubachuun akkuma danda’amu shakkamaan wayta rakkoon kun dhalatu mooraa Waajjira Biltsiginnaa keessaa hojii eegumsaa irra ture. Ajjeechaa Hacaaluu Hundeessaa waliin walqabatee itti gaafatama isaanii akka ba’aniif ajajni jabaan itti kennamee waan tureef dammaqinaan hojii naga-eegumsaa irra akka turan. Kanumaan walqabatee shakkamaan [Abdullaaziiz Gazzaalii] qawwee isaa rasaasa nyaachifatee, milaaccii qawwee deebifatee dammaqinaan ta’eewwan naannoo ofii hordofaa ture. Osoo Kanaan jiranii ajejaan dhufee “bakka bakka qabadhaa malee” jedhee wayta ajaju naasuudhaan socho’uu eegale, gidduutti gufatee milli isaa sakaalamuudhaan qubni isaa qaataa Qawweetti bu’uudhaan milaacciin Qewwee deebi’ee rasaasni tu’annoo poolisichaan ala harkaa ba’ee dhuka’e, rasaasni poolisicha harkaa ba’ee dhuka’e kun waa’ila isaa Poolisisii Magarsaa rukutee ajjeese.Ragaan qorannoo yakkaa kun ifatti akkuma agarsiisu yeroo [rakkoon kun dhalatu] kanatti eegdonni Jawaar dhukaasa tokkollee hindhukaasne; meeshaa keessan hiikkadhaa wayta jedhamanis [ajeja kennameef] waliin waliif galuudhaan hiikkataniiru. Himmannaan Biltiginnaa “ajjeechaa kana kan raawwate eegdo ta Jawaari, kanaaf Jawaar fa’aanis itti gaafatamu” jedhu tasumaa bu’uura hinqabu [dhugaa miti jechuudha].Waraqaan jecha himatamaa kun ragaalee dhimma kana waliin walqabatu jedhanii yaadan biroo waliin walqabsiisanii “preliminary hearing’ Dhaddacha Araadaatti raaw’atamu irratti akka ragaatti miiltoo taasisanii dhiyeessuf adeemu. Himannaa boodaan Mana Murtii Olaanaatti banamuuf adeemuufis qophii taasifamaa jiru ta’uu isaati. Qaama qophii adeemsa himannaa banuu keesaa tokko kan ta’e ragaa sobaa oomishuunis eegalamee akka jiru beekuun danda’amee jira. “Ragaa namaa” (dhuga-baatotni) dhimma kanaaf barbaachisan filatamanii Waajjira OPDO duraanii isa karaa Siddist Kiiloo irratti argamu keessatti akkaataa itti raga sobaa kana [Mana Murtii duratti dhiyaatanii] himan qorachaa, shaakalaa akka jiranis beekamee jira. Dabalataan “rasaasni reeffa keessaa argame rasaasa qawwee [poolisii] Abdullaaziiz Gazzaalii keessaa dhukaafame ta’uu isaaf ragaan hinjiru” kan jedhu ragaa qorannoo reeffaa (forensic) irraa argame jechuudhaan akka ragaatti galmee himannoo kanaatti dabalamee akka jiru poolisoonni [yakka kana qoratan] iccitii jiru baasaniiru. Namni marti ilaalee [dhugaa jiru kana hubatee] akka faraduuf jechi himatamaan kun [poolisii qorataa yakkaaf] kenninaan galmee himannaa kanaa keessatti hammatame kunoo maxxansa kana waliin walitti qabsiifamee jira.

The media’s crisis on Ethiopia August 4, 2020

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The media’s crisis on Ethiopia

BYAyantu Ayana, Africa Is a Country

Western media coverage of Ethiopia’s political crisis turns a blind eye to the grassroots movement behind the protests.

Image credit Carsten ten Brink via Flickr CC.

Ethiopia is facing a turbulent political period of unrest ignited by the shooting death on June 29 of a beloved and iconic Oromo musician and activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa. Assassinated in the capital, Addis Ababa, Haacaaluu played a pivotal role providing inspiration and vision for the youth movement in 2014-2018 that forced a peaceful change at the top of Ethiopia’s ruling party in 2018.

In April 2018 in an internal party election of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Hailemariam Desalegn was succeeded by Abiy Ahmed. The latter embarked on a reform process which was supposed to address contradictions exposed within Ethiopian society and politics by the protests, especially the need for domestic economic reforms and breathing life into the federal character of the Ethiopian state. Abiy has since dismantled the EPRDF and formed a unitary party, the Prosperity Party (PP).

The news of Haacaaluu’s death shook a country already despairing of a smooth transition to democracy. It touched off widespread grassroots protests in the Oromia region, the largest and most populous of Ethiopia’s 10 federal states. Police responded with a brutal crackdown starting with firing live ammunition into crowds of mourners. Immediately a sweep of Oromo individuals and institutions followed. At the time of writing more than 300 people have been killed, many more injured by security forces in the aftermath of the assassination. Three weeks ago, government sources reported that more than 7,000 people have been detained. Although updated figures have since not been released, detention rates remain high and schools emptied by COVID-19 are now prisons.

The first taken were well-known opposition leaders Bekele Gerba and Jawar Mohammed, along with 35 others. Jawar’s arrest was particularly dramatic because, despite his stated skepticism, he was considered an early ally of Abiy. The next day after Jawar’s arrest, police ransacked and closed the Oromia Media Network (OMN), a popular alternative to government-controlled sources of information for millions of people in Afaan Oromo, a language spoken by about half of the country’s population. The OMN was established in 2013 by journalists and activists living abroad, and Jawar became its second Executive Director in the US. After Abiy became a prime minister, Jawar returned to Ethiopia.

Unfortunately, international English language media coverage of the unfolding crisis in Ethiopia has presented a single, incomplete narrative to explain the conflict. Major news outlets, such as Associated Press, Washington Post, and WSJ represented the crisis by attributing it to “ethnic” tension, using terms such as “violent mobs” and “vandalism.” Some outlets insinuate that the current catastrophe is a byproduct of the country’s “ethnic federal system.” TIME conspicuously implicated the country’s constitution because it “divides Ethiopia into ethnically based territories.”

In Ethiopia’s existing political landscape, a fraction of the approximately 20% of the population who are urban elites blame the constitution for the current tensions and want to dismantle the components that protect the rights of named regional states. They want the resource base to be treated as a centrally controlled asset they can exploit.  The model of multinational federalism created regional states from national/linguistic/cultural groups as semi-autonomous entities to cooperate in federal arrangement. This decision was the result of long resistance to autocratic centralized military rule. It retains a strong support among rural producers (at least 80% of the population).  They want rights to develop the lands they consider their birthright and to protect them from unsustainable development by urban elites controlled from Addis Ababa. Yet mainstream media coverage presumes that nationality-based territories protected in the constitution contribute to the unrest rather than provide a solution.

Ethiopia is on the brink of chaos, perhaps even at great risk for a devastating civil war, primarily due to Abiy’s attempts to subvert the existing constitutional arrangement. Most Ethiopians do not support the imposition of further centralization from Addis Ababa. By turning a blind eye to the mounting grassroots resistance, media coverage fails to provide the kind of complete picture or balance necessary to understand the crisis.

Media coverage of Ethiopia needs to acknowledge those who support the sort of regional state autonomy based on linguistic/cultural groups that is enshrined as “multinational federalism” in the Ethiopian constitution of 1995.  When Abiy stepped into the political opening created by the youth resistance, he explicitly promised to deliver the transition to democracy via free and fair elections that the previous regime had failed to deliver. The US, the EU, and other international bodies accepted and praised him for his commitment to democratic transition.

However, the basic demands of the grassroots movement have been deliberately dismissed. The marginalized groups are again disappointed.  Furthermore, Abiy has commanded an active campaign to delegitimize the peaceful protests and the youth who led them. His government encourages the maligning, denigrating, and targeting of Oromo youth categorically. Over the last two years and increasingly in the aftermath of the assassination, state media have continuously referred to them as “violent,” “hate-driven,” and violent mobs driving “inter-ethnic” conflict. They are now being scapegoated for the recent unrest. Both domestic and international media outlets have magnified this narrative.

With Abiy’s about-face, the glimmer of hope, presented by what was to be a transformative transition to participatory democracy, has now flickered and disappeared. In fact, while urging the youth movement and Oromo leaders to “give him time,” the prime minister has taken giant steps away from democratization.

Over the last year and half, while virtually all media reporting on Ethiopia centered around vanity projects which placed the Prime Minister in the limelight, his government has imposed a state of emergency and military command with severe restrictions on citizens in parts of Oromia where his policies enjoy little or no support. Forces under his direct control carry out extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, house burnings, displacement, and other human rights abuses in these dissident areas as documented by human rights groups such as Amnesty International.

Media reporting has missed how Abiy’s persistent steps have subverted the goals of the grassroots movement. In October 2019, for example, Abiy won the Nobel Peace Prize, winning laudatory media coverage. He also dramatically acted to dismantle the ruling coalition party, EPRDF, which provided the underpinning to multinational federalism. In an affront to the spirit of federalism he announced the creation of a single national party.

This move was universally unpopular with the youth movement as a betrayal of the promises of democracy. The ensuing region-wide youth demonstrations, in which 86 people died, were blamed on Jawar, noting his large following among the youth. He had spoken out publicly against Abiy’s political move against federalism by forming a single party. But media reports, and even human rights groups, missed this wider context of youth vexation over Abiy’s betrayal.

Remarkably, people managed to hang onto hope as they anticipated elections. A key to that constant reminder of hope was the music of Haacaaluu on everyone’s playlist, singing about what was possible if they peacefully harnessed their energy and looked to a future of unity. He embodied the grassroots. He himself had urged the youth to be patient with Abiy and to wait for him to get them to elections so that they could realize their desire to transition into a decentralized (multinational) federal system.

Haacaaluu’s assassination removed a safeguard against despair, not only for Oromo, but for other people brought forcibly into Ethiopia and marginalized thereafter. They all anticipated a change away from oppressive economic, political, and cultural structures.

Abiy’s return to authoritarian rule has re-ignited the #OromoProtests movement. His brutal response in suppressing the protests threatens to destabilize the country and the region. Yet the media claim that Abiy has “transcended” ethnic politics, missing many complexities, including a rise in incendiary historical narratives coming from his office and amplified on state and establishment media that pits national groups against each other. Following the assassination, media coverage has missed the scale and motivations for the ongoing government crackdown against anyone who does not agree with Abiy’s agenda. Journalists have presented simplistic narratives that suggest a personal conflict between Abiy and Jawar, reducing an extremely complex story involving much of the grassroots, who are entirely erased from coverage. By including the view from the grassroots, media outlets can deliver a more complete and balanced account of this volatile and fragile moment in Ethiopia.

#OromoProtests 2020: A civil disobedience campaign in action in Oromia: Boycott inter-city and inter-town transportation of good and people August 3, 2020

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Transport boycott in action Jimma, Oromia, 3 August 2020

Transport boycott, Gadab, Asaasaa, Oromia, august 3, 2020
Transport boycott in action, inter-city transport standstill, Finfinnee, Oromia, 3 August

The Economist: Urban Brawl: How Land Disputes Erupted in Ethiopia July 31, 2020

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“We were born here, we grew up here, but now we live like beggars,” fumes Tsige Bule, gazing from a rain-splattered porch towards the grey and unfinished apartment block that looms over what remains of her family’s farmland. Several years ago the Ethiopian authorities confiscated almost all of it to build public housing for residents of Addis Ababa, the capital. In the past decade the expanding city has inched ever closer to Tsige’s village. She sold her cows and began buying jerry cans because water from the nearby river had become toxic. Her sons dropped out of school to work as labourers on nearby building sites. A life of modest comfort teetered toward destitution.There is a deep well of anger in the suburbs and countryside around the Ethiopian capital. In July riots took place near Tsige’s home after the assassination of Hachalu Hundessa, a popular musician and activist from the Oromo ethnic group. New housing estates were pelted with stones, cars and petrol stations were set alight. Towns across the vast region of Oromia, which surrounds Addis Ababa, were similarly ravaged. Much of central Shashamene, a booming entrepot some 200km south, was burned to the ground. There were widespread attacks on minorities, notably Amharas, the largest ethnic group after the Oromo. Hotels, businesses and homes were destroyed or damaged. By one count 239 people were killed, some murdered by mobs, others by security forces.The threads that connect the carnage in Oromia with the plight of Tsige’s family are real, even if hard to see. In recent years towns and cities in southern Ethiopia, especially in Oromia, have been flashpoints for political and ethnic turmoil. The latest bout was triggered by national politics: many Oromos saw Hachalu’s murder as an attack on the Oromo opposition movement. Much of their anger is also stoked by a fear that Abiy Ahmed, the prime minister, has reneged on promises he made in 2018 to end both authoritarian rule and the alleged marginalisation of Oromos. But a closer look at the pattern of violence in certain places suggests that local factors such as who owns land and businesses may also have played a big part.Many southern towns began as imperial garrisons after the conquests of Emperor Menelik ii, an Amhara, in the late 19th century. Establishing cities sometimes involved the eviction of those already on the land, including the Oromo clans who lived on ground that was taken for Addis Ababa. As towns expanded they attracted settlers from Ethiopia’s northern highlands, who spoke Amharic and dominated urban commerce and the state bureaucracy. Amharic-speakers are still perceived to control much of the urban economy. “If you take 50 hotels in the city, only three are owned by Oromos,” alleges the owner of a juice bar in Adama, the second-largest city in Oromia.Old tensions are exacerbated by two factors in modern Ethiopian politics. The first is the 1995 constitution, which carved up territory along ethnic lines. In doing so it introduced the notion of ethnic ownership of cities and towns. This is particularly pronounced in the case of Addis Ababa, in which the constitution granted Oromia a “special interest”. Oromo nationalists claim the city is part of their historic “homeland” and demand a final say over its governance. But similar conflicts fester elsewhere, sometimes turning violent, as in the eastern city of Harar, where a minority of ethnic Harari enjoyed political privileges at the expense of much larger Oromo and Amhara populations.The system also hardened perceptions of non-indigenous folk as alien settlers. In Shashamene mobs went from door to door checking identity cards, which record ethnicity, before burning property belonging to Christians and non-Oromos. “They have a plan to dominate the economy of this town,” frets a non-Oromo. “At the core this is about the concentration of economic power and opportunity in urban areas,” says Eshetayehu Kinfu of Hawassa University near Shashamene.The second factor is land. In Ethiopia, all land is owned by the state. Although the constitution guarantees free land to farmers, in practice farmers and poor folk in cities have few legal protections from eviction, says Logan Cochrane, also of Hawassa University. For urban officials, leasing and administering high-value land is a source of revenue, rents and patronage. So many grab lots of it, adding to the ranks of the landless and jobless.“Our fathers lost their land, so we have nothing to inherit,” says Tsige’s son Betemariam. An added sore is that public housing built on land that belonged to Oromo farmers was typically given to more prosperous city-dwellers. “It’s not fair,” says Beshadu Degife, who lives down the lane. “This land is ours but now it’s people from other places who are enjoying it.”The growing perception is that towns with mixed populations are strongholds of Abiy’s Prosperity Party, which seeks to have no ethnic slant. This perception may further aggravate tensions. As Ethiopia prepares for delayed elections some time next year, towns will be places to watch—and worry about.

Die Demokratisierung Äthiopiens auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern July 31, 2020

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Nobelpreisträger im Krisenmodus


Arne Wulff, Emelie Braun

Die Demokratisierung Äthiopiens auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern

Seitdem Premierminister Abiy im Amt ist, arbeitet er mit großer Energie an seinen Plänen, das Land zu reformieren – nicht nur innenpolitisch, sondern auch mit Blick auf die Außenbeziehungen. Mit dem Nachbarland Eritrea gelang bereits im Sommer 2018, nur wenige Monate nach seinem Amtsantritt, die Unterzeichnung eines Friedensabkommens, das nach Jahrzehnten der Feindschaft das Verhältnis beider Länder normalisieren sollte – angefangen mit der Öffnung der Grenzen. Außenpolitisch tritt Abiy zudem als Friedensvermittler in der Region auf, zum Beispiel in der maritimen Streitigkeit zwischen Kenia und Somalia sowie im Engagement für einen friedlichen Machtübergang im Sudan. Im Dezember 2019 wurde Abiy – insbesondere wegen des Friedenschlusses mit Eritrea – der Friedensnobelpreis verliehen. Viele fragten sich, ob die Verleihung nicht zu früh erfolgte. Denn die Grenze zu Eritrea wurde zwischenzeitlich wieder geschlossen, und der Übergang Äthiopiens zur Demokratie befindet sich auf einem schmalen Grat zwischen Erfolg und Scheitern. Die immer wieder aufflammenden ethnischen Spannungen mit einer Vielzahl von Todesopfern drohen den Fortschritt des Landes zu gefährden. Einen Vielvölkerstaat wie Äthiopien mit über 80 verschiedenen ethnischen Gruppen zu demokratisieren und gleichzeitig friedlich zu einen, ist eine Mammutaufgabe. Über 30 Jahre herrschte in Äthiopien ein sozialistisches, repressives Regime – von manchen als „Entwicklungsdiktatur“ betitelt. Von echter Demokratie war Äthiopien bis zum politischen Umbruch 2018 weit entfernt. Bis dato wurden Opposition, Presse und Zivilgesellschaft stark unterdrückt. Oppositionelle Kandidaten und ihre Anhänger wurden eingeschüchtert, politischen Gegnern wurden Stimmzettel gezielt verweigert und Wahlbetrug war an der Tagesordnung. Abiy hat sich auf die Fahnen geschrieben, dies zu ändern. Doch sein Reformkurs scheint ins Stocken geraten zu sein und vor dem Hintergrund der aktuellen Entwicklungen nehmen die skeptischen Stimmen zu – und damit wächst auch die Angst vor den Folgen eines Scheiterns der Reformagenda.

Der politische Umbruch

Äthiopien erlebt unter Abiy einen politischen Umbruch mit dem Potential, die Weichen für eine nachhaltige demokratische Entwicklung zu stellen. Der Umbruch war das Ergebnis der anhaltenden Proteste gegen die Vorgängerregierung, die 2015 begannen und 2018 ihren Höhepunkt fanden. Die Menschen gingen vor allem wegen der ungleichen Machtverhältnisse auf die Straße. Die Wut richtete sich insbesondere gegen die Tigray People‘s Liberation Front (TPLF), welche ethnisch zwar nur einen kleinen Teil des äthiopischen Volkes repräsentiert, aber in der Regierungskoalition der Ethiopian People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) dominierte. Mehr und mehr begehrten viele Äthiopier gegen die Unterdrückung von ethnischen Minderheiten und politischen Opponenten auf und waren dazu bereit, für das Recht auf Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit zu kämpfen. Hinzu kam eine wachsende wirtschaftliche Unzufriedenheit vor dem Hintergrund, dass von dem Wirtschaftsboom Äthiopiens nur wenige profitierten. Bei diesen Protesten wurden Hunderte von Menschen getötet. Der ehemalige Ministerpräsident Hailemariam Desalegn trat schließlich im Februar 2018 zurück und Wissenschaftsminister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali wurde wenig später zu seinem Nachfolger gewählt. In der Folge wurden viele Repräsentanten des alten Regimes ausgetauscht, und neue Präsidentin wurde mit der erfahrenen Diplomatin Sahle-Work Zewde zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte des Landes eine Frau.

Ambitionierter Reformkurs

Nachdem Premierminister Abiy im Frühjahr 2018 an die Macht kam, leitete er tiefgreifende Veränderungen in die Wege. Besonders in seinem Demokratisierungs- und Reformkurs überraschte er mit seinem Mut zu schnellen Reformen, die teilweise bereits umgesetzt wurden und vor allem die folgenden Neuerungen beinhalteten:

  • Die Öffnung des Mehrparteiensystems
  • Das Bekenntnis zur Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit
  • Aufhebung der strengen Blockaden der Presse und des Internets
  • Überarbeitung der Mediengesetzgebung
  • Lockerung der strengen Regelungen für NGOs
  • Die Freilassung politischer Gefangener und Einladung an Exilanten, nach Äthiopien zurückzukehren
  • Eine Liberalisierung und Industrialisierung des Landes
  • Marktwirtschaftliche Öffnung (anstatt der zuvor streng staatlich regulierten Wirtschaft)
  • Privatisierung von Staatsbetrieben
  • Die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter
  • Besetzung wichtiger Positionen mit Frauen
  • Wichtige Wechsel auf Führungsebene
  • Eine umfassende Reform des Justizsystems
  • Das Friedensabkommen mit Eritrea.

“Die Zentrifugalkraft der Liberalisierung”

Die Reformambitionen des Premierministers sind zweifellos vielversprechend und fanden von Beginn an großen internationalen Zuspruch. Doch sind sie auch mit erheblichen Risiken verbunden und mit zahlreichen Hindernissen konfrontiert. Die womöglich größte Herausforderung ist es, trotz der Liberalisierung den Zusammenhalt des Volkes zu sichern und eine Zersplitterung des Landes zu vermeiden. Denn es bestehen weiterhin starke ethnische Spannungen und Konflikte innerhalb der Bevölkerung. Bis dato wurden diese im Keim erstickt, indem Regierungsgegner verhaftet und isoliert wurden. Dieneu gewonnene politische Freiheit bringt allerdings das Risiko mit sich, dass ethnische Gruppen regionalen Autonomiebestrebungen nachgehen und dem ambitionierten Premier die politische Kontrolle entgleitet. Viele der ethnischen Gruppen fühlen sich weder gleichberechtigt noch angemessen repräsentiert. Obwohl die Volksgruppe der Oromo mit 34 Prozent die größte im Land ist, dominieren die Amharen (27%) und die Tigray (6%) das politische Leben. Zwar ist mit Abiy erstmals ein Oromo (tatsächlich ist sein Vater Oromo, seine Mutter aber Amhare) an die Macht gelangt, aber er versteht sich nach eigener Auskunft – wohl auch vor dem Hintergrund seiner gemischten Abstammung – als Äthiopier und nicht als Vertreter einer bestimmten Ethnie. So sehr ihn dieses Selbstverständnis auszeichnet, so schwer scheint es für ihn, die Oromo, deren Wut aus einer über hundert Jahre andauernden politischen Unterdrückung resultiert, in eine Politik der nationalen Einheit ohne ethnische Bevormundung oder Bevorzugung einzubinden. Der Wunsch insbesondere dieser Volksgruppe nach mehr Autonomie und politischem Einfluss nimmt an Fahrt auf und scheint sich im Zuge der neu gewonnen Freiheiten auch auf bedrohlichen Wegen Bahn zu brechen. So sollen alleine in den ersten anderthalb Jahren nach Amtsantritt des neuen Premiers mehr Menschen Opfer politisch motivierter Gewalt geworden sein als zur Zeit der Unruhen davor. Abiys Idee, das ethnisch gespaltene Land einerseits politisch zu liberalisieren und zu demokratisieren, und andererseits als Nation zu einen, ist ein Ritt auf der Rasierklinge. Sollte ihm dieser Schritt gewaltfrei gelingen, könnte er als Wegbereiter eines neuen Äthiopiens in die Geschichte eingehen. Scheitert er dagegen, könnten der Zerfall des Staates und die damit einhergehende Gewalt kaum noch aufzuhalten sein. Die politische Kunst des Premiers wird darin bestehen müssen, die ethnischen Zentrifugalkräfte der Liberalisierung in die Richtung eines gemeinschaftlichen Zugehörigkeitsgefühls zu lenken. Es wachsen Zweifel, ob dies wirklich gelingen kann.

Herausforderungen und Gefahren der aktuellen Entwicklungen

Dies sind allerdings nicht die einzigen Herausforderungen, denen die Regierung gegenüber steht.  Die schwachen institutionellen Kapazitäten erschweren die Umsetzung der Reformvorhaben. Problematisch ist auch, dass in vielen Positionen des Regierungsapparates weiterhin Personen tätig sind, die dem alten repressiven Regime entstammen. Ihre Loyalität gegenüber dem neuen Kurs erscheint zweifelhaft.

Die Industrialisierung des Landes und die Verbesserung der Infrastruktur stehen auf Abiys Reformagenda weit oben. Dafür hat das Land bereits in der Vergangenheit enorme Schulden angehäuft: Die Staatsschulden belaufen sich auf 52,57 Mrd. USD (wovon 26,05 Mrd. USD externe Staatsschulden sind).[1] Dies sind rund 66 Prozent des Bruttoinlandsproduktes (der Durchschnitt Subsahara-Afrikas liegt bei rund 57 % des BIP[2]). Vor allem gegenüber China ist Äthiopien hoch verschuldet. Daraus haben sich Abhängigkeiten entwickelt, die den Reformkurs belasten könnten. Nicht zuletzt auch deswegen sucht die neue Regierung eine stärkere Anbindung an Europa, die USA und die arabischen Staaten. Es ist klar, dass Äthiopien sich keine größere Verschuldung mehr leisten kann. Stattdessen muss sich Abiy auf das Anwerben ausländischer Investoren konzentrieren. Grundsätzlich verfügt Äthiopien über das Potential eines attraktiven Wachstumsmarktes und vor allem der sich rasant entwickelnde Industriesektor bietet viele Möglichkeiten. Doch es bleibt fraglich, ob die ökonomische Transformation mit dem hohen Bevölkerungswachstum mithalten kann und ob sich für die Mehrheit der Bevölkerung nachhaltige wirtschaftliche Perspektiven ergeben. Die ökonomische und politische Transformation sind dabei in gegenseitiger Abhängigkeit mit einander verknüpft. Für die erforderlichen Investitionen bedarf es politischer Stabilität und verlässlicher rechtsstaatlicher Strukturen. Gleichzeitig lässt sich die Akzeptanz des politischen Reformkurses wohl nur bei einer positiven Wahrnehmung der wirtschaftlichen Lage gewährleisten.[3]

Obwohl bereits einige Erfolge und Fortschritte klar erkennbar sind, ist die Gemütslage der Äthiopier nur bedingt optimistisch. Aufgrund ihrer historisch schlechten Erfahrungen mit der politischen Führung nimmt die Ungeduld im Volke zu. Die kleinen Erfolge scheinen im eigenen Land nicht immer wahrgenommen und geschätzt zu werden. Viele beklagen schon jetzt, nach nur zwei Jahren, die Langsamkeit der Reformen und das Fehlen von Jobs und beruflicher Perspektiven. Der Druck auf Abiy, seine visionären Ankündigungen in greifbare Erfolge umzusetzen, wird damit immer größer. Dass in diesen Zeiten die Corona-Pandemie das öffentliche Leben quasi zum Stillstand bringt, dürfte sich als weiteres Hindernis für den Premier erweisen.

Die geplanten Wahlen 2020 und die Corona-Pandemie

Die ersten wirklich demokratischen Wahlen in Äthiopien stehen bisher unter keinem guten Stern. Die Parlamentswahlen sollten ursprünglich im Mai 2020 stattfinden. Anfang des Jahres wurden sie auf den 29. August 2020 verschoben. Grund dafür war die zu kurze Vorbereitungszeit für die Nationale Wahlkommission im Hinblick auf die notwendige Wählerregistrierung und Bestrebungen der Politik, sich im Zuge der Liberalisierung in Form neuer politischen Parteien sowie möglicher Koalitionsbündnisse neu zu sortieren. Denn während bis heute die EPRDF über alle 547 Sitze im Parlament verfügt, haben nun auch andere Parteien und Parteienbündnisse die Möglichkeit, durch demokratische Wahlen in Äthiopien an die Macht zu kommen oder politisch zu partizipieren. Die Durchführung allgemeiner, gleicher und freier Wahlen ist für die demokratische Legitimierung des Premiers außerordentlich wichtig. Nur dann kann es ihm gelingen, seinen Reformkurs erfolgreich fortsetzen. Um dem Nachdruck zu verleihen, hat er auch intensiv daran mitgewirkt, sich aus alten Parteienbündnissen wie der EPRDF zu befreien und eine neue Partei zu gründen. Die Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) soll zukünftig für die politischen Ziele des Premiers stehen und verfolgt vor allem eine wirtschaftlich liberale Programmatik. Die früher die EPRDF beherrschende Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) hat sich jedoch dafür entschieden, sich der neuen Partei nicht anzuschließen. Insgesamt beklagt die politische Opposition im Lande, die insbesondere in den Ethnien der Oromo und Tigray vorhanden ist, nicht in die Politik eingebunden zu werden. Sie fühlen sich aus der von Premierminister Abiy versprochenen Transformation Äthiopiens zu einer echten Demokratie zunehmend ausgeschlossen.

Die nun im Lichte der Corona-Pandemie verordnete längere Zwangspause im politischen Wettbewerb lässt die Frustration weiter anwachsen. Der Kurs der demokratischen Erneuerung durch Wahlen ist fürs Erste unterbrochen. Nachdem am 12. März der erste Covid-19 Fall registriert worden war, wurde die nun für August geplante Parlamentswahl erneut verschoben – diesmal auf unbestimmte Zeit[4].

Mittlerweile zählt Äthiopien über 14.500 Infizierte und über 200 Todesfälle (Stand: 28.07.2020). Man geht aber von einer deutlich größeren Dunkelziffer aus, da es im Land nur geringe Testkapazitäten gibt. Und auch wenn die Zahl der Infektionen im Vergleich zu anderen Staaten wie Südafrika (über 450.000 Fälle, Stand: 28.07.2020) recht gering erscheint, muss leider festgestellt werden, dass die Behandlungskapazitäten (laut Regierung ca. 1.500 Intensivbetten und ca. 400 künstliche Beatmungsmöglichkeiten) zumindest für ernsthaft erkrankte Personen sehr gering sind und mittlerweile an ihre Grenzen geraten. Besonders in Addis Abeba ist die Lage kritisch. Hinzu kommt, dass im Zuge der Abwanderung von Fachkräften („Brain Drain“) viele gut ausgebildete äthiopische Ärzte der Verdienstmöglichkeiten wegen im Ausland arbeiten. Qualifiziertes Personal zur Behandlung von Covid-19 steht nur in geringem Umfang zur Verfügung.

Bereits am 8. April 2020 rief Abiy für zunächst fünf Monate den nationalen Notstand aus, der mit etlichen Restriktionen verbunden ist. So wurden unter anderem die Landgrenzen geschlossen, Zusammenkünfte von mehr als vier Personen untersagt, Schulen und Bildungseinrichtungen geschlossen, Reisebegrenzungen im Land sowie strenge Quarantänebestimmungen verhängt und eine Verpflichtung zum Tragen von Masken im öffentlichen Raum eingeführt. 

Politisch wiegt die erneute Verschiebung der Wahlen für die Regierung schwer – handelt es sich dabei doch bereits um die zweite weite Verschiebung innerhalb eines halben Jahres. Hinzu kommt, dass die Wahlperiode des Parlaments und damit auch die Amtszeit der Regierung im Sommer 2020 unter normalen Umständen verfassungsrechtlich endet. Dabei sind gerade die kommenden Wahlen für Äthiopien und seine Zukunft so entscheidend, denn mit diesen Wahlen werden die Weichen für die weitere Entwicklung des Landes gestellt; sie sind als „demokratische Premiere“ anzusehen. Ob das Land den ambitionierten Reformplänen Abiys weiter nachgehen wird und ob es sich weiter in Richtung Liberalisierung und Demokratie entwickelt, hängt maßgeblich von diesen Wahlen ab. Sie dienen dazu, dem Premier und seinen Reformvorhaben demokratische Legitimation zu verleihen und gelten daher als Bewährungsprobe.

Mord an Künstler löst Unruhen aus

Am 29. Juni 2020 wurde der Sänger und Aktivist Hachalu Hundessa in Addis Abeba niedergeschossen und erlag wenig später seinen Verletzungen. Hachalu gehörte zur Volksgruppe der Oromo und wurde in seiner Heimat als Stimme des Protestes gefeiert. Seine Lieder sind eng mit den Protesten zwischen 2015 und 2018 verbunden, die zum Rücktritt von Abiys Vorgänger führten. In der Folge seiner Ermordung kam es zu gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Demonstranten und Sicherheitskräften in der Hauptstadt Addis Abeba und im Bundesstaat Oromia. Sie wurden begleitet von Straßensperren, mehreren Explosionen in Addis Abeba, brennenden Autos, eingeschlagenen Scheiben und Plünderungen. Über zwei Wochen wurden im Großraum Addis Abeba die Internetverbindungen abgeschaltet und auch Telefonate blockiert. Zahlreiche Menschen kamen bei den Ausschreitungen ums Leben: nach Angaben der Polizei gab es mindestens 239 Tote. Die Regierung reagierte mit harter Hand und ließ Oppositionelle festnehmen, darunter auch der sehr bekannte Oromo-Nationalist Jawar Mohammed. Die Anklage gegen ihn lautet auf Beteiligung an der Ermordung eines Polizisten während der Unruhen. Seine Anhänger bestreiten dies und beschuldigen Abiy, mit der Verhaftung Jawars einen politischen Kontrahenten aus dem Weg räumen zu wollen. Auch der von Jawar gegründete Fernsehsender „Oromia Media Network“ (OMN) wurde geschlossen. Unterdessen konnten zwei Tatverdächtige gefasst werden, die schließlich gestanden, an Hachalus Ermordung beteiligt gewesen zu sein. Nach Angaben der äthiopischen Generalstaatsanwaltschaft war die Tat Teil einer Verschwörung zum Sturz der Regierung. Weitere Hintergründe bleiben bisher unklar.

Diese jüngsten Ereignisse zeigen, wie fragil die Lage im Land ist und wie groß die Gefahr der Eskalation politischer und ethnischer Spannungen. Auffallend ist zudem, dass sich Premier Abiy im Angesicht der Unruhen offenbar der gleichen Instrumente bediente wie seine politischen Vorgänger: Abschaltung sämtlicher Kommunikationsmöglichkeiten sowie Verhaftung Oppositioneller. Beobachter verurteilten die Reaktionen der Regierung auf die Proteste und Unruhen als exzessiv und kontraproduktiv. Sie stehen im krassen Widerspruch zum gerne gepflegten Image Abiys als liberalem Reformer. Es mehren sich nun Befürchtungen, dass es erneut zu einer größeren Protestbewegung der Oromo kommen könnte. Die Entwicklungen belasten das ohnehin angespannte Verhältnis der Oromo zur Regierung und stärken das Mistrauen gegenüber Abyi. Kritiker aus seiner eigenen Volksgruppe werfen dem Premier ohnehin seit langem vor, sich nicht genug für die Belange seiner Heimatregion einzusetzen.


Angesichts der auslaufenden demokratischen Legitimierung des äthiopischen Parlaments und der Regierung Abiys sowie der auf unbestimmte Zeit verschobenen Wahlen ist damit zu rechnen, dass die politische Instabilität im Lande andauert. Die bestehenden ethnischen Konflikte konnten bisher auch durch die neue Regierung nicht gelöst werden. Hätten im August Wahlen stattgefunden, wäre Abiy im Ergebnis vom Parlament als Premierminister wohl bestätigt worden. Ob dies auch der Fall sein wird, wenn die Wahlen erst 2021 oder schlimmstenfalls 2022 stattfinden, ist zunehmend fraglich.

Die Zukunft Äthiopiens bleibt also ungewiss. Das Land am Horn von Afrika verfügt über ein enormes Potential, das aber ohne weitere Reformen nicht abgerufen werden kann. Gerade jetzt wären positive und vor allem für die Bevölkerung sichtbare Entwicklungen notwendig – Entwicklungen, von denen alle ethnischen Gruppen profitieren. Auf politischer Ebene stellt sich zudem die Frage, wie die jetzige und künftige Regierung dem Wunsch der Regionen nach mehr Autonomie nachgehen kann, um einerseits den nationalen Frieden zu wahren, andererseits aber die nationale Einheit nicht zu gefährden. In Betracht kommt eine Neudefinierung des ethnischen Föderalismus, bei der Deutschland mit seiner föderalistischen Expertise unterstützend und beratend zur Seite stehen könnte.

Auf wirtschaftlicher Ebene geht es für das Land darum, den seit Jahren anhaltenden wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung mit Wachstumsraten zwischen jährlich neun und zehn Prozent nachhaltig zu sichern und auszubauen. Dabei sollte vor allem zuerst der individuelle Bürger und dessen Bildung und gesellschaftliche Stellung im Vordergrund stehen. Die Themen Gleichstellung der Geschlechter, ethnische Inklusion sowie Umfang und Qualität der Bildung werden Äthiopiens Zukunft maßgeblich bestimmen. Zugleich muss die Arbeitslosigkeit parallel zum Problem einer rasant wachsenden jungen Bevölkerung ab- und Beschäftigung sowie Infrastruktur ausgebaut werden. Dafür sind weitere finanzielle Mittel und Programme sowie die Anwerbung von Investoren notwendig. Eine Aufnahme weiterer Kredite, vor allem von China, erscheint jedoch gefährlich und sollte unterlassen werden, um eine noch größere Verschuldung und Abhängigkeit des Landes zu vermeiden. Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass durch die Corona-Pandemie die gesamte Weltwirtschaft – und insbesondere die der afrikanischen Länder – über Jahre zurückgeworfen werden wird. 

Es gibt zwei alternative Szenarien für die Zukunft des Landes. Einerseits ein optimistisches Zukunftsszenario, in dem ein inklusiver Politikwechsel stattfindet, auf dem weiteres Wirtschaftswachstum, innerer und äußerer Frieden und die Verbesserung der Lebensbedingungen folgen. Andererseits gibt es auch ein pessimistisches Zukunftsszenario, in welchem das Land ein abruptes Ende politischer Stabilität und den Zerfall staatlicher Ordnung mit der Folge erleben könnte, dass erneut diktatorische Kräfte die Macht ergreifen. Zurzeit lässt sich nicht sagen, welches Szenario das wahrscheinlichere ist. Umso mehr muss den demokratischen Staaten dieser Welt daran gelegen sein, den von Abiy Ahmed eingeschlagenen Weg der Demokratisierung politisch zu unterstützen und dem Land wirtschaftlich zu helfen. Dabei geht es auch darum, alle demokratischen Kräfte im Land zu stärken. Abiy Ahmed als viel gelobter Hoffnungsträger wird seine Reformagenda nicht im Alleingang verwirklichen können. Er muss die verschiedenen Kräfte im Vielvölkerstaat Äthiopiens an einen Tisch bekommen und einen echten nationalen Dialog in die Wege leiten. Nur dann kann die Herausbildung eines nationalen Zugehörigkeitsgefühls gelingen, welches die Grundlage für Stabilität bildet.

[1] Nora Kiefer, Sabine Odhiambo in „Äthiopien am Scheideweg“, Berlin, 27.Dezember2019; http://www.deutsche-afrika-stiftung.de/files/afrikapost_aktuell_aethiopien_am_scheideweg.pdf (12.05.2020)

https://www.indexmundi.com/g/g.aspx?c=et&v=94&l=de; https://wko.at/statistik/laenderprofile/lp-aethiopien.pdf (12.05.2020)

[2] Maria Scurell in „Das Länderinformationsportal“ zu Äthiopien, März 2020: https://www.liportal.de/aethiopien/wirtschaft-entwicklung/ (12.05.2020)

Paloma Anos Casero (IDA), Zeine Zidane (IMF), Kevin Fletcher (IMF)  in „Joint Bank-Fund Debt Sustainibility Analysis 2018: http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/690431545161133088/pdf/wbg-ethiopia-debt-sustainability-analysis-2018-update-final-dec0718-12142018-636805946102250783.pdf (12.05.2020)

[3] Vgl. Tim Heinemann: „Äthiopien 2025: ein aufstrebender Industriestandort in Afrika?“, KfW Research Nr. 249, 27. März 2019: https://www.kfw.de/PDF/Download-Center/Konzernthemen/Research/PDF-Dokumente-Fokus-Volkswirtschaft/Fokus-2019/Fokus-Nr.-249-Maerz-2019-Aethiopien-2025.pdf (12.05.2020)

[4] Zwischenzeitlich hat das Parlament die Verschiebung in der Weise konkretisiert, als dass die Wahlen in einem Zeitraum von 9 – 12 Monaten nach Ende der Corona-Pandemie stattfinden sollen.

Nobel Laureates In Crisis Mode

By Arne Wulff, Emelie Braun, July 29, 2020

The Democratization Of Ethiopia On A Fine Line Between Success And Failure

Parliamentary elections were supposed to be held in Ethiopia in August 2020. But in view of the Corona pandemic, these have been postponed indefinitely. Thus, the question of democratic legitimacy for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s ambitious reform policy remains outstanding. True, the reforms that have begun seem to have put the country on the right track in many ways – and they are receiving a lot of international support and support. But, however promising the projects may be, the country continues to face major challenges.In addition to the peace with Eritrea, the continuation of democratization, and the fight against high poverty, these concerns above all the continuing strong ethnic tensions. Most recently, these escalated again when violent clashes broke out in the wake of the assassination of a popular Oromo singer, in which more than 200 people died. Ethiopia is at a crossroads: is Abiy succeeding not only in opening up the country but also at one another? Or does its failure threaten the nation’s disintegration?Early laurels for the hopefulSince Prime Minister Abiy took office, he has worked his plans to reform the country – not only domestically, but also with regard to external relations. In the summer of 2018, just a few months after taking office, neighboring Eritrea signed a peace agreement that, after decades of hostility, was supposed to normalize the relationship between the two countries – starting with the opening of borders. In foreign policy, Abiy also acts as a peace broker in the region, for example in the maritime dispute between Kenya and Somalia and in the commitment to a peaceful transition of power in Sudan.In December 2019, Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, in particular, because of the peace deal with Eritrea. Many wondered if the award ceremony was not too early. The border with Eritrea has since been closed again, and Ethiopia’s transition to democracy is on a fine line between success and failure. The ever-increasing ethnic tensions with a large number of deaths threaten to jeopardize the country’s progress.Democratizing a multi-ethnic state like Ethiopia with more than 80 different ethnic groups while at the same time peacefully unifying it is a mammoth task. For more than 30 years, Ethiopia was ruled by a socialist, repressive regime, dubbed by some as a “development dictatorship.” Ethiopia was a long way from true democracy until the political upheaval of 2018. To date, the opposition, the press, and civil society have been severely repressed. Opposition candidates and their supporters were intimidated, political opponents were deliberately denied ballot papers, and voter fraud was commonplace. Abiy is committed to changing this. But his reform course seems to have stalled, and in the context of current developments, skeptical voices are growing – and with it, the fear of the consequences of a failure of the reform agenda is growing.The political upheavalEthiopia is experiencing a political upheaval under Abiy with the potential to set the course for sustainable democratic development. The upheaval was the result of ongoing protests against the previous government, which began in 2015 and culminated in 2018. People took to the streets mainly because of the unequal balance of power. The anger was directed in particular at the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents only a small part of the Ethiopian people ethnically, but dominated the ruling coalition of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).More and more, many Ethiopians rebelled against the oppression of ethnic minorities and political opponents and were willing to fight for the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press. Added to this was growing economic dissatisfaction against the background that few benefited from Ethiopia’s economic boom. Hundreds of people were killed in these protests. Former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn finally resigned in February 2018, and Science Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali was elected as his successor a short time later. As a result, many representatives of the old regime were replaced, and the new president became a woman with the experienced diplomat Sahle-Work Zewde for the first time in the country’s history.Ambitious reform courseAfter Prime Minister Abiy came to power in the spring of 2018, he initiated profound changes. Especially in his course of democratization and reform, he surprised with his courage in rapid reforms, some of which had already been implemented and which included, above all, the following innovations:The opening up of the multi-party systemThe commitment to freedom of expression and freedom of the pressLifting the strict blockades of the press and the InternetReview of media legislationEasing strict rules for NGOsThe release of political prisoners and invitation to exiles to return to EthiopiaLiberalization and industrialization of the countryMarket economy opening (instead of the previously strictly state-regulated economy)Privatization of state-owned enterprisesGender equalityFilling important positions with womenImportant changes at management levelA comprehensive reform of the judicial systemThe peace agreement with Eritrea.“The centrifugal power of liberalization”The Prime Minister’s reform ambitions are undoubtedly promising and have been very popular from the outset. But they also face significant risks and numerous obstacles. Perhaps the greatest challenge, despite liberalization, is to ensure the cohesion of the people and to avoid fragmentation of the country. Because there are still strong ethnic tensions and conflicts within the population. To date, these have been nipped in the bud by arresting and isolating government opponents. But the new political freedom that has been won risks ethnic groups pursue regional autonomy and the ambitious prime minister slips away from political control.Many of the ethnic groups do not feel equal or adequately represented. Although the Oromo ethnic group is the largest in the country with 34 percent, the Amhars (27%) dominate and the Tigray (6%) political life. With Abiy, an Oromo (in fact, his father Oromo, but his mother Amhara) came to power for the first time, but according to his own information – probably also against the background of his mixed lineage – he sees himself as an Ethiopian and not as a representative of a certain ethnic group. As much as this self-image characterizes him, it seems difficult for him to integrate the Oromo, whose anger stems from more than a hundred years of political oppression, into a policy of national unity without ethnic patronage or preference.The desire of this ethnic group in particular for more autonomy and political influence is gaining momentum and seems to be breaking ground in the course of the newly gained freedoms, even on threatening paths. In the first year and a half after the new prime minister took office alone, more people are said to have been victims of politically motivated violence than at the time of the riots before. Abiy’s idea of liberalizing and democratizing the ethnically divided country, on the one hand, and as a nation on the other, is a ride on the razor blade. If he succeeds in this step without violence, he could go down in history as a trailblazer for a new Ethiopia. If, on the other hand, he fails, the disintegration of the state and the violence that accompanies it could be hard to stop. The political art of the Prime Minister will have to be to steer the ethnic centrifugal forces of liberalization in the direction of a sense of common belonging. Doubts are growing as to whether this can really succeed.Challenges and dangers of current developmentsHowever, these are not the only challenges facing the government. The weak institutional capacity makes it difficult to implement the reform projects. It is also problematic that many positions of the government apparatus continue to be made up of people from the old repressive regime. Their loyalty to the new course seems dubious.The country’s industrialization and infrastructure improvement are high on Abiy’s reform agenda. In return, the country has accumulated enormous debt in the past: the national debt amounts to USD 52.57 billion (of which USD 26.05 billion is external government debt). This is about 66 percent of gross domestic product (average sub-Saharan Africa is about 57 percent of GDP). Ethiopia is particularly indebted to China. This has led to dependencies that could strain the course of reform. This is one of the reasons why the new government is seeking greater ties with Europe, the US, and the Arab states.It is clear that Ethiopia can no longer afford the greater debt. Instead, Abiy must focus on attracting foreign investors. In principle, Ethiopia has the potential for an attractive growth market and, above all, the rapidly developing industrial sector offers many opportunities. But it remains questionable whether economic transformation can keep up with high population growth and whether sustainable economic prospects emerge for the majority of the population. Economic and political transformation are interdependent. The necessary investment requires political stability and reliable constitutional structures. At the same time, acceptance of the course of political reform can probably only be guaranteed if the economic situation is positively perceived.Although some successes and progress are already clear, the mood of the Ethiopians is only partially optimistic. Because of their historically poor experience with political leadership, popular impatience is on the increase. The small successes do not always seem to be perceived and appreciated at home. Many are already lamenting, after only two years, the slowness of reforms and the lack of jobs and career prospects. The pressure on Abiy to translate his visionary announcements into tangible successes is thus growing. The fact that, in these times, the Corona pandemic is bringing public life to a virtual standstill is likely to prove to be another obstacle for the Prime Minister.The planned elections in 2020 and the Corona pandemicThe first truly democratic elections in Ethiopia have so far failed to take a good turn. Parliamentary elections were originally scheduled to take place in May 2020. At the beginning of the year, they were postponed to 29 August 2020. The reason for this was the too short preparation time for the National Electoral Commission in view of the necessary voter registration and efforts by politicians to regroup in the course of liberalization in the form of new political parties and possible coalition alliances. While the EPRDF still has all 547 seats in parliament, other parties and party alliances now have the opportunity to come to power or participate politically through democratic elections in Ethiopia.The holding of general, equal, and free elections is extremely important for the democratic legitimacy of the Prime Minister. Only then can he succeed in continuing his reform course. In order to reinforce this, he has also worked hard to free himself from old party alliances such as the EPRDF and to form a new party. The Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) is to stand for the political goals of the Prime Minister in the future and pursues above all an economically liberal programmatic. However, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), formerly dominant of the EPRDF, has chosen not to join the new party. Overall, the political opposition in the country, which exists in particular in the Oromo and Tigray ethnic groups, deplores not being involved in politics. They feel increasingly excluded from the transformation of Ethiopia into a true democracy promised by Prime Minister Abiy.The prolonged pause in political competition, now prescribed in the light of the Corona pandemic, further increases frustration. The course of democratic renewal through elections is interrupted for the time being. After the first Covid-19 case was registered on 12 March, the general election, now scheduled for August, was postponed again – this time for an indefinite period.Ethiopia now has more than 14,500 infected people and more than 200 deaths (as of 28.07.2020). However, it is assumed that the number of unreported cases is much higher, as there is little testing capacity in the country. And although the number of infections seems quite low compared to other countries such as South Africa (over 450,000 cases, as of 28.07.2020), it has to be noted that the treatment capacities (according to the government about 1,500 intensive care beds and about 400 artificial ventilation options) are very low, at least for seriously ill people, and are now at their limits. The situation is particularly critical in Addis Ababa. In addition, as a result of the brain drain, many well-trained Ethiopian doctors work abroad for the benefit of earning opportunities. Qualified staff to treat Covid-19 are available to a limited extent.As early as 8 April 2020, Abiy declared a national emergency for an initial period of five months, which is associated with a number of restrictions. Among other things, land borders were closed, more than four people had gathered, schools and educational institutions were closed, travel restrictions were imposed in the country and strict quarantine regulations were imposed, and an obligation to wear masks in public spaces was introduced.Politically, the rescheduling of the elections weighs heavily on the government – this is already the second far-off in six months. In addition, the parliamentary term, and thus the government’s term of office in the summer of 2020, will end constitutionally under normal circumstances. The forthcoming elections are so crucial for Ethiopia and its future, because these elections set the course for the country’s further development; they are to be regarded as a ‘democratic premiere’. Whether the country will continue to pursue Abiy’s ambitious reform plans, and whether it continues to move toward liberalization and democracy, depends largely on these elections. They serve to give democratic legitimacy to the Prime Minister and his reform plans and are therefore seen as a test.Artist’s murder sparks unrestOn June 29, 2020, singer and activist Hachalu Hundessa was gunned down in Addis Ababa and succumbed to his injuries a short time later. Hachalu belonged to the Oromo ethnic group and was celebrated in his homeland as a voice of protest. His songs are closely linked to the protests between 2015 and 2018 that led to the resignation of Abiy’s predecessor. In the aftermath of his assassination, violent clashes broke out between demonstrators and security forces in the capital Addis Ababa and in the state of Oromia. They were accompanied by roadblocks, several explosions in Addis Ababa, burning cars, smashed windows and looting. Over two weeks, Internet connections in the Addis Ababa area were shut down and telephone calls were also blocked. Many people were killed in the riots: according to the police, there were at least 239 dead.The government reacted with a hard hand, arresting opposition figures, including the well-known Oromo nationalist Jawar Mohammed. The charges against him include involvement in the murder of a police officer during the riots. His supporters deny this and accuse Abiy of trying to get rid of a political opponent by arresting Jawar. The Oromia Media Network (OMN), founded by Jawar, was also closed. Meanwhile, two suspects were arrested, who eventually confessed to being involved in Hachalu’s murder. According to the Ethiopian Prosecutor General’s Office, the act was part of a conspiracy to overthrow the government. The further background remains unclear.These recent events show how fragile the situation in the country is and the risk of escalating political and ethnic tensions. It is also striking that, in the face of the unrest, Prime Minister Abiy apparently used the same instruments as his political predecessors: shutting down all communication facilities and arresting opponents. Observers condemned the government’s response to the protests and unrest as excessive and counterproductive. They are in stark contrast to Abiy’s much-maintained image as a liberal reformer. There are now growing fears that a larger oromo protest movement could occur again. The developments strain the Oromo’s already tense relationship with the government and strengthen a mistrust of Abyi. Critics from his own ethnic group have long accused the prime minister of not doing enough to protect the interests of his home region.ViewGiven the expiry of democratic legitimacy of the Ethiopian Parliament and the Abiy government, as well as the elections postponed indefinitely, political instability in the country is expected to continue. The existing ethnic conflicts have not yet been resolved by the new government. If elections had taken place in August, Abiy would probably have been confirmed as Prime Minister by Parliament as a result. Whether this will also be the case if the elections do not take place until 2021 or, at worst, 2022, is increasingly questionable.So Ethiopia’s future remains uncertain. The horn of Africa country has enormous potential, but it cannot be called up without further reforms. Right now, positive developments, visible above all to the population, would be necessary – developments that benefit all ethnic groups. At the political level, the question also arises as to how the present and future governments can pursue the desire of the regions for greater autonomy, in order, on the one hand, to preserve national peace and, on the other, not to jeopardize national unity. A redefinition of ethnic federalism is envisaged, in which Germany could provide support and advice with its federalist expertise.At the economic level, the country’s goal is to sustainably secure and expand the economic recovery that has been going on for years, with growth rates of between nine and ten percent per year. First and foremost, the individual citizen and his education and social position should be in the foreground. The issues of gender equality, ethnic inclusion and the scope and quality of education will determine Ethiopia’s future. At the same time, unemployment must be removed and employment and infrastructure developed in parallel with the problem of a rapidly growing young population. This requires further financial resources and programms, as well as the recruitment of investors. However, borrowing further, especially from China, seems dangerous and should be avoided in order to avoid even greater debt and dependence on the country. To make matters worse, the Corona pandemic will set the entire global economy – and African countries in particular – back for years to come.There are two alternative scenarios for the future of the country. On the one hand, an optimistic future scenario, in which an inclusive policy change takes place, followed by further economic growth, internal and external peace and the improvement of living conditions. On the other hand, there is also a pessimistic future scenario in which the country could experience an abrupt end to political stability and the disintegration of the state order, with the result that dictatorial forces once again seize power.At the moment, it is not possible to say which scenario is more likely. All the more reason for the democratic states of the world to give political support to the path of democratization taken by Abiy Ahmed and to help the country economically. It is also a question of strengthening all democratic forces in the country. Abiy Ahmed, as a much-praised hopeful, will not be able to implement his reform agenda on his own. It must get the various forces in Ethiopia’s multi-ethnic state at the same table and initiate a genuine national dialogue. Only then can a national sense of belonging be developed, which forms the basis for stability.

#OromoProtests: Seenaa Jimjimoo ergaa qabdi Oromoo caqasaa July 31, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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#OromoProtests: BEEKSISA: Waamicha Uggura Geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame Ilaalchisee Beeksisa Qeerroo Irraa Kenname July 30, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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BEEKSISA: Waamicha Uggura Geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame Ilaalchisee Beeksisa Qeerroo Irraa Kenname

Lagannaan ugguraa geejibaa daandii Asphaltti fi Cirraacha/piistaa/ fi qoqqobbiin dinagdee Guutuu oromiyaa tti Adoolessa 27/11/2012 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa calqabee Guyyoota Hin murtoofneef hojii irra Ni oola. Haaluma Kanaan toftaa qabsoo bifa lama of keessaa qabu bocuudhaan Qeerroon mata-duree Waamicha Uggura geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeessuuf waamame bifa qinda’een Guutuu oromiyaa tti Ni raawwata.

Akkaataa waamicha kanaatti qoqqobbiin diinagdee mootummaa Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmed laamshessuuf waamame keessaa muraasni

…..Tooftaan 1ffaan Waamicha Uggura geejibaa fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Qeerroon Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmadiin loluuf baafate immoo •••->uggura daandiiwwan gurguddoo (highways) irratti xiyyeeffataa. Kaayyoon uggura daandiiwwan gurguddoo kun daandiiwwan Oromiyaa seenanii fi ba’an cufuudhaan ujummoo diinagdee mootummaa Nafxanyaa Finfinnee keessa maadheffatee cufuu dha.Qeerroon addaan qoodame hinjiru, gara duraattis hanga bilisummaa dhugaa galmaan geenyutti hinjiraatu.

Toftaan 2ffaa..

••-> uummatni keenya kallattiidhaan ta’e al-kallattiidhaan baankiiwwanii fi inshuraansii mootummaa nafxanyaa kana deeggaran akka itti hin fayyadmne,

•• baankii haaraa amma sheerin isaa gurguramaa jiru akka hin bitne .Uummatni keenya irraa keenya mootummaa nfaxanyaa Abiy Ahmediif gibira akka hin kafalle;

••Jaarmiyaalee tajaajila geejjibaa kanneen sheerii warra diina uummata keenyaan ijaaraman fayyadamuu dhiisuu;

••konkolaataan isaanii Oromiyaa keessa akka hin sochoone ugguruu; ••Miidiyaalee diinaa dadhabsiisuu ilaalchisee miidiyaaleen diinaa fardii uummata Oromoo irratti duguuggaa sanyii labsan kanneen akka EBC, WALTA, ABBAY Media, ESAT, MEREJA tube fi ETHIO Tube, Fana fi kkf uummatni keenya akka hin daawwanne,

••Qabeenya abbootii qabeenyaa kanneen sirna Nafxanyaa kana tajaajilan ummatni Oromoo maqaan beeku qabeenya isaanii hunda irratti tarkaanfiin ugguru akka fudhatamu, qoqqobiin dinagdee akka irratti godhamu.

Waamicha uggura Geejjibaa Guutummaa Oromiyaa ilaalchiseeWaamichi uggura geejjibaa daandiiwwan gurguddoo Oromiyaa seenanii-ba’anii fi Oromiyaa Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2012 ALH ykn Monday, AUG 3/8/2020 irraa calqabee akka eegaluuf murtaa’ee jira. Kanaaf, Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2012 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa eegalee daandiiwwan magaalota Oromiyaa wal agarsiisan marti guyyaa kana irraa kaasee cufaa ta’u. Haaluma Kanaan, daandiiwwan gurguddoo (highways) gara Magaalaa Finfinnee geessan dabalatee geejjibni marti akka dhaabbatu irra deebiin waamicha dhiyeessina. Uggurrii kun Wiixata Adoolessa 27 ALH ykn Monday ,AUG 3/8/2020 irraa egalee hojii irraa akka oolu firaafis ta’e diinaaf ifa haata’u jechuun Qeerroon murteessee jira. Cufiinsa daandiiwwanii kana keessa Ambulaansii irraa kan hafe sochiin geejjibaa Oromiyaa keessa deemuu fi ba’u marti ni dhaabbata.

Sochiin uggura geejjibaa marsaa kanaa daandiiwwan magaalota walquunnamsiisan qofa irratti kan xiyyeeffatu waan ta’eef sochiin taaksii keessoo magaalotaa fi daldalli garagaraa magaalota keessatti adeemsifamu kan itti fufan ta’a. Hariiroon magaalotaa garuu addaan cita. Waamichu uggura geejjibaa guutummaa Oromiyaa kun hamma Qeerroon ibsa baase akka dhaabbatuuf ifatti waamicha dhiyeessutti Guyyoota Hin murtoofneef kan itti fufu ta’a.Warreen murtii Qeerroo fudhachuu didanii socho’uuf yaaluu fedhan Yoo jiraate tarkaanfiin irratti fudhatamu fuula duratti Qeerroo fi qarreen ifa Ni godha.

KMN: የአርቲስት ሀጫሉ ግድያና የሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ድብቅ ሴራ! July 30, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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የአርቲስት ሀጫሉ ግድያና የሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ድብቅ ሴራ!

KMN, July 29/2020

ኦሮሞ በግፍ በተገደለ ቁጥር የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት የሚያንጋጉት የይስሙላ መግለጫ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ አዲስ አይደለም። የሀጫሉን ግድያ አስመልክቶ ግን የተተወነው ድራማ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን እይታ ሊጋርድ አልቻለም። አብይ እና ግብረ አበሮቹ ነፍጠኞች የዛሬ ዓመት ያገሪቷን ኢታማዦር ሹም ጀነራል ሰዐረ መኮንንና ጓዳቸው የነበሩትን ጀነራል ገዛኢ አበራን፣ ዶ/ር አምባቸው መኮንን እና በፌደራሊዝም የሚያምኑ የአማራ ክልል ብሔርተኛ አመራሮችን በግፍ በመግደል ምርጥ ድራማ ሰርተዋል። ዛሬም በተመሳሳይ አርቲስት ሀጫሉን ቀርጥፈው በልተው ሲያበቁ የህዝብን እይታ ለማዛባት የፈበረኩትን ድራማ ቀድመው ባቀናበሩት መሠረት ለመተወን ሞክረዋል። ሀጫሉን የገደሉት አብይና አሃዳውያን ነፍጠኞች መሆናቸውን ስንናገር በምክንያት ነው። አብይና የምኒልክ ሥርዓት ናፋቂዎች አርቲስት ሀጫሉን የገደሉት ለራሳቸው የፖለቲካ ትርፍ ነው። ተከድኖ የሚቀር ዘላለማዊ ሚስጥር የለም። ጉዳዩ እንዲህ ነው። ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድ እና ግብረ አበሮቹ ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ቴሌቪዥን የሰጠውን ቃለ መጠይቅ ተመለከቱ። አርቲስቱ በተናገራቸው ንግግሮች በጣም ተበሳጩ። በተለይ ደግሞ ሀጫሉ ወደፊት ”በቅርቡ ለሁሉም ነገር መልስ የሚሆን ሥራ ይዤ ብቅ እላለሁ” ያለውን ንግግር ከሀጫሉ አንደበት ሲሰሙ በድንጋጤ የሚይዙትና የሚጨብጡት ጠፋቸው። ጉዳዩ ከዚህ ቀደም ሀጫሉን ቤተ መንግስት ድረስ ጠርተው ያስጠነቀቁትና ግን ደግሞ የሀጫሉን ቆራጥነት በሚገባ የሚያውቁት ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድን በእጅጉ አሳሰባቸው። የዲያብሎስ ዳንኤል ክብረት ግፊትም በእጅጉ በረታባቸው።እናም በዚህ ጉዳይ እንቅልፍ ያጡት ጠቅላይ ወዲያውኑ ደመላሽ ገ/ሚካኤልን ጠርተው አማከሩት። “አርቲስት ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ቴሌቪዥን የሰጠውን ቃለ መጠይቅ ተመልክተህዋል? ሀጫሉ እጅግ በጣም አደገኛ አርቲስት ነው። አሁን ደግሞ አደገኛ ስራ እየሰራ ያለ ይመስለኛል። እንደሚታወቀው ይህ ግለሰብ በቄሮ ዘንድም ከፍተኛ ተሰሠሚነት አለው። እስኪጣራ ብለን እንጂ ከኦነግ ሸማቂዎች ጋር ግኑኝነት እንደነበረውም መረጃ ነበረን። ከቃለ መጠይቁ በኋላ በተከናወነው የማጣራት ስራ ደግሞ በዚህ ’ለሁሉም ነገር መልስ የሚሆን’ ባለው አዲስ ስራው የኦሮሞ ቄሮዎች ሸማቂዎችን እንዲቀላቀሉ የሚያነሳሳ መሆኑን ደርሰንበታል። ይህ ግለሰብ በፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ ላይ የሚያራምደው ዋልታ ረገጥ አቋሙም አስቀድመን የምናውቀው ነው። በበኩሌ ይህ ልጅ አሁን ቀዩን መስመር የረገጠ ይመስለኛል። ስለዚህ አስቀድመን አስቸኳይ መፍትሔ ልናበጅለት ይገባል ብዬ አምናለሁ።” አሉት። አክለውም ”በማን ይፈጸም? መቼ? የት? እንዴት? ለሚለው የዕቅዱን ዝርዝር መርሀ ግብር በ24 ሰዓት ጊዜ ውስጥ እንድታጠናቅቅ ይሁን። ከአፈጻጸሙ አስቀድሞ ግን ዝርዝር ዕቅዱን ማወቅ እፈልጋለሁ።” በማለት የግድያ ጠበብቱን አሰናበቱት። ከጉዳዩ ጋር አያይዘው የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞችን ለመወንጀል ደግሞ ለአቶ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለኢንጂነር ታከለ ኡማ ተመሳሳይ ትዕዛዝ ተሰጣቸው።ደመላሽ በተባለው የጊዜ ገደብ እቅዱን አዘጋጅቶ አቀረበላቸው። ጠቅላዩም የሀጫሉን ነፍስ ለመቅጨት የተነደፈውን የጥፋት ዕቅድ አጸደቁት። እንዲተገበርም ጥብቅ ትዕዛዝ አስተላለፉ። በአቶ ደመላሽ መሪነትና በአቶ ዮሀንስ ምትኩ አስፈጻሚነት የቤተ መንግስቱ ልዩ የጥበቃ ኃይል አባል የሆነችው ወታደር ላምሮት ከማልን ልከው የአርቲስት ሀጫሉን ህይወት ቀጠፉ። አቶ ሽመልስ እና ኢንጂነር ታከለም ምርጥ ተዋናይ ሆነው በድራማው ተሳተፉ። ጥቁር ለብሰው ሲያበቁ በሚዲያ ቀርበው የአዞ እንባ አነቡ። ወንጀላቸውንም በቀጥታ ሌሎች ላይ ደፈደፉት። ወንጀላቸውን በካይሮ፣ በወያኔ፣ በኦነግ ሸኔ እና በኦሮሞ ምሁራን ላይ ለመለጠፍ የተውኔቱን ሁለተኛ ምዕራፍ አጧጧፉት። ጀዋር መሀመድን፣ በቀለ ገርባን፣ ሀምዛ ቦረናን…ወዘተ አፍነው በማሰር አርቲስት ሀጫሉ ላይ የፈጸሙትን አሰቃቂ ግፍ ንጹሃኖቹ ወያኔ፣ ኦነግ ሸኔ እና የኦሮሞ ምሁራን ላይ ለማላከክ በብርቱ ተጉ። ጸያፍ ድርጊታቸውንም ከአርቲስቱ አስክሬን ጋር በፍጥነት ከፊንፊኔ አርቀው ለመቅበር ወሰኑ። ለዚህም ነው የሀጫሉ ሬሳ አምቦ ተወስዶ እንዲቀበር ግፊት ከማድረግ አልፈው ማምሻው ላይ አስክሬኑን በሄሊኮፕተር አምቦ ያስገቡት። እዚህ ጋር የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቆም ብሎ ራሱን መጠየቅ የሚገባው ጥቂት ጥያቄዎች አሉ። ሀጫሉ ለኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ በሰጠው ቃለ መጠይቅ ላይ ነፍጠኞችን ክፉኛ አስቆጥቷል። ብልጽግናን በብርቱ ተችቷል! ታዲያ ሀጫሉ ሲገደል የአማራ ኢሊቶችና የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ አመራሮች ለምን አልተጠረጠሩም? የኦሮሞ ፓርቲ አመራሮች ብቻ ለምን ተጠረጠሩ? ለምን እነርሱ ብቻ ታሰሩ? አንድም የነፍጠኞች ሚዲያ ሳይነካ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ልሳን የሆነው ኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ብቻ ለምን ተዘጋ? የኦሮሚያ ሚዲያ ኔትዎርክ ጋዜጠኞች ብቻ ለምን ታገቱ? በዚሁ ቀን የሀጫሉን ሬሳ ለመቀበል የወጡ የኦሮሞ ወጣቶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች ጥይት ሲዘንብባቸው፤ ሲቆስሉና ሲገደሉ፤ ለተጨማሪ የጥፋት ተልዕኮ ተደራጅተው የተሠማሩት የነፍጠኞች የጥፋት ግብረ ሀይሎች ግን ያለማንም ከልካይነትና ሀይ ባይነት የኦቦ ድንቁ ደያሳ ንብረት የሆነውን የሪፍት ቫሊ ዩኒቨርቲ ቅርንጫፎችን በሙሉ ሲዘርፉና ሲያወድሙ የዋሉት እንዴትና በምን ስሌት ነው? ሀጫሉ ሲገደል አጠገቡ የነበረችው ወታደር ላምሮት ከማል የት ገባች? ወ/ሮ አዳነች ሚዲያ ፊት ቆማ ለምን ተንተባተበች? የኦሮሞ ህዝብ እነዚህን ጥያቄዎች ራሱን መጠየቅና ምላሽ ማግኘት ይኖርበታል። ይህ የአብይና የአሃዳውያን ነፍጠኞች ድራማ እነዚህ ሰዎች ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ያላቸውን ቅጥ ያጣ ጥላቻና ንቀት የሚያመለክት የሴረኝነት ተውኔት ነው። በዚህ ተልካሻ ድራማ ኦሮሞን መሸወድ መቼም አይሳካላቸውም። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሀጫሉ ገዳዮች እነማን እንደሆኑ ጠንቅቆ ያውቃል። ይህ ታጋሽ ህዝብ ትናንትም የአርቲት ኤቢሳ አዱኛ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲት ዮሴፍ ገመቹ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲት ኦስማዮ ሙሳ ገዳዮችን እያወቀ! የአርቲስት ዳዲ ገላን ገዳዮችን እያወቀ ታግሶ አብሮ ኖሯል! አርቲስት ሀጫሉም ሰኔ 22/2012 ከምሽቱ 3:30 ሰዓት ላይ ተመሳሳይ ጽዋ ተጎነጨ። ከንግዲህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከልጆቹ ገዳዮች ጋር ታግሶ ለመኖር ትዕግስቱ ተሟጧል! የታሠሩ የኦሮሞ ምሁራን ባስቸኳይ እንዲለቀቁ መራር ትግል ማድረግ አለበት። የሀጫሉን ጨምሮ በግፍ የፈሰሰው የንጹሃን የህዝብ ልጆች ደም በከንቱ ፈሶ አይቀርም። ነገ ሳይሆን ዛሬ! በኦሮሞ ሀዝብ አንድነትና ብርቱ ክንድ ይታፈሳልና!!!ግልጽ መልክዕት! ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ለኦቦ ለማ መገርሳ!በማር አንደበትህ ላታለልከንና ድላችንን ነጥቀህ ለሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ገጸ-በረከት ያበረከትከው ኦቦ ለማ ሆይ! ትናንት በማር አንደበትህ ስትሸነግለን በየዋህነታችን አምነን ተከተልንህ። ”ጌታችን እናንተ ናችሁ! አጥፍተናልና ይቅር በሉን! ልንክሳችሁ ተነስተናልና ጊዜ ስጡን!” ስትለን ወንድማችን ነህ ብለን ያለ ምንም መጠራጠር ድላችንን አስረከብንህ። ዛሬ አንተ አባብለህ በጫንክብን የጭቆና ቋጥኝ ስንጨፈለቅ፣ አንተ በጠመድክብን የግፍ መትረየስ በጅምላ ስንታጨድ፣ ድምጽህን አጥፍተህ በቅምጥል ህይወት ስትቀይረን፣ ምላስህን ውጠህና አንደበትህን ቆልፈህ በስልጣን ጫካ ውስጥ ራስህን ስትሸሽግ ታዘብንህ። ዛሬ ከእኛ ዘንድ ምንም ወቀሳ የለብህም። ነገር ግን አንድ ሀቅ እንጠቁምህ። በሄድክበት ሁሉ የኦሮሞ ሰማዕታት አጥንት ይወጋሃል። ለነጻነታችን የፈሰሰው የኦሮሞ ልጆች ደም አፍ አውጥቶ ይወቅስሃል። ጣዕረ ሞታቸው በሄድክበት ሁሉ ይከተለሃል። ነገ ደግሞ ነፍሳቸው በፈጣሪ ፊት ይወቅስሃል። ፈጣሪ አምላክም በክህደትህ ልክ የማይቀረው ፍትሃዊ ፍርዱን ይሰጥሃል። እናም፣ ኦቦ ለማ ሆይ! ነገ በእውነተኛው ቀን ፈጣሪ ፊት ቀርበን ለመወቃቀስ ያብቃን!!!ግልጽ መልክዕት! ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ለሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ! ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! ትናንት በኦሮሞ ልጆች ህይወትና ደም መስዋዕትነት ከባርነት ወደ ነጻነት ተሸጋገርክ። ከሎሌነት ወደ ንጉስነት ተረማመድክ። ከታዛዥነት ወደ አዛዥነት ተወረወርክ። ቀን ሲወጣልህ ያነገሰህን ህዝብ ከዳህና ከግብረ-አበሮችህ ጋር ተወዳጀህ። የነፍጠኞችን አጽም ከመቃብር አስነስተህ ዳግም ቤተ መንግስት አስገባህ። ከዚያም የኦሮሞን ስነ ልቦና በመግደል ዳግም ወደ ባርነት አዘቅት መዶል ተመኘህ። እንደተመኘሀውም ነፍጠኞችን አደራጅተህ የግድያ ግብረ ሀይል ውጪ ሀገር አሰልጥነህ ታዋቂና ቁልፍ የኦሮሞ ልጆች ላይ ስውር የግድያ ዘመቻ ከፈትከ። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ትግል አርማ የሆነው አርቲስት ሀጫሉን በመግደል የኦሮሞን ቀንድ ለመስበር ሞከርክ። የቀድሞ ጌቶችህ (የትናንቱ ኦፒዲኦ) – አባ ዱላ ገመዳ እና ኩማ ደመቅሳ – የአምቦ አድባር የነበሩት ኦቦ ደራራ ከፈኔ ላይ የፈጸሙትን – የጭካኔ ታሪክ አድሰህ አምቦን ዳግም የሀዘን ማቅ አለበስካት። የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ዓይን ደንቁለህ ብሌኑን አጨለምክ። ልቡን በግፍ አደማህ። በኦሮሞ ህዝብ የደምና የእንባ ጎርፍ ዋኘህ። መግደል ሳያንስህ የሀጫሉን ሬሳ ቀብር ነስተህ አንገላታህ። ከሠፊዋ የፊንፊኔ መሬት ሁለት ክንድ አጥቅ ነፍገህ ሬሳውን አረከስክ። የሀጫሉን ቤተሰቦች በሀዘን አቆራምደህ ጥይት መረቅህላቸው። የሀጫሉን አጎት ገድለህ ተጨማሪ ሬሳ አስታቀፍካቸው። በልጃቸው ሀዘን የተሰበሩትን የሀጫሉ ቤተሰቦች በጥይት ቋንቋ “መጽናናትን” ተመኘህላቸው። ስለ ሀጫሉ ፍትህ ያለቀሱትን፣ ለሰማዕቱ አስክሬን ተገቢውን ክብር የተመኙትን የኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ከርቸሌ ዘጋህባቸው። ጀዋርና ኦቦ በቀለን የመሠሉ ታላላቅ የኦሮሞ ታጋዮችን አፍነህ አዋረድክ። በቆመጥ አስቀጠቀጥክ። ዓይንህን በጨው አጥበህ ስታበቃ በግፍ ያፈሰስከውን የወንድማቸውን (የሀጫሉን) ደም እነርሱ ላይ ለማላከክ ደመ ነፍስህን ላይ ታች መናወዝ ጀመርክ። ላንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ትግል ለማዳፈን ዓይን ያወጣ ቅጥፈትህን አደባባይ አወጣህ። ድፍን ኦሮሚያ ውስጥ ስለሀጫሉ ፍትህ የወጡ ወገኖቹን በጥይት እንደቅጠል አረገፍካቸው። በኦሮሞ ደም እጅህን ታጠብክ። በንጹሃኖች ደም ዙፋንህን ማደላደል ተመኘህ። ለቀናትም ቢሆን ስለትህ ያዘልህ። የልጅነት ህልምህ እውን ሆነልህ። የዕድሜ ልክ ምኞትህ ሰመረልህ። እናም፤ ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! በኦሮሞ ደም ነግሰህ በኦሮሞ ደም በመዋኘትህ እንኳን ደስ ያለህ። በመጨረሻ አንድ አጭር ምክር እናካፍልህ። አንድ ተጨባጭ ሀቅንም እንጠቁምህ። ከንግዲህ አንተ የምትፈጽምበትን ግፍ አሜን ብሎ የሚቀበል፣ የምትደርብለትን የውርደት ሸማ ለብሶ መኖር የሚፈቅድ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ ፍጹም እንደይማኖር ልብ ካለህ ልብ ብለህ አስተውል። እኛ የኦሮሞ ልጆች ለህዝባችን ነጻነት ውድ ህይወታችንን ለመገበር ቅንጣት አናመነታም። ከንግዲህ አንተ የምትጭንብንን የምኒልካውያን የባርነት ቀንበር የሚሸከም ጫንቃ በፍጹም የለንም። አንተ የምትጭንብንን አሳፋሪ ባርነት ከመሸከም ሞት ለእኛ ዘላለማዊ ክብር ነው። ሌላው ቢቀር በጥርሶቻችንና በጥፍሮቻችን እንዋጋለን። አንተ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን በግፍ ለመግደል ዝግጁ እንደሆንክ ሁሉ እኛም ኦሮሞ ሆነን በኦሮሞነታችን ለመሞት እስከ መጨረሻው ቆርጠን ተነስተናል። ይህ ውሳኔያችን አጉል ፉከራ መስሎ ከታየህ በእጅጉ ተሳስተሃል። ማረጋገጫ ካስፈለገህ በተግባር ከማረጋገጥ ይበልጥ አስተማማኝ ማስረጃ የለምና የጥፋት ዕቅድህን ቀጥልበትና ውሳኔያችን ተጨባጭ ሀቅ የመሆኑን እውነታ በተግባር አረጋግጥ። ሰባተኛው የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ ሆይ! እሳት የጨበጠ ሰራዊት እንደምታሰማራብን እናውቃለን። በህገ አራዊት የሚመራና የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ደም የጠማው አራዊት አሰማርተህ እንደምትጨፈጭፈን እንገነዘባለን። ከሰማይ የምታዘንብብን የእሳት መዓት የሚኖርህ ከሆነ እሱንም ደርበህ አዝምትብን። በዚህ ወቅት ሞት ለእኛ ለቁቤ ትውልድ ሰርግና ምላሽ ነው። አንተ የደገስክልንን አፈናና የጅምላ ሞት እያለቀስን ሳይሆን እየጨፈርን በእልልታ ለመቀበል ቆርጠናል። የቁቤ ትውልድ በህይወት እስካለ ድረስ የኦሮሞ ህዝብን ዳግም ወደ ባርነት አዘቅት ለማንደርደር ከአሃዳውያን ጋር የነደፍከው የጥፋት ዕቅድህ ፈጽሞ ሊሰምር አይችልም። ሰይጣናዊ ዕቅድህ ሊሰምር የሚችለው ሀምሳ ሚሊዮኑን የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በጅምላ መቅበር ስትችል ብቻ ነው። አንተ በምታሰማራብን ደም የጠማው ነፍሰ ገዳይ ሰራዊትህ የሀምሳ ሚልዮን ኦሮሞዎች ግብዓተ መሬት እስኪጠናቀቅ ድረስ የጀመርነው መራር ትግላችን ከቀን ወደ ቀን ይበልጥ ተጠናክሮ የሚቀጥል መሆኑን እነሆ ሰው ሆነን ስንፈጠር ሙሉ ነጻነት አጎናጽፎ በፈጠረን ፈጣሪያችን ስም ቃል እንገባልሃለን። ሽንፈት ለነፈሰ ገዳዮ አብይና ግብረ አበሮቹ! ድል ለሰፊው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ይሆናል!!!ከኦሮሞ ህዝብ የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች!ሀምሌ 20/2012 ዓም

#OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally United Kingdom (Uk) Birmingham (29 July 2020) July 29, 2020

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Hiriira mormii United Kingdom (Uk) Birmingham

The last effort to destroy the name ‘OLF’ is set on. Ifajeen dhumaa maqaa “ABO” jedu balleessuu qasiifamee jira July 29, 2020

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The last effort to destroy the name ‘OLF’ is set on

By Obbo Ibsaa Guutama

It is saddening to hear that the elderly freedom fighter and the chairman of OLF Party is under house arrest for unexplained cause. Whatever he may be accused of cannot be outside what he has done as an Oromo national and on behalf of his party.

He is the personification of that party. Therefore, his comrades should not do anything that will compromise his leadership until he is legally replaced. It is the party in power that has arrested him. Therefore, remaining party officials are expected to sever any relation with that party unless sanctioned by him. Otherwise it amounts to collaboration with enemy of the party and therefore betrayal to its constitution not pure rebellion against him. On the surface the matter may seem one party’s internal affairs. But it should be clear to any one that it is far beyond that when viewed against the present happenings. It is in the category of alien interference in Oromo affairs; Hacaaluu’s killing and imprisonment of Jawar Mohamad and all Oromo leaders and nationals. It is part of the genocide going on in many parts of Oromiyaa. Many Oromo nationalists might have conflicts with Chairman Daawud Ibsaa. But at this trying time solidarity with him becomes a duty of Oromummaa. Enemy conspiracy may pulldown in turns billboards carrying name “OLF” never OLF itself.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu.

Ifajeen dhumaa maqaa “ABO” jedu balleessuu qasiifamee jira: Manguddichi qabsaawaa bilisummaa, hogganni Gola ABO, Daawud Ibsaa kaasaa hin ifsamneef manaa akka hin baane taasifamuu dhagahuun nama gaddisiisa. Waanti inni ittiin himatame maaluu haa tahu waan Oromoo ta’ee fi gola ofii bakka bu’ee hojjetee ala hin ta’u. Golichaaf fuula namummaa kan kennuufii isaa. Kanaaf jaallewwan saa hagamu qurrama qabaatanuu hanga seeraan bakka buufamutt waan hoggansa saa gaaffii keessa galchu raawwachuu hin qabanii. Gola aangoo irra jirutu isa qabe. Kanaaf qondaaloti dhaabichaa hidhaa irraa hafan yoo inni hin hayyamin hariiroo gola sanaa waliinii kutuu qabu. Sana malee diinatt galuu fi heera golichaa ganuutt malee, isaan mormanii kan itt fincilanitt hin fudhatamu. Irrakeessaan wanti kun dhimma gola tokko keessaa fakkaachuu danda’aa. Garuu waan amma ta’aa jiruun yoo walitt ilaalamu akka sana irraa fagoo ta’e hundaaf ifaa ta’uu qaba. Akaakuu halagaan dhimma Oromoo keessa seenuu, ajjeechaa Hacaaluu, fi hidhamuu Jawaar Mohamadii fi hogganoota Oromoo fi sabboonota hundaatii. Qaama qaceefixiisa Oromiyaa bakka hundatt gaggeefamaa jiruuti. Sabboonoti Oromoo hedduun Dura Taa’aa Daawud Ibsaa waliin waldhabdee qabaachuu ni danda’uu. Garuu yerottii qortuu kanatt tumsuufiin dirqama Oromummaa ta’a. Sadoon nyaaphaa saanqaa maqaan “ABO” irra jiru darabeen gadi buusuu ni dandaha, ABO gonka hin danda’uu.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!


Oromo political struggle had its goal as establishing independent republic Oromiyaa. Something went wrong when some went back to the initially rejected position by founding fathers of movement for independence. That is where the Oromo should have the courage and determination to go back to. Anything they tried short of that have failed for their arbitrary imprisonment, torture, killings and exiles never stopped. Enslaved people have to be completely free from their enslavers to negotiate with them on equal terms for any eventuality. They have first to unequivocally stop taking them as their subservient devoid of the right to self-determination. There cannot be freedom for nations and nationalities until the empire under which they are imprisoned is dismantled and they are set free to decide on their own. All polities in Africa are colonial made and should not be looked upon as indivisible and sacred. Oromiyaa and Ethiopia are African countries; it should not be seen as if one is above the other because fall time caused. Just like Dr. Abiy said you shall destroy us before you destroy Ethiopia, there are those that say you have to destroy us before you completely destroy Oromiyaa. Before wellbeing of human beings is more endangered by spite of dictators, peace lovers have to come to the rescue. Nafxanyaa system hopefuls and their lackies’ fooling of democratization, federalism, common history etc. must stop and the truth put up. So far, no member of the oppressor group has comeout to solve existing problems in good faith. As one of ancient nations of Africa Oromo stand for Pan Africanism is unquestionable. They want strong union in which all peoples’ political, social and economic interests are reflected. Ethiopia must be liberated from Nafxanyaa colonizer’s mentality to live with. Oromo love freedom and are now determined more than ever to pay what it takes to realize it. It is the most honorable to die fighting against injustice rather than on one’s knees. Therefore, get organized wherever you are starting from grassroots. Overseas, strengthen your community associations. It is there that you can test how far you can go together overcoming personal greed and narrowness of the mind. It is only if you overcome that that you can pass to a higher level. Any trial that does not start from the bottom up will collapse before going farther. For the purpose remember you are not the tribe or region or the religion or any group you come from but proud Oromo. Whatever you plan is to empower the Oromo to overcome their chronic colonial problem. All patriots so far relentlessly advocating for their national cause will have legitimacy in their communal base. In case Homefront is disabled that they may be called upon to lead the struggle cannot be ruled out. Therefore, they have to get organized with that in mind. There are Oromo community associations throughout the world. There are also attempts to coordinate efforts of all Oromo communities on country and global levels. Go back and strengthen those. The most urgent need our people require is rescuing victims of Nafxanyaa system genocide. The assassination of the beloved artist Hacaaluu Hundeessaa and killings and mass arrests that came after that is only the continuation of more than 150 years of genocide. Oromo nationalist’s determination is called for to alleviate the victims’ agonies and go after those instigating genocide from behind the riff raffs. Before the worst comes to the region their names and evil deeds should be exposed and brought to international court of justice. Now family support, medication, legal expenses and support for those wounded and imprisoned are urgent. For this thing is not going away soon, a permanent accountable task force/institution of professionals and volunteers may need to be formed. Since the source and the target are the same it could be advantageous to centralize fund raising to enable prioritizing budget according to urgency of need. Then similar institution for research and information seems a must. Legality and transparency in all endeavors is helpful. Let theory turn into practice. Task of diaspora can be summarized as providing with money, advocacy, material and knowledge.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

Ibsaa Guutama

Definition of Qeerroo and Faannoo: When one talks of Qeerroo and Faannoo one has to understand the difference in concept. Qeerroo are young men who are not married and defending society is one of their roles. Qarree means unmarried virgins. Literally Qeerroo is plural of leopard. The Oromo take their young to be as brave and daring as the leopard and leopardess. They are not war mongers but come out only when the nation’s honor and interests are challenged and when duty calls. Fannoo means leaderless campaigner (zamach) volunteer campaigner, war monger (Desta Takla Wald dictionary p. 990). Faannoo are not limited to age group but includes all that are rebellious and unruly. It will therefore, be a mistake to understand it as Qeerroo when Amaaraa says Faannoo. Conceptually Faannoo is aggressive while Qeerroo is peaceful youth until it is provoked to engage. Abbaa Duulaa is always assigned to lead them in battle so cannot be leaderless.

OMN: Oromoo amantaan walitti buusuuf shira mootummaan dalagaa jiru irratti Dr. Biranemesqel Abbabaa Sanyii waliin July 29, 2020

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Hacaaluu Hundessa’s only weapon was his music. His sentence for singing was death. One of Ethiopia’s most popular musicians, Hacaaluu sang of the plight of the Oromo—Ethiopia’s largest but most repressed ethnic community. His June murder sparked protests around the country and, tragically, confirmed the very repression he sought to end. What’s more, his killing exposed the autocratic DNA of Ethiopia’s government, a regime that benefits from nearly a billion dollars of U.S. aid every year while staying cozy with China and crushing Ethiopia’s most pro-American constituency—the Oromo.

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed used the protests following Hacaaluu’s murder as a pretext to jail his political opponents and shut off the country’s internet access, a blackout that has lasted for three weeks. Fearing a democratic electoral repudiation, Abiy also indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections. Those chillingly anti-democratic actions are just the latest chapter of Abiy’s illiberal regime. Amnesty International reported in May that during Abiy’s rule up to 10,000 people were unjustly arrested and that at least 239 people—including a 16-year-old boy—were killed in extrajudicial executions in Oromo-majority regions of Ethiopia.

Paradoxically, Abiy himself is an Oromo. But his refusal to protect the human rights of his own people combined with his democratic backsliding is a problem for Washington. As the largest country in East Africa, Ethiopia has been a vital partner in Washington’s Global War on Terror and could yet provide a bulwark to China’s expansion in Africa. But Ethiopia cannot reliably advance U.S. interests in East Africa if the government in Addis Ababa invites instability by repressing Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Ending this repression and cementing strong bilateral ties with the United States, as authoritarian countries like China seek inroads to our continent, is the goal of the Oromo community.

It’s a goal that can most swiftly be met with pressure from Washington. Lawmakers, diplomats, and military officials in the U.S. responsible for providing security assistance and funding to Ethiopia should call on Abiy to immediately and unconditionally release the political prisoners he rounded up both before and after Hacaaluu’s murder. As a member of the Oromo diaspora in America, I treasure my protected right of free speech. But I am too frequently reminded that today in Ethiopia I could be jailed along with peaceful Oromo protesters—like human rights activist Jawar Mohammed—just for voicing my opinions.

Fortunately, the U.S. Congress agrees that this goal should be achieved. In April of 2018, The House of Representatives unanimously approved a resolution calling for the Ethiopian government to, “release all activists, journalists, and opposition figures who have been imprisoned for exercising their constitutional rights.

I would ask that Congress go one step further by holding to account anyone in the Ethiopian government who is responsible for human rights violations under the Magnitsky Accountability Act. The Oromo community has been heartened to see the bipartisan application of the Magnitsky Act across two presidential administrations to use America’s considerable might to extend a hand to voiceless minorities that would otherwise be forgotten, or even vanquished.

The same congressional act that called for the release of Ethiopian activists also called on the State Department and U.S. Agency for International Development to “engage in a cooperative effort to advance democracy.” That clause has never been more needed. Afraid of being voted out of power, Abiy, citing the coronavirus, indefinitely postponed Ethiopia’s elections, which were originally scheduled to take place in May. Ethiopia would face a constitutional crisis should Abiy rule beyond October. And while the virus is, undoubtedly, a serious concern, the United Nations has said that Ethiopia can safely hold elections as soon as August.

A vital part of any robust democracy is a free, independent press. This includes opinion journalism, and outlets dedicated to specific groups like the Oromo. Unfortunately, the Ethiopian government has shut down all independent newspapers published in the Oromo language along with those that report on issues important to the Oromo people. Diaspora blogs have sought to illuminate Oromo issues, but those outlets cannot replace shoe leather reporting in Ethiopia. With the government able to shut down the internet at will, the Oromo seeking news in their own language may soon be forced to rely on carrier pigeons.

Finally, it is my hope that an independent commission will be allowed to investigate Hacaaluu’s assassination. The government clearly has a conflict of interest in the outcome of this investigation and has actively created disinformation about his killing. So far, the government has blamed Hacaaluu’s killing on the Egyptians, and two separate Ethiopian ethnic groups while opting against conducting an official autopsy. As the highest profile victim of anti-Oromo violence, if Hacaaluu cannot receive justice, can any other Oromo expect it?

Hacaaluu’s assassination laid bare Ethiopia’s underlying fragility, which stems from the Ethiopian peoples’ anxiety about losing their democratic and human rights for good. Ethiopia has long been a stable U.S. partner in beating back terrorism and is well-positioned to face burgeoning security challenges. But continuing any meaningful security or economic partnership requires stability. For the U.S., promoting the rights of the Oromo and other oppressed groups in Ethiopia is a national security issue. Congress has already laid out a blueprint that would help return stability to Ethiopia. For the sake of both our countries, it is time to act on it.

AboutSeenaa Jimimo :Seenaa Jimimo is an Oromo-American born in and raised in Ethiopia. She is the Executive Director of the Oromo Legacy, Leadership and Advocacy Association, a U.S.-based association of grassroots chapters of the Ethiopian Oromo diaspora, advocating for human rights and democracy in Ethiopia.

The views presented in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily represent the views of any other organization.

የእምዬ የኢትዮያ ጉዞ ወደኋላ!Ethiopia : Marching Backwards July 28, 2020

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የእምዬ የኢትዮያ ጉዞ ወደኋላ!Ethiopia : Marching Backwards

By Leenjisso Diigaa | July 27, 2020

Whenever hate rides arrogance outpacing reason, tolerance and harmony the outcome is fairly predictable. Fanning persistent campaign of Oromophobia over the airwaves and other venues is a clear and present danger to society. This impacts not only the Oromo human dignity and that of people of the wider-South, who share similar historical experiences and aspirations but also to the well-being of the entire malformed Ethiopian Nation State (of victims). The bigoted self-righteous forces of alienation and despair must investigate their racist persuasions before irreversible damage is done. The appeal for Red Terror re-enactments by the resurrected remnants of Derg proponents is not only incompatible with current politically savvy society but it’s also a regrettable reliving of a savage and barbaric episode in human history. Declarations of open war on the Oromo, urging and prodding for more massacres of an innocent population, arbitrary arrests, tortures and meting out cruelty of injustices in society will not bring any submissions or peace but intensifies the resolve to resist it. Violence begets violence for there must be a limit to the level of beatdowns and indignation human beings can endure before they SAY NO to it. The more people are marginalized the more determined they become to end it. History is replete with such human experiences. It’s the law of human nature. Violence in all its forms must be condemned regardless of the identity of the victims. For one to campaign with the right hand to free one (Iskender) and with left hand to jail the other (Jawar) betrays the contradictory nature of the ideology of the hypocrites. Justice must not be partially enforced. It’s ought to be based on nothing but the truth, not on the person’s identity.Fate of the people occupying same echo system is inevitably and intricately intertwined. Irresponsibly disturbing their long maintained equilibrium for peace and harmony comes at an immense cost. The evidence is loud and clear. The lLoss of majority Oromo lives and that of others along with their properties are the direct results of Oromophobia driven well financed and orchestrated campaign of destruction. It will benefit no party. Oromo’s ethos of love and accommodation should have not been reciprocated with egregious, rude and rubbish narratives that promotes their dehumanization, antagonization that foments conflicts.Condemning followers of particular faith as “extremists” or “terrorists” for political expediency is wrong. Religions have long been with the people and will continue to exist in the future.As much as others do in theirs, the Oromo of any religious affiliation have the right to a dignified life in their homeland, Oromia of Ethiopia, not Madagascar or Indian Ocean. Ethiopia must change her attitude of omission and animosity towards people who resist her antiquated addiction with human misery, it’s only thereafter that God will bless her richly. Until Ethiopia begins to see all nationalities as a equal human beings with dignity no power or force can buy her peace and prosperity. Why would Ethiopia march backwards to the “ብሔራዊ ዉትድርና” era and beyond (to the era of የተገዙ “ቀይ ባሪያ”ና “ጥቁር ባሪያ”).In the season when a communist Derg is offered a comfort from where he preaches about God’s blessing while rehearsing the long forgotten feverish slogans of oppression and, with the same breath, calling for annihilation of people, Ethiopia is for sure in big trouble. The ghosts of the past belong in their distant attics not in public place of influence. Col. Mengistu must be laughing his heart out all the way from Zimbabwe hearing the echo of his reigns. የእምዬ የኢትዮያ ጉዞ …

Oromo Lawyer Says Protests in Ethiopia Stem From Systematic Discrimination July 28, 2020

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Oromo Lawyer Says Protests in Ethiopia Stem From Systematic Discrimination #OromoProtests

VOA: The Oromo are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and East Africa, comprising more than 35 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million people. For years, Oromos have protested what they say are years of discrimination and injustice. According to Amnesty International, the government has often responded with overwhelming and disproportionate force, unleashing “a vicious cycle of protests and totally avoidable bloodshed”. The recent death of popular Oromo musician Haacaaluu Hundeessa heightened ethnic tensions in the nation and at least 160 people died in the aftermath of protests. Ethiopia’s government has denied accusations that it sanctioned Hundeessa’s killing. Africa 54’s Managing Editor, Vincent Makori, recently spoke with Henok Gabisa, co-chair of the International Oromo Lawyers Association, and asked him about the grievances of the Oromo people. #Ethiopia #Oromia #Oromo #Protests #HaacaaluuHundeessa

Related from Oromian Economist:

የቀሩት ምርጫዎች: ኮሎኔል አቢይ ብዙ ችግሮች ዉስጥ ገብቶአል #OromoProtests July 27, 2020

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የቀሩት ምርጫዎች

BY Mekbib Gebeyehu

ኮሎኔል አቢይ ብዙ ችግሮች ዉስጥ ገብቶአል. ችግሮቹ ዘርፈ-ብዙና ስር የሰደዱ ናቸዉ. በኔ ግምት ችግሮቹ ኮሎኔል አቢይ መፍታት ከሚችለዉ በላይ ሄደዋል. የያዜዉ መንድ የጥፋትና ሊሆን የማይችል መሆኑን ቢገነዘብ የብዙ ህይወት ማለፍንና የንብረት መዉደምን መቀነስ ይቻላል.”When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth”. የሚባል አባባል አለ. ኮሎኔል አቢይ ቢያንስ ሁለት ሊሆኑ የማይችሉትን ከአላማዉ ማሰጣት አለበት. በጥቅሱ እንዳነሳሁት የቀረዉ ምናልባትም ቢሆን እዉነት ይሆናል . ይህ የማይሆነዉን የማስወገድ ዜዴ በምርምር እንዲሁም ለችግሮች መፍትሄ በማምጣት ረገድ ይጠቀሙበታል.ዛሬም ሆነ ወደፊት በዚይች ሃገር የማይሆኑት፡

1. ኢትዮጵያ ዉስጥ አሃዳዊ አስተዳደር በፍጹም ሊመሰረት አይችልም. ሙከራዎች አይደረጉም ማለት አይደለም፣ ግን በፍጹም አይሳካም. ለብዙ ህይወት መጥፋትና ንብረት መዉደም ዋናዉ ምክንያት ሊሆን ይችላላ. የአሃዳዊዉ ስርአት አቀንቃኞች በብዛት ካንድ ብሄር ብቻ የወጡ የፖለቲካ ኤሊቶች መሆናቸዉና ስርአቱ ተሞክሮ የከሸፈ መሆኑ ከምርጫዉ ዉጪ ያደርገዋል. የፈደራል ስርአቱ ድክመት እንዳለ ሆኖ የተለላያዩ ብሄሮች ከፈደራል አስተዳደሩ ያግኙት ጥቅም ለምሳሌ በማንነት፣ በቁዋንቁዋና በባህል አከባቢ አሃዳዊዉን ስርአት እንዳይቀበሉ ያደርጋል. በመሆኑም ያአሃዳዊው ስርአት ሊሆኑ ከማችሉት ዉስጥ የሚመደብ ነዉ. ስርአቱ እንደ ነፍጠኛዉ ስርአት ላለመመለስ ሄዶአል.

2. ኮሎኔል አቢይ አምባገነን ሆኖ ማስተዳደር አይችልም. የህዝቡ ንቃተ ህሊና የደረሰበትና አልገዛም ባይነቱ ጸጥታዉን ለማስጠበቅ አቅም ያሳጣዋል፡ መቆጣጠር ወደ ማይቻልበት ሁኔታ ያደርሰዋል. የኮሎኔሉ ወደ አስመራ ሩጫ ለዚህ ማስረጃ ነዉ. ኤሪትሪያ ደግሞ ብዙ የሚትረዳዉ አይመስለኝም. የአቢይ ለራሱ ጥበቃ ከኢትዮጵያ ይልቅ በኢርትሪያ ጠባቂዎች መተማመን በሌሎች አከባቢ ቅራኔ ያስነሳል. በዉጪ ወታደር እርዳታ አምባገነን መሆን ከባድ ነዉ. የኦሮሚያ ፖሊስ ካለፈዉ የተማረዉ ልምድ አለዉ. ሁኔታዎቹ እየገፉ ሲመጡ ከራሱ ህዝብ ጋር ይሰለፋል. የመከላከያ ሰራዊቱም ቀስ በቀስ ያንኑ ይከተላል. ይህ ብቻ ሳይሆን ኤኮኖሚዉም ለዚህ አመቺ አይደለም. ያለም አቀፉም ህብረተሰብ የኮሎኔሉን ማንነት እየተረዳዉ ነዉ. ብዙ የመገናኛ መሳሪያዎች በሰፊዉ እየዘገቡ ነዉ.ባጭሩ ከላይ ያነሳኋችዉ ሁለት ሁኔታዎች በኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ዉስጥ ሊሆኑ የማይችሉ ናቸዉ. ያንን ስራ ላይ ለማዋል መስራት የጥፋት መንገድ ነዉ. የአማራዉ ኤሊት ይህ ሳይገባዉ ቀርቶ ሳይሆን “ምናልባት ቢሳካ” ከሚል አስተሳሰብ ነዉ. ያን አስተሳሰብ ቢትዉ የበለጠ ይጠቀማሉ.ሊሆኑ የሚችሉት”however improbable”

1. በመፈቃቀድ ላይ የተመሰረተ ብሄር ተኮር ጠንካራ ፈድራሊስም ሊፈጠር ይችላል. ይህ አዝማሚያ በሰፊዉ እየታየ ነዉ. ብዙ ጥናት አዘል ስብሰባዎች እየትካሄዱ ነዉ. የፈደራል ሃይሉ ማለትም ከአምራዉ ኤሊት በስተቀር ሁሉም በዚህ ጎራ ዉስጥ የተሰለፉ ናቸዉ. የተለያዩ ብሄሮች ለምሳሌ የሲዳማ፣ የሃረሪ፣ የትግራይ፣ የቅማንት ወዘት ተወካዮች ትናንት ኦሮም ግሎባል ፎሩም ባካሄደዉ ስብሰባ ላይ የተናገሩት አንዱማስረጃ ነዉ.

2. ኢትዮጵያ የዛሬዉን ቅርጽዋን ታጣለች. ለምሳሌ ትግራይ ወይም ኦሮሚያ ወይም ሁለቱም የራሳቸዉን መንግስት መመስረት ይችላሉ. ለብዙዎቹ ይህ እስኪሆን እዉነት አይመስልም. ሲሆን ግን ለመቀብለ ይገደዳሉ.ይህ የመጀመሪያዉ ሰናሪዮ ካልተሳካ የሚመጣ ነዉ.እንዲዲህ ሊሆኑ የማችሉትን ካስወጣን ሊሆኑ ከሚችሉት ሁለት አማራጮች ጋር ቀርተናል. ማተኮር ያለብን በነሱ ላይ መሆን አልበት. ያንን መረዳት ከላይ ለመንካት እንደሞከርኩት የሚጠፋዉን ህይወትና የሚወድመዉን ንብረት መቀነስ ይቻላል.

የብልጽግና የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች July 27, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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የብልጽግና የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች

By Fatuma Nuryea

የጠ/ሚር አብይ አህመድ አስተዳደር ወደ ስልጣን ከወጣ በሗላ ስራውን የጀመረው የሶሻል ሚዲያዎችን ካድሬዎችን በማደረጀት ነበር።የካድሬ ምልመላውን ስራ የሚሰራው በዛጊ አብርሃ በኩል ነው። ሰንሰለቱ ከሀገር ቤት እስከ ውጭ የሚኖሩ ጋዜጠኞች፣ሚዲያዎች፣ አክቲቪስቶች፣ ተፎካካሪ ተብለው የተመዘገቡ፣ አንድነት ፓርቲዎች እና አቀንቃኞችን ያቀፈ ስብስብ ነው። ወደ ስራ ሲገባ ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴር ቢሮ ከፍተኛ በጀት ተመድቦለታል። አንድ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ በእያንዳንዷ በሚጽፋት ክፍያ ይፈጸምለታል።”አንድ ካድሬ በዛዲግ አብርሃ በሚመራው ቡድን ምልመላ ሲያደርግ ሀገራችንን እናድን ለሀገር እንሰራ የተጀመረውን የዲሞክራሲ መንገድ ለማስቀጠል ነውጠኞችን መታገል አለብን።” በሚል የካድሬነት ጠመቃ እንደሚደረግለት መረጃውን ካደረሰን ግለሰብ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።በአሁን ወቅት በስደት የሚኖር ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በነበረበት ሰአት ብዙ ጊዜ እስር ያገጠመው የተቃዋሚ ፖለቲካ ድርጅ አባል የነበረ ግለሰብ ነበር። የዚህ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ ዋና መልማይ የነበረ ሲሆን በአሁን ሰአት ከዚህ ስብስብ ውስጥ እራሱን እንዳገለለ ገልጾልናል።ወደዚህ ስብስብ ሲገባ ኢትዮጵያን ለመታደግ እንስራ በሚል ሲሆን የሱ ስራ የነበረው ከፍተኛ ተከተይ ያላቸውን የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ተጠቃሚዎች ለዚህ አላማ ማዘጋጀት ነው። በግሉ ብቻ ብዙ ሰዎችን ወደዚህ ስብስብ እንዲገቡ ብዙ ስራ ሰርቷል። ለምሳሌ ስዩም ተሾመ፣ የትነበርክ ታደለ (በኬንያ የሚኖር)፣ ናትናኤል መኮንን ፣ ዮናታን ተስፋዬ፣ ደረጄ ሀ/ወልድ .ወ.ዘ.ተ ከአማራ ብሄርተኞች እስከ የኦሮሞ ብሄርተኞች አቀንቃኝ ነን የሚሉ ይገኙበታል። ከሚዲያዎች እና ከጋዜጠኞች እስከ ከአንድ አፍታ ሚዲያ ፣ ከአባይ ሚዲያ እስከ ኢሳት ዘሀበሻን ጨምሮ እዚህ ስብስብ ውስጥ በዋናነት የተሰለፉ ናቸው።ከነዚህ ሰዎች ውስጥ በሱ ምልመላ የገቡ እንዳሉ ይሄው መረጃ ሰጫቺን ሳይሸሽግ ገልጾልናል። የዚህ አላማ የመጀመሪያ ተመልማዮች የኢሳቶች እና ኢዜማዎች ሰዎች እንደሆኑ ይታወቃል። ጠ/ሚ አብይ አህመድ ለኢሳት 20 ሚሊዮን ብር እንዲሰጣቸው አድርጓል። የኢሳት ጋዘጠኞች ወደ ካድሬነት ጠመቃው ለማስገባት የሚፈልጉትን ግለሰብ ለማማለል ሲፈልጉ ግለሰቡ ባለበት ንጉሱ ጥላሁን ጋር ደውለው እንደሚያወሩ አንዳንዴም ተዋወቁ ብለው እንደሚያስተዋዉቋቸው በዚህ መሰል የማማለል ስትራቴጂ እንደሚጠቀሙ ከኢሳቶች ቅርበት ከነበረው ግለሰብ ለማወቅ ተችሏል።የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች ዋና ስራቸው ምንድነው?የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬዎች ዋና ስራቸው የጠ/ሚሩ እና የብልጽግና ፕሮፓጋንዳ ስራ ይሰራሉ። ተቃዋሚ ናቸው የሚሏቸውን አካላት፣ ታዋቂ ግለሰቦችን፣ ቡድኖችን፣ ፓርቲዎችን፣ ብሄሮችን፣ የሀይማኖት መሪዎችን በህዝቡ እንዲጠሉ እና በጥርጣሬ እንዲታዩ የማድረግ ስራ በዋናነት ይሰራሉ። በተለይ “Ethnic outbidding strategy” በሚባል ስልት አገሪቱን በቀውስ አዙሪት ውስጥ በመድፈቅ፤ ከ”ዘውግ ብሔረተኛ” አደረጃጀት ለመውጣት እንደሚሰሩም ምንጫችን ገልፆልናል!ለምሳሌ ያህል በአብን ፓርቲ፣ በባልደራስ፣ በቄሮ እና በጀዋር ላይ የሚከፈቱት ዘመቻን መጥቀስ ይቻላል። መንግስት የሚፈጽማቸውን ግድያዎች እና የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ግለሰቦች እና ቡድኖች የፈጸሙት በማስመሰል ትልቅ ዘመቻ ይከፍታሉ። ከማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ዘመቻ እስከ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እስከሚደርስ ዘመቻን ያጠቃልላል። በሴኔ 15ቱ የባለስልጣናት ግድያን የአማራ አክቲቪስቶችን እና ፖለቲከኞችን የፈጸሙት ድርጊት አስመስሎ የተከፈተውን ዘመቻ ማስታወስ ይቻላል። በሞጣ ሙስሊሞች ላይ የተፈጸመውን ጥቃት ኡስታዝ አህመዲን እጁ እንዳለበት ተደርጎ የተከፈተው ዘመቻም የዚሁ ስብስብ አንድ አካል ሲሆን የጀዋር መሐመድ የግድያን ሙከራ ውሸት እንደሆነ የተገደሉት 86 ሰዎችን እሱ ያስገደለ እንደሆ ተደርጎ የተከፈቱት የሰም ማጥፋት ዘመቻዎች ይገኙበታል።ስልጠናዎች በምን መልኩ ይሰጣሉ?በጀርመን ሀገር የሚገኝ ጠበቃ እና አስተርጓሚ የሆኑት ዶ/ር ለማ ይፍራሸዋ የተባሉ ግለሰብ በአውሮፖ የሚገኙ የብልጽግና የማህበራዊ ሚዲያ ካድሬዎችን ስልጠና እንደሚሰጣቸው በጀርመን የሚገኙ የናዚ ናሽላሊዝም አቀንቃኞችን ገዢው መንግስት ተጽእኖ ይፈጥራሉ የሚባሉ ሰዎችን በተለያዩ የወንጀል ዶሴዎች በመጥቀስ በክስ እና የሚዲያ ዘመቻ ጫናን ሸሽተው እራሳቸውን እንደሚያገሉ የደረጋል። በተመሳሳይም ይሄን በኢትዮጵያ ለመድገም ተፎካካሪ ተጽእኖ ፈጣሪ የሚባሉትን ግለሰቦችን እና ቡድኖችን ከጀርመን ልምድ በመውሰድ ስልጠና እየሰጠ እንደሚገኙ ከሰልጣኞች መረጃ የደረሰን ሲሆን ወደ ተባሉት ግለሰብም ይሄን ለማረጋገጥ ደውለን ነበር።ስማቸው ዶ/ር ለማ ይፍራሸዋ እንደሚባል። ወደ ጀርመን ከመጡ ሀያ አመት እንደሆናቸው። የራሳቸው የትርጉም ስራ ድርጅት እንዳላቸው። የሶሻል ዲሞክራት አባል መሆናቸውን ገልጸውልናል። “የብልጽግና አባል አይደለሁም። ስለኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ስጠየቅ በመንግስት ሚዲያ ሀሳቤን እገልጻለሁ። እኔ የሰው ልጅ እንዲጠላ የማደርገው ነገር የለም።የሰው ልጅ ተከብሮ ቢኖርበት ሀገር ነው የምኖረው። የሰው ልጅ እንዲጠላ እንዲህ አድርግ ብዬ የምመክርበት ነገር የለኝም። እኔ የህገ መንግስት የአጣሪ ጉባኤ በምርጫ ማራዘም ዙሪያ ላይ ባወጣው ማስታወቂያ ላይ የራሴን አስተያየት ጽፌለሁ። ምርጫው ይራዘም በሚል በሙያዬ የሚሰማኝን ጽፌለሁ። ስልጠና ከመስጠቱ ጋር የሚያገናኘኝ ነገር የለም።” ብለዋል።ይሄን መረጃ ያደረሰን ግለሰብ በበኩሉ የብልጽግ የሶሻል ሚዲያ ካድሬ ስልጠና በጀርመን እና በአዲስ አበባ እንደሚሰጣቸው አረጋግጦልናል።” ወደዚህ ስብስብ ሲገባ አላማው ለሀገር ጉዳይ ነበር። ሀገርን የማዳን እና ለኢትዮጵያ የተሻለ ነገር ለማበርከት ነበር። ውስጡ ገብቼ ስመለከት ግን የሚሰራው ለሀገር ሳይሆን ለስልጣን ብቻ ነው። ስለዚህ የታሰርኩት፣ የተሰደድኩት አምባገነን መንግስት ለመመስረት ሳይሆን ፍትህ የሰፈነባት ኢትዮጵያ እድትመሰረት ነው። ስለዚህ ከዚህ ስብስብ እራሴን አግልያለሁ።” ሲል ገልጾልናል።

Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo fi Jaarmiyaa Hangafa Qabsoo Kan t’e ABO Shira Nafxanyaa Irraa Tiksuun Dirqama Oromoo Hundaati. Ibsa Gabaabaa Hoganoota ABO Biyya Ambaa July 26, 2020

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Qabsoo Ummata Oromoo fi Jaarmiyaa Hangafa Qabsoo Kan t’e ABO Shira Nafxanyaa Irraa Tiksuun Dirqama Oromoo Hundaati. Ibsa Gabaabaa Hoganoota ABO Biyya Ambaa

Haalli siyaasaa fi nageenyi Oromiyaas ta’e waliigala Ethiopia keessa deemaa jiru,jireenya sabootaafis ta’e ummata Oromoof yaaddessaa erga ta’ee bubbuleera. Yeroo ammaa kanatti Oromiyaa dirree jeequmsaa taasisuuf jecha karoorfatamee shirri xaxamaa jiruu fi gagga’amni lubbuus ta’e qabeenya ummata Oromoo irra gahaa jiru daangaa dhabee jira. Wareegamuu artst keenya qaalii Hacaaluu Hundeessaan as loltooti mootumma Oromiyaa walii gala keessa bobba’uun maqaa ABO tiin ummata Oromoo hidhuu fi ajjeessuu akkasumas reebichaan qama miidhuu,qabeenya saamuu fi mancaasuu hojii guyyuu godhatanii itti jiru. Haalli kun yaaddessaa ta’uu ABOn irra deddeebi’ee ibsee jira. Ammatti nageenyi jaarmiyaa ABO fi KFO rakkoo guddaa keessa galee jiraachuu wanneen mirkaneessan akka armaan gadii kanatti ibsina.

1. Manni jireenya HD ABO Jaal Daawud Ibsaa human waraana mootummaa fi tikaan marfamee jira. Toorri bilbila HD biyya keessaa jalaa cite jira.

2. Waajjira Gullallee jiru konkolaataa mootummaan seenanii bahaa jiraachuutu muldhata,naannichas marsanii tohachaa jiraachuutu himama.

3. Maddeeen qabatamaa irraa akka dhagahamutti mediyaaleen motummaa booru waajjira Gullalleetti akka argaman qajeelchi kennamee jira.

4. Miseensotiin ABO nagaan bahanii galuu ykn sosso’anii hojjechuu hin dandeenye.

5. Waajjirooti ABO Oromiyaa mara keessa jiran caccabanii saamamanii qondaalotii fi dabballoonni godinoota irra jiran hidhamanii jiran.

6.Waajjiri ABO naannoo addaa Finfinnee keessa jiran samamanii jiran

7. Waajjira ABO guddaan kan Gullallee jiru sakata’amuu fi miseensootiin achi keessa jiranis qabamanii hidhamuun itti fufee jira.

9. Mootummaan miseensota ABO fi KFO harca’oo dha jedhee yaadu maallaqaan bituu fi dantaan goyyomsuun akka isaan ABO irratti shiraa yaadanii dantaa Oromoo nafxanyaa jala galchaniif shira hammana hin ja’amne xaxaa jira.

10.Hayyootii fi abbootiin qabeenyaa Oromoo ta’an maqaa ABO deggertuun Oromiyaa bakka mara keessaa funaanamanii hidhamaa jiru.

11. Caasaa mootummaa fi human Poolisii ykn waraana keessaa miseensota ABO ti jedhamanii kanneen shakkaman mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiru, kaan ammo hojii irraa arihamaa jiru. Walumaa galatti haalli QBO, ummanni keenya, ABO fi KFOn keessa jiran kun, haala ifatti deemaa jiruu fi guyya guyyaan shira keessaan qabsoo Oromoo irratti xaxamaa jiru ta’uu ummanni keenya hubatee dantaa Oromoo tiksuu fi tokkummaa qabsaawotaa eeggachuu irratti akka fuulleffatuu waamicha goona. Qaama kamuu kan hiree Oromoo duubatti deebisuu fi eenyummaa Oromoo cabsee sirna gabroonfataa Oromiyaa irratti diriirsuuf gamaa jiru sabi keenya Oromoon biyya alaa fi keessa jirtan wareega fedhe baaftanii akka dura dhaabbataa abdii guddaa namaa kenna waan ta’eef tokkummaan keessan jabaatee qabsoo Oromoo akka kunuunfattan,dhaaba keessan ABO fi KFOs akka tikfattan waamicha isinii goona.

Injifannoo Ummata Oromoof!

Adoolessa 25, 2020

Amhara regional state special forces conduct genocide against indigenous people of Qimant and Agaw July 26, 2020

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Amhara regional state special forces conduct genocide against indigenous people of Qimant and Agaw

#OromoProtests 2020 Global Solidarity Rally in Nuernberg Germany, Paris, France, Stockholm, Sweden (25 July 2020) July 25, 2020

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Oromo Protests global solidarity rally in Nuernberg, Germany, 25 July 2020
Oromo Protests global solidarity rally in Nuernberg, Germany, 25 July 2020
Oromo Protests global solidarity rally in France, Paris, 25 July 2020
Oromo Protests global solidarity rally in Sweden, Stockholm, 25 July 2020


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Waamicha Mormii fi Qoqqobbii Diinagdee Sirna Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmad Irratti Gaggeeffamu

Waamicha uggura Geejjibaa Guutummaa OromiyaaWiixata, Adoolessa 20, 2012 [Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2020] irraa eegalee sochiin geejjibaa kamillee Oromiyaa keessa hinjiraatu.


Motummaan Abiy Ahmed lola gochaa fi jechaan mul’atu saba Oromoo irratti baneera. Oromoo ajjeesuun, hidhuun, dararuun, hiraarsuun, itti fufee jira. Haacaaluu ajeessudhaan agartuu keenya balleesseera. Hogganoota keenya hidhuu dhan, Oromoo saba hogganoota hin qabne godhuf tattafachaa jira. Jaarmiyalee siyaasaa Oromoota reebuu dhan, wajira isaani irraa saamuu dhan, akka Oromoon jaarmiyaa jabaa hin ijaarranne, kan ijaarrates akka hin jabeeffanne godheera. Midiyaa uummata Oromoo bal’aa kan ta’e OMN cuffuu dhaan sagalee Oromoo ugguruu baldhi naan itti fufeera. Midiyaalee Oromoo addaa addaa saatalaytiirraa buussu dhaan, kan immoo Intarneetii cufuu dhan laamsheessuuf dhabamsiisufi dhaddachaa jira. Midiyaalee motummaa adda addaa fi midiyaalee nafxanyootaa motummaa dhan deeggaramanin fayyadamee, uummata keenya sobaan maqaa xureessaa, olola yakkaa irrati ofaa, gama proppagaandaa siyaasaatin maqaa fi kabaja saba keenyaa balleessutti xiyyeeffatee dalagaa jira. Gaazexessitottaa fi aktivistota Oromoo hedduu badii tokko malee mana hidhaatti darbatee sagalee nu dhabamsiisuf tattaaffii guddaa godhaa jira. Aktivistoonni fi beektoonni Oromoo biyya alaa jiran rakkina uummatni keenya itti jiru akka addunyaatti hin ibsine jecha midiyaa hawaasaa kan akka Facebook fayyadaman irraa cufsisuf duula guddaa geggeessaat jira. Walumaa glattit, motummaan nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmed lola isa dhumaa Oromiyaa irratti baneera. Qeerroon mormii isaa itti fufa. Kaayyoon moormii marsaa ammaa, sirna nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmadiin ijaarramee lafa qabachuuf totoora’aa jiru diiggamee Oromiyaan walaboomte akka ijaaramtuuf haala mijeessuudha. Dabalataanis motummaan Abiy Ahmed humna horatee uummata keenya irratti tarkaanfii akka inni hin fudhanne laamshessuudha. Kaayyoon keenya kan yeroo gabaabaa mootummaan Naftxanyaa aangoo irra jiru hooggantoota siyaasaa Oromoo hidhee jiru akka hiikuuf harka micciiruu dha. Bifuma kanaanis kallattiiwan qabsoo armaan gadii Qeerroo guutuu Oromiyaa irraa kennamee jira.Uummatni Oromoo torbee darbe waamicha gabaa lagannaa waliif taasisee guyyaa shaniif walitti aansee adeemsisuudhaan injifannoowwan gurguddaa akka gonfate ni yaadatama. Mormii marsaa ammaa kana keessatti ammoo akka armaan gadiitti itti fufa. Waamicha uggura Geejjibaa Guutummaa OromiyaaWiixata, Adoolessa 20, 2012 [Wiixata, Adoolessa 27, 2020] irraa eegalee sochiin geejjibaa kamillee Oromiyaa keessa hinjiraatu. Daandiiwwan magaalota Oromiyaa wal agarsiisan marti guyyaa kana irraa kaasee cufaa ta’u. Haaluma Kanaan, daandiiwwan gurguddoo gara Magaalaa Finfinnee geessan dabalatee geejjibni marti akka dhaabbatu waamicha dhiyeessina. Uggurrii kun Wiixata 27 irraa egalee hojii irraa oola. Cufiinsa daandiiwwanii kana keessa Ambulaansii irraa kan hafe sochiin geejjibaa Oromiyaa keessa deemuu fi ba’u hinjiru. Sochiin uggura geejjibaa marsaa kanaa daandiiwwan magaalota walquunnamsiisan qofa irratti kan xiyyeeffatu waan ta’eef sochiin taaksii keessoo magaalotaa fi daldalli garagaraa magaalota keessatti adeemsifamu kan itti fufan ta’a. Hariiroon magaalotaa garuu addaan cita. Waamichu uggura geejjibaa guutummaa Oromiyaa kun hamma hamma Qeerroon ibsa baase akka dhaabbatuuf ifatti waamicha dhiyeessutti kan itti fufu ta’a.


1) Diinagdee Mootummaa kanaa lamsheesuuf, tooftaan jiru madda maallaqaa inni qabu googsuu ta’uu qaba. Kanaaf, uummatni keenya kallattiidhaan ta’e al-kallattiidhaan baankiiwwanii fi Inshuraansii mootummaa nafxanyaa kana deeggaran akka itti hin fayyadmne, akkasumas Baankii haaraa amma sheerin isaa gurguramaa jiru akka hin bitne waamicha dhiyeessina.

2) Mootumaan naftaxanyaa yakka adda addaa ummata keenya irratti rawwataa kan jiru maallaquma ummatumata irraa guruu fayyadamee akka ta’e ni beekama. Humna maallaqaa kana irraa cabsuuf jecha u ummanni keenya Mootummaaf Gibira akka hin kafalle.

3) Gama tajaajila geejjibaatiin kanneen sheerii warra diina ummata keenyaan ijaaraman fayyadamuu dhiisuu. Haaluma kamiinuu Oromiyaa keessa akka hin sochoone ugguruu.

4) Gama miidiyaatiin duguuggaa sanyii saba Oromoo irratti fardii labsan kanneen akka EBC, WALTA, ABBAY Media, ESAT, MEREJA tube fi ETHIO Tube, Fana fi kkf uummatni keenya akka hin daawwanne, akka hin dhaggeeffannee fi odeeffannoo akka hin kennineef waamicha dhiyeessina.

5) Qabeenya Abbootii qabeenyaa kanneen sirna Nafxanyaa kana tajaajilanii fi kanneen Artiist Haacaaluu ajjeesuu keessaatti deeggarsa godhaman jedhamanii shakkaman kanneen sirnaa kanaaf madda dinagdee ta’an kan ummatni Oromoo maqaan beeku qabeenya isaanii hunda irratti tarkaanfiin ugguru akka fudhatamu, qoqqobiin dinagdee akka irratti godhamu.


1) Sabaaf sablammootni Ityoophiyaa hiree fi egereen keessan kan ummata Oromoon walitti kan hidhate ta’uun beekamaa dha. Hawwiin keessanii fi kan ummata Oromoos walfakkataa dha. Qabsoon heeraa fi seeraa biyyaa kabachiisuf qeerroon Oromoo eegalee jiru qabsoo keessani. Kanaaf jecha akka qabsoo keenya deggertanii nu cinaa dhaabbattan asumaan waamicha isniif goona.

2) Hojjeetoota mootummaa, miseensoota Rayyaa Ittisa Biyyaa, Poolisii Oromiyaa, Humna Addaa Oromiya akkasumas humna tikaa keessa kan tajaajilaa jirtan dhalattootni Oromoo, dararaa uummata keesaan irra gahaa jiru akka hubattan ni abdanna. Qaamolee mootuumaa kan seentan lammii keessan tajaajiluuf malee dararuuf akka hin taane beektanii, yakka ummata Oromoo irratti akka hin rawwanne, qabsoo ummatni Oromoo mirga isaa eegsisuuf adeemsisaa jiru dura akka hin dhabbanne waamicha isiiniif goona.

3) Ummatni Oromoo kaadiree mootummaa wajjin quunnamtii hawaasummaa qabu mara akka dhaabu waamicha isiniif goona. Afooshaa fi ijaarsa hawaasummaa keessaa akka baafaman taasisuu, gaafa du’an ykn gaafa miseensi maatii isaanii boqote akka awwaalcha hin dhaqne, gaafa cidha isaanii akka irratti hin argamne waamicha isiniif goona.

4) Waltajjii kaadireen Bilxiginnaa magaalattis ta’e baadiyyaatti waamtu irratti akka hin argamne waamicha isiniif dhiyeessina. Namoonni ‘Jaarsolii Biyyaa’ ofiin jechuudhaan durgoo fudhattanii ykn fayyaalesummaadhaan jaarsummaadhaan motummaa kana umrii dheeressuuf olii fi gadi deemtan ammaa kaassee akka hojii akkanaa irraa of qusattan waamicha goona.


1) Tarkaanfiiwwan armaan olii keessatti manneen baruumsaa, keellaawwan fayyaa namaa fi beyladaa, iddoon leenjii qonnaan bulaa akka hin tuqamne wal hubchiifna.

2) Tarkaanfiiwwan fudhataman marti xiyyeeffannaan isaanii mootummaa sirna Nafxanyaa seeraan ala aangoo qabatee jiru ta’uun beekamaadha. Kanaaf, akkuma barsiifata Qeerroo jaarmiyaaleen amantaa hintuqaman, sirumaa gaafa danda’ame eegumsi ni taasifamaaf. Akkuma baroota darban akeessa taasifamaa ture sabaa fi sablammootni Oromiyaa keessa jiraatan qaama hawaasaa keenyaati. Kanaafuu sabaa fi sablammootaa fi manneen amantaa hunda akkuma kanaan duraa eegumsa gochuufiin barbaachisaadha .


Akkuma armaan olitti ibsame qabsoon uummatni Oromoo itti seenee jiru hanga mirgi abbaa biyyuummaa Oromoo mirkanaa’utti kan itti fufu ta’a. Kanaaf, qabsoon marsaa kanaa gaafa xumurame tooftaan qabsoo guutummaa Oromiyaatti taasifamu marsaa haaraan akka labsamu gamanumaan isin hubachiisna.

Injiifanoon Kan Ummata Oromooti



Qabsoo itti beekna, Injifannees beekna waan taheef hin yaadawinaan dhaamsa keenya.


Akkuma bara wayanee gochaa turre wal dhageefacha deemna waan taheef, labsiin marsaa kana Ayyaana Iidaa Arafaa booda haala qabatama ilaalle kan isin beeksifnu taha.

Ammaaf Qeerroon Oromiyaa ummata baldhaa Oromoo dhageefachuun Labsii Lagannaa geejjiba Magaalota gidduu Ayyaana boodaati tahu isin beeksisuu feena.Kayyoon fi galmi qabsoo kana faayida saba Oromoo tahu hunduu hubachuudha qabna. Akkuma bara wayanee haala qabatama ilaala ummata keenya dhageefacha qabsaaya turre ammas ummata keenya dhageefachuun murtii kana irra akka geenye isin beeksisuu feena.Waldhageefanne akka wayanee kuffisnetti Waldhageefanne sirna gita bittaa Nafxanyaas ni kuffifna.


Akkuma guyyaa muraasa dura isiniif ibsine mootummaan Lagannaa kana hanqisuuf kaabinoota gubbaa hanga jalatti, qaamolee nageenya fi basaastota hedduu mallaqa guddaa ramaduun bobaase jira… Duurgoon itti nyaatame mallaqnis qisaasa’eeti jira. Kuni injifannoo tokkoodha, inni lammataa eega bobbin godhamee booda haqamuu yeroo dhagahan waan qabaniif gadi dhiisan walaalani burjaajaya jiru. Kunis isaan Afaan walwalalchisuun bu’aa nuuf buuse qaba.Diinagdee mootummaa sirna nafxanyaa hedduu akka miidha jirru sabni kun hubachuudha qaba. Kanaafu Tarsiimoo bilchaata fi bu’aa saba kanaaf buusuun imalla waan taheef yaaddoo tokko hin qabaatina. Haala qabsoo itti aanu wantoota qabatamaa lafarra jiran ilaaluun Ayyaana booda guyyaa kan ibsinu taha.Haqa qabna Ni Falmanna Tarsiimoon Masakamna Ni Injifanna! Injifannoon Kan Ummata Oromooti!



#OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally in Saskatoon Rallies for Human Rights in Ethiopia July 25, 2020

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Protest in Saskatoon Rallies for Human Rights in Ethiopia

Saskatoon, SK, Canada / Country 600 CJWWBrad JenningsJul 24, 2020 2:48 PM

Protest in Saskatoon Rallies for Human Rights in Ethiopia

The Oromo-Canadian Community of Saskatoon held a protest Friday to bring attention to recent political developments in the country of Ethiopia.

The rally began beside the Bessborough at 22nd Street and 5th Avenue, protestors marched west up 22nd Street and then north up 3rd Avenue to meet in front of City Hall.

Organizers say the protest, which say nearly 100 people attend, is to appeal to the Canadian government to review it’s relations with the Ethiopian regime in the interest of advancing human rights, political freedom, access to information and media freedom, as well as due process of the laws for prisoners, and the right to live.  The Oromo make up the largest ethnic group of Ethiopia.  The protest also looked to condemn recent police violence, politically motivated arrests, and the killing of a prominent Oromo artist and activist.

The Saskatoon Oromo-Canadian Community made 6 requests to the Canadian government:

Call for an impartial and independent investigation of the assassination of Oromo artist and activist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa

  • Demand the immediate release of all political prisoners
  • Demand the reopening of OMN (A news network for the Oromo in Ethiopia) and reconnect the internet
  • Demand an immediate end of the illegal military command posts in Western and Southern Oromia
  • Call for democracy through the timely administration of free and fair elections
  • Call on the international community to impose sanctions if these demands are not met

Realted from Oromian Economist sources:-

Time: How the Murder of an Ethiopian Singer Triggered an Uprising Against a Disintegrating Democracy July 25, 2020

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Time: How the Murder of an Ethiopian Singer Triggered an Uprising Against a Disintegrating Democracy

Members of the Oromo community march in protest after the death of musician and revolutionary Hachalu Hundessa on July 8, 2020 in St. Paul, Minnesota.Members of the Oromo community march in protest after the death of musician and revolutionary Hachalu Hundessa on July 8, 2020 in St. Paul, Minnesota. Photo by Brandon Bell—Getty ImagesIDEASBY RIBKA AYANA JULY 24, 2020

Ribka is co-chair of the Oromo Advocacy Alliance, which advocates for peace, justice, inclusive governance and the economic well-being of the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia

The June 29 murder of Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, singer and activist, has triggered a popular uprising in Ethiopia. TIME columnist Ian Bremmer described the protests in a recent piece; since he wrote it the death toll has risen to at least 289, with over 7,000 detained. Internet services were shut down within hours of the assassination, and were only restored after four weeks.

But it’s important to understand what is taking place from the point of view of the grassroots in Ethiopia. That this single event would cause such a country-wide uproar has many asking, who was Haacaaluu? What are his songs about? Why did his death evoke such an outpouring of anguish, pain, and rage?

Haacaaluu, 34, was a bold performer and artist considered a cultural treasure, particularly by the Oromo people, the country’s largest nationality, cultural and linguistic group with a population of around 40 million.

His killing has touched every young person among the Oromo and many more who had access to a radio or a playlist. Haacaaluu’s songs breathed life into an ancient art form with great skill, making his music accessible across generations as well as nationalities.

Most notably his messages propelled the politically active grassroots youth movement often referred to as Qeerroo (meaning young unmarried person) in ways that the world beyond Ethiopia is just beginning to understand.

They played the leading role in creating the political opening that brought the current Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, into his position. Haacaaluu’s musical messages deeply resonated with the historically marginalized who regard him as the embodiment of standing proud in their own identities.

Haacaaluu’s music provided the soundtrack for youth protests that erupted in 2014 against the expansion of Addis Ababa into Oromo territory. At the heart of these grassroots protests was the question of rights in the face of past and current land grabs that left Oromos dispossessed and strangers on their own lands. With his words playing in their ears, they persisted against brutal crackdowns to turn out en masse in the streets. This movement brought down the repressive regime of Hailemariam Desalegn, demanding fundamental freedoms and justice.

Haacaaluu’s songs highlighted deeper historical injustices and resonated deeply with those whose lands were confiscated to create Ethiopia and its capital city in the late 19th century. He spoke to their dream of building a decentralized Ethiopia that reflects the rich diversity of its many peoples. However, this desire creates alarm and fear among Ethiopians who support the kind of assimilation that created the country. From the view of the dispossessed, Haacaaluu’s assassins crushed their hopes. His death evokes anguish and rage because it symbolizes an assault on their identities, their human dignity and their deepest aspirations.

The idea that the Ethiopia is divided into ethnically-based territories by its constitutions is the issue most misunderstood in the West. It is only one one side of a major debate in Ethiopian politics today.

The constitution drawn up in 1995 starts: “We the nations, nationalities, and peoples of Ethiopia….” capturing the commitment of the country’s diverse peoples to build and live together in a multinational federation in Ethiopia that reflects the identities of all its peoples. Prior to this, the majority of the country’s population lived under governments that pursued assimilationist policies which suppressed cultural expression and diversity.

Creating constitutionally-protected multinational states was the first sign of a historic transition from autocracy to democracy. The grassroots in Ethiopia treasure the constitution and they are determined to protect it.

Surprisingly, the vision that Abiy offers now stands in contradiction to the will of the majority that brought him to power. His vision of a single national identity purports to “transcend” ethnic divisions. On the contrary, for the grassroots movements, it is a return to the assimilationist politics of the past. This vision has been tried time and again by Ethiopia’s emperors and by the Dergue military regime, which was in power from 1974 to 1987, but it has failed utterly.

The constitution enshrined multinational federation as a democratic response to the age-old question of nationality or cultural identity in Ethiopia. What is cloaked as “unity” in Abiy’s vision erases and persecutes ethnic identity and associated rights. As such it is seen by the grassroots youth movement as anti-democratic. Haacaaluu, inspiring the youth, championed a view which Abiy has turned against.

The grassroots movement has resumed because Abiy Ahmed has resorted to a politics that is deeply troubling, opening old wounds of conquest and historical trauma and indefinitely postponing elections. Further, he has jailed opposition leaders Bekele Gerba and Jawar Mohammed on false accusations of inciting violence — ironic because they have championed peaceful protests and civil disobedience since 2014. This on top of the closure of the country’s only independent Oromo news outlet, the imprisonment of journalists and the killing of protesters shows that Ethiopia’s democratic transition is in peril.

Until this renewed crackdown on opposition the movement had been remarkably peaceful. Yet as JFK said, “those who make peaceful revolution impossible make violent revolution inevitable.” The current situation where the people are subdued by brute force is not sustainable. As Africa’s second most populous nation and an important regional political broker, the root causes of Ethiopia’s current crisis must be politically addressed and resolved to achieve stability in the region.

The international community can make a great contribution by taking steps to promote a democratic process, encouraging Abiy to return to the promises made at the outset of the transition, reinstating freedoms of speech and assembly, democracy and access to opportunity. Abiy cannot presume to pursue democracy with the opposition in custody. In addition to urging the release of prominent opposition leaders, journalists and protesters, global institutions must support a genuine political dialogue with input from all parties and stakeholders, including youth, to develop a roadmap to participatory democracy by way of free and fair elections.

Even though he is gone, Haacaaluu’s call for people to come together and build an Ethiopia that reflects all of its peoples still resonates.

#OromoProtests 2020 Global Solidarity Rally in Seattle, Toronto, Edmonton, Calgary ( 24 July 2020) July 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.

Fourth week of peaceful protests against Ethiopia injustices takes place in Sioux City

የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር? July 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.

የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር?

By Tullu Liban

የአማራ ኤሊቶች የብሔር ፖለቲካን በብሔር ተደራጅተው የሚቃወሙ ጉዶች ናቸው። አንድ ነገር በግልፅ መነጋገር ያስፈልጋል። የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ድሮም የዘር ፖለቲካ ነው። እንደዛሬው በግልፅ ሳይ ነገር “ኢትዮጵያዊ” ሽፋን ተሰጥቶት ሳይገለጥ ለብዙ ጊዜ ቆይቷል። አሁን ግን ጎራ ለይቷል። ጎራው ርዕዮተ ዓለማዊ አይደለም፤ ብሔር ነው። በአማሮችና አማራ ባልሆኑት መካከል ሆኗል ግብግቡ። የአጼ ኃይለሥላሴን ወይም የደርግን አገዛዝ መሰል የአስተዳደር ዘይቤ ለመመለስ የሚፈልጉ ኃይሎችና ባንድ ወገን ተሰልፈዋል። ኢትዮጵያዊ ካባ አጥልቀው ቢንቀሳቀሱም እኛ በትክክለኛ ስማቸው አማራ ብለን እንጠራቸዋለን። እነዚህ ኃይሎች አሁን በሥራ ላይ ያለው ህገመንግሥት ዋና ጠላታቸው ነው። በሌላ አንፃር ደግሞ አሁን ያለው ህገመንግስት በትክክል እንዲተገበር በሚፈልጉ ኃይሎች ተሰልፈዋል። ፊልሚያው በሁለቱ መካከል ነው።የአማራ ፖለቲከኞችና ተከታዮቻቸው የብሔር ፖለቲካን የዘር ፖለቲካ ይሉታል። አሁን ያለውን የክልሎች ራስን የማስተደደር ጥያቄ የሁሉ ችግር መነሻ አድርገው ይመለከቱታል። የሚገርመው ግን የክልል የራስ አስተዳደርን የሚቃወሙት በዘር ተደራጅተው ነው። ሰሞኑን ለአብይ የድጋፍ ሰልፍ የሚወጣውን ማህበረሰብ ማየት በቂ ነው። አማሮች ናቸው። ጥቂት የማንነት ቀውስ የሚያጠቃቸው ከኦሮሞና አማራ ተወልደው በአማራ ስነልቦና የታነፁ ሰዎችም አሉበት። የድጋፍ ሰልፍ ማውጣታቸው ባልከፋ። እየከፋ ያለው ነገር ኦሮሞን ግደልልን፣ እሰርልን፣ አፍንልን መባሉ ነው። ወያኔን ደምስስልን ማለታቸው ላይ ነው። የአማራ ኤሊቶች አቋም በዳንኤል ክብረትና የማንነት ቀውስ ባላቸው በነ ካሳዬ ጨመዳ፣ ዮናታን ተስፋዬና፣ አስቴር በዳኔ፣ ታምራት ነገራ በኩል እየተነገረን ነው። ክልሎችን ማፍረስ የኦሮሞን መሪዎች ማስወገድ የድጋፋቸው ማጠንጠኛ ነው። ጥያቄው ግን ክልሎቹን አፍርሰው አማሮቹ ኢትዮጵያን ሊገዙ ይቻላቸዋል ወይ ነው። በኢትዮጵያ የኃይሎች አሰላለፍ ውስጥ ትልቁን ሚና እየተጫወቱ ያሉት ሦስት ብሔሮች ናቸው። አማራ ትግራዋይና ኦሮሞ። ሲዳማ፣ ወላይታ፣ አፋርና ሶማሌ ክልሎችም አሰርቲቭ እየሆኑ መጥተዋል። ከአማራ በስተቀር ሌሎቹ ማህበረሰቦች አሁን ያሉ ክልሎች እንዲፈርሱ አይፈልጉም። ይልቁንም የክልልነት ደረጃ ያላጉኙት ጥያቄአቸው እንዲመለስ እየገፉ ነው። ለሌሎቹ የማትመች ለአማራ ብቻ የምትመች ኢትዮጵያ ታዲያ ትዘልቃለች ነው ጥያቄው። ከተማ ቀመስ አማሮች በሚቆጣጠሯቸው ሚዲያዎች ድምፃቸውን ከፍ አድርገው ስለጮሁም መሬት ላይ ያለውን እውነታ ይለውጡታል ማለት ዘበት ነው። እርግጥ ነው ኦሮሞና ትግራይ በቁጥር አነስ ያሉ ሚዲያዎች አሏቸው። በነበረው መዋቅራዊ አድልዎ ምክንያት ሌሎቹ ገና አቅማቸውን አላዳበሩምና ድምፃቸውን በሚዲያ እንደልብ ማሰማት እየቻሉ አይደለም። አንድ ኦ ኤም ኤን ቢኖር እርሱን በአማራ ኤሊቶች ጩሀት ኮሎኔል አብይ አህመድ ዘግቶታል። ይህ ማለት ግን መሬት ላይ ያለው ሃቅ ይለወጣል ማለት አይደለም። በብዛት በሀገር ውስጥም በውጭም የሚንቀሳቀሱ ሚዲያዎችን የያዙት አማሮቸ ናቸው። እነዚህ ሚዲያዎች በዘር ተደራጅተው ነው ሌላውን እያጠቁ ያሉት። የተለየ ድምፅ፣ የተለየ አማራጭ አያስተናግዱም። ክልል ይፍረስ፣ የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ችግር ክልሎች ናቸው ይሉናል። መደዴው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርም ይህን ጩሀት እውነት ብሎ ተቀብሎ ከማይወጣበት አዘቅት ውስጥ ተዘፍቋል። የርሱ የስልጣን ጉጉትና የነዚህ ኃይሎች ጦረኛ ከበሮ በጋራ ኢትዮጵያን ወደ ሞት እያንደረደራት ነው። ባሻዬ፣ ከእንግዲህ አንድ ብሔር በሌላው ኪሳራ እየተደሰተ ኢትዮጵያን ማስቀጠል አይቻለውም። ለምሳሌ አማራው በኦሮሞ ላይ እያላገጠ፣ እየፈረጀው፣ እያንገላታው፣ እያሰረው ኢትዮጵያን መግዛት አይቻለውም። የኦሮሞን ሚዲያ እየዘጋ፣ ፖለቲከኞቹን በአሸባሪነት እየፈረጀው፣ ዘብጢያ እየወረወራቸው ኢትዮጵያን ሊያክም አይችልም። ይህ ዘዴ ጊዜው አልፎበታል። ትግራይን ደምስስልኝ ወልቃይትን መልስልኝ የሚል በዘር የተደራጀ ኃይል የኢትዮጵያ በሽታ እንጂ የኢትዮጵያ ሀኪም ሊሆን አይችልም። ግምባር ግምባሩን ፈርክስልኝ፣ በደረት ግጠምልኝ የሚል ሞት ጠሪ፣ ቅጠል በጣሽ ደም አፍሳሽ ደብተራ የኢትዮጵያ ደዌ እንጂ ፈውስ አይሆንም ኃይል ጉልበት፣ እብሪት ትናንት ሰርቶ ይሆናል። በ19ኛውና በ20ኛው ክፍለዘመናት እነዚህ ዘዴዎች ሰርተው ነበር። የቂሎች ቂል አብይ አህመድ ይህን ዘዴ ዛሬም ሊተገብረው ይሞክራል። ትንሽ እንኳን መሬት ላይ ያለውን እውነታ የማይረዱ ድንዙዛንን ሰምቶ ወደ መቀመቅ እየሮጠ ነው። በዚህ አያያዝ አብይ የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ መሪ መሆኑን መናገር ነብይነትን አይጠይቅም። በለው በለው ባዮች፣ ምሁርና ዲያቆን መካሪዎች፣ ቅጥር አንጋቾች፣ ሰልፍ ወጪዎች፣ባንድራ ለባሾች የማያዩት ነገር አለ። በአንድ ሳምንት የገበያ አድማ የኢትዮጵያን መንግስት ማንበርከክ የሚችል ቄሮ ጉልበቱን ባለፈው ሰሞን አሳይቷቸዋል። አሁንም ሌላ ዙር ኢኮኖሚያዊ ዕቀባ ሊተገብር ነው። መሪዎቹ ታስረው የሚተኘ ኦሮሞ ካለ እርሱ የሞተ ብቻ ነው። ፊሊሚያው ግልፅ ነው። አማራ ኦሮሞን አንበርክኮ ይገዛል ወይስ አይገዛውም ነው። የህግ የበላይነት ገለመሌ የሚባል የዳቦ ስም ቦታ የለውም። እንከባበር እያልን ነው። እስካሁን አሰላለፉን ያልተረዳ ካለ እርሱ ከኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ውጭ ነው። አንድ ነገር ግልፅ መሆን አለበት። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የማይፈልገው አገዛዝ ከእንግዲህ ቦታ የለውም። ኦሮሞ ጦርነቱ ከማን ጋር እንደሆነ ገብቶታል። ምን ላይ በማተኮር ታንክና መትረየሱን እንደሚያሸንፍ ያውቃል። ጀዋር፣ በቀለ፣ አብዲ፣ ሽጉጥ፣ ሚካኤል፣ ሃምዛ ባጠቃላይ አስር ሺዎች የኦሮሞዎች ታስረው የምትረጋጋ፣ የምምትታከም ኢትዮጵያ አትኖርም። የአማራ ኤሊት ወይም የዚህ ኤሊት ቅጥረኛ ኦሮሞን እያሰረው፣ እየፈረደበት፣ እያስፈረደበት ኢትዮጵያ ማከም አይቻለውም። ይልቅ እነዚህ የህግ የበላይነት መከበር ኦሮሞ ሲገደል፣ ሲታሰርና ሲገፋ መሆኑ ደስታ እንደሚሰጣቸው ማየት ወገኖች ወደ ህሊናቸው ሊመለሱ ይገባቸዋል። በዚህ ዓይነት በሌላላው ሞትና ስቃይ የሚፈነድቁ ወገኖችን ማየት ያማል። ለኢትዮጵያ የሰከነ ፖለቲካም መንገዱ በጣም ጠባብ መሆኑን ያሳያል። ኢትዮጵያ እንዲትቀጥል ከተፈለገ አዋጩ መንገድ አንድና አንድ ብቻ ነው። ደግሞም እርሱ መንገድ ቀላል ነው። ከማሰርና ከመግደል በላይ ቀላል ነው። የኦሮሞ ፖለቲከኞችን መፍታት፣ ለጠረጴዛ ዙሪያ ዉይይት በሩን በሰፊው መክፈት። ስልጣን ለሽግግር መንግስት ለማስረከብ መዘጋጀት። ኢትዮጵያ ምናልባት የምትታከም ከሆነ በውይይት ብቻ ነው። አለበለዚያ አብይ አህመድ ስሎቮዳን ሜሎሶቪች የመጨረሻው የዩጎዝላቪያ ፕሬዝዳንት እንደሆነ ሁሉ፣ አብይ አህመድም የመጨረሻው የኢትዮጵያ ኤምፓየር ጠቅላይ ሚኒስተር መሆኑ ሳይታለም የተፈታ ነው።

UNPO: Oromo: Dr Geleta’s Daughter Calls for Urgent Support of the German Government July 24, 2020

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Jul 23, 2020

Oromo: Dr Geleta’s Daughter Calls for Urgent Support of the German Government

In a letter addressed to the German government, Bonsitu Shigut, the daughter of Dr Shigut Geleta – Chair of the OLF and UNPO Presidency Member – has asked for urgent international support to end the arbitrary arrest of her father. Dr Geleta has been jailed by Ethiopian security forces without a court order or warrant by Ethiopian federal security force on 3 July 2020 in Addis Ababa. Since then, his family has not been able to determine his whereabouts and has no information about his well-being. This was his second imprisonment in which the arresting officers did not have a warrant.

Bonsitu highlighted that her father has been working hard to foster a strong cooperation with a multitude of other oppressed ethnic groups in Ethiopia while also actively engaging with many notable human rights organisations. “Since his return to Ethiopia, my father has dedicated his efforts exclusively to peaceful and democratically motivated causes. Despite all of this, he was arrested without a court order or warrant”. Bonsitu’s letter recalls that Dr Geleta requires daily medication, without which his health condition in prison could deteriorate quickly.

Below is a letter signed by Ms Bonsitu Shigut

Dear Sir or Madam,

My name is Bonsitu Shigut. I was born in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and moved to Germany with my family when I was seven months old. I am a German citizen; I have completed my secondary school and university education in Germany, and currently I am working and reside in Munich, Bavaria. I am writing you this letter to act your part  for the release of my father, Dr. Shigut Geleta, member of the OLF, who was arrested unlawfully by the Ethiopian security forces on 03.07.20.

After assassination of the prominent Oromo singer Hacaaluu Hundessa on 29.06.20, massive protests broke out throughout the country. The Ethiopian security forces were unable to contain the people’s anger despite the widespread unlawful imprisonment of innocent individuals and mass killings. 

My father had been jailed previously, in February 2020 he was arrested without a court order or warrant by Ethiopian federal security forces. This episode is his second round of imprisonments (Friday, 03.07.20 during the evening hours he was taken away from his home by the security forces), the process of imprisonments happened as previous one without court order or warrant. Despite intensive actions of searching to determine whereabouts (embassy, security forces, his organizations…). I Myself and other family members have been unable to determine the place of his detention.

Due to his medical condition (daily medication use) me as his daughter and other family members are devastated by all the process. Our daily question was did he get his medication daily? How is it his physical condition? How is it his emotional status? ….My father has been an active member of the Oromo Liberation Front for a long time, and has been in charge of all diplomatic matters for the organizations internally and externally. In September 2018, when the Oromo Liberation Front returned back to Ethiopia it was primarily to focus on the federal elections through democratic process and peaceful manner, originally planned for late 2020.

It has always been the OLF’s conviction that democratic elections will only be realized in a healthy political environment that allows peaceful collaboration with other political parties and the incumbent administration. Therefore, the organization has always made it clear that it does not condone any form of violence and has distanced itself from those to believe otherwise. With its return, the OLF intentionally sought out a peaceful path into Ethiopian democracy. As a result, my father Dr. Shigut Geleta has worked hard to foster a strong cooperation with a multitude of other oppressed ethnic groups in Ethiopia while also actively engaging with many notable human rights organisations.

His objective has been to establish the foundations that will eventually lead the Oromo people into a free and democratic future. Since his return to Ethiopia, my father has dedicated his efforts exclusively to peaceful and democratically motivated causes. Despite all of this, he was arrested without a court order or warrant. I am worrying  for the safety of my father due to the blatant aggression and cruelty security forces have exhibited towards innocent civilians, and the rapidly rising death toll in the country. Ethiopia’s terrible record of human rights violations and the torture of detainees and prisoners is widely known.

We, the family of Dr. Geleta, have been unable to obtain any information about where he has been detained and what condition he is in. His daily medication need is also another independent factor of humanity. For us, Dr. Shigut Geleta is not merely an innocent member of the OLF, but a beloved husband and father first. We fear that the dictatorial administration of Dr. Abiy Ahmed poses an immediate threat to his life and us, the family, call on you to stand with us and to demand the immediate release of my father Dr. Shigut Geleta, a German citizen.


Bonsitu Shigut

#OromoProtests 2020: Ibsa Qeerroo guutuu Oromiyaa irra kenname dhaggefadhaa July 24, 2020

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#OromoProtests Global Solidarity Rally in Minnesota ( 23 July 2020) July 23, 2020

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Mootummaa Itoophiyaa balaaleffachuun Hawaasni Oromoo Minnesota hiriira nagaa geggeessaan.

#OromoLlivesMatter #OromoProtests #OromoRevolution ‪#FreejawarMohammed #FreeAllPoliticalprisoners #AbiyMustGo #HaacaaluuHundeessaa #StopKillingOromoPeople #FREE_OMN_JOURNALISTS #StopArrestingOromo #StopTorturing

Al Jazeera: Pop star Hachalu Hundessa’s murder inflames Ethiopia July 23, 2020

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Pop star Hachalu Hundessa’s murder inflames Ethiopia

Pop star Hachalu Hundessa’s murder inflames Ethiopia

The shooting of the Oromo musician sparked protests in which hundreds of people were killed. Al jazeera, Ayantu Ayana, 22 July 2020

click here to listen to the audio

Cover Image

Hachalu Hundessa was the man many Ethiopians credit with composing the soundtrack of a movement.

Also known as Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, his up-tempo pop songs filled with political references gave voice to the marginalised Oromo ethnic group.

His recent death has prompted a political flashpoint that highlights the country’s simmering ethnic tensions.

In this episode:

Ayantu Ayana, PhD student from Ethiopia; Mohammed Adow, Al Jazeera journalist.

For more:

More than 160 killed in Ethiopia protests over singer’s murder

How Hachalu Hundessa’s murder reveals Ethiopia’s political divide

Related from Oromian Economist:

Oromia Support Group (OSG) Report 52 (July 2020) : Pogrom against Oromo intensifies July 23, 2020

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They demand to know where the OLF are. If you say you don’t know, they shoot you. If you complain, they shoot you. If you move, they shoot you.

Wallega resident reporting to OSG Australia, May 2020.

Hachalu Hundessa is assassinated; large numbers killed in Oromia;
Policitians arrested; Oromo refugees forcibly taken from Djibouti

The most popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa, was shot dead around 9.30 p.m. on Monday 29 June.
Hachalu’s songs and performances were decisive in the success of the Oromo student demonstrations of 2014 to 2016, which eventually helped to put Abiy Ahmed in power in 2018. Although Hachalu distanced himself from the OLF, he remained a staunch defender of Oromo rights.
He received death threats from Pan-Ethiopian Nationalists after he claimed the victory of the Oromo student movement had been hijacked by the ‘followers of Menelik.’

Thousands of people gathered at Tirunesh Beijing General Hospital, where he was taken, and police used tear gas to disperse the crowd, who began setting fire to tyres. Gunfire was heard elsewhere in the capital. Next day, the BBC reported that OMN’s Jawar Mohammed, now a member of the Oromo Federalist Congress, was arrested when he and his followers were
trying to prevent Hachalu’s coffin being taken to Ambo. Eventually, the coffin was taken by helicopter to Ambo, where it was said to have arrived in a damaged condition.
Demonstrations in many places were met with live ammunition. Two were killed in Chiro, W Hararge. Five (nine according to Wikipedia) were shot dead in Adama, E Showa. According to OSG sources, between 80 and 100 were killed in protests across Oromia Region. Internet access was closed for most of Ethiopia.
At Hachalu’s funeral on 2 July, soldiers opened fire on the the crowd in Ambo, which included farmers who arrived on horseback, killing 41.
Internet access was closed in many parts of Ethiopia so information was limited. However, telephone reports of large numbers of killed and injured were being received as this report is going to press.
OLF top officials Dr Shigut Geleta, Mikael Boran and Kenasa Ayana (see pp.6-7) were taken into custody again at 2.00 p.m., 3 July. OMN and ONN are shut down. A huge deployment of troops across Oromia is beating and arresting thousands of Oromo – 4 July 2020.

Click here to read the full report

Related from the Oromian Economist social medial sources:

Daa’ima ganna 4 gaafa Haacaaluu ajjefamee magaala Gindhiir waraana nafxanyaa Abiyot Minilikiin rasaasan dhahame.. 4 year old child was shot and killed by Ethiopia’s military forces, in Gindhir, Bale Oromia.

Namoota Magaalaa Amboo rasaasa Waraana Mootummaa Humna Addaa Oromiyaa fi Raayyaa Ittisa Biyyaa rukutaman muraasa.

Maqaa guutuu

1. Habtamu Kumela Rika

2 Hirpha Chala

3 Tariku Tesema Lula

4 Bona Bekele

5 Biruk Tadese

6 Misgana Eshete

7 Unatu Dabasu

8 Yerosan Lemi Kefeni

9 Ashabir Tesfaye

10 Dinaol Kebede

11 Balayi Wakesa Geleta

12 Sisayi Dejene

13 Tesfaye Teshome

14 Alami Dhinsa

15 Milkiyas Mitiku

16 Lemi Bekele Deba

17 Sisayi Milkesa

18 Gashaw Kebede Kefeni

19 Abebe Gabisa

20 Tashoomaa qaabataa

21 Alemu Bekele

22 Bersisa Desta

23 Lema Bekele

24 Adisu Ulfata

25 Keranso Debela

26 Sisay tesfaye

27 Abera Degaga

28 Hirko Lechisa

29 Moti Bedasa

30 Dejene Bekele

31 Teshale Zenebe

32 Elias teshome

33 Sisay tesfaye

34 Gemechu Mengistu

35.Ashuu Tsagaayee

Ethnic Cleansing Continued In Oromia Regional State By Ethiopian Government Lead By Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister Of Ethiopia July 23, 2020

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Ethnic Cleansing Continued In Oromia Regional State By Ethiopian Government Lead By Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister Of Ethiopia

July 10, 2020

Ethnic Cleansing

The Right Honourable Justin Pierre James Trudeau MP, Prime Minister of Canada
80 Wellington Street Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0A2
Tel: 613-995-0253
Fax: 613-941-6900
Email: justin.trudeau@parl.gc.ca
Email: pm@pm.gc.ca

Dear Mr. Prime Minister,

We, the members of the Oromo Canadian Community Association of Atlantic Canada, and the Oromo Community Association of Nova Scotia, are writing this letter to bring to your attention and express our deepest concerns about the continued mass killing, evicting of farmers from their land, arbitrary arrest without due process, torturing of innocent civilians, raping of girls and women in front of their families, burning of crops, and the killing of opposition parties’ supporters and party members in Oromia by defense forces, Federal Police, Federal Security, and Special Forces of the Ethiopian government lead by Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia.

Under military rule headed by Dr. Abiy Ahmed, authorities are committing outrageous mass killings, of not only mothers, young children, students, merchants, farmers, civil servants, community leaders, religious leaders, civil right activists, and journalists, but recently they have targeted Oromo artists.

Several Oromo artists were jailed without committing any crime, and some have been executed in public by killing squads, or have left the country as refugees due to expression of their opinions using their music and artistic talents to promote social justice and expose human rights violation issues in Oromia.

A well-known iconic Oromo music star, and author of 5 books, Mr. Daadhi Galaan was assassinated by a killing squad while performing his music on stage on February 11, 2019 in Finfinne/Addis Ababa.

A well-known Oromo artist, songwriter, performer, human rights activist, and freedom fighter Haacaaluu Hundeessa was assassinated in Finfinne/Addis Ababa on June 29, 2020. Security forces also killed his uncle.

Since Dr. Abiy came to power in April 2018, tens of thousands of innocent Oromos have been killed by security forces, have disappeared, or have been detained and tortured in the country’s notorious prisons and at hidden and unmarked locations.

A gross violation of the constitution ensued, and the legally recognized party that brought him to power two years ago, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), was illegally dismantled and the election term was extended; the country is currently facing civil war and disintegration.

The majority of Ethiopians, including the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), who were among the founders of the EPRDF, have rejected the newly merged party, the Prosperity Party (PP), due to the party’s policies and ideology. The PP’s hidden agenda is to rebuild the outdated unitary monarch dictatorship system – to bring back the legacy of Emperor Menelik II – which emphasizes one country, one language, one flag, and one religion, while abandoning a pluralistic, multicultural, multilingual, and multi-ethnic Ethiopian society.

Currently, the PP has declared war on the groups, or individuals, or zones, or regional states that refuse to accept the PP’s ideology. The hidden policy includes eliminating ethnic identity, abolishing the current language-based regional states, abolishing the actual region’s using their own language for their own regional administration, and wanting to impose the PP’s official language.

To date, more than 2 million Oromo farmers have been evicted by force from their land and have become internal refugees without any assistance. Most of the people who are residing in conflict zones have fled persecution to neighbouring regions or neighbouring countries.

Almost all Ethiopian regions, except Tigray, are under the control of state sponsored terrorism including Oromia, Amhara, Afar, Gambela, Southern Nations Nationalities and People, Benishangul-Gumuz, Somali (Ogaden), and Sidama region. The Tigray region has also been pushed to the corner, and there are tensions on the northern and southern borders.

Since the government of Ethiopia has blocked independent media organizations including the Oromo News Network, and the Oromo Media Network, government-controlled media are spreading fake news and dramas to humiliate opposition parties.

Electricity and Internet have been curtailed, and independent mass media, human rights monitors, and international human rights observers have been blocked from gaining access to Oromia, particularly in zones that are suffering at the hands of the military administration, and it is difficult to corroborate the government killing, arresting, torturing, and displacing of innocent people.

Based on our own independent sources, since this undeclared war started in Oromia, thousands of Oromos have been killed, hundreds of Qemants and Agaws have been killed or burned alive in their own houses in the Amhara region, hundreds of Sidama activists have been jailed, and hundreds of people have killed in the Benishangul-Gumuz region, by government security forces. Several Welayta, Kambata, and Mocha youth have been jailed due to their demands to become members of the Ethiopian Federal states.

The hope for elections and the democratization of Ethiopia has vanished, and the bogus National Election Board of Ethiopia office has become a showcase to collect money from donors in the name of democratization and election process improvement while the election office is totally owned and controlled by Prosperity Party security agents. COVID_19 was presented as a lame excuse to delay the election planned for May 14, 2020 and the current government cannot rule beyond October 10, 2020 due to the country’s constitution, which states that the House of Peoples’ Representatives shall be elected for a term of five years, and their time will end in October.

In this situation, according to the constitution, opposition parties must convene to discuss how the country is to be governed, but unfortunately, most of the opposition party leaders are in jail or under house arrest or have been killed, and no one knows where they are.

The current situation and the direction in which the government is leading the country will lead to civil war.

Mr. Prime Minister, our community is deeply concerned that there is ethnic cleansing going on in Oromia and Ethiopia, once again, the international community has not responded. We have come to a point where we cannot sit in silence and watch the massacre of innocent Oromos. We appeal to you and your government to evaluate the crimes committed by the Ethiopian government over the last 26 months and to use your good office to apply appropriate pressure on the regime to stop killing innocent people.

In the past, the Government of Canada has demonstrated support for human rights, democracy, and good governance and it is time for Canada to stand with the people of Oromo, Ethiopia, instead of supporting an armed criminal government.

We feel that military, economic, and strategic aid or partnership with Ethiopia should be tied to respect for human rights, justice, democracy, and good governance.

We, therefore, respectfully request that you use the influences of your good office to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to immediately and unconditionally:

  1. Stop killing, torturing innocent civilians without any precondition;
  2. We solemnly appeal to the Canadian government and the international community to put maximum pressure on the Ethiopian Prime Minister, and Ethiopian President to step down immediately before the country plummets into civil war;
  3. We appeal to the Canadian government to help, to facilitate International Commissions of Inquiry, Commission on Human Rights to investigate gross human rights violations, ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia, particularly in the Oromia regional state during the last 26 months so that perpetrators face justice;
  4. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to impose maximum economic, and armed embargo on current Ethiopian government until they stop killing innocent citizens, and immediately call for fare and free election, and hand over the power to freely elected people’s representatives or else we fear that there will be a devastating civil war in the country;
  5. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to put maximum pressure on Abiy Ahimed to restore electricity, telephone, and internet services, without any preconditions so that they can share information on COVID_19;
  6. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to put pressure on Abiy Ahimed to release all political prisoners and reimburse them for the illegal time they spent in prison and for the torture and suffering they faced; COVID_19 outbreak reported in several prisons, but government-controlled media are not reporting – Red Cross and independent media should be allowed to access the prison facility to observe the political prisoner health conditions;
  7. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to put pressure on Abiy Ahimed to stop bringing foreign mercenaries, mobile killing squads from neighboring countries to kill the opposition leaders or prominent leaders in the community;
  8. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to put pressure on Abiy Ahimed to allow UN independent observers access to affected areas in Oromia;
  9. We appeal to the Canadian government and the international peace loving communities to put pressure on Abiy Ahimed to allow Doctors without Borders and the Red Cross to treat the injured victims in affected areas;

Yours very truly,

Leta Etafa
President of Oromo Canadian Community Association of Atlantic Canada

Abdulfetah Abawajy
Chairman of Oromo Community Association of Nova Scotia


  • Her Excellency The Right Honourable Julie Payette, Governor General of Canada
  • The Honourable Andrew Scheer, PC MP, Leader of the Conservative Party of Canada, Leader of the Opposition
  • The Honourable Jagmeet Singh, NDP Leader and MP
  • Ms. Jo-Ann Roberts, Interim Leader of the Green Party of Canada
  • The Honourable François-Philippe Champagne, Minister of Foreign Affairs and MP
  • The Honourable Mary Ng, MP, Minister of Small Business, Export Promotion and International Trade
  • The Honourable Marco E. L. Mendicino, MP, Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship
  • The Honourable Karina Gould, MP, Minister of International Development
  • The Honourable Ahmed Hussen, MP, Minister of Families, Children and Social Development
  • Mr. John F.G. Hannaford, Deputy Minister of International Trade
  • His Excellency Marc-André Blanchard, Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations
  • The Honourable Harjit Sajjan, MP, Minister of National Defence of Canada
  • The Honourable Stephen McNeil, Premier of the Province of Nova Scotia
  • His Excellency Antoine Chevrier, Canadian Ambassador to Ethiopia and Djibouti
  • H.E. Nasise Challi JIRA, Ethiopian Ambassador to Canada

AfricaNow! Contextualizing The Crisis In Ethiopia July 22, 2020

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AfricaNow! July 22, 2020 Contextualizing the Crisis in Ethiopia
Summary–Topic and Guest: Contextualizing the Crisis in Ethiopia following the killing of popular Oromo musician and activist Hachalu Hundessa on June 29. Ms. Ayantu Ayana, doctoral student and a member of the Oromo Advocacy Alliance contextualizes the current crisis in Ethiopia—addressing the underlying historical issues that manifest themselves today in the country.

Press release: Announcing the formation of Oromo Civic Organizations Task force, Minnesota, 18 July 2020 July 22, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.

Irredeemably lost, irreparably damaged, and irrecoverably broken. Such is now the relationship between Oromos and the government of Ethiopia July 21, 2020

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Irredeemably lost, irreparably damaged, and irrecoverably broken. Such is now the relationship between Oromos and the government of Ethiopia.

Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa

After #Hacaaluu‘s assassination, all bridges are burnt down.The fracture has become a crack, and the crack a chasm. Ethiopia has once more leaped in the dark, into the abyss. Its conscienceless ‘leap in the dark’ has hit a dead end.Yes, Ethiopia has no conscience. In fact, it never had one. It prides itself in having none.The celebration, among neo-nafxanyaa political circles, of the murder of Haacaaluu, or the arrest of key political leaders such as Jawar and Bekele, or the closure of the OMN, etc, is a conclusive evidence of the Ethiopian refusal to think clearly, ethically, and reflexively about the grave Ethiopian predicament. It is an act of deadening the conscience.Their celebration is the definitive statement that it is all over now. It’s all over.The spectre of dismemberment is now up and about. And Abiy’s nafxanyaa regime has no one to blame for this except himself.The increasingly hostile Ethiopian gaze over Oromos and the profligate imperial desire to possess the land (without the people) has now provoked a spectre that will forever haunt Ethiopia henceforth, the spectre of Oromo self-determination.

በውሸት ትርክት ላይ በመመርኮዝ፣ ብሔረ-መንግሥት (nation-state) ለመገንባት፣ ሕዝቦችንም በጭቆና አገዛዝ ሥር ለማኖር ተሞክሮ አልሠራም። በፈጠራ ወሬና በውሸት ውንጀላ ትውልድን ለማሸማቀቅ የሚደረግ የተቀናጀ ዘመቻም ሆነ እውነትን በውሸት፣ በፖለቲካ ሸፍጥ፣ እና በሐሰት ፕሮፓጋንዳ ለመድፈቅና የሕዝብን ሃቅ ለመቅበር የሚደረገው ጥረትም አይሠራም


related info. from social media


Abiy Ahmed’s Plot Against Multinational Federalism in Ethiopia July 21, 2020

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Abiy Ahmed’s Plot Against Multinational Federalism in Ethiopia

OpinionSoreti Kadir and Ayantu Ayana July 20, 2020

The last three weeks in Ethiopia have been full of tragedy. Beloved Oromo musical powerhouse and political activist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated in Addis Ababa on June 29th. After the assassination, a series of events began to rapidly unfold. With the internet almost immediately shut down in the country, many Ethiopians grappled to understand what was happening in their homeland and to the people that they love. In the flurry of the last couple of weeks, which feel more like one elongated moment, the dominant narrative that has emerged centers on ethnic conflict.

The day after Haacaaluu’s assassination, leaders of the Oromo Federalist Congress, including Bekele Gerba and Jawar Mohammed, along with thirty-five of their friends and colleagues were arrested in Addis Ababa. Over the following days, several senior members of the Oromo Federalist Congress and the Oromo Liberation Front (both legally registered parties) as well as journalists from the Oromia Media Network were similarly detained. As of this week, the government has arrested more than 7000 civilians. Local sources suggest that this number is much higher.

Among those detained are youth, activists, artists, elders, scholars, businesspeople, along with the prominent members of Oromo opposition parties mentioned above. Leaders of other opposition parties have also been detained. Security forces have gone from house to house arresting and, in some cases, killing young Oromo people. In Addis Ababa, Oromo individuals and businesses bearing Oromo names have been attacked. In some parts of Oromia, members of ethnic Amhara, Christians, and in some cases Muslims, have been killed, their properties damaged, and livelihoods shuttered.  This is a tragedy that we condemn in no uncertain terms and we grieve with everyone grieving. We know that in the face of human loss, it is difficult to see past individual acts of violence and to observe events with nuance and context.

Currently, media coverage and social media conversations are extremely polarized. As writers and researchers, we are writing to locate this historic moment in the political context of the Ethiopian state. We argue that the current ruling party in Ethiopia, the Prosperity Party (PP), is working to systemically silence ideological dissent. Specifically, it is aiming to silence, detain or eliminate anyone affiliated with the Oromo grassroots youth movement (#OromoProtests). The Ethiopian government and their allies are intentionally centering the narrative of inter-ethnic violence as a pretext to justify and legitimize ideological and political dominance.

Many have described Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed as a leader who eschews ethnicity in favor of an Ethiopian national identity. What he has done, however, is to adapt an ideology that dismisses historic grievances and systemic injustice that have huge implications for millions of people. Ethiopia, the configuration of multiple nations and nationalities into one state, is the fruit of colonial conquest. Abiy and the PP do not espouse an ethnic neutral ideology. What they champion is a state ideology that denies historical facts and imposes upon diverse peoples a narrow political vision that strips millions of self-administration and cultural representation. There is no ethnic neutrality in a country where Abyssinian culture, religion, history, and economic institutions have historically been privileged and rendered the norm at the exclusion of all others.  

Reducing the Ethiopian crisis simply to ethnic conflict is a reductive and dangerous framing of a complex issue. Unfortunately, it is a common perspective through which matters pertaining to societies on the African continent are frequently understood. Reports of violence that we have gotten from different parts of the country tell a more complicated and disturbing story. They place the Ethiopian state as neither a neutral nor healing actor amidst multifaceted violence. To see this story with some clarity, we bear witness to the stories of state violence that have come out of the country over the last three weeks, and more broadly, over the last two years.

State Violence

This recent spate of violence occurs in the context of the last two years where state and nonstate actors have committed atrocities in different parts of the country, which were largely ignored by the government. Government forces have engaged in widespread torture, rape, land evictions and killings. In both the Oromia and the Amhara regions, there have been numerous reports of attacks against multiple communities including the burning of mosques, churches, and businesses. In June 2019, dozens of people were killed by armed militias on the border between the Amhara region and Benishangul-Gumuz. According to a report released by Amnesty International, in January 2019, armed Amhara vigilante groups burned houses and killed 130 members of the Qimant community—a minority group who have been demanding self-administration within the Amhara regional state. These are only a few of such cases.

In the past two years, the Abiy administration has not attempted any reparative process to address past and existing harm that have and continue to result in violence. There have not been any credible nor timely investigations of the numerous cases/incidents of violence against community and against individuals by the state. That the government is now weaponizing current attacks for the purpose of justifying their political strategy raises legitimate questions about the ability or commitment of this government to appropriately respond to historic and contemporary violence and their underlying causes. 

The Ethiopian government and its supporters insist that nothing unconstitutional is happening and that the government’s response is necessary. They argue that Ethiopia is in the throes of “ethnic violence”, with clear perpetrators and victims. They argue that this is the single most urgent issue threatening Ethiopia’s stability today. This narrative reverberates across some sections of the Ethiopian diaspora and has now begun making it into international media such as Reuters and the Associated Press.

The continued acts of state violence occurring across the Oromia region of Ethiopia need an urgent response. The government and those that echo its sentiments have positioned this state violence in relation to their inflamed and contextless version of ethnic violence. They have created a framework that justifies authoritarian state practices such as mass detention and closure of the internet and non-government media. Why is the Ethiopian government, who has not been committed to protecting communities, so invested in centering the ‘ethnic-violence’ narrative? Why have we seen military forces and state apparatuses systematically target Oromo people from all sections of Ethiopian society?

The Political Agenda

Abiy Ahmed came to power following the successful 2014-2018 #OromoProtests, a grassroots youth movement which first started in the Oromia region and spread throughout the country. The #OromoProtests served as a catalyst for major changes within the then ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). Abiy was selected by the EPRDF to lead what was to be a transition to democracy through free and fair elections. Initially, his emergence was viewed by many as the beginning of an era where Ethiopians solved their problems peacefully. The return to the use of militarization and punitive punishment against ideological difference under the guise of curbing civil unrest is a dangerous move in a country that was just starting to emerge from an experience of years of civil protest being met with state violence.

At the crux of the unfolding political crisis is the fate of the multinational federation adapted in 1995. Its establishment was a compromise that enabled the Ethiopian state to remain standing. The Oromo protesters demanded further decentralization and realization of the regional rights enshrined in the 1995 constitution which had been ignored by the previous ruling party over the last two decades. Since coming to power, Abiy has taken actions that undermine the federal system. He dissolved the coalition of parties that made up the previous federal government structure. Representatives of all regions in the federation now belong to one party. The current structure of the PP centralizes power and undermines possibilities of regional autonomy and shared federal rule. It is the first step towards a gradual weakening and eventual elimination of the multinational federation.

A political approach centered on regional sovereignty is important because the demands of Ethiopia’s diverse nations and nationalities for self-administration go back decades. These are not just a collection of cultural and linguistic groups without diverse political needs, but structured nations with their own approaches to governance. The right to multi-national existence and self-rule in Ethiopia is important to millions of historically marginalized groups as evidenced by ongoing demands for decentralization.

This reform by Abiy gives us perspective with which to raise our first question: why the hyper focus on ethnic violence, and as the investigation by Amnesty International reveals, why would state actors have a role in exacerbating these unhealed, collective wounds? For one thing, focusing on ethnic based violence legitimizes Abiy’s Ethiopian nationalism rooted in Abyssinian ideology. The reasoning is this: if ethnicity can be established as the most serious problem facing Ethiopia, then it seems rational to see the solution as an approach that is free of ethnicity. In other words, Abiy needs ethnic conflict to justify dismantling any protection that the constitution provides for regional sovereignty and self-determination. This view takes the country back to the same old thing: a failed unitary system at the heart of the perennial conflict that has afflicted the Ethiopian state since its inception. By foreclosing possibilities for peaceful realization of a multinational state it encourages national groups to take the path of armed conflict to assert their sovereignty once again.

Historically, the Ethiopian government has internalized and actualized the purpose of its existence by using the military to preserve the state and to control perceived stability. Instead of centering people and their justified generational grievances, the state has used militarization to violently silence dissent. Not unlike other governments around the world, the Ethiopian government has made “stability” synonymous with eliminating ideological opposition. Abiy’s administration has framed dissent as a disruption of stability thus making the case that militarization is necessary for a peaceful Ethiopia.

If Abiy’s government continues to centralize power in Addis Ababa and keeps amassing his individual political and military power, Ethiopia faces an uncertain and volatile future. The government must be encouraged by all parties engaged with Ethiopia to address the root causes of ethnic violence, compelling the administration to sincerely assess its readiness to lead a country like Ethiopia. Ethiopians must also challenge Abiy’s use of the military and other state violence across Oromia, because it will not remain contained in the Oromia region. Wherever an ideological threat is perceived state-sposnored violence will follow. If we can see past the minimalistic and in many cases, suspiciously evidenced narratives of neighbor-on-neighbor violence that the government and its counterparts are pushing, then we may find grounds to stand together in this moment.

Soreti Kadir is a storyteller, facilitator, and activist. Follow Soreti on Twitter at @iamsoreti.

Ayantu Ayana is an activist and doctoral student. Follow Ayantu on Twitter at @ThaAyantu.

AI: Ethiopia: Account for all people arrested after Hachalu Hundesa’s killing July 18, 2020

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Ethiopia: Account for all people arrested after Hachalu Hundesa’s killing

Amnesty International, 18 July 2020

The authorities in Ethiopia must immediately reveal the whereabouts of dozens of politicians and journalists who were arrested alongside other people following widespread protests and violence on 29 June, Amnesty International said today.

The killing of Hachalu Hundesa, a popular outspoken Oromo singer, sparked protests, some of which degenerated into intercommunal violence, which together with a police crackdown left at least 177 dead and hundreds wounded.

In Addis Ababa and Oromia region, the police arrested at least 5,000 people, many of whom are in incommunicado detention with their whereabouts unknown. Those arrested include leading opposition politicians like Jawar Mohammed from the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), leaders of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Eskinder Nega of Balderas for True Democracy party, and journalists.The Ethiopian authorities are causing great anguish to the families of those arrested by failing to divulge their whereabouts. Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

“The Ethiopian authorities are causing great anguish to the families of those arrested by failing to divulge their whereabouts. They must immediately disclose where each detainee is being held, and either charge them with a recognizable crime or release them immediately,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

Families are worried about their loved ones being held in crowded, unsanitary conditions in places of detention amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.

OLF detainees’ whereabouts

Lawyers are unable to establish the whereabouts of key officials of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) including Michael Boran, Shigut Geleta, Lemi Benya, Kenessa Ayana, and Colonel Gemechu Ayana, who were arrested on various dates since Hachalu Hundesa’s death.

They told Amnesty International that the Addis Ababa Police Commission, the Federal Police Commission, the Oromia Police Commission and the Oromia Special Zone authorities have all denied having any of the OLF officials in their custody.They must immediately disclose where each detainee is being held, and either charge them with a recognizable crime or release them immediately. Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

Another OLF leader, Abdi Regassa, arrested in February, remains unaccounted for, according to his lawyer, because the police have been moving him from one place of detention to another, such that neither his family nor his lawyers know his whereabouts.

Jawar Mohammed

Jawar Mohammed, founder of the Oromia Media Network (OMN) and chair of the OFC, was arrested on 30 June alongside his deputy Bekele Gerba. They were arraigned in court a second time on 16 July and remanded in police custody for two more weeks as investigations continue. Bekele Gerba was arrested with his son, daughter and a nephew, who the courted ordered to be released.

Jawar and Bekele are being held on suspicions of “mishandling of a corpse” (of the late Hachalu Hundesa during a tussle about his burial location), “attempted murder on OPDO (now Prosperity Party) officials”, “initiating violence” and the “murder of a police official”.Pre-trial detention is only permissible when police have solid evidence to support accusations against those arrested. No one should be denied their rights to liberty while police go off on fishing expeditions to justify arrests. Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

“Pre-trial detention is only permissible when police have solid evidence to support accusations against those arrested. No one should be denied their rights to liberty while police go off on fishing expeditions to justify arrests,” said Deprose Muchena.

The two were initially held at Addis Ababa Police Commission premises, where they were last seen by their lawyers on 10 July, then found at an underground cell at an unofficial detention location near the Federal Police headquarters in Mexico Square on 14 July. Other OFC detainees were moved to a school in Addis Ababa.

OFC leaders like Dejene Tafa are yet to be presented in court or charged with any crime. His pregnant wife spends her days outside the courthouse just in case he is arraigned so that she may catch a glimpse of him.

“This morning (15 July), the police allowed me to look at him remotely after I begged them considering my pregnancy. The police do not allow me to give him food, allegedly for fear of COVID-19. Even now I am still waiting at the court should the police bring him here,” she said.

Eskinder Nega

Eskinder Nega, a prominent journalist who is now the Chairman of the Balderas for True Democracy party and his deputy Sintayehu Chekol were also arrested on 30 June in Addis Ababa. Eskinder was presented in court on 1 July on suspicions of organizing Addis Ababa youth for violence, and again on 16 July, when the police asked for more time to complete investigations.

Eskinder Nega complained to the court of having been beaten during arrest and detention. The court ordered investigations into the allegations, but according to his lawyer, the police have not done so. The court re-issued the orders.

Two journalists, one an editor of OMN, Melesse Diribsa together with a technician at the media house, Misha Chiri, and a Kenyan journalist, Yassin Juma, were arrested on 2 July and arraigned in court on 4 July. They are due back in court on 18 July but have been denied family and consular visits respectively.Ethiopian authorities must resist the urge to return to the familiar path of repression. They must respect the right to protest and express political dissent. Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

Yesterday the police arrested Guyo Wario, the OMN journalist who interviewed Hachalu Hundesa about a week before his killing, and Nasir Adem, a photo and video editor at the same media house.

“Ethiopian authorities must resist the urge to return to the familiar path of repression. They must respect the right to protest and express political dissent,” said Deprose Muchena.

“They must also uphold due process and guarantee all detainees’ access to their families and lawyers, and fair trials that adhere to international human rights law and standards.”

Click here to read the full report

OMN: #HacaaluuHundeessaa The #Grand #OromoProtests Global solidarity Rally in #Washington Dc on 17 July 2020 July 17, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.

OMN: #HacaaluuHundeessaa The #Grand #OromoProtests Global solidarity Rally in #Washington Dc on 17 July 2020


VOA Amharic Stop Reporting biased information. #OromoProtests in front of VOA office.

VOA Amharic Stop Reporting biased information. #OromoProtests in front of VOA office.

68Lelisse Wodajo, Amansiis Qanaatee fi kanneen biroo 66

#OromoProtests 2020 peacefully solidarity rally in London 17 July 202 July 17, 2020

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Finfinne on the 2nd of #HacaaluuHundeessaa’s assassination: Government sponsored mass attacks on Oromo. #OromoProtests July 16, 2020

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#ሃጫሉ ተሰውቶ በሁለተኛው ቀን ፊንፊኔ ውስጥ የታየውን እጅግ አደገኛ ነገር የሚያወራልህ የለም። ምክንያቱም የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚፈፀም ነገር ሁላ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ትክክል ተደርጎ ይወሰዳል። ፊንፊኔ ውስጥ ምን ነበር የታየው?

1) በተደራጆ ዘረኞች የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች መኖሪያ ቤቶች እና ተቋማት ላይ ያነጣጠረ ዘረፋ እና የንብረት ውድመት ተከስቷል። በ መገናኛ 24 አካባቢ የኦሮሞ ተወላጆች ላይ አካላዊ ጥቃት ተፈፅሟል። የሪፍት ቫሊ ዩኒቨርስቲ ህንፃዎች ተሰባብሮ ንብረት ተዘርፏል። የኦሮሚያ ስም ያላቸው ባንኮች ላይ አንዳንድ ቦታዎች ላይ ጥቃት ተፈፅሟል።

2) ከሁሉም በላይ ያስደነገጠኝ ኦሮሞ ላይ ያነጣጠረ የመንግሥታዊ ሽብር ነበር። ነገሩ እንዲህ ነው – በመንግሥት አካካላት በኩል አንዳንድ ሰዎች ከየአካባቢው ተመርጠው የአካባቢያቸውን ነዋሪ እንዲያደራጁ እና ከኦሮሞ ራሳቸውን እንዲከላከሉ ይነገራቸዋል። በአካባቢያችንም ይህ የተነገራቸው ሰዎች ስብሰባ ጠሩን። እኔ ለስብሰባ ስንጠራ የመሰለኝ ቤት እየለዩ ስለሚያጠቁት እና ስለሚዘርፉ የተደራጁ ሰዎች ለመነጋገር መስሎኝ ነበር ነገሩ ሌላ ነው። ቃል በቃል ያሉት ነገር ቄሮ እና በከተማው ዙሪያ ያሉት ገበሬዎች ወደ ከተማው እየመጡ ስለሆነ በምንችለው ሁሉ መከላከል አለብን። ፊሽካ ጡሩምባ እና አላርም ይዘጋጅ። መምጣታቸው ከታወቀ ድምፅ በማሰማት እን ስብስብ እና እንመክት አሉ። አንዳንዶቻችን ይህ ነገር የእርስ በርስ ጦርነትን የሚቀሰቅስ አደገኛ ሁኔታ መሆኑን ለመናገር ሞከርን። ባደረግነው ውይይት መጨረሻ ላይ ንብረታችንን እና ቤተሰቦቻችንን ከማንኛውም የተደራጀ ኃይል እንጠብቅ በሚለው ተስማምተን ነበር። ሆኖም ግን ተወያይተን ወደ ቤት ከገባን እየመጡ ነው… እየመጡ ነው…እየመጡ ነው ከሚል ጩሃት ጋርበ ፊሽካ ተነፍቶ ጊቢያቸውን መጠበቅ ሳይሆን ተሰባስበው ወደ ዋናው መንገድ ሄዱ። ደግነቱ ፍርሃት እና ጥላቻ የወለደው የራሳቸው ጥላ እያስፈራራቸው እንጂ የመጣ ነገር አልነበረም።

ይህ እንግዲህ #ፊንፊኔን ከኦሮሞ የመጠበቅ ፕሮጀክት አንዱ ክፍል ነው። ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያሉ ሚዲያዎች በሙሉ እና የመንግሥት አካላት የኦሮሞ ህዝብን #ለጄኖሳይድ የማዘጋጀት ሂደቱን በተቀናጀ ሁኔታ እየሠሩበት ነው።

by Hola G. Irrenso

Professor Bayyanaa Peexiroos Waayee Jawaar Mohaammad maal jedhu July 15, 2020

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Barreeffama Ajaahibaa: Professor Bayyanaa PeexiroosWaayee Jawaar Mohaammad”

Carraa Jawaar Mohaammad Ummata Oromootiif fi humnoota federaalistiitiif du’uuf argate namoonni argatan muraasa. Jawaar qaama jiru kan mootummaa dha ofiin jedhuuf lafee kokkeetti rakkatteedha.

Jawaar Mohaammad du’ees, jiraatees muummicha ministeera biyyattii ta’uu mirkaneessinee jirra.Jawaar hidhamuu fi hidhamuu dhabuun Biltsiginnaaf garaagarummaa hin qabu.

Jawaar Biltsiginnaaf goraadee gama lamaan qarame. Biltsiginnaan yoo isa ajjeefte lafatu adda banamee ishee liqimsa. Yoo gadlakkifte filannoon moo’atee mininsteera muummee ta’a.

Eertiraanis idaa kanarraa ni qoodatti. Bilisummaan Eertiraa dhiigaa fi lubbuu Jawaariitiin ni dhufa. Jawaar Mohaammad nama idil-addunyaati. Muldhataadha. Toophiyaa keessatti Jawaariin kan gahu eennu?

Hidhamuun Jawaar Mohaammad Toophiyaatti injifannoo dachaa dachaa fida.Jawaar kan kaabaa, kan kibbaa, kan bahaa fi kan dhihaattu deeggara. Jawaar akka Koloneel Abiyyii osoo hatuu fi osoo ajjeesu hin dabarsine. Biyya alaa kan jiru ummanni biyya keenyaa fudhatama kenneeraaf. Kana ta’uusaatiin guddinna Jawaar ammumaan asumaa achi argaarra. Woytiin hanga Fulbaanaa jiru dhimmi Jawaar fi dhimmi biyyaa murtii xumuraa ni argata!”

በፕ/ር #በየነ#ጴጥሮስ የተፃፈ

“ጀዋር መሐመድ ለኦሮሞ እና ለፌዴራል ኃይሎች ለመሞት ያገኘው ዕድል የሚያገኙት ጥቂት ሰዎች ናቸው! ጀዋር ላለው መንግስት ነኝ ባይ ጉሮሮ ውስጥ የተሰካ አጥንት ነው ።ጀዋር መሐመድ ኖረ ሞተ የሀገሪቷ ጠቅላይ ሚስትርነቱን አረጋግጠናል::ጀዋር መታሰሩና ባለመታሰሩ ለብልፅግና ልዩነት የለውም !ጀዋር ለብልፅግና በሁለት ጎን የተሳለ ጎራዴ ነው። ብልፅግና ብትገለው መሬት ተከፍቶ ይውጣታል።ብትለቀው በምርጫ አሸንፎ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ይሆናል።ኤርትራም ከዚህ ዕዳ ትካፈላለች።የኤርትራ ነፃነት በጀዋር ደምና ህይወት ይመጣል።ጀዋር መሐመድ ዓለም አቀፍ ሰው ነው። ፊገር ነው።በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ጀዋር የሚያክል ማነው? የጀዋር መሐመድ መታሰር ድርብ ድርብ ድል በኢትዮጵያ ያመጣል።ጀዋርን ሰሜኑ፣ደቡቡ፣ምስራቁና ምዕራቡ ይደግፈዋል። በውጭ ያለው የሀገራችን ህዝብ ተቀብለውታል።ጀዋር እንደ ኮ/ሌ አብይ ሲሰርቅና ሲገል አላደፈም።በመሆኑ የጀዋር ግዝፈት በሀገራችን ከወዲሁ እያየን ነው።እስከ መስከረም ያለው ጊዜ የጀዋር እና የሀገሪቱ ጉዳይ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ያገኛል!” በፕ/ር #በየነ#ጴጥሮስ የተፃፈ

What was the hoopla all about? July 14, 2020

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What was the hoopla all about? #HacaaluuHundeessaa #OromoProtests

By Finfinne Intercept

Before airing the full version of Haacaaluu’s last interview with OMN, the government – through relentless media propaganda – had created much anticipation on potential revelations from his replies to journalist Guyo Wario’s questions. It turned out to be much ado about nothing. There’s hardly any content in the interview that supports the Attorney General’s claim that he had been receiving death threats from OLF-SG. Even the most die-hard of PP supporters hoping for incriminating material on OMN staff must have felt highly let down. If there’s anything that stands out from the interview, it’s the fact that Haacaaluu’s last verdict on current state of affairs is that “the Prime Minister has blood on his hands”. The interview is much more damaging to Abiy and his henchmen than to any other group or political entity. From the outset, the government showed little interest in finding the actual perpetrators and delivering proper justice for the victim’s family. The morning after Haacaaluu’s assassination, officials began telling the public about the parties involved in the killing and what their motive was with absolute certainty.There’s no way they could have known at that point unless they had prior intelligence and if they had that why didn’t they provide him protection in the first place? The entire thing is a poorly written drama whose purpose is to divide Oromos along pronvincial lines and help PP consolidate its grip on power. The government has already delivered a political verdict on this case and it’s naive to expect a different outcome from this process. The probe into the killing has to be carried out by an independent and impartial body for it to have a meaningful and acceptable outcome.What we’re seeing now is a political show trial whose intent is annihilating political opponents with Haacaaluu’s killing being used as a useful pretext. For all we know, the assassination may have been carefully planned and executed by a certain wing of PP. In fact it makes much more sense to suspect that he was targeted by reactionary forces working in cahoots with this government. In an older interview with Dejene Gutema of OMN, Haacaaluu had revealed that he’d been attacked at least five times by groups affiliated to these forces while going about his business in the city. And right after his killing, having found a convenient reason to jail and eliminate Oromo nationalists, their agents inside government pounced at this opportunity and arrested their long time nemesis, Jawar. Why on earth would they jail an innocent man who is mourning the killing of his closest friend and brother? It’s just so heartless and vindictive.There’s no doubt that Abiy finds himself impotent and emasculated in the presence of Oromo political heavyweight Jawar Mohammed. The man, who everyone once hoped would transition Ethiopia into a democracy, has now jailed his main political opponents with bogus charges and effectively transformed himself into an autocrat with fascistic tendencies. Abiy and those cheering from the side may temporary feel invincible at this point but they will fail and they will fail miserably.The movement will overcome this! The movement will prevail! #Oromoprotests#JusticeforHaacaaluuHundeessaa#FreeJawarMohammed#FreeAllPoliticalPrisoners