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Oromia (Finfinnee): Excerpts from Jawar Mohammed’s speech in court 04 Sep 2020 September 5, 2020

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Excerpts from Jawar Mohammed’s speech in court 04 Sep 2020

Finfinne Intercept

What I find alarming even more so than the individual charges levelled against us is the state of the overall justice system in this country. Allow me to address this not just to the bench presiding over this case but also to the second-man in charge of the Attorney General’s Office who is present amongst us in this courtroom today. The justice system is under the total control of the ruling party and has utterly failed due to political interference by those in positions of power. I would like for you to understand this. It is evident from the prosecution’s request for the court to grant anonymity for witnesses so they can testify against us from behind-the-curtain that this is a political trial. And the fact one of the witnesses was dropped today and that four others were dropped the other day further demonstrates that the entire exercise is politically motivated. I am not saying this because I’m terrified of prison. When I made the decision to join politics, it’s with the full knowledge that such eventualities might arise and with the conviction to accept any consequences. Prison is an elementary challenge. I’m ready to die for my people and for the cause I believe in. If I die today, I go with a peace of mind and a smile on my face. I won’t have any regrets. I’m pleading with you not out of the personal desire to get a favourable ruling on this case but because I want the country’s judicial system to improve for the sake of future generations. This reminds me of the ordeals the earliest Oromo nationalist movement leaders had to go through inside the courtrooms of Imperial Ethiopia [and the death penalty they were given] 40 years ago; trailblazers such as Captain Mamo Mezemir who graduated with great honours from the then imperial military academy. What is happening to the current crop of leaders (potentially his grand children) today is no different. This is disgraceful. Political differences are resolved through dialogue, not in a litigation before a court of law. This exercise helps neither our politics nor the country’s judicial system. On the contrary, it will further worsen the political polarisation, courts will lose public trust and this will precipitate the disintegration of the country. All evidences indicate that that is where we’re heading. The current Prime Minister had apologised for putting freedom advocates through a reign of terror for 27 years in contravention of the constitution and the laws of the country, and had admitted that that was a wrong path to follow. However, what we’re witnessing is a continuation of the same old unlawful practice. I maintain that political differences cannot be resolved in a court of law and that no resolution will come out of such futile undertakings. I urge you to stop wasting the resources and energy of everyone involved. You can jail us as you please, free us as you please or hang us if you deem it necessary but I implore you to stop the blatant mockery of justice and the law. I thank you! –Translated from the Afaan Oromo version originally published by Oromo Political Prisoners Defence Team.

Oromia: Dr Birhanu Nega alone displaced and took the farmland of 217 Oromo farmers household. That means he alone displaced and grabbed the farmland of more than 1000 Oromos using the racist and anti Oromo regime. September 5, 2020

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By Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

Dr Birhanu Nega alone displaced and took the farmland of 217 Oromo farmers household. That means he alone displaced and grabbed the farmland of more than 1000 Oromos using the racist and anti Oromo regime. Could these Oromo victims get justice from the racist Neftagna regime? Not at all. Over the last 15 years alone, Addis Ababa expanded three fold by displacing about 1,500,000 Oromo people. Literally, the racist and anti Oromo regime committed genocide on our people. Still, system driven, land grab and the genocidal mission against the Oromo people continued in the name of development, religion, business etc. It is forgone conclusion that the Oromo people cannot seek justice from the racist regime. Then, what type of political discourse could an Oromo hold with the racist system that calls an Oromo who speak about the equality of the Oromo people in that country an extremist, terrorist and so forth? None! From now on, the Oromo people should not fool themselves and wast any time by talking about democracy, election, law etc for there is none! Oromos who talk about these nonexistent things should also stop lying and giving false hope to the Oromo people. It is critically important to know that unless and until the racist Neftagna System is defeated, subdued and dismantled, let alone equality, the Oromo people will not be considered as human beings in Ethiopia. These dehumanization of the Oromo!? We have all seen it. We are all living it! Therefore, let all Oromos focus only on organizing and mobilizing the Oromo people to defeat, subdue and dismantle the racist Neftagna System!

ዶ/ር ብርሃኑ ነጋ ብቻ 217 የኦሮሞ ገበሬ አባወራዎችን (በትንሹ ከአንድ ሺህ ህዝብ በላይ) አፈናቅሎ መሬታቸውን ወስዷል። እነዚህ ኦሮሞዎች ከዘረኛው ነፍጠኛ ስረዓት ፍትህ መጠየቅ ይችላሉ? በጭራሽ! ይህ አሁን ያወቅነው አንድ ሰው ብቻ ስረዓቱን ተጠቅሞ የፈፀመው ግፍ ነው። ባለፉት 15 ዓመት ብቻ አዲስ አበባ አንድ ሚልዮን አምስት መቶ ሺህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ ጄኖሳይድ ፈፅማ በቆዳ ስፋት ሶስት እጥፍ ሰፈታለች! በልማት፣ በሃይማኖት፣ በንግድ፣ በተለያዩ የሌብነት ስልቶች የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መሬት መቀማቱን ቀጥሏል። ይህን የተደራጀ ስረዓታዊ ወረራ እና ጄኖሳይድ ለስረዓቱ ሌቦች አቤት በማለት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የሚያገኘው አንዳች ፍትህ የለም። ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ እኩልነት የሚናገር ፅንፈኛ በሚባልበት ስረዓት ውስጥ የምን ፖለቲካ ነው ኦሮሞ የሚያካሄደው? የለም! የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከዚህ በኋላ ለአንድ ቀን እራሱን ዲሞክራሲ፣ህግ፣ ምርጫ፣ ቅርጫ እያለ ማታለል የለበትም። ይህን ውሸት መፍትሄ ብላችሁ የምታወሩ ኦሮሞዎችም አቁሙ! የነፍጠኛው ስረዓት ካልተሸነፈ እና ካልገበረ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ እንኳን እኩልነት፣ እንደሰውም አይቆጥርም። ውሸት ነው እንዳትሉ እያያችሁት እና እየኖራችሁት ነው። ስለዚህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ብቸኛ ግብ የነፍጠኛው ስረዓት ማፍረሰ እና ማስገበር ብቻ መሆኑን አውቃችሁ በሙሉ ኃይላችሁ ህዝቡን አንቁ እና አደራጁ!!


Azhar Kïa Abadir

Amhara businessmen Belayneh Kindie and Worku Aytenew took 250 hectares of land from the hearts of Addis through direct involvement of the retard. Haile G/S took free land from South, Oromia and Amhara in the name of building resort. These three Amhara looters are behind all of Addis land grab and why they are supporting this retard. Oromo businessmen Dinku Deyasa and Gemshu Beyene are chased away from their mother land. Gemshu is still in Oromia but Dinku was attacked by mafias several times. It is so sad that Oromo’s resources are looted by these crooked Amharas but Oromos are killed on their soil because they born Oromo. This madness must be stopped by the blood of Oromos. This struggle must be the binding one. You have well prepared leaders and there will be no risk of power sabotage afterwards. In this short time, peaceful struggle aimed at deteriorating the mafia’s economy must be strongly executed. This is a bitter struggle. Military is told to shoot anyone on the road so that direct confrontation is risky. However, self defense is legal whenever the military is attacking you while you are protesting peacefully. Military has no legal ground to kill peaceful protesters. It is beyond its mandate and should be taught a desirable lesson like of Tegarus. Military seems to be brave on Oromos because they knew that Oromos are peaceful. Effective road closure surrounding Addis will bring down this mafia. Never carry gun or other artileries. Just peacefully. You will definitely win and determine your fate. Amharas who did not support this mafia are just your families and protect them taking any respobsibilities. However, any nation and nationalities who support this mafia have to learn some lessons. All lessons should of economic deterioration.

Oromo is winning! Luel Henok

የኦሮሞን መሬት ለመቀማት እጅግ ቀላሉ መንገድ -ትናንት፣ ዛሬና ነገ-(The Easiest way to grab Oromo’s land)****************************

1. አንድ ጨረቃ ቤተ እምነት ይሰራል!

2. ከዚያ በዙሪያ የመጤ ሰፋሪዎች ጨረቃ ቤት ይሰራል!

3. እድርና ማህበር ይበዛል!

4. መብራት:ውሃና ስልክ በፊውዳል ሰንሰለት በፍጥነት ይገባላቸዋል!

5. ከፖሊስና ፀጥታ አካላት ሰንሰለት በመፍጠር አካባቢያችሁን ጠብቁ በሚል ያስታጥቋቸዋል!

6. ኦሮሞ ያለ ቤተ እምነት በራሱ መሬት ላይ መቀበር አልችልም ብሎ ስላመነ መቀበሪያ አገኘሁ ብሎ ይደሰታል:ተጨማሪ መሬቱን ይሰጣል;ንብረቱን ይሰጣል::

7.በአገልግሎትና በበአላት ስም የሚመጣ ፊውዳል እዚያው ቀርቶ ጨረቃ ቤት ይሰራል!

8. ኦሮሞ ምስጢራቸውን እንዳያይባቸው የትኛውም አገልግሎት ውስጥ አያስገቡትም!

9. ቆይቶ ኦሮሞና ኦሮሙማ ጠፍቶ….ባዶ እጁን ቀርቶ;ቤተሰቡን በትኖ; መቀበሪያ አገኘሁ ያለውንም ሳያገኝ ተሰዶ መንገድ ዳር ሞቶ ማዘጋጃ ይቀብረዋል::ይሄ ትናንት ነዉ። ዛሬም ይሄ እንዳለ ሆኖ ሌላ ሀይል ተጨምሯል። ሴቶችና ህፃናት ከየጎዳናዉ ተሰብስበዉ የደብተራዎች ሚዲያ በሆነዉ ESAT እና EBC ዜና ይሰራል። ለዶ/ር ምልኬሳም ይደወላል። በዚህ ስልት አንፎ አካባቢ የተጀመረዉ ቆሟል። ነገስ? ነገ ኦሮሞ ነቅቶባቸዋልና ቄሮ በራሱ መሬቱን ያፀዳል።=with Worku Bedada=

Oromia: Waamicha Qeerroo Marsaa 4ffaa #OromoProtests September 4, 2020

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#OromoProtests Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa September 4, 2020

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Uggura Embaasii Bilstiginnaa Berlin Guyyaa 5ffaa fii kan xumuraa

The Oromo Community of the Netherlands submit complaint to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) at the ICC asking for an investigation to be opened against the senior Ethiopian leaders for crimes against humanity committed against the Oromo and other nations in and outside Ethiopia September 4, 2020

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The Oromo Community of the Netherlands submit complaint to the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) at the ICC asking for an investigation to be opened against the senior Ethiopian leaders for crimes against humanity committed against the Oromo and other nations in and outside Ethiopia.

Ethiopia: Do you want peace? Do these simple things September 2, 2020

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Modest Proposals ( Tsegaye Ararsa )

Do you want peace? Do these simple things:

1. Release all the political prisoners.

2. Stop the house arrest on Oromo leaders.

3. Stop the protracted state terror across Oromia.

4. Stop your divisive propaganda among religions, regions, and factions.

5. Free OMN.

6. Hands off Oromo media outlets.

7. Stop hate propaganda on Government media outlets and its affiliates.

8. Stop war-mongering on Tigray just because they are conducting elections.

9. Stop inciting violence and arming local vigilantes to perpetrate hate crimes.

10. Stop arming criminals and thugs against Oromos in cities such as Finfinnee. Stop terrorizing Oromos in Finfinnee and all the (garrison) towns. In particular, expose the ኢዜማ-ባልደራስ-ብልጥግና thugs who are organizing themselves “to launch urban guerrilla war” (የፈረንሳይ ሌጋሲዮን ሽምቅ ተዋጊዎች) and hold them to account.

11. Stop weaponizing the law to attack dissidents.

12. Arrest the land theft and the protracted invasion (through illegal settlements, or in the name of building churches).

13. Punish the assassins of #Haacaaluu_Hundeessaa, or take full responsibility for the assassination. Establish truth, render justice.

14. Remove the army from all civilian sites in Oromia.

15. Set up a provisional administration of Abbaa Gadaa Council in Oromia.

16. Address the demands of the numerous southern nations to self-rule. Stop the violence against the Wolaita people. Stop divisive politics to pit one against the other in the SNNPRS. Stop the near imperial (re)mapping procedure to cram groups into your arbitrary clusters

17. Remove senile generals who have overstayed their service long after their retirement age. (This includes the likes of Berhanu Julaa who are turning a segment of the military into a private attack squad of Abiy Ahmed.) Stop undermining the constitutional status, tasks, and responsibilities of the military by dragging them into your dirty (and insane) Bilxiginna politics.

18. Establish law and order in the ANRS. Stop the politics of banditry and brigandage.

19. Put institutional sanity to the organization, training, and operations of the police, the proliferating ‘Special Forces,” and other armed bodies. Secure peace and safety of the citizenry.

20. Remove Abiy Ahmed (and take him to a mental care institution to prevent self-harm as he is repeatedly vowing to commit suicide unless he has his way).

21. Launch an all-inclusive deliberation towards a comprehensive roadmap for democratic transition.—–Anything else, or anything less, is a joke. The struggle continues.

Oromia: EZEMA and PP: The clash over the Oromo land September 1, 2020

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EZEMA and Urban Land – Addis Ababa

By Faisal Roble, August 31, 2020,

EZEMA, a political party in Ethiopia that is birthed out of remnants of EPRP, All-Amhara Organization, Medhin led by a fascist individual known as Goshu Wolde, and remnants of former landlords once again betrayed the ongoing revolution; first it stood by when Oromo comrades were killed and jailed; and then it temporarily ended up forming what could be a short unholy alliance with PM Abiy’s Prosperity Party (PP). The two joined hips not because they love each other but because they want to break the Oromo spirit. Their unholy unification is based on the ever-elusive pan-Ethiopianims – a crude ideology that sacrifices regional and local histories in favor of a never substantiated Solomonic history – a history that is more of a myth than a real history based on the histories of the peoples of Ethiopia.

To cement its image as the guardian of a radical version of Ethiopianism negotiated on the concept of Andinet-fusuminet, a narrative that seeks to protect the left-over of an old oppressive system, EZEMA has hastily released what could be perceived as its land policy. In it, it falters on the question of urban land of Addis Ababa. Reading EZEMA’s 15-pages report, I understand that there is an attempt to delineate the distribution of about hundreds of thousands of acres of vacant suburban land and the distribution of 96,000 condominiums. It would have been a high toll if their study was not politically charged.

EZEMA makes an accusation without showing any proof that a large portion of the 96,000 condominium units are reserved for workers belonging to the Oromia regional state. It adds that the rest is distributed to Dr. Abiy’s cronies.There are some truths to EZEMA’s accusation, especially when it accuses the government of PP of handing keys of finished units to government bureaucrats. Such a practice is common even in the regions. It is customary for both federal and regional governments to give prime land to cronies. PP functionaries in the regions are as guilty of this accusation as they come. In the process, often legitimate owners of such lands are pushed aside.Having said that, the spirit of EZEMA’s August 2020 report is to express its philosophy on the land question pertaining to Addis Ababa. In the report, EZEMA saws the unprovable suspicion that Dr. Abiy’s government is illegally handing finished units to Oromo. In a clever way, it reinvigorates the debate on the question of Addis Ababa and comes to saying that urban land is grabbed by Oromo with the approval of Dr. Abiy’s government. But how does this accusation sit with the killings of Oromo politicians and Oromo activists by the same government? It is this argument that makes EZEMA’s August report nothing but a false pretext to cleverly revive the debate over Addis Ababa at this sensitive time when Oromo advocates are in jail and have no freedom of expression.

The thin thread that holds EZEMA and PP has always been to silence the Oromo and other nationality voices so that urban land of Addis Ababa is “managed” without resistance. In other words, the EZEMA report is the tool for a fight for the control of one of the most important resources that belongs to Oromo – LAND. And this fight is an affirmation that Ethiopia’s history in the last century has been the looting and defending of land by different forces. The urban land question finally saws a wedge between two wrong sides whose unholy alliance is unsustainable. The clash over Oromo land will soon foment open conflict between EZEMA and PP. A Somali adage says: a stolen she camel will never produce a legitimate calf. The original sin of stealing Oromo land must first be corrected before land is legalized to consumers. We need a serious and democratic land policy.

SHRC Statement on Gross Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia August 30, 2020

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SHRC Statement on Gross Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia

Sidama Human Rights Council (SHRC)

KMN:- August 28 | 2020 Ethiopia has witnessed a rapid deterioration in political stability, peace, and security since the change from elected government to a transitional government in April 2018. The initial promises of democratic reforms were quickly reversed and replaced with entrenched dictatorship. Violence against civilians and political actors demanding greater freedom escalated. In Sidama State, the recently formed 10th regional state, government security forces massacred over 153 civilians on 18 July 2019 and subsequent days to silence the demand for self-rule. Nearly 500 pro-democracy Sidama activists and prominent public figures – including former mayor of Hawassa City Tewdros Gabiba – are still languishing in Hawassa prison for simply demanding regional self-rule although this was achieved through a referendum conducted on 20 November 2019. Many of the prisoners have been infected by COVID-19 with some hospitalized for care and one person confirmed dead. More recently, following the assassination of the iconic Oromo artist and human rights activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessa, on 29 June 2020, violence against civilians intensified in Oromia State. Over 239 civilians lost their lives in the region in the week after Haacaalu’s assassination mostly due to excessive use of force by the police against the demonstrators protesting the targeted killing of the artist. This month dozens of civilians are reportedly killed in various parts of Oromia following the campaign of defiance and economic blockade by the Oromo youth movement, Qeerroo, who are demanding full degree of self-rule and an end to political and economic marginalization. In its May 2020 Report, Amnesty International documented extrajudicial killings of dozens of civilians and arbitrary arrests of over 10,000 civilians in Oromia State for allegedly supporting the Oromo Liberation Army, the splinter group from the Oromo Liberation Front, a legally operating opposition party in the country. In an unprecedented crackdown following the assassination of Haacaaluu Hundeessa, the government arressted prominent Oromo political leaders Jawar Mohamed and Bekele Gerba of the Oromo Federalist Congress – a legally operating Oromo opposition political party in the country – and their supporters. On government’s own admission, nearly 5000 civilians were arrested in Oromia State in July 2020 alone. Jawar Mohamed was credited for steering the 2014-2018 youth, Qeerroo, led revolution that brought the current government to power. Initially an ally, Jawar Mohamed became an ardent critique of the prime minister since recently as the government lacked policy directions on managing the transition and gravitated towards the restoration of an imperial Unitarian state in contravention to the federal constitution that upholds the rights of nations, nationalities and peoples to self-rule in a multinational federation. Lemma Megarssa – the ex-president of Oromia State and architect of the 2018 reform that paved the way for Abiy Ahmed’s ascension to power – has been removed from his ministerial position at the Ethiopian Ministry of Defense for rejecting Abiy’s “Medemer” philosophy and refusing to join the ruling Prosperity Party.Such massive gross human rights violations and crackdown on opposition political parties and marginalization of high-profile political figures such as Lemma Megerssa are indicative of a failed democratization and reform. The recent massacre by government security forces of more than two dozens of Wolayita civilians who demanded a regional self-rule proves the depth of political crisis gripping the country. The government has also shut down the only independent media outlet in Oromia State, the Oromia Media Network (OMN), which was the voice of over 95 million people from over 80 nations and nationalities in the country. The Oromia Media Network was targeted not only because Jawar Mohamed – the critique of the prime minister and now in jail – founded it but also because it provided unbiased, free and fair coverage to the hitherto marginalized minority nations, nationalities and peoples across the country. Access to information is a fundamental human right and the Ethiopian government flagrantly violated this right by closing down the OMN. Several journalists of OMN have also been arrested.On top of these all, the indefinite postponement of the 2020 election, and the unilateral decision by the ruling Prosperity Party to extend the constitutionally-mandated five-year term limit of the executive and the legislative on the basis of a flimsy constitutional interpretation has severely undermined the legitimacy of the transitional government deepening the constitutional crisis and political uncertainty beyond October 2020. On the other hand, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and the Government of Tigray State have decided to conduct election in September 2020 before the expiry of the constitutional term limit of the regional executive and legislative in October 2020. This is likely to deepen the confrontation between the federal government and the Tigray Regional State. The repeated call by the opposition political parties for all-inclusive dialogue has been rejected by the government deepening the constitutional crisis. Therefore, the Sidama Human Rights Council:1) Calls on the Ethiopian government to immediately release 500 Sidama political prisoners jailed for demanding a regional self-rule; the natural and democratic right of a nation;2) Calls on the government to immediately release OMN journalists and leaders of the Oromo opposition political parties including Jawar Mohamed, Bekele Gerba, Dr. Shiguxi Geleta, Hamza Borana and all other political prisoners in the country;3) Calls on the government to stop undue restriction on access to information and allow the Oromia Media Network to operate in Ethiopia and respect freedom to access information;4) Calls on the government to halt extrajudicial executions; rape; destruction of properties and arbitrary arrests and detentions of civilians in Oromia;5) Calls on the government to heed calls by the opposition political parties for all-inclusive political dialogue and reconciliation; 6) Expresses its deepest condolences to the family of iconic Oromo artist, Haacaaluu Hundeessa and the entire Oromo nation and calls on the Ethiopian government to set up an independent panel to investigate his targeted assassination;7) Calls on international human rights organizations, multilateral institutions and the international community to closely monitor the political crisis and the ongoing gross human and political rights violations in Ethiopia. 

Sidama Human Rights Council – SHRC

Oromia: #OromoProtests in Awwadaayii. Hiriirri Mormii Dubartootaan Awwadaayitti Godhame (August 30, 2020) August 30, 2020

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[SBO – Hagayya 30,2020] Hiriirri mormii, kan dhiittaa mirga dhala namaa raawwatamaa jiru mormu, kabajamuu mirgootaa gaafatuu fi gaaffilee adda addaa of keessaa qabu har’a Hagayya 30,2020 Baha Oromiyaa magaalaa Awwadaay keessatti haawwanii fi qarree Oromoo kumaantamaan lakka’amaniin geggeessamuun hubatameera. Humni waraanaa fi poolisootni mootummaa dubartootaa fi qarree Oromoo hiriira ba’an kana irratti akka dhukaasan maddeen oduu Awwadaay gabaasaniiru. Miidhaan dhaqqabuu fi dhiisuu ammatti waan adda ba’e akka hin jirre ibsameera.

The Observer: Ethiopia falls into violence a year after leader’s Nobel peace prize win August 30, 2020

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The Observer: Ethiopia falls into violence a year after leader’s Nobel peace prize win

Abiy Ahmed came to power promising radical reform, but 180 people have died amid ethnic unrest in Oromia state

Jason Burke, 29 August 2020

Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, centre, arrives at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa in July.
 Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, centre, arrives at an African Union summit in Addis Ababa in July. Photograph: AP

Ethiopia faces a dangerous cycle of intensifying internal political dissent, ethnic unrest and security crackdowns, observers have warned, after a series of protests in recent weeks highlighted growing discontent with the government of Abiy Ahmed, a Nobel peace prize winner.

Many western powers welcomed the new approach of Abiy, who took power in 2018 and promised a programme of radical reform after decades of repressive one-party rule, hoping for swift changes in an emerging economic power that plays a key strategic role in a region increasingly contested by Middle Eastern powers and China. He won the peace prize in 2019 for ending a conflict with neighbouring Eritrea.

The most vocal unrest was in the state of Oromia, where there have been waves of protests since the killing last month of a popular Oromo artist and activist, Haacaaluu Hundeessaa, in Addis Ababa, the capital. An estimated 180 people have died in the violence, some murdered by mobs, others shot by security forces. Houses, factories, businesses, hotels, cars and government offices were set alight or damaged and several thousand people, including opposition leaders, were arrested.https://interactive.guim.co.uk/uploader/embed/2020/08/ethiopia-map/giv-3902E7Ml0LJ7Dfz7Ethiopia

Further protests last week prompted a new wave of repression and left at least 11 dead. “Oromia is still reeling from the grim weight of tragic killings this year. These grave patterns of abuse should never be allowed to continue,” said Aaron Maasho, a spokesperson for the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.

The Oromo community have long felt excluded from power and the benefits of Ethiopia’s booming economy. The Oromo protest movement gained momentum from 2015 and contributed to the appointment of Abiy, an Oromo from the ruling party, who promised democracy and prosperity for all.

“We are seeing a continuation of that movement, and also signs that the government’s response will be equally forceful. Once people are shot and arrested then that becomes a rallying cry,” said William Davison, an analyst based in Addis Ababa for the International Crisis Group.

The decision to indefinitely delay elections due later this year because of coronavirus – which has caused 600 deaths in the country of 100 million so far – has also worried diplomats and other international observers.

The protests in Oromia last week began amid claims that Jawar Mohammed, an Oromo opposition politician and one of Abiy’s most outspoken critics, was being denied medical attention in prison.

Young protesters described being “hunted down, shot in the streets” in the Oromia town of Aweday.

“Soldiers shot at us so I ran as fast as I could. I witnessed people getting shot in the back as they fled,” said Kedir, who took part in a demonstration on Tuesday.

Haacaaluu Hundeessaa performing in Addis Ababa in July 2018.
 Haacaaluu Hundeessaa performing in Addis Ababa in July 2018. He was known for his activism and political lyrics. Photograph: EPA

Aliyyi Mohammed, a 22-year-old from Hirna, was taken to hospital after being shot in the thigh on Monday. Relatives said he had been “nowhere near” the protests when injured and now feared for his safety. “There are police waiting outside the hospital … We have heard that they want to arrest him as soon as he’s recovered. We can only pray they leave him alone,” said a member of the family who requested anonymity.

Relatives of Farhan Ali, 22, claimed he had been killed by security forces after leaving his home in Dire Dawa to visit a neighbour. “Soldiers killed him in cold blood,” said Bahar Omar, a cousin. “He didn’t break the law. They shot him multiple times in the back. He died right there and had no chance.”

Officials have denied such claims. “There has been violence, but we are yet to confirm reports of any killings by state forces,” said Getachew Balcha of the Oromia region’s communication affairs office.

But claims of mistreatment by security forces are fuelling the cycle of unrest in Oromia. Graphic images of 21-year-old Durassa Lolo were widely shared on social media after relatives claimed he had been tortured in the town of Asasa by soldiers who had asked him for his name.

“My brother did nothing wrong. When they heard an Oromo-sounding name, his fate was sealed. They took him to a military camp and inflicted on him unbelievable savagery. [He] is fighting for his life in hospital. This is why there are protests. The government sees us as expendable,” Durassa’s brother, Abdisa Lolo, said.

The government says Haacaaluu was murdered by Oromo nationalist militants as part of a wider plot to derail its reform agenda. The ruling party has also suggested that its rival in the northern region of Tigray, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), masterminded the conspiracy. The TPLF dominated the ruling coalition until Abiy took office. It has since joined the opposition, accusing the prime minister of planning to replace the ethnic-based federal system with a more centralised state.

The aftermath of angry protests in Shashamene after Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated.
 After Haacaaluu Hundeessaa was assassinated in July, there were angry protests in towns such as Shashamene. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

Both the TPLF and Oromo nationalist groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front deny involvement in either the murder or the unrest.

Government policy has also led to fallouts within the ruling party. The defence minister, Lemma Megersa, an ally turned critic of Abiy, was last week fired and placed under house arrest. State media reported Lemma’s dismissal from the ruling party being due to his “violating party discipline”.

Analysts say it was important to recognise that recent unrest has been limited to Oromia and that there was credible evidence suggesting violence over the previous months had not simply been inflicted on protesters by the security forces but also had occurred between ethnic communities.

The office of Ethiopia’s attorney general last week defended the government’s response to the unrest, saying in a statement that investigations would reflect a “commitment to human rights”.

Abel Abate Demissie, an Addis Ababa-based analyst with London’s Chatham House, said Ethiopia’s political polarisation has deep roots, with structural problems that have been insufficiently addressed under Abiy: conflicting narratives about Ethiopia’s history, an unfinished federal project and tensions over the division of power between the centre and the regions.

“Two years down the line [after his appointment], and you find every major political group is disappointed with Abiy,” he said.

The Conversation: Ethiopia’s political crisis plays out in the regions. Why it’s a federal problem August 28, 2020

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Ethiopia’s political crisis plays out in the regions. Why it’s a federal problem

By Mulugeta G Berhe (PhD)1, The Conversation, August 27, 2020

Members of the Oromo community in the United States march in protest after the killing of musician and revolutionary Hachalu Hundessa in June 2020. (Photo by Brandon Bell/Getty Images)

The political crisis in Ethiopia is not showing sings of abating. Ongoing riots in Oromia and Wolayta; state fragmentation in the Amhara region, and the standoff between the federal government and the Tigray region have put the survival of the government in question.

To address this crisis, the African Union has been called upon to mediate between prime minister Abiy Ahmed’s government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Similar in tone, a US-based Ethiopian working group has urged Washington to play a more vocal role in the deepening crisis.

Most recently, some members of the US congress wrote a petition calling on the US secretary of state to encourage the Ethiopian government to engage in an open dialogue with the opposition for a peaceful transition.

These are all encouraging signs. But there needs to be greater clarity on the nature of the crisis for an informed and meaningful intervention.

It is my view that the crisis in Ethiopia today is not a conflict between the federal government in Addis Ababa and the regional government in Tigray. It is a crisis of the federal government manifest in Tigray and other regions. The governance of the federal government has become more of an exercise in seamanship (staying in power) and less of navigation (reaching a destination) falling short of coherent and democratic approaches to address the crisis.

Therefore, defining the problem as a disagreement between the federal government and Tigray is, to say the least, simplistic. There are concurrent crises in Oromia and the Southern regions that also need urgent attention. And to call for dialogue without taking some confidence building measures, such as the unconditional release of political prisoners, is a non-starter.

The ongoing unrest in Oromia

The killing of a popular Oromo singer Hachalu Hundiessa in June sparked massive communal riots. Most parts of western and southern Oromia were engulfed in fighting between armed forces Oromo Liberation Front fighters and government forces. The opposition parties in Oromia – protesting the decision of the government to continue in power beyond its mandate at the end of September 2020 – began preparing for resistance. The killing of the artist occurred in the middle of this political crisis.

The protests engulfed much of the Oromia region where many businesses and shops were torched or looted. The government response to the riots left 178 people dead and a further 9,000 detained without due process of law . Curfews were imposed and a complete closure of the internet enforced.

The public mistrust of government grew amid inconsistent statements and its knee-jerk decision to arrest opposition political leaders. Its failure to set up an independent inquiry into the artiste’s killing further fuelled suspicion.

In reaction to the resistance of the Oromo elites, Abiy has gone about purging over 1,700 local administrators and civil servants. The dismissed officials included Lemma Megersa, the Defense Minister, a politician considered pivotal in prime minister’s rise to power.

But resistance in the Oromia region continues in different forms. With over 9,000 people in prison, including key Oromo political leaders, the crisis has immense potential for escalation.

The Wolayta crisis

The Wolayta people in the country’s south have long agitated for a regional state of their own. The claims have become louder since December 2018 when the neighbouring Sidama people secured a referendum to form their own regional state – breaking away from the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Regional state.

The constitution recognises the right of any nation or nationality clustered in any of the regional states to form its own state. Following the steps required, the council of representatives of the Wolayta zone unanimously voted for a regional state, and presented its decision on December 19, 2018. But this has yet to be considered at regional or federal levels or referred to the Electoral Board.

In protest at the silence, the Wolayta organised a massive rally and the 38 representatives to the regional council declined to attend the council meeting. The federal government responded to these developments by detaining dozens of zonal officials, elected members of the Wolayta statehood council, political party leaders, and civil society actors.

The regime also acted violently against peaceful demonstrators demanding the release of those detained. The government also suspended a community radio station and shut down offices of civil society organisations.

A national crisis

Events in Oromia and Wolayta illustrate the point that the current Ethiopian problem is not limited to a dispute between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). It is a national one.

The decision of the federal government to postpone the scheduled elections using the excuse of the COVID-19 pandemic was rejected by most substantive opposition political groups calling for a dialogue to avert the consequences of the constitutional crisis.

The best-organised of these groups, the TPLF, has the capacity to hold its regional elections on schedule. This has brought the crisis to a head. But the dispute with Tigray cannot be resolved with a simple compromise: there is much more at stake, and the TPLF leaders are unlikely to make a short-term bargain when they see the problem as more fundamental.

Tens of thousands of Ethiopians, including leaders of the opposition, are in prison for political reasons. All media outlets, except those fully controlled by or affiliated to the Prosperity Party, are closed.

For a meaningful dialogue to start, the federal government should take some unilateral confidence building measures. All political prisoners should be released without condition and all media outlets closed by the government opened immediately. It should also end the unlimited and unlawful state of emergency.

This can then set the stage for a national dialogue with two main objectives. First is to agree an early date for elections and determine how the country transitions to an elected government. Second is a discussion on some of the fundamental questions on the political future of Ethiopia. This is currently obscured by a focus on the crisis of the moment.


  1. Mulugeta G Berhe (PhD)Senior Fellow, World Peace Foundation, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts, Tufts University

FP: U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan August 27, 2020

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U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan

Some U.S. officials fear the move will harm Washington’s relationship with Addis Ababa.


Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country’s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River.

The decision, made this week, could affect up to nearly $130 million in U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia and fuel new tensions in the relationship between Washington and Addis Ababa as it carries out plans to fill the dam, according to U.S. officials and congressional aides familiar with the matter. Officials cautioned that the details of the cuts are not yet set in stone and the finalized number could amount to less than $130 million. 

Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance, counterterrorism and military education and training, anti-human trafficking programs, and broader development assistance funding, officials and congressional aides said. The cuts would not impact U.S. funding for emergency humanitarian relief, food assistance, or health programs aimed at addressing COVID-19 and HIV/AIDS, officials said.

The move is meant to address the standoff between Ethiopia and other countries that rely on the Nile River downstream that have opposed the construction of the massive dam project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Egypt sees the dam’s construction as a core security issue given the country’s heavy reliance on the river for fresh water and agriculture, and in the past Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has hinted his country could use military force to halt the dam’s construction. 

Some Ethiopian officials have said they believe the Trump administration is taking Egypt’s side in the dispute. President Donald Trump has shown a fondness for Sisi, reportedly calling him his “favorite dictator” during a G-7 summit last year. Officials familiar with negotiations said the Trump administration has not approved parallel cuts in foreign assistance to Egypt. 

Administration officials have repeatedly assured all sides that Washington is an impartial mediator in the negotiations, which mark one of the few diplomatic initiatives in Africa that the president has played a personal and active role in. These officials pointed out that Egypt has accused the United States of taking Ethiopia’s side in the dispute as well. 

“There’s still progress being made, we still see a viable path forward here,” said one U.S. official. “The U.S. role is to do everything it can to help facilitate an agreement between the three countries that balance their interests. At the end of the day it has to be an agreement that works for these three countries.”

But the move is likely to face sharp pushback on Capitol Hill, according to Congressional aides familiar with the matter. State Department officials briefed Congressional staff on the decision on Thursday, the aides said, and during the briefing insisted that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship would remain strong despite a cutback in aid because the United States can have tough conversations “with friends.”

“This is a really fucking illogical way to show a ‘friend’ you really care,” one Congressional aide told Foreign Policy in response. 

The administration’s mediation efforts started last year, when Sisi asked Trump for assistance during a visit to the United States. While the State Department handles diplomatic issues, Trump asked Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to lead the mediation. That arrangement has caused friction within the administration, with some State Department officials privately venting that the administration is mishandling its role in the negotiations by putting Treasury in the lead. 

The construction of an Ethiopian dam on the Nile river is seen.

Trump Mulls Withholding Aid to Ethiopia Over Controversial Dam

The massive Ethiopian dam is a flash point for tensions in Africa—and is now sowing confusion and discord within the U.S. government, with many officials concerned Washington is too much in Egypt’s corner.EXCLUSIVE ROBBIE GRAMER

The State Department and Treasury Department did not respond to requests for comment. 

On Tuesday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited Khartoum to discuss the dam issue with his Sudanese counterparts. Pompeo was in Khartoum on the same day to meet with Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, but the two leaders notably did not cross paths. “The Secretary and Prime Minister agreed that achieving mutually beneficial agreement among Sudan, Ethiopia, and Egypt on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is crucial to regional stability,” the State Department said in a statement issued after Pompeo’s meeting with Hamdok.

Following Abiy’s visit, the Ethiopian and Sudanese governments issued a joint statement saying that two sides “would make every possible effort to reach a successful conclusion to the current tripartite negotiations.”

The concept for the massive dam project was first conceived of by Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1960s, though the country did not break ground until 2011. Ethiopian citizens have helped bankroll the $4.6 billion dam project with small individual donations, making it an important point of national pride in addition to being a massive infrastructure project.

Some U.S. officials have raised doubts about whether U.S. funding cuts to Ethiopia could alter the country’s negotiating position, given the dam’s political and cultural significance. The Trump administration first began considering withholding foreign assistance to Ethiopia over the dam discussions in July. In fiscal year 2019, the United States provided a total of $824.3 million in assistance to Ethiopia, of which $497.3 million was humanitarian aid, according to State Department data.

Egypt and Sudan demanded that Ethiopia not begin filling the dam until the countries reached a legally binding deal that would address how to manage water flows during droughts or dryer rainy seasons, and established a mechanism to resolve disputes regarding the dam.

But in July, following an unusually wet rainy season, Ethiopia announced it finalized the first phase of filling the 74 billion-cubic-meter dam, sparking a backlash from Cairo and Khartoum.

Update, Aug. 27, 2020: This article was update to include additional details about Pompeo’s trip to Sudan and Congressional reactions to the decision to cut aid to Ethiopia.

Oromo Women in UK #OromoProtests Solidarity Rally in London: Hiriira Mormii Dubartootaan (London, UK) 27 August 2020 August 27, 2020

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In London and other countries main cities, Oromo civil youth activists engulfing Ethiopian Embassies around the world August 27, 2020

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In London and other countries, Afaan Oromo speakers made use of Ethiopian Embassies for the first time in their history, albeit in protests.

By Dr Birhanemeskel Abebe Segni

In London and other countries, Afaan Oromo speakers made use of Ethiopian Embassies for the first time in their history, albeit in protests. The screenshot below shows BBC Amharic reporting on “London Qeerroo”, London Oromo Youth in solidarity with the #OromoProtests by Oromia Qeerroo, hoisting Oromo resistance flag on the Ethiopian Embassy in London protesting the mass political killings and mass political detention of the Oromo people by the repressive Neftagna Regime in Ethiopia. Similar #OccupyEthiopianEmbassies protests are being Organized around the World by global Oromo Qeerroos networks. In Minnesota, the Ethiopian Consulate General in Saint Paul has been occupied by the Oromo Qeerros there for weeks, shutting down the Consulate, in one of the most sustained protests by the Oromo people around the world protesting the assassination of Artist Hachalu Hundessa, extrajudicial execution of hundreds, and the detention of tens of thousands of Oromos, including Jawar Mohammed in Ethiopia. It is also important to note that the anger and grievances of the Oromo people run deep, since, the Ethiopian Embassies around the World are funded by the resources extracted and exploited from Afaan Oromo speaking areas while serving only Amharic speaking minority. The Amharic speaking minority regime’s legitimacy in Ethiopia is crumbling before our very eyes as the Oromo and other nations and nationalities in Ethiopia are mounting their resistance, in unison, against the racist regime’s political, economic and cultural exclusion and discrimination. No wonder, the Amharic speaking media outlets, the mouthpiece of the regime in Addis Ababa in the Amharic speaking Diaspora, are crying foul by complaining of the occupation of “their embassies”, meaning: the Amharic speakers Embassies, as Afaan Oromo speaking Oromo Ethiopians and others challenge the exclusive and racist privileged status quo of the Amharic speakers by “occupying their Embassies”, wanting to make it ‘theirs too’ , and make their presence felt. Ethiopian government officials in Addis Ababa and in these respective embassies with an inclusive mindset should be proud of these developments around the world as long marginalized Afaan Oromo speakers stood up to take their rightful place by #OccupyingEthiopianEmbassies. The Ethiopian foreign ministry, therefore, should thank, not complain, about the Western Countries, particularly the United Kingdom, for respecting the rights of the Afaan Oromo speaking Diaspora to peacefully protests, and for allowing them to resist peacefully the racist practices of the Neftagna Regime against the Oromo people by occupying “their Embassies”. On a related note, reports coming from Washington DC indicates that handful of Amharic speaking Diaspora went to Ethiopian Ambassador’s residence there to do their own #Occupy, and get chased away after being showered by water hoses by the Ambassador’s young son who happens to be at home. Although the Amharic speaking extremist media outlets in Washington DC did report on this incident, handful of Amharic speaking Diaspora went to the Ambassador’s residence to ask for the release of certain detainees.

Ethiopia: Abiy Ahmed Doubling Down on a Failed Governance Model, Conversation with the Elephant TV August 26, 2020

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Ayantu Ayana, PhD student at the University of California, unpackages recent events in Ethiopia and explores the history and prospects for Ethiopia under PM Abiy Ahmed. She discusses the history of internal colonisation in Ethiopia that continues to be worked out to this day.

A brave #Wola’ita nation: Dedicated to peaceful means of struggle for their self-determination and boycotting Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahemd fascist party, PP. August 26, 2020

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Minnesota congressional delegate press release: Jawar Mohammed and Misha Chiri August 26, 2020

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OMN: (August 25, 2020) U.S. Senators Amy Klobuchar (D-MN) and Tina Smith (D-MN) released the following statements on the detention of two members of the Oromo community from Minnesota, Misha Chiri and Jawar Mohammed, who are still in police custody as part of the government’s response to protests in Ethiopia.“Misha Chiri’s ongoing detention and treatment, along with that of Jawar Mohammed’s, are unacceptable and I will continue to fight for justice on their behalf,” said Smith.

BLAINE, Minn. (FOX 9) – As the unrest in Ethiopia continues, both Minnesota senators are sending a joint letter to the U.S. Department of State in an effort to help free two Minnesotans detained there.

The two friends went to Ethiopia a couple years ago to expand the Oromo Media Network they started in Minnesota. At that time, they had high hopes for the new prime minister, but now everything for them has changed. 

Arfasse Gemeda, the wife of Jawar Mohammed and mother of his child, has been in agony since he was arrested and detained in Ethiopia seven weeks ago. Protests both in Ethiopia and in the Twin Cities metro reignited after the killing of an outspoken activist and singer, Hachalu Hundessa. 

“It’s agonizing on a personal level, but even as an Oromo, it’s a very, very tough time for our community,” said Gemeda.

Mohammed is also a critic of the current prime minister. He was arrested the day after his friend’s murder, but was never charged. 

“He hasn’t committed any crimes, he’s a political prisoner,” said Gemeda. “They are holding him for his political beliefs.”

Ethiopia Insight: An imperial narrative gets recycled August 25, 2020

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An imperial narrative gets recycled

by Trevor Trueman August 24, 2020

More understanding and less blaming are key to a solution for the self-determination crisis of the Oromo and other Ethiopian communitiesA powerful and disturbing narrative is gaining traction among reporting on Ethiopia, its bias reflecting the connections of the current and past political and business elites with national and international media, NGOs, and foreign governments.

Most see Ethiopia through the eyes of what has long been Ethiopia’s dominant culture, the Amharic language, script, and calendar, and the Orthodox Church. Subconsciously, most outsiders absorb the sense of entitlement and superiority of those who practise and belong to this culture over the other— majority—peoples of Ethiopia who do not.

Institutional and institutionalized racism against Oromo and against the smaller nationalities in Ethiopia is enabled and empowered by zero-sum politics and its associated societal and domestic authoritarianism. Prejudice against people not represented in the dominant culture portrayed abroad as Ethiopia is rubbing off on journalists and power brokers.

Some commentators believe Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party plans to dismantle the limited regional autonomy guaranteed in the 1995 Ethiopian Constitution and claim that those who oppose this plan are violent ethno-nationalists who threaten Ethiopia’s democracy. That is the narrative gaining traction. It is as false as it is dangerous and it is a narrative that is driving a response.

In 1991, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) participated in the overthrow of the military regime, and participated for a year in the Transitional Government of Ethiopia organized by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), before it withdrew from the 1992 elections and its troops, encamped by agreement with U.S. and Eritrean mediators, were overrun.

Amid blackout, western Oromia plunges deeper into chaos and confusionBy Ermias Tasfaye

In that year, the Minister of Education, Ibsa Gutama (one of four OLF Ministers), ensured primary education was to be carried out in Afaan Oromo in Oromia and in relevant languages in other regions. Indeed, under the federal system created after 1991 by the TPLF, for the first time Oromo people were governed, taught and were heard in court in their own language. To use the word ‘Oromia’, to use the better-suited Latin script for the Oromo language and to see it written down were each huge steps forward for the recognition of Oromo culture.

Those who promoted anything else Oromo, however, were persecuted.

After 2014, driven by the taking of land from Oromo farmers around Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) and by continuing political and economic marginalization, Oromo students, the Qeerroo/Qarree, launched a series of increasing protests. When these spread to other regions, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed was propelled to power in April 2018, launching a series of reforms, including his declaration that political harassment is gone for good, releasing political prisoners, pardoning opposition parties and inviting exiled leaders to return and participate in a peaceful democratic process, declaring freedom of speech and press and ending a 20-year conflict with neighboring Eritrea, which earned him the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.

In September 2018, the return of the OLF leadership to Finfinnee was celebrated by millions. There was talk of truth and reconciliation, mass education about human rights, and real representative democracy. Hope and confidence in progress, prosperity and equality was almost tangible.

It did not last.

Oromia Support Group reports have detailed how extrajudicial killings and large-scale detention have continued and accelerated. Since the assassination of singer Hachalu Hundessa on 29 June, many more have died in violent protests and many properties have been destroyed. Detentions, rape, burning of property and crops—an old-fashioned scorched earth policy—is under way in areas perceived to be supportive of the OLF. In February, many top officials of the OLF were arrested; leader, Dawud Ibsa, is now under house arrest

Qeerroo: A regimented organization or a spontaneous movement?By Mosisa Aga

There is now a media campaign against the OLF and anything Oromo and the Ethiopian government is working hard to persuade the outside world that Oromo journalists and supporters of the OLF and Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) are all terrorists. The similarities to 1992 and the subsequent crackdown on Oromo organisations that were also then labelled as terrorists are depressing.

The killing of Hachalu immediately reminded me of the killing of singer Ebbisa Addunya on 30 August 1996. Like Hachalu, he was inspirational to a generation of young Oromo. Today, just as in the 1990s, national and international media echo government claims of atrocities instigated by organised Oromo groups, amplified by biased social media. Internet and media closures are ensuring that the government version of events, aided by anti-Oromo national outlets, becomes received wisdom in the outside world; just as it did in 1992.

The man difference of the current repression with that of its predecessor is ominous.

The broad consensus among Oromo is that any degree of autonomy enjoyed under the 1995 Constitution is under threat. This would mean one step forward and two steps back: not the other way around. Not back to 1992, but back to 1974, the time of a highly unitary state; of one language, one culture, one religion, and Amhara identity, under the cover of Ethiopian nationalism. Oromo people are being forced against their will to belong to a country in which they feel disempowered and unrepresented. Again, their desire for at least a degree of autonomy is ignored and not taken seriously, as though they don’t matter. This is a recipe for disaster.

It is also necessary to understand that the authoritarian nature of northern Ethiopian society, regional zero-sum politics, and the assumption of rights over and above the conquered peoples of Ethiopia is based on racism. And only when this racism is acknowledged can Ethiopia progress toward a multicultural, rich, resource-abundant state with enough for all its peoples. But there must be equality; no domination of one culture over another. Dismantling the current federal structure of Ethiopia, whatever superficial guarantees of fairness and equality are given, will result in more marginalization of all cultures, except that of the Amhara, which is the lens through which almost all outsiders view Ethiopia.

Guji Oromo need freedom from liberatorsBy Nagessa Dube

Acceptance and agreement of the events and facts concerning the expansion of Abyssinia in the late 19th century is a much-needed foundation stone for a stable future Ethiopia. With an agreed history and a degree of regional autonomy, it is possible for all the peoples of Ethiopia to live their own culture with respect for the rights of others, with inclusivity in decision-making at an appropriate level, and respect for natural resources.

More violence and suppression, however, will eventually lead to the breaking up of Ethiopia, with most of the people in the southern two-thirds leaving the original Abyssinia as a rump state in the northwest. If the country of Ethiopia can only be maintained by state violence against its people, resentment will build until it fragments, like Yugoslavia. Far better to establish a mutually agreeable state structure.

The greater and more ingrained a prejudice is, the harder it is to be aware of it and tackle it. It is time for the Oromo and other peoples of Ethiopia to be treated equally and fairly. To deny people self-determination, to label those who wish to exercise this right as terrorists, and to force an unwilling population to belong to any geographic, political or cultural moiety is as dangerous as it is short-sighted. Equally, it could be so easily avoided if only the two sides of the self-determination debate, which has become ethnicized whether we like it or not, consider, understand and accommodate each other’s point of view. This can be settled in a civilized manner, without coercion or bloodshed.

Finally I am #free YassinJuma: Kenya Journalist Yassin Juma after he was released from Ethiopian prison he wrote this letter while in the hospital fighting COVID! August 24, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Yassin Juma, Independent Journalist,Filmmaker,Fixer, Media-Consultant


I, Kenyan Journalist and Documentary Filmmaker Yassin Juma would like to take this opportunity to express my utmost gratitude to the Oromo community in Africa and the Diaspora for the support extended to me while I was incarcerated.

This is also to confirm that I have been released from detention and I’m currently under isolation at a Covid-19 government facility in Finfine.

According to a statement by the Ethiopian government the reason for my release after horrendous and endless 48 days (and a re-arrest) was that they realised I had been “wrongfully detained” because of “Language barrier”.

I was touched when I called my family for the first time in 50 days and they all again and again would mention the support extended by numerous Oromo people who called from the diaspora or visited them at the family home in Nairobi to find out how they were doing. That really touched me. I can’t thank you enough. I needed that support while in detention as I was overwhelmed by responsibilities taking care of a large extended family, a paralysed hospitalised brother’s medical bills and two orphans. You made it easier for them by having my back and holding their hands.

I cant talk much as am still in Ethiopia and all my focus is exerted on my current battle i.e fighting Corona. Kindly remember me in your prayers. The Oromo community offered 4 brilliant Lawyers to represent me in court at zero fee. I cannot thank you enough for this selfless act. Many thanks to Lawyer Kedir Bolli, Lawyer Abdelatef Elemo and the rest of the team. Lawyer Kedir, a formidable lawyer, would always say this before our court proceedings….”Rabbi Jira,” and yes indeed Rabbi Jira!I also have a message sent to the Oromo community from the detainees I left behind which I will officially share with you once once I’m back on social media.


Yassin Juma, Kenyan Journalist

Partial list of Oromo nationals murdered by Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Ali’s security forces since 17 August 2020 August 24, 2020

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Partial list Oromo nationals murdered by Ethiopia’s fascist dictator, PM Abiy Ahmed Ali’s military forces just in one week, 15-23 August 2020.

Awash Post: Abiy’s security forces brutally murdered over 100 innocent civilians within days. Many have sustained bullet injuries and some of them may not survive. Sheiks, children and teachers were victims of cold-blooded murder. Those people were not armed and did no harm to anybody (property).Abiy has sworn to silence and suppress Oromos using AK47. Literally, Oromia is under siege. Though horrified and traumatized by Aby’s actions, Oromos’ determination and spirit to end another round of oppression and injustice are stronger than ever before.

Ajjeechaan Oromoo irratti raawwatame madaallii kamiinuu suukkaneessaadha. Xiqqaa fi guddaan, sheekaa fi barsiisaan hin hafne. Ijoollee woggaa 10 odoo hin hafin mataa dhayaa kuffisan. Garajabeenna seenaan hin dagannetu humna Abiyyi bobbaaseen Oromoo irratti raawwatame.Amma, gummaa kan du’ee baasuun, isa hidhame hiiksisuun dirqama Oromoo hundaati. Aaarsaa dabalataas yoo kan nu kaffalchiisu ta’e, dhiigni dhangala’e bu’aa malee akka hin hafne godhuuf, qabsoo sabaa sadarkaa itti aanutti ceesisuuf qabsoo keessaa fi alaan finiisuudha falli.~ Nesru Hassen


The Africa Optics: Sheik Omar and his wife were killed at their home by government security forces. Their three-months old infant who sustained an injury at the time also died the next day.

Red Terror again! Inhuman criminal Terror Killings are currently taking place in Oromiyaa. Youngsters are taken out of prison and their homes and summarily executed. Examples are that in Ijaajjii West, Muneessaa South and Dirree Xayyaaraa East. Dirribaa Ingidaa, Baaburee Magarsaa, and Bayyaan Alii respectively were reported as taken out and killed summarily and thrown into the wilderness and refused honorable burial. These are samples of hundreds of victims of terror being reported. Red terror of 70s we experienced was between two parties, Darg and cronies they named Red on one part and EPRP they called White. The present one is Government Colorless Terrorist, against Oromo people. It is typical genocide. War that started in the last two years led by Kolonel Abiy and supported by Nafxanyaa system hopefuls is now escalating to an extent that soon great ratio of Oromo population is going to be wiped out and chaos reign. The government is now managed by amateur incapable for pacifying the situation but can kill without distinguishing, age, gender and health situations. Rape and arsenal are rampant. In self-defense Oromo have launched peaceful protest, which is being met by life bullet. That discredits peaceful struggle and may push many to armed struggle for survival. All peace-loving people have to rally for help. Send to the world in writing, audio and pictures what is going on under Abiy. In that way you can make stop to extinction of a civilization. Oromiyaan haa jiraattu! ~ Ibsaa Guutama

OMN: Turtii Prof Mararaa waliin Tamsaasa Kallattii (Hag 23, 2020) & በማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ August 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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ማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ

መረራ ጉዲና (ፕሮፌሴር)ለብሔራዊ መግባባት ውይይት የቀረበ ጥናት

ነሐሴ 2012/August 2020

አብዛኛዎቹ የሀገራችን የታሪክ ምሁራን የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ከክርስቶስ ልደት በፊት፤ በአስረኛው ምዕተ ዓመት የንግስት ሳባ እና የንጉስ ሰለሞን ግንኙነት በሚባለው ጊዜ ይጀምራል ይላሉ፡፡

ይህ ለአንዳንዶቹ የሚታመን ታሪክ ተደርጎ የሚወሰደው፤ ለሌሎች ደግሞ ተረት እንደነበረ የሚነገረው ክስተት የማስመሳያ ትርክቱ የእስራኤል አምላክ የቀባቸው ገዥዎች ተብሎ በሺዎች ለሚቆጠሩ ዓመታት ንጉሦቹ ቅቡልነትን አግኝተውበታል፡፡ በትርክቱም ሀገሪቷን እስከ 1966 ሕዝባዊ አብዮት ድረስ ያለ ብዙ ጭንቀት ገዝተውበታል፡፡

የዛሬይቱ ሰፊዋ ኢትዮጵያ እንደ ሕብረ ብሔራዊ የነገስታት መንግስት (multi-ethnic empire state) የተፈጠረችው በ2ኛው የ19ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ግማሽ፤ የዘመነ መሳፍንት ከሚባለው ዘመን በኋላ ስለሆነና ዛሬም በጣም ሰፊ ቀውስ ውስጥ የከተተን ታሪካዊ ዳራም ከዚሁ ጊዜ ጀምሮ ስለሆነ፤ ጽሑፌም ከዘመናዊ ኢትዮጵያ መፈጠር ጋር በተፈጠሩ ችግሮች ላይ ያተኩራል፡፡

የዘመነ መሳፍንትን ክስተት በመለወጥ የተጀመረው የዛሬዋን ሰሜናዊ ኢትዮጵያን አንድ የማድረግ ሕልም በግማሽ ምዕተ ዓመት ውስጥ ከሦስት እጥፍ በላይ የሰፋች ኢትዮጵያን መፍጠር ችሎዋል፡፡ ይህ የታሪክ ክስተት የሦስት ምኞቶች ዉጤት ነበር፡፡ እነዚህም፡-

1ኛ/ ተበታትና የነበረችውን የዛሬዋን ሰሜናዊ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ለማሰባሰብ የታለመ ምኞት፣

2ኛ/ የኦሮሞና የሶማሌ ሕዝቦችን ጨምሮ ሰፊውን የደቡብ ክፍል የማስገበር ምኞት፣

3ኛ/ አፍሪካን ለመቀራመት የመጡትን የአውሮፓ ሀገሮች ጋር የመፎካከር ምኞት ነበሩ፡፡

እነዚህን ሦስት ምኞቶች ለማሳካት የመጀመሪያ የሆነውን ሙከራ የጀመሩት እንደሚታውቁት፤ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ ነበሩ፡፡

ቴዎድሮስ ሕልሞቹን ለማሳካት ጠንካራና ሰፊ ሠራዊት ማደራጀት ነበረባቸው፡፡ ለዚህም ሰፊ መሬት የያዙትን ቄሶች መሬት መቀማትና፣ ዘመናዊ መሳሪያን ከክርስቲያን አውሮፓ ለማግኘት ጥረት ማድረግ ነበር፤የአዉሮፓ መሪዎችን ማሳመን ሲያቅታቸው ደግሞ፤ ሙያውን የሌላቸውን አውሮፓዊያንን ሳይቀር በቤተመንግስታቸው ሰብስበው ከባድ የጦር መሳሪያ ውለዱ እስከ ማለት ደርሰዋል፡፡

ይህም ምኞታቸዉ ይሳካ ዘንድ በነበራቸዉ የጦር መሣሪያ የአካባቢ ገዥዎችንም ለማንበርከክ ተንቀሳቅሰዋል፡፡

ቄሶችን ለመግፋት ያደረጉት ሙከራ እግዚአብሔርን የካዱ ንጉሥ ተብሎ ተሰባከባቸዉ፡፡የአውሮፓዊያንን ዘመናዊ መሳሪያ ለማግኘት ገደብ ያለፈ ጉጉታቸው ከእንግሊዘኞች ጋር ያለጊዜ አላተማቸው፡፡

የየአከባቢውን ገዥዎች በጉልበት ለማንበርከክ እጅና አንገት በመቁረጥ የገፉበት ሙከራ ከእንግሊዞች ጋር ለመዋጋት የቁርጥ ቀን ሲመጣ፤ የትግራይ፣ የወሎ፤ የጎጃም፣ የሸዋ፣ የጎንደር ገዥዎች ሁሉም በሚባልበት ደረጃ ካዷቸው፡፡

በአጭሩ የየአከባቢዉ ገዥዎች በእንግሊዞች እጅ መሞታቸውን ሲሰሙ ከማዘን ይልቅ፤ ተገላገልን ያሉ ይመስላል፡፡ ለዚህም ይመስለኛል፤ ዕውቁ የታሪክ ምሑር ፕሮፌሴር ባህሩ ዘውዴ የቴዎድሮስን ሚና በተሻለ የታሪክ ሚዛን ላይ ለማስቀመጥ ሲሞክር፤ “የተወናበዱ የላዉጥ ነቢይ” (confused prophet of change) ያላቸዉ፡፡ በዚህ የቴዎድሮስ የታሪክ ሚና ላይ ብዙ ሰው ልብ የማያደርገውን የታሪክ ማስታወሻ አስቀምጬ ልለፍ፡፡ ይኼውም ቴዎድሮስ በጊዜው ለነበሩ የአውሮፓ ኃያላን መንግስታት በፃፉት ደብዳቤ ውስጥ፤ “አባቶቼ በሰሩት ኃጥአት ምክንያት እግዚአብሔር “ጋሎችን” በሀገሬ ላይ ለቆ፤ እነሱ ጌቶች ሆነው፤ እኛ የእስራኤል ልጆች የነሱ አሽከሮች ሆነን እንኖር ነበር፡፡ አሁን እግዚአብሔር ከትቢያ አንስቶኝ የኢትዮጵያ ንጉስ አድርጎኛል፡፡ እናንተ ከረዳችሁኝ በጋራ እየሩሳሌምንም ነፃ ልናወጣ እንችላለን” ማለታቸዉ ነዉ፡፡ (ትርጉም የኔ ነው)፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ነገሮችን ልብ በሉ፡፡ “ጋሎቹ” የሚባሉት በዘመነ መሳፍንት የጎንደርን ቤተመንግስት በበላይነት ሲቆጣጠሩ የነበሩ የየጁ ኦሮሞዎች መሆናቸውና እየሩሳሌም በጊዜው በእስላሞች እጅ የነበረች መሆንዋን ነው፡፡ ከዚህ አንጻር ማስታወስ የሚያስፈልገው ትልቁ ጉዳይ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ የብሔረሰብ (የዘር) ፖለቲካን በግልፅ የተናገሩ የመጀመሪያዉ የኢትዮጵያ መሪ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡

ከቴዎድሮስ ሞት በኋላ ለሦስት ዓመታት በተክለጊዮርግስና ካሣ (አማቾች የነበሩ ይመስለኛል) ከተካሄደው የሥልጣን ትግል ቦኃላ፤ በአሸናፊነት የወጡት አፄ ዮሐንስ (ካሣ ምርጫ) ነበሩ፡፡ አፄ ዮሐንስ ከሀገር ውስጥ ከወሎ፣ ከጎጃም፣ ከጎንደር፣ ከሸዋ ገዥዎች ጋር እየተጋጩ፤ ከውጭ ደግሞ ከጣሊያኖች፣ ከግብፆችና ከሱዳን መሐዲስቶች ጋር ሲዋጉ በመጨረሻ በመሐድስቶች እጅ ወድቋዋል፡፡ በአጭሩ ዮሐንስ ለትግራይ ሊሂቃን የኢትዮጵያ ማዕከል ነበርን፤ የአክሱም ሐቀኛ ወራሾች እኛ ነን የሚለውን የፖለቲካ ስሜት መፍጠር ቢችሉም፤ በኢትዮጵያ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ታሪክ ውስጥ የተለየ ሚና መጨወት አልቻሉም፡፡

በማያሻማ ቋንቋ :- የዛሬዋ ኢትዮጵያ በዋናነት የተፈጠረችውና የዛሬው የታሪክ ጣጣችንም በዋናነት የተፈጠረው በአፄ ምኒልክ ነው፡፡ ምኒልክ ንጉሰ ነገስት ዮሐንስን የሱዳን መሐድስቶች እስክገድሉላቸው ድረስ ከአውሮፓ መንግስታት በተለይም፤ ከጣሊያን በገፍ ባገኙት የጦር መሳሪያ እነራስ ጎበና የመሳሰሉ የኦሮሞ የጦር መሪዎችን በመጠቀም በጊዜው ጠንካራ የሚባል ግዙፍ ሠራዊት መገንበት ችሎዋል፡፡ ይዚህንን ግዙፍ ሠራዊትን ከዮሐንስ ጋር በመዋጋት ከማድከም ይልቅ፡- በአንድ በኩል ዮሐንስን እየገበሩ፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ያኔ የነበረችውን ኢትዮጵያ ሦስት እጅ ዕጥፍ የሆነ ሰፊ ግዛት መፍጠር ችሎዋል፡፡ በዚህም መጀመሪያ ሳይጠቀለሉ የቀሩትን የሸዋ ኦሮሞዎችን ጠቅልለው ያዙ፡፡ ከዚያ እአአ በ1876 ጉራጌን ብዙ ሕይወት ከጠየቀ ጦርነት በኋላ አስገበሩ፡፡ ብዙ ዝርዝር ውስጥ ሳይገባ የምኒልክን የመስፋፋት ጦርነቶች እንደሚከተለው ማጠቃለል ይቻላል፡፡

ይኼውም በምኒልክና ጀኔራሎቹ ብዙ የግዛት መስፋፋት ጦርነቶችን ቢወጉም ሦስቱ ወሳኝ ጦርነቶች ነበሩ፡፡ አንደኛው በምዕራብ በኩል በእማባቦ (ዛሬ ሆሮ ጉዱሩ በሚባለው ላይ በጎበና መሪነት እአአ በ1882 የተዋጉት ጦርነት ነበር፡፡ ይህ ጦርነት ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ የምዕራብ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ዕድልና የጎጃም መሪዎች ከሸዋ ጋር የነበራቸውን ፉክክር ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ የወሰነና የሸዋንም የበላይነት ያረጋገጠ ነበር፡፡

ሌላው የምኒልክ ጦርነት በአርሲ ላይ እአአ በ1886 የተደመደመዉ ነው፡፡ አርሲዎች ከሌሎች የኦሮሞ አከባቢዎች በተለየ መንገድ ለአምስት ዓመታት በጀግንነት ተዋግተዋል፡፡ በመጨረሻም፤ በራሳቸው በምኒልክ በተመራ ጦር የአውሮፓ መሳሪያ በፈጠረው ልዩነት ሊሸንፉ ችለዋል፡፡ ተመሳሳይ የመከላከል ጦርነት እንዳይገጥማቸው ይመስላል፤ ምኒልክ፡- ዛሬ አለ፤ የለም የሚባለውን የአኖሌ ዓይነት የጭካኔ በትር በአርሲዎች ላይ አሳርፈዋል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ዛሬ እየተነጋገርንበት ላለው የብሔራዊ መግባባት መሳካት፤ የለም ከሚለው አጉል ክርክር ወጥተን የትናንትናውን የታሪክ ቁስላችንን በሚያክም መልኩ እንድናስተካክል መምከርን እወዳለሁ፡፡

ሦስተኛው የምኒልክ ትልቁ ጦርነት አሁንም በእሳቸው የተመራውና እአአ በ1887 የተካሄደው የጨለንቆ ጦርነት ነበር፡፡ የዚህ ጦርነት ውጤት በጊዜው የሀብታሟ የሐረር ከተማ መንግስት (the Harari city-state) ጨምሮ ምስራቅ ኢትዮጵያ ያለ ደረሰኝ ምኒልክ እጅ የገባበት ሁኔታን ፈጥሯል፡፡ ከዚህም በኋላ ከፋን፣ ወላይታን፣ ወዘተ ለመያዝ ብዙ ደም የፈሰሰባቸው ጦርነቶች ነበሩ፡፡

እንደሚባለው፤ በእንግሊዝ ተስፋፊዎችና በምኒልክ ኢትዮጵያ መካከል የመምረጥ ዕድል የገጠማቸው የቦረና ኦሮሞዎች – ማንን ትመርጣላችሁ ሲባሉ፤ የፊታወራሪ ኃብተጊዮርግስ ፊትን አይተው፤ የእኛኑ ፊት የሚመስለው ይሻላል ብለው በሬፍሬንዴም እየሰፋ በመጣው የኢትዮጵያ መንግስታዊ ግዛት ውስጥ የተቀላቀሉበት ሁኔታም እንዳለ ይነገራል፡፡ እአአ በ1889 አፄ ዮሐንስ በመሐድስቶች ሲገደሉ፤ ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ አብዛኛው ደቡብን የተቆጣጠሩት ምኒልክ ለሰሜኑ ወንድም መሪዎች ፈረንጆች እንደሚሉት “ካሮትና ዱላን” ማስመረጥ ብቻ በቂ ነበር፡፡ የሰሜኑ መሪዎች ምርጫም በማያሻማ መንገድ ካሮት ነበር፡፡ ስለ ካሮቱም በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ፤ የኦሮሞ አከባቢዎችን ጨምሮ በደቡብ የተገኘውን እጅግ በጣም ሰፊ ግዛት ዉስጥ በታናሽ ወንድምነት ሹማቶችን መቀረመት ነበር፡፡

በብሔራዊ መግባባታችን ውይይት አንፃር በምኒልክ በተፈጠረው ሰፊ አፄያዊ ግዛት ጋር የተፈጠሩ ችግሮችን ወደ ማንሳቱ ልለፍ፡፡

አንደኛው ችግር፤ እላይ እንዳነሳሁኝ፤ በጉልበት የግዛት ፈጠራ ላይ አኖሌን የመሳሰሉ የታሪክ ጠባሳዎች መፈጠራቸው፤ ሁለተኛውና ዋናው ነገር ግን ከማቅናቱ ጋር የተፈጠረው የፖለቲካል ኤኮኖሚው ነው፡፡ ይህም በነፍጥ ላይ የተመሰረተዉ የፖለቲካ ኤኮኖሚ ዛሬም እያወዛገበን ያለው የነፍጠኛ ሥርአት በሚባለው ላይ የተመሰረተዉ ነዉ፡፡ ለማቅናት የተሰማራው የፊውዳሉ ሥርአት ሰራዊት የገባር ሕዝቦችን ነፃነት ቀምተዋል፡፡ መሬታቸዉን ዘርፈዋል፡፡ ሕዝቦችን በገዛ መሬታቸው ላይ ጭሰኛና አሽከር አድርገዋል፡፡ ቋንቋቸውን አፍነው “በስማ በለው” ገዝቶቸዋል፡፡ በአጭሩ እጅግ በጣም ዘግናኝና ጨካኝ የሆነ የፖለቲካ ሥርአት ጭነውባቸዋል፡፡ አንዳንዱ ነፍጠኛ በሃያ ሺዎች የሚቆጠር ጋሻ መሬትም ነበረው፡፡ ወረ-ገኑ የመሰሰሉ የቤተመንግሥት መሬቶች እጅግ ባጠም ብዙ ነበሩ፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ማስታወስ የሚያስፈልገው የሰሜንና የደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ የመሬት ይዞታም በፍጹም የተለያዩ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡ አነሰም በዛ የሰሜኑ ገበሬ የዘር ግንዱን ቆጥሮ መሬት ያገኛል፡፡ መሬት አያያዙም የወል ነበር፡፡ ሌላው ቢቀር የሚገዛውም በራሱ ቋንቋ ነበር፡፡ በደቡቡ ያለው ግን የመሬት ሥርቱ የግል ሆኖ፤ ጭሰኝነት እጅግ የተንሰራፋበት ነበር፡፡ ሲሶ ለነጋሽ፣ ሲሶ ለቀዳሽ፤ ሲሶ ለአራሽ የሚባለው የኢትዮጵያ ነገስታት የመሬት ፖሊሲ እጅግ በጣም ዘግናኝ በሆነ ሁኔታ ሥራ ላይ የዋለው በደቡቡ የአገራችን ክፍል ላይ ነው፡፡ በ1960ዎቹ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዘመን “መሬት ላራሹና የብሔረሰቦች እኩልነት” የተባሉ ሕዝባዊ መፈክሮች የተወለዱት ከዚሁ ጨቋኝ ሥርአት ነበር፡፡ ዛሬ የታሪክ ክለሳ ውስጥ ብንገባም፤ በዕውነቱ ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብራክ የወጡ ወጣቶች፤ እንዳውም በወቅቱ አማራ ከሚባለው ክፍል የሚበዙ ይመስለኛል፤ መፈክሮቹን በጋራ አስተጋብተዋል፡፡ ለማንኛውም ከብሔራዊ መግባባታችን አንፃር አንድ ነገር ግልፅ ላድርግ፡፡

በ1960ዎቹ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዘመን “መሬት ላራሹና የብሔረሰቦች እኩልነት” የተባሉ ሕዝባዊ መፈክሮች የተወለዱት ከዚሁ ጨቋኝ ሥርአት ነበር፡፡ ዛሬ የታሪክ ክለሳ ውስጥ ብንገባም፤ በዕውነቱ ከሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብራክ የወጡ ወጣቶች፤ እንዳውም በወቅቱ አማራ ከሚባለው ክፍል የሚበዙ ይመስለኛል፤ መፈክሮቹን በጋራ አስተጋብተዋል፡፡

ለማንኛውም ከብሔራዊ መግባባታችን አንፃር አንድ ነገር ግልፅ ላድርግ፡፡ ነፍጠኛ የሚባለው ሥርአት ገዝፎ የነበረ ሥርአት መሆኑና፤ ይህም ሥርአት ከደቡቡ አርሶ አደር የተሻለ ኑሮ የማይኖሩትን፤ ቢፈልጉ እንኳን የደቡቡን ገበሬ ለመዝረፍ አቅሙም ሆነ ዕድሉን ያልነበራቸውን የአማራ አርሶ-አደርን አይጨምርም፡፡መጨመሩም ጩቡ ነው፡፡ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ ዘሬ አንዳንድ የአማራ ሊሂቃን “እኔም ነፍጠኛ ነኝ” የሚለውን መፈክር ሲያሰሙ፤ ጥቅሙ ኦሮሞን ጨምሮ የደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን ከአማራ ሕዝብ ጋር ከማጋጨት የዘለለ የፖለቲካ ትርፍ የሚኖረው አይመስለኝም፡፡ ስለሆነም የምንችለውን ያክል ሁላችንም ከሁለቱም ጩቡዎች እንጠንቀቅ ዘንድ አደራ እላለሁ፡፡

ወደ ሌሎች ነጥቦች ከማለፌ በፊት በዋናናት በምኒልክ የተፈጠረችዉ ኢትዮጵያን ለማስተካከል ያቃታቸዉና መሪዎች ማለፍ ያልቻሉት የታሪክ ፈተና ምንድን ነው? የሚለውን ጥያቄ በንፅፅር እንደ ታሪክ ቁጭት ማንሳትን እወዳለሁ፡፡ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ የሞቱት እአአ በ1868 ነበር፡፡ ጃፓንን ከታላላቅ የዓለም መንግስታት ተርታ ያሰለፉአት ማጅ የሚባሉ የንጉሳዊያን ቤተሰብ ወደ ሥልጣን የተመለሱት (The Meiji Restoration) በዚሁ ዓመተ ምህረት ነበር፡፡ የጃፓን ንጉሳዊ ቤተሰቦች በሰላሳ ዓመታት ውስጥ በኤኮኖሚ የበለፀገች ታላቋ ጃፓንን ፈጠሩ፡፡ የጃፓኖች የሀገር ፍቅር ግንባተቻውም ባዶ አልነበረም፡፡ ትዝ እስከሚለኝ ድረስ አንድ የጃፓን ወታደር፤ ንጉሤ የጃፓንን በሁለተኛው የዓለም ጦርነት መሸነፍ አልነገሩኝም ብሎ ከሃምሳ ዓመታት በኋላ በፊሊፕንስ ይሁን፤ በኢንዲኔዢያ ጫካ ውስጥ ተገኝቷል፡፡ ለሀገር ፍቅር ሲባል እራስን በራስ መጥፋት በሁለተኛው የዓለም ጦርነት በትናንሽ አይሮፕላኖችን የአሜሪካን መርከቦች ውሰጥ እየጠለቁ አጥፍቶ መጥፋትን የጀመሩት የጃፓን ካሚከዞች የሚበሉ ነበሩ፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች ግን በተመሳሳይ ጊዜ (እአአ1868-1900) ድረስ ሀገሪቷን ከዓለም ጭራነት አላላቀቋትም፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ ጃፓንና ኢትዮጵያ በ1868 ላይ ተመሳሳይ የዕድገት ደረጃ ላይ ነበሩ፡፡ሌላው ንፅፅሬና የታሪክ ቁጭታችን መሆን ያለበት፤ ታላቋ ጀርመንን የፈጠሩት ቢስማርክና ምኒልክ የአንድ ዘመን ሰዎች ነበሩ፡፡ ምንም ይሁን ምን፤ እነ ቢስማርክ ዓለምን ሁለት ጊዜ ጦርነት ውስጥ መክተት የቻለች ኃያሏን ጀርመን ሲፈጥሩ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ገዥዎች ግን ኋላቀር ኢትዮጵያን ትተውልን ሄደዋል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ ሀገር ትፈርሳለች ተብሎ ስለተሰጋ፤ የምኒልክ ሞት ለሕዝብ ይፋ የሆነው ከዓመታት በኋላ ነበር ይበላል፡፡በአጠቃላይ ከብሔራዊ መግባባት ፈጠራችን አንፃር መረሳት የሌለበት ቁመነገር፤ በምኒልክና ጣይቱ የተመራው የአድዋው የጋራ ድል እንኳ ያልፈቱት የሚጋጩ ሦስት አመለካከቶች ዛሬም ከኛ ጋር መኖራቸዉ ነዉ፡፡

አንደኛው፤ የሀገራችን ሀገረ-መንግሰት ግንባታ፣ አንድ የነበሩና የተበታተኑ ሕዝቦችን አንድ ላይ መልሶ ያመጣ ነዉ የሚላዉ አመላካከት (reunification)፤

ሁለተኛው፤ በአንድ ላይ ያልነበሩ ሕዝቦችን ወደ አንድ ማምጣት ነዉ የሚለዉ አመላካከት (unification and/or expansion)፤

ሦስተኛው፤ ነፃ ሕዝቦችን ጨፍልቆ በኃይል ማቅናት ነዉ የሚላዉ አመላካከት (colonial thesis) ነቸው፡፡ የበለጠ ግልፅ ለማድረግ፤ የኢትዮጵያ አንድነት አጥባቂዎች ነን የሚሉ፤ በዋናነት የምኒልክን ኃጥያቶች አይቀበሉም፡፡ እንደሚሉት እምዬ ምኒልክ በዓለም ከተደረጉት የሀገር ግንባታዎች ምን የተለየ ነገር ሰራ የሚለውን ሐሳብ ያራምዳሉ፡፡ ከዚያም አልፈዉ ምኒልክ የሠራዉ ሥራ ተላይተዉ የነበሩትን የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶችን መመለሰ ነበር ይላሉ፡፡ በአንፃሩ የኢትዮጵያ አንድነትን የማያጠብቁ ብሔረተኞች ደግሞ፤ የአቶ ሌንጮ ለታን አባባል ለመጠቀም (አሁን አቋማቸዉ ያ መሆኑን አላዉቅም)፤ ሲያንስ “ኢትዮጵያዊ ለመሆን እንደራደራለን”፤ ሲበዛ ደግሞ ነፃ መንግስታትን እስከ መፍጠር ድረስ እንሄደለን የሚሉ ናቸው፡፡በጥቅሉ እነዚህ አመለካከቶች በፖለቲካችን ለሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻችን መሠረት የሆኑና ካልተገደቡ የሥልጣን ሕልሞች ጋር ተደምሮ የብሔራዊ መግባባት ጥረታችንን የሚያወሳስቡ አመለካከቶች መሆናቸውን በውል መገንዘብ ያስፈልጋል፡፡

በነምኒልክ የተፈጠረችዉን ኢትዮጵያን ለማስተካከል የተደረጉ ሙከራዎችና ያመለጡን ዕድሎች፡

-1) የልጅ እያሱ ሙከራ፡- ልጅ እያሱ የምኒልክ ልጅ ልጅ ሲሆን፤ በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሰረተች ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ልዩ ዕድል የነበረውና ያንንም ልዩ ዕድል አውቀው ለመጠቀም ሲሞክር በወጣትነት ዕድሜው ላይ የተቀጨ መሪ ነበር፡፡ በብሔር ግንዱ ኦሮሞና አማራ የነበረ፤ በሃይማኖት ጀርባዉ ክርስቲያንና ሙስሊም የነበረ ሰዉ ነዉ፡፡ ከወሎም በመወለዱ፤ ትግራይንና ሸዋን ለማገናኘት የተሸለ ድልድይ ለመሆን ይችል ነበር፡፡ የሚገርመው ግን የልጅ ኢያሱ ወንጀሎች የሚመነጩት እነዚህኑ አዎንታዊ እሴቶችን ለሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ለመጠቀም መሞከሩ ነበር፡፡ ለምሳሌ አንዳንድ የታሪክ ማሰታወሸዎች እንደሚያስረዱት፤ አርሲዎች እንደልጃቸው ይመለከቱት ነበር ይባላል፡፡ ከሱማሌዎችና ከአፋሮች ጋር ጥብቅ ግንኙነት እንደነበረው በቂ የሆነ የታሪክ ማስረጃ አለ፡፡ ከጎጃሙ ራስ ኃይሉና ከወለጋው ደጃዝማች ጆቴ ቱሉ ጋር የጋብቻ ዝምድና እንደነበረው ይታወቃል፡፡ ቤተክርስቲያንን ለማሰራት የሚጥረውን ያክል (ለምሳሌ የቀጨኔውን መድሐኔ ዓለምን እሱ ነው ያሰራው ይባላል) መስግዶችን ያሰራ ነበር፡፡ ከሥልጣን ላወረዱት የሸዋ ሊሂቃን ግን፤ አንዱና ትልቁ የልጅ ኢያሱ ወንጀል መስጊዶችን ማሰራቱ ነበር፡፡ የመጨረሻው ትልቁ ወንጀል ደግሞ ኢትዮጵያን ለመቀራመት ያንዣበቡ የቅኝ ገዥ ኃይሎች ከሰሜንና ምስራቅ ጣሊያን፣ በምዕራብ፣ በደቡብና በምስራቅ እንግሊዝ፣ በምስራቅ ፈረንሳይ የሦስትዮሽ ስምምነት (tripartite treaty) የሚባለውን እአአ በ1903 ፈርሞ የምኒልክን ሞት ይጠብቁ ከነበሩት መራቅና በአንደኛው የዓለም ጦርነት በአከባቢያችን ግዛት ካልነበራቸው ከነ ጀርመንና ቱርክ ጋር ለመደጋገፍ መሞከሩ ነበር፡፡ በጥቅሉ ከሁሉም በላይ ወንጀሎቹ ሰፊዋን ኢትዮጵያን የፈጠርን እኛ ነን የሚሉትን የሸዋ ሊሂቃንን መጋፋቱ ነበር፡፡ በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ – የኢያሱ ወንጀሎች የሸዋ ልጅ አለመሆኑ (የኢያሱ አባት ወሎ ነው)፣ ሐቀኛ የክርስቲያን ልጅ አለመሆኑ (አባቱ የግድ ክርስቲያን ከመሆናቸው በፊት መሐመድ ዓሊ ነበሩና) እንዲሁም የአውሮፓ የቅኝ ገዥ ኃይሎችን ማስቀየሙ ናቸው፡፡ እአአ በ1916፤ በመስቀል ቀን ኢያሱን ለማውረድ ሁሉም መሳሪያዎቻቸውን ይዘው ተሰለፉ፡፡ ቄሶቹ ኢያሱ ሐቀኛ የክርስቲያን ልጅ አይደለም በማለት በማውገዝ፤ የሸዋ ሊሂቃን ሠራዊታቸውን በመሳለፍ፤ የአውሮፓዊያኑ መንግስታት ምክርና ጥበባቸውን ይዘው ተሰለፉ፡፡ የአውሮፓዊያኑ ጥበብ የሚገርም ነበር፤ ኢያሱ በኢትዮጵያ ባንድራ ላይ የእስልምና ምልክት የሆነውን ግማሽ ጨረቃ ለጥፎ ለቱርኮች ዲፕሎማት ሲሰጥ የሚያሳይ ፎቶ ሾፕ የሆነ ሥዕል (ፎቶ ሾፕም፤ የባንድራ ፖለቲካም በልጅ ኢያሱ ዘመንም ነበር) መፈንቅለ መንግስት እንድያከሄዱ የሸዋ ሊሂቃንን መርደት ነበር፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ለታሪክ ትዝብት አንድ ነገር ልብ በሉልኝ፡፡ በአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ የኢትዮጵያን ፖለቲካ ሳስተምር፤ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ችግሮቻችንን በሚመለከት ፈተናም ፈትኜበታለሁ፤ የሸዋው ጦር መሪ የነበሩት ፊታወራሪ ሀብተጊዮርግስ ድናግዴ፤ የመፈንቅለ መንግስቱም መሪ ነበሩ፤ ልጅ ኢያሱን ሲያወርዱ ባስተላለፉት መልዕክት ውስጥ የሚከተለው ይገኝበታል፡፡ “He claims that he eats flesh of cattle slain by Muslims in order to extend frontiers and to win hearts. But these Somali and Muslims have already been brought to heel [and do not need such diplomacy] በጥሬው ሲተረጎም፤ ግዛትን ለማስፋፋትና ልቦችን ለማሰብ ብዬ በሙስልማን የታረደውን የከብት ሥጋ እባላለሁ ይላል፡፡ ነገር ግን እነዚህን ሱማሌዎችና ሙስሊሞችን ቀድሞውኑ ስላንበረከክን እንዲህ ዓይነቱ ዲፕሎማሲ አያስፈልጋቸውም፡፡ይህንን የሀብተጊዮርግስን ንግግር በሚመለከት ሰፊውን ትንተና ለናንተ ትቼ፤ በዚህ ዓይነት የተዛባ አመለካከት ላይ የተገነባችውን ኢትዮጵያን አስተካክሎ በሰፊ መሠረት ላይ የተገነባችውን ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር የተደረገው የመጀመሪያ ሙከራ፤ ልጅ ኢያሱን ለሥልጣን ተብሎ በተጠነሰሰው ሤራ መውረዱን እንዳትረሱት አደራ ማለት እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ ያመለጠንን ዕድል ትርጉም ግን ለታሪክ መተውን አመርጣለሁ፡፡

2. ኢያሱን በወሳኝነት የተኩት ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ፤ የአገራችንን ሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታን በተሻለ መሠረት ላይ ለመገንባት ረጅም ጊዜ (ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ አገሪቷን መርተዋል) በልጅነታቸው የተሻለ የፈረንጅ ዕውቀት የቀመሱና ከማንም የበለጠ ተደጋጋሚ ዕድል ያገኙ ነበሩ፡፡ ነገር ግን በእኔ ግምት፤ ታሪክ የሰጠቸዉን ዕድል አልተጠቃሙበትም፡፡ ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴን የተለያዩ ሰዎች በተለያዩ የታሪክ ሚዛን ላይ ቢያስቀጣቸውምና እኔም ቢሆን በዘመናዊ ትምህርትና በመሳሰሉት ላይ የነበራቸውን አሻራ ቀላል ነው ብዬ ባላስብም፤ ንጉሱ ሕይወት ዘመናቸውን በሙሉ የግል ዝናንና ሥልጣንን ማዕከል ማድረጋቸው ኢትዮጵያዉያንን የ20ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን ሕዝቦች ማድረግ አልተቻላቸውም፡፡ ስለዘር ግንዳቸው ሀሜቱ እንዳለ ሆኖ፤ ከኢያሱ በተሻለ ደረጃ ኦሮሞም፣ ጉራጌም አማራም ነበሩ፡፡ ይህንን ስሬ ግንድ አልተጠቀሙም፡፡ በተለይ ኦሮሞ ከሚባል ሕዝብ ሲሸሹ እንደኖሩ ብዙ ማስረጃዎች አሉ፡፡ ለማንኛዉም፤ አንድንድ ወሳኝ ነገሮችን እንመልከት፡፡ አምቦ 2ኛ ደረጃ ተማሪ በነበርኩበት ጊዜ የሰማሁኝ ይመስለኛል፤ አንድ ጋዜጠኛ ካነበቡት መጽሐፍት ዉስጥ የትኛውን እንደሚያደንቁ ሲጠይቃቸው፤ ቀልባቸውን በጣም የሳበውና ብዙ ጊዜ ደጋግመው ያነበቡት በኒኮሎ ማኪያቬሊ የተፃፈውን “The Prince” የተባለውን እንደነበረ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ንጉሱ አብዘኛዉን የሕይወት ዘመናቸዉን የተመሩት በማኪያቬሊ ምክር ነበር ብዬ እጠረጥራለሁ፡፡ በማክያቬሊ ትምህርት በመመራትም፤ የሥልጣን ተቀናቃኞቻቸውን አንድ በአንድ አስወግደው ከአስራ አራት ዓመታት በኋላ እአአ በ1930 ጥቁር ማክያቬሊ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ ንጉስ ሆነው ወጡ፡፡ እንደ ሀብተጊዮርግስ ዓይነቱን እግዚአብሔር በጊዜ ሲገላገልላቸው፤እንዳ ጎንደሩ ራስ ጉግሳና ባለቤታቸው፤ ንግስት ዘዉድቱን ያስወገዱበት የፖለቲካ ጥበብ፤ በጊዜው በርግጥም አስደናቂ ነበር፡፡ ይህ የንጉሱ ጥበብ፤ አርባ ዓመታትን ቆጥራ የአድዋን ሽንፈት ለመበቀል የመጣቸውን ጣሊያንን ለመከላከል አልረደም፡፡ መንግስታቸዉንም፤ ሀገሪቷንም ለክፉ ቀን አላዘጋጁም፡፡ አድዋ ላይ ታሪካዊ ድል ያስገኙ ጀግኖችም የሉም፡፡ አንድ ለታሪክ የተረፉት ደጀዝማች ባልቻ ሣፎም በንጉሱ ዉሰኔ እስር ቤት ነበሩ፡፡ እዚህም ላይ አንድ የታሪክ ትዝብት አስቀምጬ ማለፍ እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ለሥልጣናቸዉ ብሎ የገፉአቸው ብዙ የአከባቢ መሪዎች፤ ከትግራዩ ደጃዝማች ኃይለሥላሴ ጉግሳ ጀምሮ የጎንደር፣ የጎጃም፣ የሸዋ፣ የጅማ፣ የወለጋ ገዥዎች የጣሊያን ባንዳ ሆኑ፡፡ ከሚታወቁት ውስጥ፤ ለታሪክ ተፈሪ ሌላ፤ ሀገር ሌላ ብለው ሲዋጉ የሞቱት ደጃዝማች ባልቻ ብቻ ነበሩ፡፡ በንጉሱ ስህተት ሀገሪቷ ውድ ዋጋ ከፍላለች፡፡ ለዚህ ነው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴሩን ጨምሮ የብልፅግና ፓርቲ ባለሥልጣናት ጥዋትና ማታ ባንዳ፣ ባንዳ ሲሉ፤ ግብፅ ሱዳንን ይዛ የምር ከመጣች፤ ሰው ያላሰበውን አሳስበው ለኪሳራ እንዳይዳርጉን የሚፈራው፡፡ ያም ሆነ ይህ፤ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ለጦርነት ያላዘጋጇትን ሀገር በክፉ ቀን ጥለው ሸሹ፡፡ ሐረርጌ ላይም የጂቡቲን ባቡር ሲሳፈሩ ከጦር ሜዳ መሸሻቸውን ለመሸፈን፤ የት ይሄደሉ ብሎ ለጠያቀቸዉ የፈንሳይ ጋዜጠኛ፡ Je ne Suis Pas Soldat (ወታደር አይደለሁም) ብለው ያለፉት፡፡ ለሳቸዉም ፍሕታዊ ለመሆን፤ የአውሮፓ ዲፕሎማቶች ቢከዱአቸውም በዓለም መንግስታት ማህባር ላይ የሚያስመካ ሥራ ሰርተዋል፡፡ ü ሆኖም ከጦር ሜዳ የመሸሻቸው ጉዳይ እስከ መንግስታቸው ፍፃሜ ድረስ እንደ ጥቁር ነጥብ ስትከታላቸዉ ኖራለች፡፡ የአርበኞችም ሆነ የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ዋናው የተቃውሞ መፈክርም ይህች የሽሸት ጉዳይ ነበረች፡፡ከጣሊያን ወረራ በኋላም ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ በሁለት መሠረታዊ ነገሮች ምክንያት፤ ጋዜጣቸውን አዲስ ዘመን ብለው እንደሰየሙ:- በእርግጥም አዲስ ዘመን፤ ለአዲስቷ ኢትዮጵያ ይፈጠራሉ ብሎ የጠበቁ ብዙ መሆናቸውን ብሎ መገመት አስቸጋሪ አይመስለኝም፡፡ ለአምስት ዓመታት በእንግሊዝ ሀገር በስደት ሲኖሩ፤ ስለራሳቸው ስህተትም ሆነ የሰለጠነው ዓለም ንጉሶች፤ እንዴት ሕዝቦቻቸውን እንደሚመሩና በዛም ምክንያት በሕዝቦቻቸው ዘንድ ተከብረው እንዴት እንደሚኖሩ ተምረዋል ብሎ መጠበቅ ይቻል ነበር፡፡ ከሁሉም በላይ በጣሊያን ወረራ ምክንያት እሳቸውንም ሆነ አገራቸውን ከገጠመው ውርደትና ኪሳራ ይማራሉ ተብሎ ይጠበቅም ነበር፡፡ ከሁሉም አልተማሩም፡፡ በባሰ ሁኔታነና ፍጥነት ወደ ድሮአቸው ተመለሱ፡፡ ለአቢነት፤ አስተዳደራቸውን የተቃወሙ የራያ ገበሬዎችን (ቀዳማይ ወያኔ የሚበለዉ ነዉ) ከየመን በመጡ የእንግሊዝ አይሮፕላኖች አስደበደቡ፡፡ የሪፑቢሊካን አስተሳሰብ ነበራቸው የሚባሉትን አርበኛ ደጃዝማች ታከለን አሰሩ፡፡ እኚህ ሰው ከተደጋጋሚ እስር በኋላ በመጨረሻም ሊይዙአቸው ከተላኩ የንጉሱ ወታደሮች ጋር ሲዋጉ ሞቱ፡፡ ሌላው ስማጥር አርበኛ የነበሩ በላይ ዘለቀንም ያለርህራሄ ሰቀሉ፡፡ የአምባሳደር ብርሃኑ ድንቄ ግልፅ ደብዳቤ እንኳን (አምበሰደር ብርሃኑ፤ በአሜሪካ አምበሰዳር የነበሩና ንጉሱ የገፉበት መንገድ፤ ዉሎ አድሮ ንጉሱንም ሆነ ሀገሪትዋን ለዉርደት እንደሚያበቃ የመጀመሪያ የማስጠንቃቂያ ደወል በአደባባይ የሰጡ በላስልጠን ነበሩ)፣ አሰራራቸውን አላሰለወጠቸዉም፡፡ በፖለቲካ ሥርአታቸው ላይ በተከታታይ ቦንቦች ፈነዱ፡፡ የመጀመሪያዉ ትልቁ ቦንብ በራሳቸው ቤተመንግስት ውስጥ የፈነዳው የነመንግስቱ ንዋይ፤ ያውም የእሳቸውን ክብርና ሞገስ ለመጠበቅ ከፈጠሩት የክብር ዘበኛ ጦር ነበር፡፡ ንጉሱ ከክስተቱ ከመማር ይልቅ ጀኔራል መንግስቱ ናዋይን በሞት ቀጡ፤ የታናሽ ወንድማቸውን ሬሳ፤ እኔን ያየህ ተቀጣ በሚመስል መንገድ በስቅላት ቀጡ፡፡ የበሉበትን ሰባሪዎች ናቸው ብለውም በአዝማሪ አዘለፏቸው፡፡ማን እንደመከራቸው ባይታወቅም ትልቁን የመንግስታቸውን የዲፕሎማሲ ውጤትን ያበላሸውና ለትልቅ ኪሳራ ያበቃንን የኤርትራን ፌዴሬሽንን አፈረሱ፡፡ ውጤቱም ሁላችንም እንደምናውቀው፤ የኤርትራ ነፃ አውጪ ግንባር መፈጠር ሆነ፡፡ ትንሽ ቆይቶ ደግሞ ኦሮሞዎች የሜጫና ቱላማ ልማት ማህበር በመፍጠራቸው፤ ጠገቡ ተብሎ መሪዎቹ እነ መቶ አለቃ ማሞ መዘምር ተሰቀሉ፡- ኃይለማርያም ገመዳ እስር ቤት ውስጥ በተፈፀመበት ድብዳባ ሞተ፡፡ ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ሞት ተፈርዶባቸው በአማላጅ ወደ ሐረርጌ በግዞት ተላኩ፡፡ እኔ እስከ ማውቀው ድረስ ሁሉም በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ጥያቄ አልነበራቸውም፡፡ ውጤቱ የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባር (ኦነግ)ን መፍጠር ሆነ፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ በነኤሌሞ ቅልጡ በኦነግ ስም የመጀመሪያዋ ጥይት የተተኮሰችው ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ የታሰሩበት ሥፍራ ሐራርጌ ዉስጥ ነበር፡፡ü በዚሁ ጊዜ ሰፋፊ ማህበራዊ ፍትህን የሚጠይቁ ተከታታይ ጥያቄችም መቅረብ ጀመሩ፡፡ እአአ በ1965 የንጉሱ ፍዉደለዊ ሥርአት የተመሠረተበት ላይ በመሬት ላራሹ ሰልፍ ድንገተኛ የፖለቲካ ቦንብ ፈነዳ፡፡ ከአራት ዓመት በኋላ ደግሞ እስከዛሬ ኢትዮጵያን እያመሰ ያለው፤ በነዋለልኝ መኮንን የብሔረሰቦች ጥያቄ ታወጀ፡፡ ይህችኛውን ንጉሱና ሥርአቱ በቀላሉ የተመለከቱዋት አይመስልም፡፡ ንጉሱ የቀ.ኃ.ሥ ዩኒቬርሲቲ፤ የአሁኑ አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ ተማሪዎች ማህበር ፕሬዝዳንት የነበረውን፤ ጥላሁን ግዛዉንን በማሰገደል “ልጆቼ ” ከሚሏቸው ተማሪዎች ጋር ደም መቃባት ዉስጥ ገቡ፡፡ በዚህም የታሪክ ጎማው ወደፊት እንዳይሽከረከር ጣሩ፡፡ü አሰዘኙ ጉዳይ መካሪዎቻቸውም ሆኑ እሳቸው አስተዳደራቸው ለሃኛዉ ክፍለ ዘመን የማይመጥን መሆኑን፤ በጣም እወዳታለሁ የሚሉዋትም ኢትዮጵያ በታሪክ ፍራሽ ላይ ተኝታ የምትሸሞነሞን ሀገር መሆንዋን አልተረዱም፡፡ የኤርትራ ግንባሮች ጥይትም ከረጅም ዘመን እንቅልፋቸው አላነቁአቸውም፡፡ ü የባሌና የጎጃም ሕዝብ አመፅም አልቃሳቀሰቸውም፡፡ ለዓመታት የቆየው የተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ጩሀትም አላነቃቸውም፡፡ ከኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ በቀጥታ የወጡ የመኢሶንና የኢህአፓ የሶሻሊስት አብዮት ደወልም አላነቃቸውም፡፡ በመጨረሻም በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠረው የወሎ ሕዝብ እልቂት እንኳን ከእንቅልፋቸዉ አላባነናቸውም፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ ብልጡ ደርግ በጠዋቱ ሊያወርዳቸው ፣ ማታ ያሳየው የወሎ ሕዝብ እልቂት፤ በአንድ በኩል የንጉሱ ውሻ በጮማ ሥጋ ሲጫወት፤ በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ በረሃብ በተረፈረፈ ሕዝብ ውስጥ ሕፃን ልጅ የሞታች እናቷን ጡት ሲትጠባ የሚያሳየዉን የጆናታን ድንብልብይ ፊልም ነበር፡፡ ያንን ፊልም ደርግ በቅድሚያ ንጉሱና የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብን እንዲያዩ ስለጋበዘ ቴሌቪዥን ያልነበረን የዩኒቬርሲቲ ተማሪዎች በስድስት ኪሎና አራት ኪሎ አከባቢዎች ያሉትን ቡና ቤቶችን አጣብበን ስንመለከት ነበር፡፡ የንጉሱ ደጋፊዎች እንከዋ፤ ጃኖሆይ እንዲህ ጨካኝ ነበሩ እንዴ? የሚሉትን ይዘን ወደ ዶርማችን እንደገባን ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምናልባት ከእንቅልፋቸው የነቁት በማግስቱ የደርግ አባላቱ በኩምቢ ቮልስዋገን ከቤተመንግስታቸው ወደ አራተኛ ክፍለ ጦር ሲወስዷቸው በሰሩባቸው ድራማ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ብልጣብልጦቹ ደርጎች የተጠቀሙት ቮልስ መጀመሪያ መስኮቷ ዝግ ነበር ይባላል ፡፡ü ንጉሱ ከውጭ ብዙ ሰው ሲጮህ ተመልክተው “እናንተ ልጆች” የምወደን ሕዝባችን ንጉሴን የት እየወሰዳችሁ ነው እያለ ነዉ ሲሉ፤ ብልጦቹ ደርጎችም መስኮቱን ከፍተው የሕዝቡን ድምፅ ሲያሰሟቸው ጩኼቱ “ተፈሪ ሌባ፤ ተፈሪ ሌባ” የሚለውን ሰምተው “አይ ኢትዮጵያ ይኼን ያክል በድዬሻለሁ እንዴ?” አሉ ይባላል፡፡ ü በዚህ ሽኝታቸው ድሮ ቤተክርስቲያን ሲሄዱ ዳቦ የሚጥሉላት ለማኝ ዳቦዋን ሲትጠብቅ ንጉሱ ወረዱ፤ ንጉሱ ወረዱ ሲባል ሰምታ፣ ለዚህ ያበቃኼኝ አንተ ነህ ብላ በቮልሷ አቅጣጫ የወረወረችው ዳቦ ብቻ ነበር ይባላል፡፡ የንጉሱ ሬሳም ከ17 ዓመታት በኋላ ከመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ሽንት ቤት ሥር ተቆፍሮ እንደተገኘ ይታወቃል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ልብ አድርገን ማለፍ ያለብን የፖለቲካ ቁም ነገር ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ (የአምስት ዓመቱ የጣሊያን ወረራ እንዳለ ሆኖ) በፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ኢትዮጵያን ሲገዙ የሀገረ መንግስታቸው ግንባታ ፕሮጀክት በአጉል ምክርም ይሁን በራሳቸው ገታራ አቋም ከሽፎ ሽኝታቸው በለማኟ ዳቦ፣ ቀብራቸው ደግሞ በአሳደጉአቸው ወታደሮች ሽንት ቤት ሥር መሆኑ ነው፡፡

3. አብዮቱ እና የደርግ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ፡-ü አዲስቷን ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር ሕዝባዊ አብዮቱ ልዩ ዕድል ፈጥሮ ነበር፡፡ አብዮቱ ከተለያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ማህበረሰቦች የመጡ የአዲሱ ትዉልድ ምሁራን ድጋፍና ተሳትፎ ነበረው፡፡ እንደ አብዮቱ መሪ ወደፊት የመጣውን መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያምም ቪቫ መንግስቱ፣ ቪቫ መንግስቱ ብለን ተቀብለን ነበር፡፡ü የኢትዮጵያ አብዮትን አብዮት ያደረገው የጭሰኝነት ሥርአትን ያስወገደውና የደርግ እርምጃ (ውለታው የኢትዮጵያ ተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ ቢሆንም) እስከዛሬ በኢትዮጵያ የሕዝቦች የትግል ታሪክ ውስጥ ልዩ ሥፍራ አለው ብዬ ባምንም ነገሮችን በቶሎ የሚያዩ ወጣቶች “ተፈሪ ማረኝ፣ የደርጉ ነገር አላማረኝ ” ማለት የጀመሩት ብዙዉም ሳይቆዩ ነበር፡፡ በአጭሩ ለማስቀመጥ የደርግ ሥልጣን ፍቅር፣ የመኢሶንና የኢህአፓ አሳዛኝ ክፍፍል፤ የኤርትራ ግንባሮችና የሕወሓት የተናጠል የፖለቲካ ፕሮጀክቶች በአብዮቱ መፈንዳት የተፈጠረውን ልዩ ታሪካዊ ዕድል አምክኖታል፡፡ደርግ መሃይምነትና የሥልጣን ፍቅር ስለተደባለቀበት፤ የሶሻሊስት አብዮቱን እንደሰው ማሰርና መግደል ወሰደው፡፡ በዚህ ሶቭዬት ህብረት ድረስ ሄዶ የሌኒን ሐውልት አይተው የመጡት በለሥልጣኖቹ ስለሶሻሊዝም የተማርነው ከበሰበሰ ከቡርዧ ቤተ መፃሕፍት ሳይሆን፤ ከምንጩ ከሌኒን ሀገር ነው እያሉ ተዘባበቱ፡፡ ካደሬዎቻቸው ድንቅ የሶሻሊስት ዕውቀታቸውን ከፍተኛነት ለማሰየት በሚመስል መንገድ የእስታሊን ቀይ በትር ሥራ ላይ ይዋል አሉ፡፡ ደርግ የሱማሌ ወረራን፣ የኤርትራ ግንባሮችና የህወሓት እንቅስቃሴዎች በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት እንዲነግድ ልዩ ሁኔታ ስለፈጠሩለት “ አብዮታዊት እናት ሀገር ወይም ሞት ” አለ፡፡ ከኤርትራ ግንባሮች እስከ ኢህአፓ እና መኢሶን (ኢጭአት/ኦነግን ጨምሮ ሌሎች ድርጅቶች እዚህ መሃል ናቸው) የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች የአንድነትና የአብዮት ጠላቶች ሆነው ልዩ ልዩ ስሞች ተለጣፈበቸው፡፡ በአጭሩ የኢህአፓና መኢሶን መከፋፈልም ደርግን ብቻኛ የሀገር አንድነትና የአብዮት ተወካይ አደረገው፡፡ሌሎች ዝርዝሮችን ትቼ ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነትና አብዮት ግንባታ ወሳኝ የሆኑ ዕርምጃዎችን ላንሳ፡፡ የደርግ የመጀመሪያው ሊቀ መንበር፣ አማን አንዶም የሚባሉ ኤርትራዊ ጀኔራል ነበሩ፡፡ የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር ተብሎ ከደርግ ውጭ የተመረጠትም ለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ብሎ እስከ ሞቃዲሾ ድረስ ሄዶ ካልተዋጋሁ ብሎ ንጉሱን ያስቸገሩ መኮንን ስለነበሩ ነዉ፡፡o በወታደሮቹ ዘንድም ተወዳጅ ስለነበረ በራሳቸው በደርግ አባሎቹ ጥያቄ መጀመሪያ መከላከያ ሚኒስቴር፤ ከዚያም ከደርግ ውጭ የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር የሆነው የተመረጡትና በአደባባይ እስከሚታወቀውም በኢትዮጵያ አንደነት ላይም (መቼም በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ልዩ ፍቅር አለን የሚሉ ብዙ ቢኖሩም፤ ፍቅራቸውን የሚለካልን መሳሪያ በሜዲካል ሳይንስ እስካሁን አልተፈጠረልንም) ምንም ዓይነት ጥያቄ ያልነበራቸውና የኤርትራን ችግር በሠላም ለመፍታት አስመራ ድረስ ሄዶ ሕዝቡን ያወያዩ ነበሩ፡፡ ለኢትዮጵያ ልዩ ፍቅር አለኝ የሚሉ እነሻለቃ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ግን ጠረጠሩዋቸዉ፤በታንክ እቤታቸው ውስጥ ገደሉት፡፡ በእኔ ግምት ውጤቱ የኤርትራና የኢትዮጵያን አንድነት መግደል ነበር፡፡ በዚህም ኤርትራ የደም ምድር ሆነች፡፡ ዛሬ እንዲህ ልንሆን የፈሰሰው የሰው ደም ዋጋም ሆነ ለጠፋው ሀብትና ንብረት ሂሳብ ለፈረደበት ታሪክ መተው ይመረጣል፡፡ü የብሔራዊ አንድነት መንግስትን ሊታመጡብኝ ብሎ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ሁለተኛውን የደርግ ሊቀ መንበር የነበሩትን ጀኔራል ተፈሪ በንቲን ከደጋፊዎቻቸው የደርግ አባላት ጋር ረሸናቸው፡፡ ኮሎኔል አጥናፉ አባተንም ቅይጥ ኤኮኖሚ ሊታመጣብን ነው ብሎ መንግሥቱ ኃይለመሪም በፀረ-አብዮታዊነት ረሸነዉ፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ የመጨረሻ ጭንቅ ሲመጣ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም የአጥናፉን ቅይጥ ኤኮኖሚ ላይ ለመንጠላጠል ሞክሮ ነበር፡፡4. በዛሬው የኦሮሞ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ ልዩ ሥፍራ ያላቸው ጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ሞት ተፈርዶባቸው ተረሸኑ፡፡ እኔ መከታተል እስከቻልኩ ድረስ ታደሰ ብሩ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ፍጹም ጥያቄ ያልነበራቸው፤ ለኢትዮጵያ ብሎ ከሰላሌ ጫካ እሰካ ሞቃዲሾ ድረስ ተወስደው የታሰሩ እንግሊዞች ኢትዮጵያ ነፃ እናወጣለን ብለው ሲመጡ ከነሱ ጋር እየተወጉ የመጡ አርበኛ ነበሩ፡፡ ከተራ ወታደርነት እስከ ጀኔራል ማዕረግ ድረስ ሀገራቸውን ያገለገሉም ነበሩ፡፡ እግር ጥሏቸው አብዮቱ ውስጥ የገቡት መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ያላርህራሄ ገደሏዋቸዉ፡፤ በነገራችን ላይ ከጀኔራል ታደሰ ብሩ ጋር በፀረ አንድነት ክስ የተገደለ፤ ብዙ ሰው የማያስታውሰው፤ መለስ ተክሌ የሚባል በቀ.ኃ.ሥ ዩኒቬርሲቲ ከተማሪ መሪዎች አንዱ የሆነ የትግራይ ተወላጅ ነበር (በግዜዉ ከነበረዉ አቋም ተነስቼ፤ ይህ ሰው ቢቆይ ኖሮ የትኛው ድርጅት ውስጥ ሊገባ እንደሚችል ዶክተር አረጋዊን ደግሜ መጠየቄን አስታውሳለሁ)፡፡ ይህ ሰዉ፤ ሌላ ተከታይ ቢያጣ ለሩብ ምዕተ ዓመት አከባቢ የምኒልክ ቤተመንግስትን ተቆጣጥሮ በፈላጭ ቆራጭነት ሀገሪቷን የገዛው ለገሠ ዜናዊ ስሙን አንስቶ ትግራይ በረሃ ገብቷል፡፡ ይህም ደርግ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ስም ያመጣብን የታሪክ ዕዳ ነው፡፡ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ ምንም ዓይነት ጥያቄ እንዳልነበራቸው በተሻለ የማውቃቸውን የመኢሶን መሪዎችን ላንሳ፡፡ ለሥልጣን ተብሎ በደርግና ብዙ የፖለቲካ ተቀናቃኞቹ ዘንድ እንደ ኦሮሞ ድርጅት፤ በኦሮሞ ደግሞ እንደነፍጠኛ ድርጅት የሚታየው መኢሶን በዘመኑ በየትኛውም ሚዛን የተሻለ ትምህርት የነበራቸው መሪዎች ነበሩት በስብጥራቸውም ኤርትራዊ የዘር ግንድ አላቸው ከሚባሉት ኅሩይ ተድላ እና አበራ የማነአብ እስከ ሲዳማው እሼቱ አራርሶ የነበሩበት ነው ፡፡ ሹኩሪ የሚባል አዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ አብረን የነበርነው ልጅ በስተቀር ሰፊ ተሳትፎ እንደልነበራቸዉ የማዉቀዉ የሱማሌ ምሁራንን ብቻ ነበር ፡፡ የመጀመሪያዉ የመኢሶን ሊቀ መንበር የሰሜን ሸዋ አማራ ከሚባለው የተወለዱ፤ ዶ/ር ወርቁ ፈረደ፤ ሁለተኛው ኃይሌ ፊዳ፤ ሦስተኛው የወሎ አማራ ከሚባለው የመጡ፤ ዶ/ር ከበደ መንገሻ ነበሩ፡፡ ሕብረ ብሔር ነን፣ ለሀገረ- መንግስት ግንባታው የተሻለ ግንዛቤም እዉቀትም አለን ለሚሉ የመኢሶን ምሁራንም ደርጎች ርህራሄ አላደረጉም፡፡ü በተለይ የመጀመሪያው የኦሮሞ የምሁር ትዉልድ የሚባሉት ኃይሌ ፊዳን ጨምሮ አብዱላህ ዩሱፍ፣ ዶ/ር ከድር መሀመድ፣ ዶ/ር ተረፈ ወልዴፃዲቅ፤ ደ/ር መኮንን ጆቴ የመሳሰሉት ሕበረ ብሔር በሚበለው መኢሶን ውስጥ አልቀዋል፡፡ በኔ እምነት፡ ብዙዎች ሊቀየሙኝ ቢችሉም፤ እንደስማቸው በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ሕብረ ብሔር የነበሩ ድርጅቶች መኢሶንና ኢህአፓ ብቻ ነበሩ፡፡ አላስፈላጊ ክርክር ዉስጥ ሳልገባ፤ እኔ እስከ ማምነው ድረስ ኢሠፓ የወታደሮች ፓርቲ ነበር፡፡ የኢህአዴግን ምንነት ለብልፅግና አበለት እተዋለሁ፡፡ የብልፅግናን ምንነት ደግሞ የታሪክ ፈተናዉን ሲያልፍ ብንነጋገርበት የተሻለ ይመስለኛል፡፡ ደርግ ሕበረ ብሔር ድርጅቶችን በቀላሉ አንድ በአንድ ቀርጥፎ በላቸው፡፡ ኢህአፓን ቁርስ አደረገ፤ መኢሶንን ምሳ አደረገ:: ብሔር ሆኖ ለመውጣት ገና ዳዴ የሚሉትን ወዝሊግንና ማሌሪድን እራት አደረጋቸው፡፡ ከደርግ ዱላ የተረፉት በደርግ አስተዋጽኦ ጭምር በተሸለ ሁኔታ ኃይል ሆነዉ የወጡት የብሔር ንቅናቄዎች ናቸው፡፡ ü ኢጭአት ወደ ኦነግ ተጠቃልሎ ገብቶ ዛሬ የምናውቀው ኦነግን ፈጠረ፡፡ የሱማሌ ድርጅቶች ኦብነግ ዓይነትን ፈጠሩ፡፡ የሲዳማ አርነት ንቅናቄ ቢያንስ ዋናው ክንፍ ዛሬ ሲአን የሚለው ሆነ፡፡ አፋሮችም የአፋር ግራ ክንፍ አርዱፍ እያሉ በሕይወት ያሉ ድርጅቶች አሏቸው፡፡ በጣም የተሳካላቸው የብሔር ንቅናቄዎች በኢትዮጵያና ኤርትራ ላይ ደርግን ለሁለት ቀብረው መንግስታት ሆኑ፡፡ የደረግ ዘመንን ስናጠቃልል መረሳት የሌለባቸው ሦስት ዋና ዋና ጉዳዮች፣ ለሥልጣን ብሎ ደረግ ባካሄዳቸው ጦርነቶች፡-ü የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታውን የበለጠ አወሳስቦ መሄዱን፣ ሻለቃ ዳዊት ወልዴጊዮርግስ በፃፉት መጽሐፍ በትክክል እንዳስቀመጡት ደርግ ትቶት የሄደው በደም እምባ የታጠበች ሀገር መሆንዋን፣ü በሀገር አንድነት ስም ባካሄደው ትርጉም የለሽ ጦርነት የባከነው የሀገር ሀብት ብቻ ሳይሆን በዓለም ትልቋ ወደብ አልባ አገር ኢትዮጵያን ትቶ መሄዱን ነዉ፡፡ደርግ ለ17 ዓመታት የተጨወተዉ የአጥፍቶ መጥፋት ፖለቲካን፤ እንደ ኑዛዜም፤ እንደቁጭትም የደርግ ከፍተኛ ባለሥልጣን የነበሩት ኮሎኔል ፍስሃ ደስታ (ኮ/ል መንግስቱ ኃይለማርምም ሆነ ሻምበል ፍቅረ ሥላሴ ወግደረስ እዳፋቸውን ከታጠቡበት በጣም ይሻላል) በፃፉት መጽሐፍ ልዝጋ፡፡ የኢህአፓ ወጣቶችን የትግል ስሜት፤ የመኢሶን መሪዎች ዕውቀትና የእኛን የወታደሮቹን የአገር ወዳድነት ብንጠቀምበት ኖሮ ሀገራችን እንዲህ አትሆንም ማለታቸውን እስር ቤት ሆኜ ማንበቤ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምክራቸው ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቢይም የሚሆን ይመስለኛል፡፡ በነገራችን ላይ፤ በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ወደ አስር ወሮች ገደማ በኢህአዴግ እስር ቤት የተኛሁበት አልጋ ኮ/ል ፍስሃ ደስታ ይተኙበት እንደነበረ ሰምቻለሁ፡፡

4. የኢህአዴግ ዘመን የሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ፡- ለአራተኛ ጊዜ የሀገራችን ፖለቲካን ማሰልጠንና የተሻለ የሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ ዕድል ያመለጠን የኢህአዴጉ ዘመን ነው (ይህ የመለስ እና የኃይለማርያም ዘመንን ይጨምራል)፡፡ü የኢህአዴግ ዘመን፤ ሌላው ቢቀር የብሔረሰቦች ጥያቄን ለሁሉም ሕዝቦች ተቀባይነት ባለው መንገድ ይመልሰል ብሎ (እኔን ጨምሮ) የጠበቁ ብዙ ናቸው፡፡ ይህም ለሀገረ መንግስት ግንባታ የተሻለ ዕድል ይፈጠራል ተብሎም ተገምቶ ነበር፡፡ ገና የሽግግር መንግስቱ ሲመሠረት የኢህአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት እንደግል ሠርጋቸው የፈለጉትን ጠርተው፤ ያልፈለጉትን በመተው የሰሩት የፖለቲካ ቲያትር ጫካ ሆነው ስደግፋቸው ከነበሩት የኢህአዴግ መሪዎች ተለየሁ፡፡ü እኔም ብቻ ሳልሆን ብዙ የአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቬርሲቲ መምህራን ጓደኞቼ በዚህ ጊዜ የተለዩዋቸዉ ይመስለኛል፡፡ü ኢሀአዴግ መጀመሪያ በጦርኛነት፤ ቀጥሎ ደግሞ በዘመኑ ቋንቋ የሽብርተኝነት ታርጋ እየለጠፈ ለ27 ዓመታት ሕዝብና ሀገርን አመሰ፡፡ ዝርዝር ነገሮች ውስጥ ሳልገባ፤ በኦሮሚያ እና በሱማሌ ክልሎች፤ በሲዳማ፣ በሀዲያ፤ በወላይታ፣ በጋምቤላ፣ በአፋር፣ ቁጥራቸውን የኢህአዴግ ባለሥልጣናት እንኳ የማያውቁት ሕይወት ጠፋ፡፡ü የአፍሪካ መዲና የምትባለው አዲስ አበባ/ፊንፊኔም ሆነች የኢህአፓን ጠበል በቀመሱ ብአዴኖች የሚመራው የአማራ ክልልም ውሎ አድሮ ከኢህአዴግ ዱላ አልተረፉም፡፡ ü በአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ርዕዮተ ዓለም (ነገርየው መሬት ላይ ሲፈተሸ፤ የአብዮታዊነትም የዴሞክራሲያዊነትም ባህርይ አልነበረውም) የተተበተበው የሞግዚት አስተዳደር ዕውነተኛ የፌዴራል ሥርአት ሊሆን አልቻለም፡፡ü የሕዝቦችን እራስን በራስ ማስተዳደር ጋር ምንም ግንኙነት ያልነበረው፤ ጆርጅ ኦርዌል፤ የእንስሳት እርሻ በሚለዉ መጽሐፉ ላይ፤ ሁሉም እንስሶች እኩል ናቸው፤ አንዳንድ እንስሶች የበለጠ እኩል ናቸው “All animals are equal, some are more equal than others” ከሚለው ያለፈ የፖለቲካ ፋይዳ አልነበረውም፡፡ ü ዴሞክራሲያዊ ምርጫ ተብዬዎቹም ከ97ቱ በስተቀር ዴሞክራሲያዊ ሥርአት መፍጠር ይቅርና ቅርጫ እንኳ ልሆኑ አልቻሉም፡፡ ዉጤቱም ዴሞክራሲያዊ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ዕድል መጨናገፉ ብቻም ሳይሆን ለ27 ዓመታት ውድ የሕይወት ዋጋ ጭምር ሲያስከፍለን ኖሯል ፡፡ ü በዚህም ምክንያት የታሪክ ጣጣችንን አስተካክለን በእኩልነት ላይ የተመሠረተ ዴሞክራሲያዊ ፌዴራሊዝም የመፍጠር ተስፋችን ሕልም ሆኖ ቀርቷል፡፡

5. በማምለጥ ላይ ያለ አዲስ የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ ሙከራ፡- አሁን እየገጠመን ያለውን የታሪክ ፈተናን ለመለፍ፤ ጨክነን በቁርጠኝኘት ብሔራዊ መግባባት ውስጥ መግባት ወይም ኢትዮጵያን እንደ ሀገረ-መንግስት የምታበቃበት የሚጨምር ቀውስ ውስጥ መግባት ይመስለኛል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ የሌሎች ሀገሮችን ፖለቲካ በድህረ ቅኝ ግዛት ዘመን ብቻ እንኳን በመቀኛት ብጀምር፤ ችግሮቻቸውን ለመፍታት በቁርጠኝነት የሰሩት ተሳክቶላቸዋል፡፡ ያንን ያልቻሉት ወይ ፈርሰዋል ወይም አሁንም በቀውስ ውስጥ እየደከሩ ነዉ፡፡ ቅኝታችንን በላቲን አሜሪካ ብንጀምር፤ቃዉስ ገጥሙዋቸዉ አነ አርጀንቲና፣ ችሌ፣ ፔሩ፣ ኒካራጉዋ፣ ኮሎምቢያ የመሰሰሉ ሀገሮች፣ በተለያየ ደረጃ ፖለቲካቸውን ያስተካከሉ ሀገሮች ናቸው፡፡ ከ60 ዓመታት በላይ ለልዕለ ኃያሏ አሜሪካ ሳትበገር በአሜሪካ አፍንጫ ሥር የኖረችው አስደናቂዋ ሶሻሊስት ኩባና በአሜሪካ ጣልቃ ገብነት ምክንያት አሁን በሁለት ፕሬዝዳንቶች የምትገዛዋ ሶሻሊስት ቬኔዙዌላም በዚሁ ክፍለ ዓለም ይገኛሉ፡፡ በአውሮፓ ፖርቹጋል፣ ስፓኝ፣ ግሪክ፣ ፖለቲካቸዉን ማስተካከል ችለዋል፡፡ ዩጎዚላቪያ ውድ ዋጋ ቢትከፍልም ከመፍረሰ አልደነችም፡፡ ሶቭዬት ህበረትና (ግማሽ አውሮፓ ነች) ቼኮዚላቫኪያ በሰላማዊ መንገድ ፈርሷል፡፡ በኤሽያ፤ ኔፓል የፓለቲካ ችግረዋን በብሕራዊ መግባባት ስትፈታ፤ ፓክስታን፤ ቬየትናም፤ ካምቦዲያና ላኦስ ደግሞ ችግሮቻቸውን በጦርነት ፈተዋል፡፤ አፍጋንስታን፣ ኢራቅ፣ ሶሪያና የመን አሁንም እየቀወሱ ነው፡፡ ወደ አፍሪካችን ስንመጣ፡ ደቡብ አፍሪካና ጋና ከመሳሰሉት በስተቀር አብዘኛዎቹ በይስሙላ ምርጫ ላይ የተመሠረቱ አምባገነን መንግስታት ሲሆኑ፤ የአፍሪካ ሕብረትም የዲክታተሮች ማህበር (trade union of dictators) ከመሆን አላለፈም (በኢህአዴግ ጊዜ የተከሰስኩበት አንዱ ወንጀሌ የአፍሪካ መሪዎችን ተሰደብክ የሚል ነበር)፡፡ ሱማሊያና ሊቢያ፤ ፈረንጆች የወደቁ መንግታስት (failed states) የሚሉት ሲሆኑ፤ ሩዋንዳ ጊዜውን ጠብቆ የሚፈነዳ ሌላ ቦንብ የምትጠብቅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ በዚህ የአፍሪካ ፖለቲካ ምስቅልቅል ጉዞ ውስጥ አንዱ የሚገርመኝ ላለፉት 60 ዓመታት ፖለቲካቸውን ማስተካከል አቅቷቸው በቀውስ ሲናጡ የኖሩ ሁለት ሀገሮች፤ በተፈጥሮ ፀጋ እጅግ ሀብታሟ የኮንጎ ዲሞክራቲክ ሪፑቢሊክና የሦስት ሺህ ዓመታት ዕድሜ አለኝ የምትለዋ ድሃዋ ኢትዮጵያ መሆናቸው ነው፡፡ ከንጉሱ ዘመን ጀምሮ ይህንኑ የሀገራችንን የፖለቲካ እንቆቅልሾችን የተከታተለ፣ ያጠና፣ ያስተማረና ብዙ ጽሑፎችን የፃፈበት ጆን ማርካከስ የሚባል ፈረንጅ፤ የታሪክና ፖለቲካ ሳይንስ ፕሮፌሴር “Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers” (የኢትዮጵያ የመጨረሻዎቹ ሁለት ድንበሮች) ብሎ ፅፎአል፡፡ ምሳ ጋብዞኝ መፅሐፉን ለዶ/ር አቢይ ስጥልኝ ብሎኝ፤ ዶ/ር አቢይ ያንብበው አያንብበው ባላውቅም፤ እሳቸውን ማግኘት ለሚችል ለኦፒድኦ ባለሥልጣን ልኬላቸዋለሁ እንደነበርም አሰታዉሰለሁ፡፡ መፅሐፉ በአጭሩ የኢትዮጵያ መሪዎች የሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባታ፤ የንጉሶቹ ሞዴል (the Imperial model) የደርግ የሶሻሊስት ሞዴልና የኢህአዴጉ ፌዴራሊስት ሞዴል በሙሉ ከሽፈዋል ይላል፡፡ የከሸፉበትም ዋናዉ ምክንያት፤ የባለጊዜ ገዥዎችን ሥልጣን ለማሳካት የተገፋበት መንገድ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችን እኩልነት ያላጎናፀፈና የልማት ጥማታቸውንም ያላረካ በመሆኑ ነው ይላል፡፡ ይህ የፈረንጅ ምሁር እንዳለው፤ ፖለቲካችንን ማሰልጠን ባለመቻላችን ሚሊየኖች ሕይወታቸውን አጥተዋል፤ ሚሊዮኖች ከቄዬያቸው ተፈናቅለዋል፤ ሚሊዮኖችም ተሰደዋል፡፡እኔም ከላይ ባነሳሁት ከዚሁ ምሑር ዕይታ ተነስቼ ሀገራችን ስለገባችበት የፖለቲካ ቅርቃርና በብሔራዊ መግባባት አንፃር ከቅርቃሩ ለማውጣት በሌኒን ቋንቋ ምን መደረግ አለበት (What is to Be Done?) የሚለውን መሠረታዊ ጥያቄ የሀገራችን ፖለቲካ እስከገባኝ ድረስ ልመልስ፡፡

1. መሠረታዊ ችግራችን በታሪክ አጋጣሚ ሥልጣን ላይ የወጡ መሪዎቻችን ሀገርን የመምራት ሕልማቸው፤ ሥልጣንን ጨምዲዶ ከመቆየት ሕልማቸው ጋር ሁሌ ስለሚጋጭባቸው ነው፡፡ ለሕዝብ አለን ከሚሉት ፍቅር የሥልጣን ፍቅራቸው ስለሚበልጥባቸው ነው፡፡ o ለዚህ ነው ንጉስ ኃይለ ሥላሴ የምወደንና (ሕዝቡ ምን ያከል እንደሚወደቸዉ እንዴት እነዳወቁ ባናዉቅም) የምንወደው ሕዝባችን ሲሉ ኖረው ለ60 ዓመታት ገደማ የገዟትን ኢትዮጵያ ለ20ኛዉ ክፍለ ዘመን ሳያበቁ፤ ከዓለም ሀገሮች ጭራ ደረጃ ትተዋት የሄዱት፡፡ የሕዝብ ፍቅራቸውንም ደረጃ በረሃብ በመቶ ሺህዎች ያለቀው የወሎ ሕዝብ ይመሰክራል፡፡ ይህን የመሳሰሉ የመሪዎቻችን ባዶ የሕዝብና የሀገር ፍቅር፤ የንጉሱ ሕይወቴና የኢትዮጵያ እርምጃ፣ የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም አብዮታዊት እናት ሀገር ወይም ሞት የመለስ ዘናዊ በቀን ሦስት ጊዜ የሚመገቡ ዜጎችን እፈጠራለሁ ወ.ዘ.ተ መሸፈን አይችልም፡፡o ለዚህ አሁን ያሉ መሪዎቻችንም ሆኑ ተስፈኛ መሪዎች ይህንን የታሪክ እውነታ በውል እንዲገነዘቡት እፈልጋለሁ፡፡

2. የኢትዮጵያ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ መሪዎችና የተቀሩት ሊሂቃን፣ በተለያየ ደረጃ የሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻቸውን ይዘው መጓዛቸው ነው፡፡o ከመኢሶንና ኢህአፓ ዘመን እስከዛሬ ያሉ የፖለቲካ ድርጅቶቻችንና መሪዎቻቸው ይህንን እውነታ በውል መገንዘብ ይኖርባቸዋል፡፡ የሕልሟን ጉዳይ በፈንጆቹ አባባል ከዜሮ ድምር ፖለቲካ (Zero-Sum game Politics) የመውጣቱን ጉዳይና የፖለቲካ ፍላጎቶቻቸዉን በገደብ የማድረጉን ነገር በጥብቅ እንዲያስቡበት እመክራለሁ፡፡ ዋና ጉዳያችን ሥልጣን ሆኖ ከፊንፊኔ እስከ መቀሌ ባንዳ፤ ባንዳ እየተባባሉ መካሰሱ ሕዝባችንን ከማደናገር በላይ ብዙ የፖለቲካ ትርፍ የለውም፡፡o ዛሬ በአሜሪካና በአውሮፓ በሚደረጉ ሰልፎች ላይ በአንድ እጅ እስክንድር ነጋ ይፈታ፣ በሌላ እጅ ጃዋር ሽብርተኛ ነው የሚሉት መፈክር ዓይነቶቹ ለሀገረ-መንግስት ግንባችንም ሆነ ለብሔራዊ መግባባት ሥራችን ብዙ የሚጠቅሙ አይመስሉኝም፡፡ በኔ በኩል እንዲህ ዓይነቱ ጉዳይ ስላስቸገረኝ ነበር፤ በ2008 በፃፍኩት መፅሐፍ ላይ ለቡዳ ፖለቲካችን መላ እንፈልግ ብቻ ሳይሆን የሚጋጩ ሕልሞች ሊታረቁ ወይስ ኢትዮጵያን ሊያፈርሱ በሚል ግልፅ ጥያቄ የደመደምኩኝ፡፡ o ለኔ መፍትኼው ለአዲስቷ ኢትዮጵያ ፈጠራ የሚሆን አዲስ ማህበራዊ ውል (New Social Contract) ከመፈራረም ውጭ የተሻለ የማጂክ ፎርሙላ ያለን አይመስለኝም፡፡ o ይህንን እውነታ የምኒልክ ቤተመንግሰት ያሉ የብልፅግና ወንድሞቻችንም ሆኑ ከአዲስ አበባ/ፍንፍኔም እስከ አውሮፓና አሜሪካ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን ግፋ በለው የሚሉ ሁሉ እንዲረዱልኝ አደራ እላለሁ፡፡o በቅርብ ጊዜ በተፈጠረው ቀውስ በሁሉም በኩል ላለቁትም የተሻለ የሐዘን መግለጫ የሚሆነውና ዕንባቸውን የሚያብሰው የችግሮቻችን ምንጭ አዉቀን ዘለቂ መፍትኼ ስንፈልግ ይመስለኛል፡፡3. እላይ ካነሳሁኝ ሁለት ነጥቦች ጋር ተያይዞ፤ ሺህ ጊዜ ነፃና ፍትሐዊ ምርጫ እየተባለ በሕዝብ ላይ የሚሰራዉ የፖለቲካ ትያትር መቆም አለበት፡፡o የንጉሱ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች፣ የደርግ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች፣ የኢህአዴግ ዘመን የምርጫ ትያትሮች በግልፅ ቋንቋ ለማስቀመጥ፤ ሲያንሱ በዴሞክራሲ ስም የተቀለዱ ቀልዶች፤ ሲበዙ ደግሞ በኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ላይ የተሰሩና ታሪክ ይቅር የማይላቸው ወንጀሎች ነበሩ፡፡ በሰለጠነው ዓለም የሕዝብን ድምፅ ከመስረቅ በላይ ወንጀል የለም፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ነገሮችን አስታውሼ ልለፈው፡፡ በኢህአዴግ -1- ዘመን አቶ በረከት፤ ኢህአዴግ ከስድስት ሚሊዮን በላይ አባላት አሉትና በዝረራ ያሸንፋል ብሎ ሲያስቸግረኝ፤ አቶ በረከት፤ ኢህአዴግ ሁለት ምኩዞች አሉት፤ አንደኛው ምርጫ ቦርድ ነው፡፡ ሁለተኛው ጠመንጃችሁ ነው፡፡ ሁለቱን ምርኩዞቻችሁን አስቀምጣችሁ ተቃዋሚዎችን ካሸነፋችሁ፤ እኔ በግሌ እናንተ የሚትሉትን 20 ና 30 ዓመታት ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ ለሃምሳ ዓመታት እንዲትገዙን እፈርምልሀለሁ እንዳልኩት አሰታዉሰለሁ፡፡ በኢህአዴግ -2- ጊዜ ደግሞ ዶ/ር አቢይ በጠሩት ድንገተኛ ስብሰባ ላይ ገለልተኛ የሆነው ጠቋሚ ኮሚቴ ስምንት ሰዎች አጣርቶ ስላቀረበ አራት ሰዎች መመረጥ ስላለባቸው በተጠቆሙት ሰዎች ላይ አስተያየት ስጡ አሉን፡፡o ሌሎች ስብሰባው ላይ የተገኙ የየድርጅት መሪዎች ያሉትን ብሎዋል፤ እኔ ጨዋታው ስላላማረኝ፤ አብዛኛዎቹን ዕጩዎች ብዙዎቻችን አናዉቃቸውምና ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳ ለማወቅ የ24 ሰዓት ጊዜ ስጡኝ ብዬ አጥብቄ ጠየኩኝ፡፡ ዶ/ር አቢይ አይቻልም አሉ፡፡ ነገ የምናገረው እንዳይጠፋኝና ለታሪክም ቢሆን ተአቅቦ (reservation) መዝግቡልኝ ማለቴ ትዝ ይለኛል፡፡ ምስክሮችም አሉኝ፡፡o የኮሮና ቫይረስ ወረርሽኝ መጥቶ የምርጫ ቦርድ ኃላፊዎች፤ የምርጫ ጊዜውን ሰሌዳ ለማስተላለፍ በጠሩት የምክክር ስብሰባ ላይ እንደተናገርኩኝ፤ መለኮታዊ ጣልቃ ገብነት (devine intervention) ነው እንዳልኩኝ ምርጫው ባይተላለፍ ኖሮ የአዲሱ ምርጫ ቦርድ አካሄድ ሌላ ከበድ ቀውስ ሊያስከትል ይችል እንደነበረ ዛሬ ላይ ሆኜ በእርግጠኝነት መናገር እችላለሁ፡፡ ይህንኑ ዳግም ብዙ ጊዜ በታጋይነቷ ለምናውቃት ክብርት ብርቱኳንም ጭምር መናገሬን አስታውሳለሁ፡፡ስለሆነም የሚመጣውን ምርጫ አዲስቷን ዴሞክራትክ ኢትዮጵያ እንድትወለድበት ካላደረግን፤ የንጉስ የማክያቬሊ ምክር፣ የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም፣ የጆሴፍ ስታሊን ቀይ በትር፣ የመለስ ዜናዊ፣ የሊቀ መንበር ማኦ አብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ ውሰት፤ ኢትዮጵያን ለመለወጥ የታሪክ ፈተናውን ለማለፍ እንዳለስቻለቸዉ፤ የዶ/ር አቢይም የመደመር የፖለቲካ ቀመር አዛውንቱ የፈረንጅ ምሑር የሚለውን የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ የመጨረሻ ሁለት ድንበሮችን የሚያሻግረን አይመስለኝም፡፡ እሱን ካልተሻገርን ደግሞ ሁሌም እንደምለው ለሁላችንም የሚትሆን ዴሞክራትክ ኢትዮጵያ የምትፈጠር አይመሰልኝም፡፡ከማጠቃለሌ በፊት፤የብሔረታዊ መግባባቱ የፖለቲካ ጥራታችን ይሳካ ዘንድ መፍትኼ የሚሹ ቁልፍ ጉዳዮች ላስቀምጥ፡

1. ያለ ሀገራዊ ስምምነት በዋናነት በአንድ ቡድን ሕልምና ፍላጎት (በተለይ የአንድ ቡድን ፍኖተ ካርታ (road map) የመመረቱ ጉዳይ ለዉጡን አጣብቂኝ ዉስጥ ማስገበቱን የማወቅ ጉዳይ፤2. ለውጡን ለማምጣት በዋናነት የላቀ አስተዋጽኦ ያላቸው ኃይሎች (ለምሳሌ እንደ ኦሮሞ ቄሮ ዓይነቶቹ) ወደ ዳር የመገፋታቸው ጉደይ፣

3. ለውጡን እየመራ ያለው ከራሱ ከኢህአዴግ የወጣ ቡድን ቢሆንም፤ በለውጡ ምንነት፤ ፍጥነት፣ ስፋትና ጥልቀት ላይ የተለያዩ የኢህአዴግ ክንፎች ስምምነት ማጣታቸውና በዚህም ምክንያት እያመጣ ያለው አደገኛ ሁኔታ፣

4. በሚጋጩ ሕልሞቻችን ምክንያት ላለፉት 50 ዓመታት መፍትኼ ያለገኘንለት የመከፋፈል ፖለቲካችን (political polarization) ጉዳይ፤

5. ዴሞክራሲያዊ ለውጡ ለአብዘኛዉ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦችና የፓለቲካ ሃይሎች ተቀበይነት ያለዉ፤ ሠላማዊና የተሳካ እንዲሆን የጋራ ፍኖተ ካርታ (road map) የመቀየስ አስፈለጊነት ጉደይና፤ የተቀየሰዉን በጋራ ሥራ ላይ የማወል ጉደይ፤

6. ነፃና ፍህታዊ ምርጫ ማለት በእርግጥም በሕዝቦች ይሁንታ ላይ የተመሰረተ የፓለቲካ ጨወታ መሆኑን የመረደት ጉዳይ፤

7. ሀገራችን እዉነተኛ ዲሞክራሲያዊ የፈድራል ሥርዐት ያስልጋታል ስንል፤ ከሕልሞቻችን በሻገር በሕዝቦቻችን ፍላጎት ለይ የተመሰረተ የፖሊቲካ ሥርዓት መሆኑን የማረጋገጥ ጉዳይ፡

8. ብሔራዊ መግባባቱ በተሻለ መንገድ የሚሳካው፤ በደቡብ አፍሪካ እና ኮሎምቢያ በመሰሰሉት

9. ሀገሮች እንዳየነው የፖለቲካ እስረኞችንና የጫካ አማፅያንን መጨመርን የማስፈለጉ ጉዳይ፤

10. የተሰካ ብሔራዊ እርቅን ለመምጠት ከሥልጠን በሻገር የምር የፖለቲካ ቁረጠኝነት (political will)

11. የማስፈለጉ ጉዳይ፤

12. ስለኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ያለን ግንዘቤ ከፊታዉራሪ ሀብተጊዮጊስ እይታ የሳፋና ለሀገርትዋ ያለን ፍቅርም ገደብ የማድረጉ ጉደይ ናቸዉ፡፡በመደምደሚያዬም እዚህ ያደረሰንን ያገራችንን ፖለቲካ ጉዞ ታሪክ ወደኋላ እያየሁ፤ የወደፊቱን የሀገራችንን ዕጣ ፋንታንም እያማተርኩ ለጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩም፣ ለሁላችንም የታሪክ የግርጌ ማስታወሻ ልተዉ፡፡ በቅርብ ቀን ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ኢትዮጵያ አትፈርስም፤ ኢትዮጵያን የሚያፈርሷት እኛን ቀድሞ ሲያፈርሱ ነው፤ ኢትዮጵያን ለማፍረስ አይፈቀድላቸውም ሲሉ አዳምጫለሁ፡፡ ሀገርን ለመፍረስ የሚፈልጉ ሃይሎች መጀመሪያኑ ፈቃድ ይጠይቃሉ፤ አይጠይቁም የሚለዉን ክርክር ውስጥ ሳልገባ፤ በጨዋ ቋንቋ ንግግራቸውን አልወደድኩላቸውም፡፡ ንግግራቸውንም ተከትሎ የኢሳት ቴሌቪዥን የፖለቲካ ተንታኞች የሚታወቁ የአዛውንት ምሁርን በመጥቀስ (ይህኑን ምሁር መንግስቱ ሀይለማርያምም ያዉቃል ብለን ስለተሰሩ የንጉሱ በለስልጠኖች ምክር ጠይቀነዉ፤ ጠመንጃዉ በእናንተ እጅ ነዉ፤ የምን ምክር ትጠይቁናላችሁ ብሎኛል ማላቱን አንብበለሁ) ዶ/ር አቢይ ጥሩ ይዘዋል፤ ሕጉንም ሰይፉንም እየተጠቀሙ ነው ያሉት የበለጠ ሥጋት ፈጥሮብኛል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩን ጨምሮ ሁላችንም ደጋግመን ማሰብ ያለብን ጨዋታው ከተበላሸ አብዛኛው ዓለምን በሰዓታት ውስጥ ወደ አመድነት የሚለወጥ ወይም ሕይወት አልባ ሊያደርግ የሚችል የኑክለየር መሳርያ የታጠቀ፤ ነፍሷን ይማርና የሶቭዬት ህብረት ሠራዊት ዓይኑ እያየ አገራቸው መበቷን ነው፡፡የሀገራችንን ፖለቲካ በጋራ አስተካክለን ሁላችንንም በእኩልነት የምስታስተናግድ ዴሞክራቲክ ኢትዮጵያን ለመፍጠር እግዚአብሔር ይርዳን እላለሁ፡

ዋቢ መፃሕፍት:

1. Bahiru Zewde (1991) A History of Modern Ethiopia, 1885 -1991.

2. Gebru Tareke (1996) Ethiopia: Power and Protest, Peasant Revolts in the Twentieth Century.

3. John Markakis, (2011) Ethiopia: The Last Two Fronties.4. Merera Gudina, (2002) Ethiopia: Competing Ethnic Nationalisms and the Quest for Democracy, 1960-2000.5. Teshale Tibebu, (1995), The Making of Modern Ethio896-1974.

Ethiopia: Talk of the town: The Meaningless Change of Abiy Ahmed Ali August 23, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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Talk of the town: The Meaningless Change of Dr. Abiy

By Faisal Roble

As far back as June 2018, I gave an interview to the BBC Somali Section and critically appraised Abiy and his change. While most people and commentators were enamored by Dr. Abiy’s oratory, sermon-like speeches, and pan-Ethiopian patriotism, I saw then a dark side of Dr. Abiy.

How did you see that, you may ask? Just a quick context: throughout the 1990s, while writing essays and columns for the now defunct Ethiopian Review based then at Los Angeles, l used to spend quarrelling time with a lot of Ethiopians. We used to have heated debates. Most of the time, I will be the only Somali and lowlander. It was then that I picked and learned code words for greater Ethiopia and the politics of pan-Ethiopian nationalism, or even chauvinism.

Words like the soul of Ethiopia (ya Itiyobiya li olawinet), the absolute unity of Ethiopia (ya Itiyobiya andenet fisuminat) are some of the code phrases you could hear uttered by the likes of the late Dr. Asarat (former leader of the All Amhara Party), Goshu Wolde (Leader of Madhin Party), and one Dr. Taye who in the 1980s headed Ethiopia’s teacher’s trade union.

The first time I heard Dr. Abiy speak, I was able to easily pick these highly charged phrases from his otherwise well-orchestrated speeches in Amharic. Also, my long-time residence in the US sensitised me to all the cleverly ways evangelists and priests use religious sermons for sending political messages, especially by right wing evangelists. I saw both attributes in Dr. Abiy’s speeches. He was invoking nationalist sentiments by often delivering them in a sermon style. This combination mesmerised and disarmed people in need for a heavenly deliverance.More than any group, Somalis fell for him.

Somalis both inside the Ethiopian empire as well as those in the Federal Somali Republic gave in to the charms of Dr. Abiy. Often people like me were small minorities. Today, the reality on the ground is different. I feel exonerated but not happy for all the hardship we have to again face.

The world is almost about to abandon Dr. Abiy. Traces of facts are emerging from key EU members who are thinking of cutting him lose. Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, and several other EU countries are already letting managed leaks go out regarding their disappointment with their earlier infatuation with Dr. Abiy. Also, some key US congressional members are speaking out publicly (see attachment bellow).

Not only did he lose the Oromo, but he is killing, torturing, and evicting them from their lands. Almost 2/3 of the OLF leadership is in jail. Other key Oromo leaders such as Jawar Mohamed, Dr. Bakale Garba, and many more are in jail. The most vocal Amhara critic (Lidatu) is not only in jail but tortured severely.

According to one account, schools, community centres and even centres that used to deliver social services in Oromia region are converted into jails.

The level of mayhem taking place in Oromo region within a short period of time is unprecedented in Ethiopia.Is this something that should worry other groups, particularly Somalis? Where does the current reality place the pact between ONLF and OLF? These are not normal times in Ethiopia and as such, no one should put their eggs in one basket. The Somali region is still singing praise songs for the Prime Minister and his phantom “Prosperity Party.” They need to stop that. What prosperity can one talk about when the soil of the countryside that used to give seeds and sustenance to the multitude is burning?

There is a need for the Somalis to do several small but decisive things that would help them sail through this tough time:

(1) Do not let Somali Liyo police be used in the current ongoing mayhem against Oromo.

(2) Distance yourself from Arat Killo (Palace) as much as possible and reclaim your federal status. You are primarily responsible for the welfare of your constituency.

(3) Strengthen internal cohesion and institutionalize your collaboration with all groups in the region while showing sympathy to those in the fire. Don’t make the theory of “history repeats itself” play out here where lack of unity pits one against another.

Ethiopia: HLHA Strongly condemns government security forces brutality in Oromia August 22, 2020

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A letter written by 20 members of the United States Congress to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ‘expressed serious concerns about the recent unrest in Ethiopia’ August 22, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.

War biopic, political history and family memoir frame ‘Oromo Witness’ August 21, 2020

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War biopic, political history and family memoir frame ‘Oromo Witness’

“My people are getting killed in Ethiopia–mothers, fathers, children. That makes me cry,” said Samira Ahmed who wipes her eyes while listening to a speaker at a rally of the Oromo community in Minnesota at the State Capitol Friday May 9, 2014. They are against the Ethiopian government for the killing and imprisonment of peaceful Oromo protesters during a peaceful rally the week before. (Pioneer Press: Jean Pieri)

By FREDERICK MELO | fmelo@pioneerpress.com | Pioneer Press August 21, 2020

In the opening pages of “Oromo Witness,” author Abdul Dire drives from engineering classes at the University of Minnesota to a restaurant on Minneapolis’ Lake Street to pick up his uncle, Hangasu Wako Lugo, who is busy mopping floors at his second job.

The humble setting is an unlikely new battlefield for the St. Paul Public Schools food service worker and grandfather of 12. Hangasu Wako Lugo, a former rebel strategist, is better known in some circles for playing no small role in the Ethiopian Civil War of 1974-1991.

It’s a path his father and uncle forged before him when they engineered a peasant uprising against Ethiopia’s feudal government in the 1960s from the country’s Oromia region in the south.

Hangasu Wako Lugo was still a child during the Bale Revolt of 1963-1970, one in a long line of frustrated attempts to win new freedoms for the nation’s largest ethnic group, the Oromo people. By the time the emperor is jailed in a military coup, he’s already come of age in the capital city of Addis Ababa, educated in military academies and ready to help lead a movement of his own through the Oromo Liberation Front — a movement he would later part with in anger and frustration.

(Courtesy of Flexible Press)

Hangasu Wako Lugo’s harrowing personal story frames the first book-length nonfiction work to roll out from Minneapolis-based Flexible Press (flexiblepub.com), which has been publishing Minnesota-centric novellas, short stories, essays and poetry since 2017.

“I think it’s an important story,” said publisher William Burleson. “Here’s a guy pushing a broom in a Minneapolis restaurant, but look at the life he’s led.”

Part ethno-political history, part war biopic, part family memoir, “Oromo Witness” reads like a love letter to both the Oromo people and to a beloved mentor whose resourcefulness is built on that of generations of tribal leaders before him.

Dire, a Woodbury resident and technical service specialist at 3M, relied heavily on interviews with his uncle and other Oromo refugees in their 70s, 80s and 90s to paint a compelling ethnic and political biography of Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most populous nation after Nigeria, told from the perspective of its suppressed ethnic majority.

“Our community is really invisible to most Minnesotans,” said Dire, who came to the U.S. as a teen and frequently participates in mission trips back in his homeland. “I was hoping this book would provide a little glimpse on who the Oromo people are to our friends and neighbors.”https://ba86f6bee9c2edb1a131ceec139bc9aa.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-37/html/container.html

The Bale Revolt would span seven years of fighting, forming an important precursor to a student movement that continues to this day. It would also be a close precursor to the Cold War-era civil war, which combined with Ethiopia’s infamous famine would kill more than 1 million Ethiopians and force many ethnic Oromo to flee the country.

With the Soviet-backed Communist Derg and later the Tigray running the government, thousands of Oromo refugees, including Hangasu Wako Lugo, would eventually land in the Twin Cities, many of them in and around St. Paul. The metro is now believed to be home to as many as 40,000 Oromo, the largest concentration outside Ethiopia.

While “Oromo Witness” revolves largely around the Bale Revolt and Oromo efforts to regroup in Somalia during the civil war, Dire traverses at least 120 years of history — from imperial rule to the bittersweet freedom represented by his uncle’s mop bucket in 2006 — with conversational ease.

Abdul Dire (Courtesy of Flexible Press)

“My uncle comes from an oral tradition, where history is primarily passed on through stories,” Dire said. “But now in Minnesota, there’s a language gap. He really sees this book as bridging that gap.”

That’s not to say the details are pleasant. One story has it that after subjugating the southern tribes of the Oromia region in the 1890s, a northern emperor made an example of those who resisted his rule by mutilating the hands of the men and the breasts of the women.

Fast forward more than a century, and the book’s cautiously optimistic epilogue takes the reader through 2018, when Ethiopia greeted the arrival of its first Oromo prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, to oversee a nation still beset by political corruption and ethnic strife.

Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize last year for ending a two-decade border conflict with neighboring Eritrea, but the past few weeks have been more turbulent. In late June, an unknown assailant shot and killed acclaimed Oromo singer Hachalu Hundessa in the capital city, setting off violent riots that have in turn left dozens dead.


— 1890s: Using colonial weapons, Emperor Menelik and the Tigre and Amhara ethnic communities invade the Oromo region to their south, incorporating the nation’s largest region into modern Ethiopia as a feudal society.

— 1895-1896: After a treaty dispute erupts in fighting, Ethiopia’s emperor defeats Italian forces and Ethiopia remains a sovereign nation.

— 1890s and 1900s: Oromo language is banned in official state transactions, and the Oromo become pastoral tenants to their northern landlords, the Tigre and Amhara. The Oromo to this day remain the nation’s largest single ethnic group, representing 40 percent or more of the nation’s population.

— 1930 to 1974: Emperor Haile Selassie rules Ethiopia, though his reign is interrupted for five years by Italian conquest prior to World War II.

— 1936: Italy invades Ethiopia. Emperor Selassie flees to England. The Arsi Oromo in southern Ethiopia side with the Italians. Despite sham local elections under Italian governors, the Oromo briefly regain the freedom to use their traditional language in court, on the radio and in other aspects of civil society.

— April 6, 1941: During World War II, British and Ethiopian troops drive Italian forces out of Ethiopia’s capital city of Addis Ababa, traditionally known as Finfinne. Emperor Selassie is restored to power.

— 1943: Oromo leader Muhammad Gada Quaallu, the people’s representative in the Bale region during Italian rule, organizes 60 to 70 men to block the Ethiopian army’s return to the Bale city of Dello. The national army returns days later to reoccupy Dello. The uprising is crushed.

— 1960: After a decade in the Goba prison, Muhammad Gada Quaallu and his allies are executed by hanging at the order of the emperor. Dire Irressa, the author’s grandfather, dies among them.

— 1960: While Emperor Selassie is visiting Brazil, military leaders seize the capital city of Addis Ababa and hold the prince hostage. The military coup fails when the emperor returns.

— 1963-1970: The Bale Revolt. With weapons provided by the Somali government, ethnic Oromo guerrilla rebels from the Bale region combat the larger Ethiopian Army, keeping the emperor’s military forces from dominating the tribes along the Genale River.

— 1974: Led by military forces, the Derg coalition overthrows Emperor Selassie in 1974, abolishing feudalism. Rather than usher in a new era of political stability, the coup marks the beginning of the Ethiopian Civil War, during which at least 1.4 million die from famine and violence.

— 1974-1991: Rebels from a variety of ideologies rise up against the Soviet-backed Derg in a civil war that ropes in neighboring Eritrea, which had fought its own war of independence against Ethiopia. The Soviet Union withdraws its support from the Derg in the late 1980s.

— 1977-1978: With Soviet and Cuban help, Ethiopia defeats Somalia’s efforts to invade the disputed Ogaden region and claim it for its own. The Ogaden War, which greatly weakens Somalia’s military, is a precursor to the Somali Civil War.

— 1980: The Oromo Liberation Front moves its base of operations to Somalia, an on-again, off-again ally.

— June 1991: The left-wing Tigray People’s Liberation Front end the civil war and establish a transitional government. One governing party dominates Ethiopian politics to this day.

— 2014: Amnesty International documents rampant discrimination in a report entitled, “Because I Am Oromo: Sweeping Repression in the Oromia Region of Ethiopia.” The report finds that 5,000 Oromo were jailed by the Tigray-dominated government from 2011 to 2014 on suspicion of planning protests. Many were jailed without charges.

— 2015-2016: Protests in Minnesota and around the world call attention to the plight of the Oromo people, who have been shut out of top jobs in Ethiopian industry and government. Highlighted are government efforts to displace Oromo farmers by annexing farmlands around the capital city of Addis Ababa.

— April 2018: Abiy Ahmed, the first Oromo chairman of Ethiopia’s ruling party, becomes national prime minister. He will go on to end a border war with Eritrea and win the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

The Ethiopia watchdog said it is “deeply alarmed by the loss of life amid protests in Oromia,” calling on authorities to prevent security forces from using excessive force. August 21, 2020

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The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission on Thursday said it is “deeply alarmed by the loss of life amid protests in Oromia,” calling on authorities to prevent security forces from using excessive force.

The statement comes in the wake of unrest in various localities in Ethiopia’s most populous Oromia regional state.

People are demanding the release of Oromo politicians, including Jawas Mohammed, who are being held in connection with violence that erupted after the killing of singer Hatchalu Hundesa on June 29.

“Authorities should ensure that the right to peaceful protest can be exercised, and law enforcement measures against anything beyond that does not exceed proportion,” the press release quoted Aaron Maasho, senior adviser and spokesperson of the commission, as saying.

Koomishinni Mirga Namoomaa Itiyoophiyaa tarkaanfiin humnoonni nageenyaa dhiheenya Oromiyaa keessatti fudhatan ka gitaa oliiti jedhe. https://www.voaafaanoromoo.com/a/tarkaanfiin-humnoonni-nageenyaa-oromiyaa-keessatti-fudhatan-ka-gitaa-oliiti-/5551419.html Bulchiinsi mootummaan naannoo Oromiyaa gama isaatiin wantoonni diriqisiisoon humnaa ol ta’anii tarikaanifiin itti fudhatame jiraatanis, hanqinni jiru qoratamee adda bahaa jedha.

Ethiopia is being led by dictator Abiy Ahmed, here is how!! #OromoProtests August 20, 2020

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Source: see #OromoProtests

Ethiopia Crisis that need urgent actions: Open letter to international organizations, embassies, media houses, United Nation and African Union August 20, 2020

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Open letter to international organizations, embassies, media houses, United Nation and African Union

Subject: A call to international organizations, embassies, United Nations, African Union to intervene in an ongoing major political crisis in Ethiopia to help stop mass killings and arbitrary arrests by Nobel laureate Abiy Ahmed.

Abiy Ahmed who came to power two years ago through Oromo protests who promised to bring change and democracy to Ethiopia turned into a dictator who kills innocent people just for exercising their freedom of expression. Since he took power, Abiy Ahmed has been eliminating his opponents. Using his military and intelligence skills, many think he has orchestrated the killings of influential people who he thinks are contenders to his power.The following list of people assassinated or killed under his leadership.

1) Seare Mekonnen – Cheif of staff of the Defence Forces of Ethiopia – June 2019

2) Amhara Regional State President – late Dr. Ambachew Mekonnen and Security chief of Amhara region and more than 20 people of the regional state’s staffs – June 20193)

Ethiopia Grand Renaissance Dam project manager – Eng. Simegnew Bekele – July 2018)

4) Dangote Cement PLC- Ethiopia Country Manager – Mr. Deep Kamara – assassinated in May 2018.

5) Jawar Mohammed – an assassination attempt made but Oromo youth have saved him

6) Hachalu Hundessa- influential Oromo superstar singer and help him come to power two years ago and who was very critic of Abiy Ahmed leadership assassinated few days after giving an interview, which many believe that his assassination is orchestrated by Noble laureate Abiy Ahmed. Following the assassination of Hachalu, the country turned into major crisis where more than 374 civilians have been killed and more than 9000 have been jailed by Abiy Ahmed’s Government security forces. The above list is some of the high profile killings that took place under the leadership of Abiy’s government.

Most people suspect and believe that Abiy’s government organised and ordered the killing of all the above people and made a cover-up story as if it was inter-ethnic and religious violence to mislead the local and international community.

Many international human rights organisations have reported in details the ongoing mass killing and arbitrary mass arrest by the government on thousands of civilians every day across the country. Abiy Ahmed didn’t stop there. He jailed the prominent politician Jawar Mohammed who has more than 2 million followers on Facebook and who is his contender to become the next prime minister of Ethiopia. Abiy Ahmed also has shut down the largest media house, the Oromia Media Network. He also has put his former close friend and defence minister Lamma Megersa under house arrest, the person who helped him to become prime minister.The noble laureate has turned into dictator and warmonger, leading the country into civil war. Instead of calming the situation, he is escalating the conditions every day.

He is doing mass arrests across Oromia. Nearly more than estimated 120,000 people have been arrested and some of them have been exposed to COVID-19 and he is using this virus as a weapon of war. Currently, most schools and universities across the Oromia region have been turned into prisons and concentration centers. Just only yesterday more than 120 innocent people have killed by order of Abiy’s security forces. What is going on in the country is a major political crisis that needs the attention of international community. He is committing genocide and international war crime against civilias by conducting mass extrajudicial killings and also exposing people to COVID-19.

Currently, a nationwide protest mainly involving road blockades underway in Oromia to request:

1) Immediate release of all Oromo politicians (more than estimated 120,000 people in prisons) including influential political figures like Jawar Mohammed, Bekele Gerba, Abdi Regassa, Lami Benya, etc.

2) Stop the mass arrests and killings in Oromia and across Ethiopia.

3) Immediate withdrawal of military and security forces from Oromia

4) Immediate resignation of the PM Abiy Ahmed

5) Starting of a national dialogue lead by independent international body to form a transitional government, which all parties involved.

We call upon the international organisations, embassies, United Nations, African Union to intervene and put a maximum pressure to release all politicians and assign international independent body to start a national dialogue to form a transitional government in Ethiopia.We also call upon international organisations to urgently take all necessary actions to stop any financial and diplomatic support from Abiy Ahmed’s government who is leading the country into a major political crisis and civil war.


African Union,

United Nation

European Union Commission,

USA Embassy Addis Ababa

US state Department

UK Embassy Addis Ababa

Germany Embassy

China Embassy

Russia Embassy

Canada Embassy

Australia Embassy

Noble Prize Committee






Trt world

World Bank


Note : Share and send email to the above mentioned Organizations.

What is happening in Oromia (Ethiopia)? 8/18/2020 August 19, 2020

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In a single day, security forces massacred >40 innocent Oromos. Unheard-of security forces brutality, which turned Oromia into a bloodbath. Gruesome images and very disturbing reports are coming from various parts of Oromia, Ethiopia. The ‘reformer’ became a master killer.Does the world community say something about the killings in Ethiopia?

OLLAA: Massive Crackdown on Political Oppositions and Civilians by the Ethiopian Government May Undo Global Efforts in Controlling COVID-19 Pandemic August 19, 2020

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Massive Crackdown on Political Oppositions and Civilians by the Ethiopian Government May Undo Global Efforts in Controlling COVID-19 Pandemic


(left: Gayyoo village, right: unidentified prison in Ethiopia) 

Compiled by Daniel Elias (PhD)

Aug 18th, 2020 – Following the killing of the widely popular Oromo artist and human rights activist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa by yet unidentified gunmen in the Ethiopian Capital on June 29th, 2020, and the subsequent arrest of influential Oromo politicians including Jawar Mohammed and Bekele Gerba, there was widespread protest in the restive Oromia region. By the government’s admission, more than 239 people were killed, more than 9,000 people arrested and hundreds wounded by the heavy-handed security forces who were raining live bullets against largely peaceful and unarmed protestors. 

In trying to silence the protest, the government led by prime minister Abiy Ahmed, has undertaken a brutal crackdown on opposition party supporters, resulting in the arrest of thousands of people in make-shift prisons in appallingly crowded conditions. In the face of the current COVID-19 pandemic, this may turn out to be yet another threat to global health. Ethiopia is the second most populous country in Africa with a population of over 115 million. 

In the past few weeks, UNOCHA reported that Ethiopia saw a three-fold increase in confirmed cases of COVID-19 in July. 59% of recent cases resulted through community transmission, heavily contributing to the rapid increase of COVID-19 cases (https://reliefweb.int/report/ethiopia/ethiopia-humanitarian-bulletin-issue-13-27-july-11-august-2020).

A recent report by the human rights watch reported the jailing of up to 500 people in single classrooms turned into prison cells in the capital Addis Ababa. This amounts to adding fuel to the already soaring COVID-19 infections in Ethiopia.  The daily report by the Ethiopian Health Minister showed that COVID-19 infection is exponentially increasing in Ethiopia following the recent popular unrest and the subsequent mass arrest. Considering the high population density, extreme poverty and poor healthcare infrastructure in Ethiopia, it is hard to imagine that the country can manage a crisis of such magnitude if urgent measures are not taken now to limit the spread of the infection.

While the extent to which the political turmoil in Ethiopia will exacerbate the global pandemic is difficult to estimate at the present time, it is becoming clear that COVID-19 infections are becoming very frequent in the crowded Ethiopian prisons. Detainees have been kept at different sites where they face increased risks of contracting COVID-19 in detention. Relatives, lawyers, and those released said that several security guards and detainees reportedly tested positive for the virus that causes COVID-19, Human Rights Watch said on August 15th, 2020.

Misganu Muleta, a lawyer representing some of the most prominent political prisoners in Ethiopia including Jawar Mohammed, has stated that one of his clients, Dawit Abdissa, who was jailed in one of the crowded cells in Addis Ababa, was confirmed to have contracted COVID-19. A spokesperson for the Ethiopian Health Minister, Tegene Tafa has recently confirmed that Dejene Tafa, the secretary of the Oromo Federal Congress (OFC), has tested positive for COVID-19. He was detained in a school turned prison in Addis Ababa along side hundreds of other political prisoners. https://www.msn.com/en-in/news/other/mass-arrests-in-ethiopia-raise-spectre-of-repressive-past/ar-BB17Vc92.  A Kenyan photo journalist, Yasin Juma, who was arrested in Addis Ababa was reported  (www.msn.com/en-xl/news/other/yassin-juma-kenyan) on August 13th, 2020 to have been tested positive for the infection. These are clear signs that the crowded Ethiopian prisons are becoming hot beds for the spread of COVID-19 infections. 

At a time when international and global health experts  are urging governments to reduce overcrowding in jails to tackle COVID-19, practices that lengthen the pre-trial period, are particularly problematic and ignore Ethiopia’s own commitments, Human Rights Watch said.

A more worrisome situation is that the Ethiopian government has renewed restrictions on individual rights. The government’s use of repressive tools in its latest crackdown—including arbitrarily arresting citizens and shutting down the internet and telephone services—echoes tactics employed by previous Ethiopian leaders and directly threatens the progress made over the last two years. This is fueling popular unrest across the country, to which the government is responding by rounding up people in hundreds and putting more and more people in makeshift prisons, a situation that favours the rapid spread of Coronavirus. In addition to the pandemic economic crisis, the month-long internet shutdown cost Ethiopia over $100m NetBlocks said, while the country is in need of humanitarian support for the displaced communities from the different parts of the country.

A recent UN report showed that the popular unrest is causing massive displacement of people making humanitarian operations, including COVID-19 activities difficult. For instance, according to the UN, more than 37,000 re-displaced people in west Wollega are in need of immediate, sustainable solutions. The UN Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) stated that the unrest in Oromia has dramatically decreased testing for COVID-19 and disrupted contact tracing of suspected cases. 

As it stands now, there is no end in sight for the popular unrest, which was ongoing in the most populous Oromia region and it is in fact spreading to other regions in the South of the country, as indicated by the uprising in Wolaita on the 12th of July (2020), which has resulted in the killing of over 34 unarmed civilian protesters in a couple of days and the jailing of hundreds in crowded conditions. It appears that there is no end in sight for the unrest and the consequent social crisis resulting from massive imprisonment and displacement coupled with a poor healthcare system, which is a fearsome combo that may undo the global effort in controlling the COVID-19 pandemic.


International and Global health experts https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25745&LangID=E

NetBlocks: https://netblocks.org/reports/internet-cut-in-ethiopia-amid-unrest-following-killing-of-singer-pA25Z28b

UN – https://addisstandard.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/humanitarian_bulletin_27_july-10_august_2020_final_for_publication-1.pdf

Addis standard – https://addisstandard.com/news-more-than-37000-re-displaced-people-in-west-wollega-in-need-of-immediate-sustainable-solutions-un/Oromo Legacy Leadership And Advocacy Association (OLLAA) has stood alongside with voiceless and faceless victims killed, falsely arrested, and forced into exile to become refugees at homes and abroad by the thousands. We believe the Oromo people, like others, deserve to be heard and to be understood for all the sacrifices they have paid and are still paying. Right now, we are truly disturbed by the daily news of human rights violations coming from Oromia! 

Our Solution & Plan 

Our immediate quest is to show and pursue the international community that federalism is not up for debate and once again continue to speak up & build a platform for Oromos are being prosecuted. Donate to OLLAA as we:

  1. Hire professional human rights consultants to speak on behalf Oromos
  2. Hire researchers in Oromia to ensureaccurate real-time information and to write professional reports in English so as to spread truthful & repressed information internationally.
  3. Globalizing Oromo human rights violation concerns by writing weekly & building relationships with international non-profit like Human Rights Watch, Freedom House as well as United Nations & United States government
  4. Work on creating a stronger network & society through development work such as investing in education, youth leadership, women & girls projects, businesses, and much more

Oromia: #OromoProtests round 3, Jawar Jawar Jawar August 18, 2020 August 18, 2020

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Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Awaday, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 3rd round on 18 August 2020, Eastern Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Kofale, Arsi, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 3rd round on 18 August 2020, Laga Xaafoo town , Centra Oromia, road to Finfinne city closed
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Ambo, Oromia
OromoProtests 2020, Naqamte, 17 August 2020
Oromo Protests, 17 August 2020, Macharaa, Micataa, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020,Sululta, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 17 August 2020, Kombolcha, Hararghe, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 17 August 2020, Buraayyuu, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020,Shashemene, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Adele, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Gadaba, Hasaasa, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Giddaa Ayyaanaa, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Fadis Bokkoo, Hararghe, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Fadis, Facaatuu, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Aseboot, Hararghe, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 3rd round on 17 August 2020, Awaday, Hararghe, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Dirree Dhawaa, Oromia
Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Dadar, Oromia
UNDSS Oromo Protests alert
Oromo Protests 2020 3rd round on 18 August 2020, Galamso, Oromia

Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Shanan Dhuuggoo, Oromia

Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Daro Labuu, Oromia

Oromo Protests 2020 on 18 August 2020, Baalee, Roobee, Oromia

Ethiopia: Now what can you call this regime of the 21st century that denies medical treatment to political detainees August 17, 2020

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Down with injustice

By Ibsaa Gutamaa

Nobody can tell brutality of Darg than those who were prisoners of Maa’ikalaawii. But it did not deny prisoners medical treatment. Just for instance, Dajaazmach Asegaheny, an elderly detainee despite his going to be executed was taken to hospital when he seriously fell ill before that day. I also was allowed to stay in hospital until I recovered. Several prisoners were sent even for simple treatments, when prison clinic cannot handle. Even if there was no known epidemic Maa’ikalaawii was never without water supply for an hour for cleanliness to keep it at bay. That was in 20th century. Now what can you call this regime of the 21st century that denies medical treatment to detainees and driving Oromo to overcrowded prisons without any protection despite pandemic, COVID 19.

What can be more shameful and dishonorable for a Nobel Laurette than denying medical treatment for those in dire need and intentionally exposing people to COVID 19. Compare and contrast with the Darg, what do we call such a regime? It is the most brutal rabid man-eating dictator we never experienced.

There is no reason why Jawar and compatriots should stay in prison even for an hour. What did they do to them except having different stand with them on the Oromo question? Such fascistic act has a consequence.

Oromo are not only the calm that drink only milk; after Tadddee Birruu’s advice there are also those that take hot pepper. Don’t provoke them and pile up vengeance. Remember that Mussolini was hanged with head turned down by the Italian people. Even Darg and Wayyaanee the most powerful forces in sub-Saharan Africa could not survive peoples’ rage. They can subject them to inhuman sufferings or even kill these heroes and heroines to add to numbers of Oromo martyrs. But days of dictators and Nafxanyaa system hopefuls are numbered and they can never stop Oromo revolution. If our people with whole family and their domestic animals go out on the streets and point their fingers to Waaqaa they can destroy it.

Oromiyaan haa jiraattu!

#OromoProtests 2020 all Oromia 3rd round August 16, 2020

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#OromoProtests 12, 12, 12 August 17, 2020

OMN Waamicha Qabsoo Marsaa 3ffaa Qeerroo irraa Kenname! Hagaya/August 16, 2020 ከቄሮ የተላለፈ ሦስተኛ ዙር የትግል ጥሪ

Waamicha Qabsoo Marsaa 3ffaa Qeerroo irraa Kenname

Uummatni Oromoo sirna abbaa hirree Wayyaaneen mataa itti taatee turte waliin qabsoo hadhaawaa taasiseen of irraa erga garagalchee booda loote-seentuun sirna Nafxannyaa aangoo mootummaa qabattee jirti.

Erga sini Nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmed mataa itti ta’e aangoo argattee as Oromoon gidiraa seenaa isaa keessatti argee hinbeekneen hiraarfamaa jira. Haaluma kanaan gartuun Biltsiginnaa yeroo ammaa mootummaa ofiin jedhu Oromoo xiqqeessee Oromummaa balleessuuf akeekaa godhatee jira. Hayyootaa fi qaroon Oromoo hidhaa jiru, hidhaa irraa kan hafan ajjeefamaa, ariyatamaa, akkasumas xiqqeefamaa jiru. Oromoo fi lafa Oromoo qoqqoodanii daldaluun Itiyoophiyaa dhiiga Oromoo dhuguun gabbatte kana tiksuuf yaalu. Abdii uummatni Oromoo mirga heerawaa fayyadamee filannoo dhaan sirna nafxanyaa kana of irraa kaasuuf qabu filannoo karoorfame haqee, Oromiyaa humnaan bulchuuf waraanaa hanga funyaaniitti hidhate uummatatti bobbaasee jira.

Maqaa “olaantummaa seeraa” jedhu golgaa godhachuun mana uummataa gubuu, jumlaan ajjesuu, qabeenya saamuu fi shamarran gudeeduu hojii fardii tasifatee jira. Walumaagalatti, Oromiyaan sirna nafxanyaa jalatti kuftee jirti. Kanaaf, Qeerroon waamicha qabsoo marsaa 3ffaa Kudhalamaan Sadeen (12/12/12) jedhamee moggaafame labseera. Mormiin marsaa 3ffaa kun Kibxata Hagayya 12, 2012 irraa hanga Jimaataa, Fulbaana 01, 2013 guutuu Oromiyaa keessatti hojii irra oola.

Kaayyoon yeroo gabaabaa qabsoo marsaa kanaa hooggantootaa fi lammiilee Oromoo hidhaman mara hidhaa irraa hiiksisuu dha; yeroo giddu-galeessatti ammoo loltootni mootummaa magaalotaa fi gandoota baadiyyaa Oromiyaa gadhiisanii mooraa waraanaatti akka deebi’an taasisuu dha. Galmi qabsoo Oromoo inni xumura mirga hiree ofii ofiin murteeffachuu dhugoomsuu akka ta’e yaadachiisuu barbaanna. Kanaafuu, tooftaa sadarkaa qabsoon keenya irra gahe madaluu qeerroon yeroo filatetti kan labsuu waan ta’eef ummatni Oromoo arasaa barbaachiisu kafalee mirgaa isaa guutuu gonfachuuf akka of qopheessu gamanumaan beeksifina. Haaluma kanaan waamichi qabsoo marsaa haaraa armaan gadii Qeerroo irraa kennamee jira.

1. Uggura daandiiwwaniiHagayya 12, 2012 irraa eegalee hanga Hagayya 20, 2012 tti daandiiwwan magaalota Oromiyaa walquunnamsiisan akkasumas daandiiwwan Oromiyaa keessa qaxxamuranii Naannolee ollaa Oromiyaa fi biyyoota alaa walqunamsiisan hundi ni cufamu. Guyyaa uggura daandiiwwanii dheeresuun ykn gabaabssuun barbaachisaa ta’ee yoo argame Qeerroon beeksisa ni kenna.

2. Mormii waliigalaa guyyaadhaan hindaangeffamne

2.1. Dhaabbilee faayinaasii madda diinagdee sirna nafxanyaa Abiy Ahmed ta’an hundatti Oromoon akka hin tajajilamne waamicha dhiyeessina. Gibiras mootommaadhaaf akka hin kaffalle.

2.2. Caasaalee lukkeen Biltsiginnaa gandoota Oromiyaa keessatti itti fayadamuun Qeerroo adamsitee nafxanyaaf dabarstee kennan tajajilaan ala ta’uu qabu.

2.3. Jarsummaan aadaa Oromoon ittiin boonuu fi dhimma isaa jarsummaan xumurachuun aadaa uummata Oromoo keessa isa tokko. Hata’u malee, maqaa jaarsummaatiin namoontni dhuunfaa Oromoof naatoo hinqabne durgoo sirna nafxanyaa irraa funaannachaa umurii sirna gabroomfataa dheeressuuf kan dhama’an waan ta’aniif Oromoon akka jalaa hin dhageenye; jireenya hawaasummaa keessas akka baasu Qeerroon ni qoqqobata.

2.4. Ijaarsa milishoota gandaa dabalatee caasaleen Biltsiginnaa ganadoota magaalaa fi baadiyyaa Oromiyaa keessa maadheffachuudhaan, bilbilaan waraana yaamuudhaan Qeerroo qabsiisuu hojii taasifatanii jiran; dabalataanis, Qeerroo irrati odeeffannoo fi ragaa sobaa kennuu fi qindeesuu irraa akka of qusatan Qeerroon gadi jabeessee akeekachiisa . Akkeekkachiisa

1. Lukkeeleen Biltsiginnaa qabsoo ummata keenyaa xureessuuf, goolii uumuuf, akkasumas, sabaa fi sablamootaa Oromiyaa keessa jiraatanii fi manneen amantaa irratti balaa geesisuuf waan malaniif ummanni guutuun to’annoo fi eegumsa cimaa akka gootan.

2. Sabaa fi sablammootni Oromiyaa keessa jiraatan qaama hawaasa Oromooti. Qeerroon bakka hundatti eegumsa cimaa akka godhuuf cimsinee dhaamna.

3. Uggurri daandiiwwanii osoo hin eegalin dursuun ummanni waan isa barbaachisu qindeeffachuu akka xumuratu yaadachiifna.

4. Kibxata Hagayya 12, 2012 irraa eegalee daandiiwwan ugguramuu waliin walqabatee sochiin geejjibaa waan dhaabbatuuf guyyaa kana irraa eegalee namnii kamuu Oromiyaa keessa ykn Oromiyaa irraa gara naannoo biraatti imaluuf akka hin karoorfanne dursinee yaadachiifna.

5. Labsii Qeerroon kabaja uummata Oromoo fi Oromiyaa irratti abba biyyummaa isaa mirkaneefachuuf baase kana cabsuun sochii taasifamu guffachiisuf kan carraaqu hundaaf itti gaafatamummaan kanuma abbaa akka ta’e cimsinee hubachiifna. Hubbachiisa

1. Manneen yaalaa fi faarmaasiin ykn dukkaanni qorichaa labsiin kun isaan hin ilaallatu.

2. Manneen barnootaa, buufataaleen fayyaa fi maneen amantaa sochii ugguraa fi fincila hunda irraa walaba.

3. Sochiin Ambulaansii ugguraan daangeffamuu waan hinqabneef hamma lukkeelee diinaaf tajaajila hinkenninetti socho’uu danda’u. WAAMICHA 1. Ilmaan Oromoo mootummaa kana keessa jirtaniif;-

1.1. Sirni nafxanyaa amma ijaaramaa jiru Oromoo fi Oromiyaa balleessudhaaf kan kaayyoo godhate waan taheef, ilmaan Oromoo sadarkaa gadii irraa hanga gubbaatti mootummicha tajaajilaa jirtan yeroo murteessaa Oromoon akka sabaatti of baraarudhaaf qabsoo hadhooftutti jirru kanatti gara ummataatti akka makamtan waamicha lammummaa isiniif goona.

1.2. Ilmaan Oromoo, Raayyaa ittisa Biyyaa, Poolisii Federaalaa, Poolisii Oromiyaa, Humna Addaa Oromiyaa fi Milishaa keessa jirtan qabsoo Qeerron irratti wareegamaa jirtu cinaa akka dhaabbattan Waamicha isiniif goona.

2. Hayyoota Oromoo hundaaf;-

2.1. Hayyoonni Oromoo yeroon keessa jirru yeroo murteessituu fi hamtuu kan Oromoon akka Oromootti jiraachuu fi dhabamuu gidduu jiru tahuu isaa hubachuudhaan walitti dhuftanii mari’attanii hanga Oromoon abbaa biyyummaa goonfatutti of-kennummaadhaan akka hojjattan waamicha isiniif goona.

3. Ummata Oromoo hundaaf;

3.1. Qabsoon Qeerron itti jirtuu kan Oromoo maraa waan ta’eef hirmaanaa hundaa barbaachiisa. Kanaafuu, qeerroo cinaa dhaabbachuun, qabsoo akka finiinsitan waamicha isiniif dabarsina.

4. Sabaa fi sablammoota cunqurfamoo hundaaf;-

4.1. Mootummaan Abiyyii Ahmadiin hoogganamu yeroo ammaa sirna federaalizimii sabdaneessaa diigudhaan sirna nafxanyaa durii ijaarudhaaf duula gochaa jiru kana dura dhaabbachuun sabaa fi sabalammoonni cunqurfamoon hundi mirgaa sabaaf sablammotaa kabajsiisuuf adeemsifama jiruu kana keesatti akka wal tuumsiinuuf waammichaa obbolummaa isinii dabarsina.

Injifannoo Uumata Oromoo fi sabootaaf sablammoota hundaaf!

Haqa qabna, ni injifanna!

Ethiopia: A Dangerous Proposition August 16, 2020

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A Dangerous Proposition

By Dr Tsegaye Ararssa

Abiy’s attempt to side step the constitution (by defying, ignoring, suspending, or ‘reinterpreting’ it) is a step towards his own undoing. It’s a suicidal move. (This is good, as far as I am concerned.)But for Ethiopia, it is a dangerous proposition.

His attempt to undo the multinational federal arrangement enshrined in the constitution, all in the name of unity, is causing a disunity that may ultimately lead to the dismemberment of the polity. And that, through violence.

His personal engagement in acts of massive human rights violations (political assassinations, indiscriminate killings and summary executions, arbitrary arrests and mass detentions, tortures, political/genocidal rape, use of terror tactics such as razing houses and entire hamlets to the ground, political kidnappings, violent repression of journalists and media outlets, weaponization of the law and legal institutions to suppress dissent, persecuting political dissidents into exile, attacking them through its embassies and henchmen in their host countries, bribing and colluding with social media platforms to to gag and suppress activism, etc, etc) are all too well documented to let him enjoy impunity.

His careless, often antinomian, rhetoric is causing divisions that provoke nothing less than a civil war.Through his (speech) acts, Abiy is leading the country into a hellish madness. Along the way, he is also taking himself a step further into his own abyss. (Shall we say ‘God speed’?!?)In fact, in a crucial political sense, Abiy is already the past. Il’est passé. What is left now is the work of removing him from power (in order to make him completely the past in the more objective sense).

#Abiy_must_be_removed! #Abiy_is_the_past!

#OromoProtests: Oromia: Focus, Focus, Focus! The main task for all of us now is refusing to be distracted! August 16, 2020

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Focus, Focus, Focus!

The main task for all of us now is refusing to be distracted!

By Dr Tsegaye Ararssa

We should all recall that the resistance to Abiy’s murderous dictatorial rule has been driven by key popular demands.These demands of the people are crystal clear. Fundamentally, and almost invariably, they are questions of social justice (i.e., questions of representation and voice, questions of recognition of identity and collective agency, questions of equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, and benefits).The demands for achieving abbaa biyyummaa, the demands for more autonomy (self-rule, predicated upon the larger principle of constitutional self-determination), the demands of sovereignty over one’s natural resources (or communal ownership of key economic facilities such as land), the demands for linguistic justice in the Ethiopian polity (also predicated on the more fundamental principle of cultural self-determination), the demands for complete freedom from fear of the State (freedom from extrajudicial execution, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearance, torture, unjust and politically weaponized judicial proceedings, and all other acts of state terror including burning down of villages, harvests, and hamlets), etc–these demands are the ones that drove the popular resistance that led to the change and these demands are the ones that Abiy ignored and, eventually, sought to crush through protracted state violence. In addition to these abiding demands, there are questions that Abiy’s violent misrule has brought to the fore: questions pertaining, for instance, to:

1. the politically motivated assassination of Artist Haacaaluu Hundeessaa;

2. the arrest of key political figures (including Jawar Mohammed, Bekele Gerba, Dejene Tafa, Dr Shigut Geleta, Kennasaa Ayyaanaa, and a host of other political party leaders);

3. the closure of the OMN and the illegal assault and vandalizing of its premises;

4. the arbitrary arrest of Oromo journalists;

5. the weaponizing of the law and the judicial process by orchestrating a political trial against the political leaders (such as Jawar Mohammed);

6. the unconstitutional postponement of the election and the derailing of the democratization process;

7. the onslaught on the popular demands for self-rule (aka for Statehood) among the numerous nations of what was hitherto known as the SNNPRS (eg. Wolaita);

8. the complete breakdown of law and order and the reign of anarchy in the ANRS;

9. the constant threat of war invoked against TNRS (and the propaganda warfare to inflict fear and isolation on the people of Tigray);

10. the threat to dismember Oromia by dividing it into 8 clusters to ve put under military rule;

11. the increasing practice of undermining the multinational federal order as enshrined in the constitution; and

12. the conspiracy among officials in top government circles to deregister selected political parties (especially OLF, OFC, TPLF, and all other political parties whom they consider identity-based) with a view to eliminating them from the Electoral Board’s roster of political parties;

13. the sinister schemes by Abiy and co to secretly amend the constitution so that they can delegitimize the election being held in TNRS;

14. the secret preparation to break the existing constituent units of the Federation (formally known so far as National Regional States) and to rearrange the federal set up, and to repeal the constitutional clauses pertaining to collective rights of nations (sovereignty, self-determination, collective agency, and ethno-cultural justice–precisely the decolonizing structure that helps dismantle the infrastructure of empire); etc.

These demands are about rights. These demands are about justice. In the final analysis, these demands are also about peace. A just peace at that. The resistance to Abiy’s misrule is driven and guided by the demands for these rights. These rights are legal and constitutional. Addressing them is not beyond the government’s reach. They are not too difficult to address, nor are they more onerous than the unnecessary (and irrational, even insane!) acts of Abiy & co.

The people’s focus should remain on the just causes of the popular resistance.The focus should be on how to remove the war-mongering, monstrously blood-thirsty, and dictatorial regime Abiy Ahmed is presiding over.The focus should now be on how to empower people to regain and assert their collective agency, to restore peace, and to re-establish first principles of politics, and to reinvigorate the democratic impulse towards transition and towards a more thorough state transformation.To spend time on non-essentials (such as Shimelis’s old rant leaked now by Abiy for tactical political reasons; or a gibberish that passes for a poem by an insane Prime Monster faking omnipotence) is simply missing the whole point. Yes, focus. And focus. And more focus.


አስቸኳይና አስፈላጊ መልዕክት ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ August 15, 2020

Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.
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አስቸኳይና አስፈላጊ መልዕክት ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ: From top Eritrean security officials

ዛሬ በኢትዮጵያ እየተከሰቱ ያለዉ ክስተቶች ለአንዳንዶቻችን ድንገት የተክሰቱ ጉዳዮች /ክስተቶች ቢመስሉንም እዉነታዉ ግን አቶ ኢሳያስ አዲስ አባባ እግሩ ከረገጠበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ የተጠነሰሱና በጥንቃቄ የተቀረፁ ዕቅዶች ትግበራ ነዉ። አቶ ኢሳያስ አዲስ አባባ በእግሩ ከረገጠ በኋላ የአብይን ልብ ለማንበብና የሚፈልገዉን ለመስራት ይችል ዘንድ ቀደም ብሎ የጠበቀ ግኑኝነት ባይኖራቸዉም ፅንሰ ሀሳቡን ለመቅረፅ የአዲስ አባባዉ ጉዞ መልካም አጋጣሚ ነበር።ከዚያች ጊዜ የጀመረዉ ግኑኝነት ቀስ በቀስ ከላይ ላይ ወደ ዉስጣዊና ሚስጥራዊ አደገኛ ይዞታ መሸጋገር ጀመረ። ብሎም ኢትዮጵያ ዛሬ ላይ ወዳለችበት አሸጋገራት።“ለመሆኑ ከሁለቶቹ ግኑኝነቶች ምን ተገኘ?” ብዬ ብተነትን በጣም ስለሚሰፋ በዋና ዋና ጉዳዮች ላይ ብቻ ላተኩር። ይህን እንፎርሜሽንና ትንተና የምሰጥ ሰዉ ማንነቴን መግለፅ ለተዓማንነት አስፈላጊ ቢሆንም ዛሬ ላይ ይህን ሚስጥር አውጥተዉ ላካፈሉኝ ኃላፊዎችና ለራሴም ደህንነት ስል ለጊዜዉ የኔን ማንነት መግለፁን ትቼ ወደ ዝርዝር ጉዳዬ እገባለሁ። ምክንያቱም ዛሬ የበለጠ አስፈላጊዉ “ጉዳዩ” እንጂ “ማን አመጣዉ?” አይደለምና። ጥርጣሬን ለማጥፋት “ማን አመጣዉ?” ለሚለዉም ጊዜዉና ሁኔታዉ ሲፈቅድ ማንነቴንም ለመግለፅ ቃል እገባለሁ። እስከዚያዉ መልዕቴ ይኸዉላችሁ።የኢሳያስና የአብይ ጉዳይ ለሀገራችንና ለቀጠናዉም አስጊ እየሆነ መጥቷል። የአስጊነቱ ልክ ደሞ በሁለቱ ግኑኝነቶችና በአጋሮቻቸው የግልና የማይቋጭ ስግብግብነት ላይ የተመሰረተ በመሆኑና ከዚህ ዉጪ ያለውን ሁሉ ማግለል ብቻ ሳይሆን በማጥፋት ፅንሰ ሀሳብ ላይ የተመሰረተም በመሆኑ ነዉ።አንድ ሰዉ ስለ ግሉ፣ ስለፓርቲዉና ስለመንግስቱ አበክሮ ማስላትና መሰራት ያለና የሚደገፍ ቢሆንም ፅንሰ ሀሳብን ለማስረግ ሌሎችን መስዋዕት በማድረግ ላይ የተመሰረተ ርዮተ ዓለም “እራስን በገነት ለማኖር ለሌሎች ገሃነም” የሚደገስላቸዉ ከሆነ የፅንሰ ሀሳቡ አራማጅ ከሰዉ ስብዕና ወጥቶ ወደ ሴይጣናዊ ማንነት መሸጋገሩን ያረጋግጣል።የኢሳያስና የአብይ ግኑኝነት በበጎ እሳቤ ላይ የተመርሰረተ ቢኖን ኖሮ፤ አይደለም ለኢትዮጵያና ለኤርትራ በቀጠናችንና በአፍሪካ ቀንድም ሰላምና መረጋጋትን ያስገኛል ብዬ አስብ ነበር።እንደምታውቁት ሀገራችን ኤርትራ ከነበረችበት መልካም ይዞታዋ ወርዳ ወደ ችግር ብሎም ወደ ባሰ ሲኦል እየሄደች ትገኛለች። ይህ ደሞ በአጋጣሚና በድንገት የተከሰተ ክስተት ሳይሆን ኢሳያስ ሀገሪቷንና ህዝቧን ለማጥፋት አቅዶ ሲሰራበት የነበረ ተንኮል መሆኑን የኤርትራ ህዝብ በሙሉ የሚያውቀዉና የማይቃረንበት እውነታ ነዉ።ይህ የኢሳያስ መሰሪ ተንኮል በኤርትራና በህዝቧ ላይ ሳያበቃ ይኸዉ የጎረቤት ህዝቦችንና ሀገራትንም በመናጥና በማናወጥ ላይ ይገኛል። ይህ ከሱዳን ጀምሮ በጂቡቲ፣ በየመን፣ በሶማሊያና አሁን ደሞ በኢትዮጵያ ተንኮሉ እያተራመሰ ይገኛል። የኢሳያስ በኢትዮጵያ ጣልቃ ገብነት ዛሬ በአብይ ዘመን የጀመረ አይደለም። ቀደም ሲልም የነበረ ነበር። ይሁን እንጂ በርካታ እንቅፋቶች ነበሩበት። የአሁኑ ጣልቃ ገብነት ግን እንዳቀዱት ሊሄድ የቻለዉ በጠቅላይ ሚ/ር አብይ አህመድ ትብብር እየተኬደበት ያለ በመሆኑ ነዉ። የሁለቶቹ ግኑኝነት ሲጀመር አብይ ኢሳያስን ሲቀርበው በበጎና በመፈቃቀድ ላይ የተመሰረተ ቢሆንም የአሁኑ ግኑኝነታቸዉ ግን ከልክ በላይ ከማለፉም በላይ ሁለቱም በመረዳዳት በተንኮላዊ ተልዕኮ ላይ በመተጋጋዝ መስራታቸዉ ነዉ።ትብብራቸዉ በበርካታ ዘርፎች ላይ የተሳሰረ ሲሆን በዚህ ዝግጅት በኢትዮጵያ ፀጥታ ላይ ባንዣበበዉ ጉዳይ ላይ ብቻ ማተኮር እፈልጋለዉ። በዚህ ረገድ፤1. ኢሳያስ አፈውርቂ የኮረና ነውጥ ሀገር እየናጠ በነበረበት ወቅትና ሀገራት ድንበሮቻቸዉን በዘጉበት ቅፅበት ሜይ 3 ቀን 2020 “የኢንዱስትሪ ፓርክ ለማስመረቅ” በሚል ሽፋን አዲስ አባባ የሄደው ለተባለዉ አጀንዳ ሳይሆን ጠ/ሚ/ር አብይ “ይፈታተኑኛል፤ እንዴት ላልፋቸዉ እችላለሁ?” ብሎ ላማከረዉ ወሳኝ ጥያቄዎች ያዘጋጀለትን ጥናት ከእነ ጀዋር ጀምሮ ያሉትን ተቀናቃኝ ፓርቲዎችና አክቲቪስቶች ደረጃ በደረጃ በራሱ መንገድ እንዴት እንደሚያጠፋቸዉ ሊያስረዳዉና የጥናቱን ፕሮጀክት ሊያስረክብዉ ነበር አዲስ አባባ የሄደዉ።2. ይህ ጥናት ቀደም ብሎ የጀመረ ሲሆን መጀመሪያ ከኢትዮ ኤርትራ የሰላም ስምምነት በኋላ በ26-09-2019 አራት የኤርትራ የፀጥታ ኤክስፐርቶች፡2.1.ሀድጎ ስዩም2.2.ሚካኤል ኃይሌ2.3.ሰመረ ባህታ2.4.ዳኔል ክፍሉ የሚባሉ በትግራይ በኩል እንደ ሲቪል ተጓዦች ለልዩ ተልዕኮ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲገቡ ተደርጓል።3. ቀጥሎም በ117 አባላት በላይ ያሉት ቡድን ለልዩ ተልዕኮ በሁለቱ መሪዎች እቅድ እንዲገባ ተደርጓል።4. ከነዚህም በኋላ በርካታ የሴኪዩሪቲ አባላት ተከታትለዉ አዲስ አባባ እንዲከትሙ ተደርጓል።እዚህ ላይ ሊነሱ ከሚችሉ አበይት ጥያቄዎች፤1. እነዚህ የፀጥታ አባላት ከኤርትራ ኢትዮጵያ የገቡት ምን ልያደርጉ ነዉ?2. በማን ፈቃድ ነዉ እነዚህ አካላት የተሰማሩት?3. የኢትዮጵያ የፀጥታ ኤጀንሲ ያዉቃቸዋል ወይ?4. እየተከሰቱ ካሉ ክስተቶችስ እጆቻቸዉ ነፃ ናቸዉ ወይ?በመጀመሪያ እነዚህ አካላት ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የገቡት በዶ/ር አብይ ጥያቄና እዉቅና ነበር። የመጀመሪያዉ ተልዕኳቸዉ የኤርትራ ተቃዋሚ ኃይሎች ላይ የማጥፋት እርምጃ እንዲወስዱባቸዉ ሲሆን እግረመንገዳቸውንም እንደነጆሀር ያሉትን ተቃዋሚ ፖለትከኞችና አክቲቭስቶችን ከእይታ በማጥፋት ለዶ/ር አብይ ገፀ በረከት ማቅረብ ነዉ።ታስታዉሱ እንደሆነ ከዘጠኝ ወር በፊት በ23/10/2019 የመጀመሪያ የግድያ ሙከራ በጆሀር ተደርጎበት በነበረ ወቅት በመኖሪያ ቤቱ የነበሩትን የግል ጠባቂዎች እንዲነሱ በማድረግ “በማይታወቁ ኃይሎች” (በዚህ ፅሁፍ ዉስጥ የተጠቀሱቱ አራት የኤርትራ የፀጥታ ኃይሎች) የጆሀር ጠባቂዎች በድንገት እኩለ ለሊት ላይ እንዲነሱ በተደረገበት ወቅት ቢሄዱ ኖሮ በሚከሰተው ክፍተት እነዚህ አራቶቹ የፀጥታ ኃይሎች ምንም አይነት ምልክት ለይተዉ ገለዉት እንዲሰወሩ የተቀናበረ ስልት ነበር የከሸፈዉ።ይህም በመሆኑ ጠባቂዎቹ፣ እራሱ ጆሀርና የኦሮሞዉ ወጣት በወሰዱት ፈጣን እርምጃ በዚያ ለሊት የጆሀር በህይወት ተርፎ፤ ወደ ዉጭ ሀገርም ወጥቶ ተመልሶም ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ በተጠነሰሰለት መርሃ ግብር እስኪያዝ ድረስ የሰራቸዉን ስራዎች ለመስራት በቅቷል። ይህም በመሆኑና አቶ ጆሀር ወደ ደጅ ወጥቶ ከተመለሰ በኋላ በስፋት በመንቀሳቅውሱና ህዝባዊ ተቀባይነቱም በጣም እየጎላ በመምጣቱ የሁለቶቹ መሪዎች የጥምረት ዕቅዳቸዉ ጥያቄ ዉስጥ እየገባ በመምጣቱ ሁለቶቹ መሪዎች በተከታታይ በሚስጢር እየተገናኙ ጆሀርን ወይ በግድያ ካልሆነም በእስር ከጨዋታ ሜዳ ከማጥፋት በታች ሌላ አማራጭ አልታያቸዉም። በመሆኑም ወደሚቀጥለዉ እርምጃቸዉ ተሸጋገሩ። ከተኬደባቸዉም ሚስጥራዊ ሴራዎች መካከል፤1. በኢትዮ ኤርትራ አምባሳደርና ቀንደኛዉ የክፋት አማካሪ አቶ ሠመረ ርዕሶም ሁለት ጊዜ በሚስጥር ከጠ/ሚ/ር አብይ ጋር ለብቻቸዉ በመገናኘት2. የአቶ ኢሳያስ ኦፊሴላዊ አማካሪ የሆነዉ የማነ መንኪን በመጨመር ለ3ኛ ጊዜ የሚስጢር ስብሰባ በማድረግ3. በመጨረሻም የዕቅዳቸዉን አተገባበር በጋራ ለመከወን ኮሮና ስጋት ሆኖ በኢትዮጵያ በጎላበት ወቅት በ03/05/2020 ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን ወደ አዲስ አባባ በማምጣት ከላይ ከተጠቀሱት ግለሰቦች ጋር ጠ/ሚ/ር አብይን ጨምሮ ለአራት በመሆን የጁን 29 ቀን 2020 ክስተት ያለበትን አንኳር እቅዶች ቀርፀዉ ተለያዩ።በዚህ እቅድ ዶ/ር አብይ አህመድ ያላንዳች ፈታኝ ተግዳሮት ላለሙት የጊዜ ቀመር ተመራጭና ብቸኛ ተወዳዳሪና አሸናፊ መሪ ሆነዉ እንዲቀጥሉ የአሁኑን ወሳኝ ጊዜ ለመሸጋገር፤1. የምርጫ ጊዜን ላልትወሰነ ጊዜ ማራዘም2. በዚህ ዉሳኔ የሚነሱትን ችግሮች እንዴት ማለፍ እንደሚገባ3. ጆሀርን ጨምሮ ተቃዋሚዎች የሚለቀሙበትና እንቅፋት ከመሆን የሚፀዱበት ሴናሪዮ መፍጠር (ጁን 29 ቀን2020)4. ከዚህ በኋላ ለምትቀጥለዋ ኢትዮጵያ አብይ በአሸናፊነት እንደሚቀጥል መክረዉ የቤት ሥራዉን ለአብይና ለህቡኡ የፀጥታ ኃይል ሰጥተዉ ተለያዩ።እኔንም ይህን መልዕክት ለመፃፍ ያነሳሳኝ ለዚህ እቅዳችሀዉ ማስፈፀሚያ ሆኖ የተገደለዉ ንፁህ ሃጫሉ ሁንዴሳና የጆሀር መታሰር ነዉ። ጆሀርን የማሰርና ከፖለቲካ ምህዳር ለማዉጣት መዘጋጀት የነበረበት ወጥመድ ነበርና ይህንኑ አዘጋጅቶ ማጥመድ ነበር። ይህም እንዲደረግ የተፈለገበት ምክንያት የጆሀር ተሰሚነትና በህዝቡ ዉስጥ ያለዉ ተቀባይነት በቀጥታ እርምጃ ቢወሰድበት የሚያስከትለዉን ህዝባዊ አመፅ አስቀርቶ እሱን ምክኒያታዊ በሆነ ዘዴ ማግለል ተከወነ።ጆሀርን ከግድያ ጋር በተያያዘ ወንጀል ለመያዝ ሲባል ብዙ ለግድያ የቀረቡ እጩዎች ነበሩ። ሃጫሉ የተመረጠዉ ከነበርዉ ኪነጥበባዊ ዝናና ተወዳጅነት ሊኖረዉ የሚችለዉን ህዝባዊ ተቃዉሞ ከግንዛቤ በማስገባት ህዝብ በሱ ሞት ተረብሾ በሚናወጥበት ቅፅበት ዉስጥ የሚፈለገዉን ጆሀርን መያዝ በሁለተኛዉ ሰዉ ሳቢያ የሚከተለዉን ህዝባዊ አመፅ አስቀርቶ እሱን ምክኒያታዊ በሆነ ዘዴ ማግለል ተከወነ።

KELLO Media/ONN English Edition :A discussion with Swedish Democratic party MP Thomas Hammarberg -Human right expert and an Oromoo scholar Chala Abdissa on socio-political issues of Ethiopia. August 15, 2020

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HRW: Ethiopia: Opposition Figures Held Without Charge August 15, 2020

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Ethiopia: Opposition Figures Held Without Charge

Police Deny Lawyers, Relatives Access; Ignore Bail Orders

Ethiopia: Opposition Figures Held Without Charge

Police Deny Lawyers, Relatives Access; Ignore Bail Orders

HRW, 15 Auugust 2020

Ethiopia's police officers watch over a foot bridge as they patrol the streets of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia February 21, 2018.
Ethiopia’s police officers watch over a foot bridge as they patrol the streets of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia February 21, 2018. © 2018 Reuters

(Nairobi) –Ethiopian authorities have been detaining dozens of opposition members and journalists for prolonged periods and often without charge since late June 2020, raising serious rights concerns.

A month after one of the most violent spates of unrest in the country’s recent history, police and prosecutors need to publicly account for all detainees’ whereabouts, comply promptly and fully with court bail orders, and ensure easy and regular access to lawyers and relatives for those not released.

“The actions of Ethiopia’s investigative authorities raise concerns that they have not moved on from past practices of arresting first, and investigating later,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The authorities should promptly bring credible charges based on clear facts and evidence against the detainees or ensure their release.”

The arrests follow the June 29 killing of a popular Oromo artist and activist, Hachalu Hundessa, in Addis Ababa, the capital. Hachalu’s death triggered unrest and violence in several towns, particularly in the Oromia region, and left at least 178 people dead from both civilians and law enforcement. Some were mourners and protesters, killed by security forces when they opened lethal fire. Attacks on mainly ethnic and religious minority communities in Oromia also resulted in killingsmassive property destruction, and displacement.

On June 30, security forces in Addis Ababa arrested Oromo Federalist Congress leaders Jawar Mohammed and Bekele Gerba, and Balderas Party figures Eskinder Nega and Sintayehu Chekol for their alleged involvement in the violence. The police have since arrested over 9,000 people, including government officials, many outside of Addis Ababa in the surrounding Oromia region, where independent monitoring of hearings and investigations is more limited.

The authorities detained government critics across the political spectrum, including Lammi Begna of the Oromo Liberation Front, whose whereabouts remained unknown for several weeks; Lidetu Ayalew, founding member of the Ethiopian Democratic Party; and officials from the former ruling Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, such as Tewelde Gebre Tsadikan and Berihu Tsigie.

The police also arrested journalists representing various media outlets, including a Kenyan journalist, Yassin JumaGuyo Wario and Melesse Direbssa from the Oromia Media Network; and most recently, on August 6, Belay Manaye and Mulugeta Anberbir from the Amharic language outlet Asrat Media. 

The latest bout of violence reflects deeper socio-political tensions, which continued to build after the government’s decision to delay anticipated national elections due to Covid-19. The authorities have now accused many opposition politicians of involvement in the unrest and of allegedly directing or inciting violence, including ethnic violence.

Federal and regional officials blamed people acting on the orders of a breakaway armed group, the Oromo Liberation Army, for Hachalu’s killing. They accused the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front of coordinating the killing and the violence that followed, and a regional official accused the Balderas party for involvement in unrest in Addis Ababa.

In media reports, officials accused several media outlets, including the Oromia Media Network, of broadcasting polarizing content during the unrest. Authorities opened investigations into and closed the Oromia Media Network’s Addis Ababa offices in early July. They have since alleged that the network and Asrat media broadcasts incited communal violence.

Given the gravity of the abuses and crimes during the week of June 29, Ethiopian authorities are responsible for thoroughly investigating and identifying those responsible. But their response should not undermine defendants’ presumption of innocence, run roughshod over detainees’ rights, nor restrict legitimate critical dissent, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch interviews with lawyers, relatives, and people released from detention found that detentions and investigations have been marred by serious due process violations.

Oromia police authorities withheld the whereabouts of several Oromo Liberation Front members from their lawyers and relatives for over a month and denied access to both even after lawyers discovered where they were held, Human Rights Watch found. Refusal to disclose the whereabouts or fate of someone in detention constitutes an enforced disappearance, a serious violation of human rights, a crime under international law, and prohibited in all circumstances.

As of August 14, lawyers still could not meet with Lammi or another party official, Dawit Abdeta. Lawyers representing Chaltu Takele, a political activist arrested in early July, said they met with her for the first-time in federal court around July 20, weeks after her arrest.

Preventing detainees from communicating with families or promptly consulting with a lawyer may place the detainees at greater risk of abuse in detention and undermines their right to a fair trial, Human Rights Watch said.

Human Rights Watch reached out to the office of the federal attorney general for a response to allegations that detainees had not been allowed communicate with lawyers and family, the office responded acknowledging that communications between suspects detained at temporary police detention centers, such as schools, and their family and lawyers and suspects arrested had been limited. But they claimed that detainees held at police stations did not face the same problem. This is not consistent with the facts that Human Rights Watch has determined in many cases.

Though credible and thorough investigations into complex abuses and events take time, Human Rights Watch believes that in several cases police authorities sought to stretch or ignore legal requirements to prolong suspects detentions beyond what was justified by law. For example, they repeatedly appealed or seemed to ignore bail orders, requested more time to investigate, or transferred suspects between police authorities, some with overlapping jurisdictions, without informing relatives or counsel.

In response to Human Rights Watch inquiries, the office of the federal attorney general said that criminal investigations could move between various authorities depending on the location or nature of the crime, but did not comment on how this may affect the time a person spends in custody.

Chaltu’s lawyers and relatives said that federal authorities ignored a July 28 court bail order and transferred her to Oromia police custody. For over a week, regional police denied her access to lawyers and family, including her baby. Chaltu was eventually taken before Sululta district court in Oromia, where regional investigators accused her of the same offenses cited by federal authorities. Chaltu was finally released on August 11.

Under Ethiopian criminal law, courts can consider appeals against bail orders, and the federal attorney general’s office told Human Rights Watch that a detainee could stay in detention during that appeal. However, Human Rights Watch was told of cases in which police investigators also ignored court decisions denying appeals.

Federal and Addis Ababa police investigators appealed a federal court bail order to release Berihu, Tewelde, and three other detained Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front officials on July 30. Police then ignored a higher court decision rejecting the appeal and transferred them to a detention site at a primary school. Relatives and lawyers said that federal authorities still have them in custody, without a court order, and are seeking to open a new investigation based on the same accusations and evidence.

On August 5, federal police similarly ignored a bail order to release journalists Melesse and Yassin. On August 11, federal police transferred Yassin to Addis Ababa police custody where they accused him of the same allegations.

Defense lawyers expressed concern that courts granted repeated remand requests, even though investigators lacked new evidence. After Jawar, Bekele, Eskinder, Sintayehu, and Aster Seyoum spent a month in detention, the attorney general opened a preliminary inquiry in their casea process which allows the prosecutor to proceed with a case before a decision to proceed to a full trial is taken, and can continue to keep accused in custody on remand.

Detainees have been kept at different sites where they face increased risks of contracting Covid-19 in detention. Relatives, lawyers, and those released said that several security guards and detainees, including Dejene Tafa, a senior Oromo Federalist Congress member, and Yassin reportedly tested positive for the virus that causes Covid-19.

At a time when international and global health experts are urging governments to reduce overcrowding in jails to tackle Covid-19, practices that lengthen the pre-trial period, are particularly problematic and ignore Ethiopia’s own commitments, Human Rights Watch said.

In the last decade, Human Rights Watch and other domestic and international human rights organizations have documented arbitrary arrests and politically motivated prosecutions to stifle dissent in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia has domestic and international legal obligations to protect basic rights, including the rights to be free from arbitrary detention, and if lawfully detained, provided with humane treatment and conditions, and guaranteed a fair trial. The authorities should only bring charges for recognizable crimes and where there is sufficient evidence to proceed to trial. Those detained should be informed of the specific grounds for their arrest, be able to fairly contest their detention before an independent and impartial judge, be permitted access to a lawyer and family members, and have their case periodically reviewed.

“Communities reeling from the recent violence deserve meaningful justice,” Bader said. “Entrusted with this responsibility, the government needs to show that it is both doing the hard work of bringing those responsible to account and that it can adhere to the rule of law by conducting credible and thorough investigations while still upholding the rights of those accused of serious offenses.”

Ethiopia Insight: OMN: An ‘alien’ star in Ethiopia’s skewed media universe is ‘cancelled’ August 14, 2020

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OMN: An ‘alien’ star in Ethiopia’s skewed media universe is ‘cancelled’

by Girma Gutema, August 12, 2020

Oromia Media Network was a rare non-Amharic voice in Ethiopia’s media landscape. That is why its bureau was shutdown.

Oromia Media Network (OMN) is an independent media enterprise established in the U.S. six and a half years ago. Its stated mission is producing original and citizen-driven news and stories on Oromia and Ethiopia. The network is financed and operated by an extensive network of grassroots movements and the wider diaspora.

Among its early successes, OMN successfully guided the peaceful struggle of Oromo youth–the Qeerroo—that propelled Abiy Ahmed to power in 2018. In a move that history may record as ironic, OMN became the victim of its own success, when Abiy’s “reformist” government cracked down on the media house following the assassination of Oromo artist and rights activist Hachalu Hundessa on 29 June.

Two days after Hachalu’s killing, security forces raided and effectively shut down the OMN operation in the capital, Finfinne, the indigenous Oromo name for Addis Ababa. The premises were illegally searched, staff members detained, the organisation’s bank accounts blocked, and computers and broadcast equipment seized.

After establishing itself in exile as a Pan-Oromo voice—bringing stories from Oromia to the world and vice versa for more than four years—OMN was warmly welcomed by millions when it returned home in August 2018, particularly at the official event organized at the Millennium Hall. The move created such an excitement within the international community that the 26th World Press Freedom Day celebration was held in Ethiopia in recognition of the country’s bold move in opening up the free media landscape.

OMN had to replicate its U.S. operation to get established as OMN-Finfinne in Ethiopia (henceforth referred to as OMN), but maintained a close working relationship with its mother company, the Minnesota-based OMN. The government swiftly offered support, particularly in cutting bureaucratic red tape during registration and licensing. OMN’s working relations with the country’s media watchdog organization, the Ethiopian Broadcasting Authority (EBA), began well, but soon soured due to political interference, both from the Prime Minister’s Office and from other detractor groups within the media establishment that may have viewed it as a threat to their control of the dominant narrative.

Skewed landscape 

Ethiopia’s tightly-controlled media machinery has historically been defined by its imperialist slant. The direction of flow of news stories and agendas has always followed the route of the imperial march—from north-to-south! That is to say, elitist media narratives have always been set in the perspectives and language of the Abyssinians, whose wilful indifference to issues of justice and equality for the peoples of the wider south continues to this day, adding more layers onto the edifices constructed within the Ethiopian state to preserve their dominant status.

Hence, OMN was an ‘alien’ star beaming a light onto a “black hole” within the stellar constellation of Ethiopia’s historically inequitable media universe. It therefore had to be snuffed out.

What’s more, just weeks before the crackdown on OMN, it was reported that there are 30+ television and 60+ radio stations operating in Ethiopia with legal licenses. Most are based in Oromia’s capital Finfinne, but only a few of them use languages other than Amharic. To be precise, only four, including the state-owned Oromia Broadcasting Network, broadcast in the Oromo language—Afaan Oromoo.

Aftershocks of an assassinationBy Yared Tsegaye

The regulator, EBA, allowed this to happen in the heart of Oromia—a decision that could reasonably be taken as an act of imposing cultural imperialism, if not an outright linguistic genocide against the indigenous Oromo people of the area. OMN was erased from this historically unjust media firmament simply because it stood out as an ‘alien —an ‘alien’ that would be unimaginable in any country that maintains even a shred of press freedom. But, alas, this is Ethiopia.

Just as Al Jazeera’s initial mission in 2006 was to counteract the global monopoly held by western news outlets over the media narrative—that flows from northern to southern hemisphere—OMN challenged the historical biases and linguistic domination that are the hallmarks of Ethiopia’s mostly state-run media, flowing in pretty much same geographic direction. By boldly bringing to the fore stories and perspectives from Ethiopia’s diverse south, OMN provided a welcome alternative to the ‘everything’s wonderful’ picture painted by establishment media. And by so doing, OMN not only shone a light on the long-stifled quests, stories and narratives of Ethiopia’s historically subjugated southern peoples, the Oromo included, it also shook the historically biased media cabal to its core.

In all, not a bad record of achievement during the brief time OMN was permitted to operate from within the country.

Incendiary interview

And here is where the probable cause for the recent assassination of the popular Oromo artist and rights activist Hachalu Hundessa comes in. In his interview on the OMN, Hachalu had spoken about the Oromo understanding of who Emperor Menelik II was. In this telling, Menelik II was a medieval-era-styled 19th century feudal ruler who founded the Ethiopian empire by waging some of Africa’s most brutal wars of conquest and subjugation against many of the indigenous peoples, including the Oromo, in what is today southern Ethiopia.

Historical accounts of the human cost of the conquest written by foreign observers, including the emperor’s own Russian advisor Alexander Bulatovich, told that Menelik II committed crimes of genocidal proportions on some of the linguistic and cultural groups, using modern weapons provided by his European and Russian “Christian friends” from 1880 to 1900.

For instance, Bulatovich, a devout admirer who accompanied Menelik II’s army battalions during these wars of colonial conquest, wrote in his 1900 book titled “Ethiopia Through Russian Eyes” — that the Gimira people were on the verge of total extinction due to the war; but were spared after “his majesty, the emperor” ordered his army commanders to stop killing the remaining Gimira as “they shall be hunted down and caught to be sold as slaves”. Bulatovich wrote that Menelik II’s war of conquest had exterminated about 80 percent of the Gimira and 50 percent of the Oromo populations by that time.

Another book by a foreign observer, the French Catholic missionary Martial De Salviac, who had travelled extensively across the Oromo country, appears to precisely corroborate Bulatovich’s account. De Salviac’s 1901 book, “The Oromo: An Ancient People: Great African Nation” reports that of the 10 million Oromo population he estimated at the time, five million were killed in Menelik II’s war of conquest. These two independent foreign sources suggest what in another time and place would be called a genocide against the Oromo by Menelik II’s invading army, which “reduced the Oromo population by half”, to use Alexander Bulatovich’s words.

Historical accounts

These historical accounts resonate well with a compelling argument made by the Israeli historian Yuval Harari in his best-selling book “Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind”. Harari argues that building and maintaining an empire often required the slaughter of large populations and the oppression of everyone who was left out. Harari notes that the standard toolkit in building an empire includes war, enslavement, deportation, and genocide.

“When the Romans invaded Scotland in 83 AD, they were met with fierce resistance from local Caledonian tribes, and reacted by laying waste to the country,” Harari writes. “In reply to the Roman peace offers, the chieftain Calgacus called the Romans ‘the ruffians of the world’, and said that ‘to plunder, slaughter and robbery, they give the lying name of empire, they make a desert and call it peace”. It is perhaps worth noting that, in a rare interview with a local radio station, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed said Harari’s book is among his favorites.

In his fateful interview with the OMN, Hachalu made a casual comment about the statue of Emperor Menelik II that stands in downtown Finfinne, suggesting that it is inevitable that the genocidal emperor’s statue would eventually be taken down in a city that is the capital of both Oromia federal state and Ethiopia’s federal government, as well as headquarters of the African Union. Hachalu’s comment came amidst of a globally heating up wave of protests that has witnessed statues of imperialist leaders and slave traders being torn down.

Historians like Harold G. Marcus regard Menelik II as the “greatest slave entrepreneur” of his time, who expropriated 10 percent of all his captives from southern Ethiopia into slavery. In line with this, in a paper he published on the journal of  African Economic History, Charles W. McClellan wrote that “while some of the slaves were deployed in the imperial gibbi (Menelik II’s palace), many others were exported to slave markets in Egypt, Arabia and east Africa, providing an important source of income for the government of emperor Menelik II”.

In defense of Jawar, a brilliant and dedicated agent of changeBy Ezekiel Gebissa

Hachalu’s offhand comment infuriated the falsely named “Ethiopianist” establishment, which exercises near absolute control over Ethiopia’s historical narrative. The establishment portrays Menelik II as a benevolent king, if not saint, who founded the “holy country” called Ethiopia, through “holy wars” of conquest. To dare to mention the feudal emperor’s genocidal deeds and suggest that his statue should be removed from Oromia’s capital is tantamount to trying to destroy their “emiye Ethiopia”. Measured by this yardstick, Hachalu’s comment was treasonous.

It should be underscored here that this viscerally violent and pre-political “Ethiopianist” group was resurrected and essentially emboldened not just by Abiy’s nostalgic imperialist rhetoric about the “great Ethiopia” of the past, which never existed anyway, but also by some of the practical  measures he took in his “palace renovation project” that were offensive to many southern peoples.

A day after Hachalu’s comment was broadcast, social media erupted with calls for his immediate murder—also see some of the comments written under OMN Facebook and YouTube pages in the days after the interview’s online publication. Two days later, PM Abiy appeared to indirectly criticize Hachalu, saying “only historians, not ordinary folks [like Hachalu] should make comments on the history of Ethiopia”. This statement, at a totally unrelated event to inaugurate a new bakery, can even be viewed as incitement against Hachalu.

About a month after Hachalu was assassinated, a group of young men in the capital came out in ecstasy to the street celebrating the killing of artist Hachalu, jubilantly chanting “Hachalu is dead, Jawar will be next”. On the same day, however, another youth group in the streets of the city spared Jawar from death via their rather lenient slogan “Jawar rots in jail”. In that fateful interview he had with OMN, Hachalu also told to the journalist that he has long been enduring death threats and other forms of intimidations including physical attacks from such “proud Ethiopians” every time he drives in the city.

Hijacked revolution

Prime Minister Abiy’s attitude toward Hachalu’s dissent had previously been documented. In a book titled “The Hijacked Revolution”  written by an anonymous author (pen name: Mudhin Siraj) and published about a year before Hachalu’s assassination—on page 109 of the book, the author recounts how Hachalu was summoned to the prime minister’s office for a ten-minute lecture. It was not a dialogue, but a stern ‘executive order’ in which Abiy told Hachalu in no uncertain terms that:

“…the Oromo political struggle is over. The country is now being led by an Oromo Prime Minister and, therefore, you shouldn’t dare to produce any music work which opposes my government. If you obey this strict order, we can fulfil all your material needs. But if you defy, I will not tolerate you even for a single day. Whether you like it or not, I [Abiy Ahmed] will remain leader of this country for at least the next ten years”.

As I am writing this piece, it has come to my attention that Abiy’s government has concocted a ridiculously amateurish video suggesting there is some link between Hachalu’s cold-blooded murder and two powerful Oromo opposition political groups (Oromo Federalist Congress [OFC] and Oromo Liberation Front [OLF]) and an independent, influential Oromo media house (OMN). This amateurishly doctored drama draws a fictitious triangle that purports to connect these three Oromo organizations that Abiy’s government considers its sworn opponents. The people in Oromia/Ethiopia should reject this laughable disinformation ploy; and I believe they have.

Since the day the OMN headquarters in the capital was shut down, all state-owned media and those affiliated with the ruling party have been waging a sustained propaganda campaign against the OMN. Their reason? OMN did a LIVE broadcast as Hachalu’s fans and supporters turned out in their thousands to accompany his body in the early morning hours of 30 June. But certainly, given the artist’s massive influence in Oromia and the entire country, it must have been odd for any Ethiopian media to ignore the story and come out criticizing what OMN did on that day. But alas, this is Ethiopia.

Prosperity propaganda

Plus, we see these days the government propaganda machines and affiliated detractors accusing OMN of conspiring with the propagandists’ own former master and ideological soulmate, the TPLF. The irony here is that some of these propaganda outlets like Fana Broadcasting Corporate, Walta Media and Communication Corporate are themselves the creations of the TPLF. Anyone who knows anything about OMN knows it would never have anything to do with the TPLF, or any other political party for that matter. The propagandists can choke on their words.

Furthermore, we have received credible information from within Prosperity Party circles over the last two years, that Amhara elements of the party have repeatedly demanded that the government should crackdown on the OMN and other popular Oromo entities like the OLF and OFC. And indeed, we knew this could perhaps come one day. It has long been a sticking point in internal political conversations between the Amhara and Oromo elements within the Prosperity Party, and we were anticipating the crackdown coming, especially if the balance of power tilts towards the former.

It should therefore be clearly stated here that the government’s move to shut down OMN’s headquarters in Finfinne and launch attacks against the OLF and OFC leadership is a political decision that has nothing to do with “upholding the rule of law”, as the state’s propaganda machine wants us to believe.

It is also worth noting that while the OMN and towering Oromo artists and activists like Hachalu have been sacrificing so much to save the Ethiopian empire from itself, Abiy and his “Ethiopianist” cabal are unyielding in pursuit of their counter-productive project of saving their “emiye Ethiopia” from the Oromo and the “other” peoples of the wider south. Will they be successful? The jury is still out.

Leading OMN

OMN was established as an activist entity aiming to offer extensive coverage of Oromo news and stories suppressed or ignored by state-run outlets and other interest groups in Ethiopia’s media industry. By so doing, it has developed a reputation for grassroots activism, aspiring to help mobilize Oromos in their quest for democracy, justice and equality in Ethiopia.

When I took over as Executive Director in December 2019, part of my plan was to steer OMN’s structural evolution toward more professionalism and independence. In pursuit of those goals, we devised a series of steps aimed at re-designing the organizational structure and capacity building.

The first order of business was to de-couple the organization from the shadows of my predecessor, the influential former executive director Jawar Mohammed, who had chosen to enter party politics. At that time, a commission established by the prior leadership had developed a valuable five-year strategic plan that laid out the 3Ps of OMN—passion, performance and professionalism. To broaden the audience base, the network had engaged with rights activists and intellectuals from the south, so much so that any casual visitor at office could feel OMN was a home for the perspectives of Ethiopia’s diverse nations and nationalities. And therefore, it wasn’t difficult to see the increasing influence that OMN commanded within Ethiopia’s media community, even while operating in a hostile environment marked by intimidation from the government and other interest groups.

Public service

In a multi-ethnic country like Ethiopia where over 75 distinct languages are spoken, the successful containment and control of the deadly COVID-19 virus requires a multidisciplinary approach and using as many languages as possible to communicate vital health information to the various linguistic and cultural groups. OMN’s multi-linguistic strategy in the pandemic public information campaign was widely applauded. Our unique track record of accomplishment is on display for anyone to see and judge.

One key point should be highlighted here: It is a matter of public record that no other media house, public or private, managed to regularly bring together, on a single table, teams of high-profile experts from a multitude of health science fields. Among them were epidemiologists, infectious disease specialists, medical anthropologists, virologists, pharmaceutical/medical supply system specialists, pharmaco-economists, health systems managers, community health workers, pharma/health technologists, preventive medicine specialists and others to inform and educate the public about the collective effort required to effectively fight the spread of the coronavirus. OMN also employed 18 Ethiopian languages, including sign language, in disseminating WHO’s vital health information as part of its fight against COVID-19. Certainly, no media in the country has been as multilingual and multidisciplinary as this in educating the public about the danger we face.

The big question

Indulging in a scholarly debate on the pitfalls of the barbaric political project called empire was not the objective of this piece.  But this moment presents a unique opportunity. As Harari wrote in his aforementioned book, empires throughout history have crushed threats and rebellions with an iron fist; and when its day comes, a frustrated and sinking empire has always used all its might to save itself, usually collapsing into chaos and carnage. But as Harari argues, history has taken a different course since the collapse of the European empires—particularly since 1945 when the British Empire started falling apart as its colonies across the globe were liberated one by one — most of them without violence.

The current Ethiopian state has a blood-stained history down to its imperial roots. Its first constitution, written in 1931, boldly described it as an “Empire State”. Its territories and subjects were all “possessions of the emperor”. Ever since, Ethiopians across the board have waged bitter struggles — both political and military — to break the yoke of imperial oppression and transform the empire into a republic of and by the people. During all these times, Ethiopia has sustained the shocks of two major revolutions (1974 and 1991) and also a ‘peaceful internal political coup’ spurred on by powerful protests by Oromo Qeerroo that ultimately propelled Abiy to power in March 2018.

Now the question is, in light of Ethiopia’s past, and the failure of Abiy’s much anticipated “reformist” government to address the chronic contradictions of the historically imperialist Ethiopian state, will the forces struggling to keep Abiy in the the palace step aside peacefully in keeping with the precedent set by other post-1945 collapsing empires? Or, will the country descend into chaos and anarchy, as was the rule during the pre-1945 period?

AI: Ethiopia: Stop the use of deadly force on protesters August 14, 2020

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Ethiopia: Stop the use of deadly force on protesters

Amnesty International, 14 August 2020

Following the killing of at least 16 people following protests over the arrest of zonal officials, community leaders and activists by Ethiopian security officers in the Wolaita Zone of Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Regional State (SNNPR) since 9 August, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa, Deprose Muchena, said:

There is never justification for the use of lethal force when it is not to protect lives. This unnecessary force has claimed so many lives in recent days, including protesters and bystanders.

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International Director for East and Southern Africa


“There is never justification for the use of lethal force when it is not to protect lives. This unnecessary force has claimed so many lives in recent days, including protesters and bystanders. Among the 16 people who have been killed are a boy who was homeless and a woman with a mental disability, neither of whom were participating in the protests. No one should be killed for exercising their right to freedom of peaceful assembly or for being around a protest.

No one should be killed for exercising their right to freedom of peaceful assembly or for being around a protest

Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa

“The authorities must urgently stop the use of lethal force in the context of protests and thoroughly, effectively and impartially investigate these killings. All those found responsible must be brought to justice in fair trials. Victims and their families must also have access to adequate reparations.” 


People took to the streets on 9 August after Ethiopia’s Defence Forces arrested more than 20 officials of the Wolaita Zone, as well as community leaders and activists, allegedly for holding a meeting in contravention of COVID-19 measures.

According to multiple witnesses interviewed by Amnesty International, security forces beat up and shot at protesters and bystanders while trying to disperse the protest. A homeless boy was killed in Wolaita-Soddo city on 9 August as the security forces violently cleared people off the streets following the arrests. Seven more people were killed in Bodditi on 10 August, including a 14-year old boy, footballer Getahun Ashenafi and a woman with a mental disability.

According to government sources, at least 16 people have been killed to date as protests continue. Two witnesses told Amnesty International that a woman was killed by security forces on 12 August while on her way to shop for groceries. Tension remains high due to the heavy deployment of security officers from the police forces, the SNNPR special Liyu police, and the Ethiopian Defence Forces.

Medical sources told Amnesty International that 18 injured people have been admitted to Soddo Christian Hospital in Wolaita, some of them to the Intensive Care Unit.