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North East Africa: The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) welcomes the founding of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD), the Genuinely-Multinational Coalition in Ethiopia, covers over 70% area (population) in Ethiopia October 27, 2015

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???????????PAFD, the genuinely-multinational coalition for freedom and democracy in Ethiopia, covers greater than 70% of area in Ethiopia

(UNPO, 26 October 2015, Brussels)The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) welcomes the founding of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD), established on 23 October 2015. This unprecedented political alliance between the peoples in Ethiopia is the result of a two-day meeting held in Oslo, Norway, between delegates of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Benishangul People’s Liberation Movement (BPLM), Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM), and Sidama National Liberation Front (SNLF). Acknowledging the need for a united effort to put an end to the enduring repression perpetrated by successive and current Ethiopian regimes, the goal of the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy is to bring a new just political order for the country based on the consents of all peoples.

Although the founding document of the PAFD has just been signed, the initiative already represents a crucial milestone in the struggle for human rights and democracy in Ethiopia. Against the backdrop of decades of blatant disregard of the rule of law, and brutal suppression of the most fundamental human rights by the Ethiopian government, the PAFD arises as a platform that will unify the voices of the oppressed peoples in the country. Through diplomatic, advocacy and awareness campaigns, the PAFD will foster favourable conditions for achieving a peaceful and orderly transfer of power to the peoples by engaging representatives of all the different nationalities and other stakeholders committed to genuine democracy.

Since early 2015, UNPO has actively sought to create favourable conditions for dialogue between diverse marginalised groups in Ethiopia who seek democratic change, most notably through the convening of a high-level conference at the European Parliament on 23 April 2015, with the support of five Members of the European Parliament. In light of the conclusion of the conference – that real democratic change and cessation of ongoing human rights abuses can only be achieved through joint action involving all ethnic and political opposition movements – the founding of the PAFD represents a concrete and meaningful step forward. UNPO applauds this remarkable step towards ensuring the Ethiopian peoples’ voices are better heard and calls upon the international community, including the European Union, the United Nations and the Government of the United States of America, to seize this unique opportunity to bring democratic change in Ethiopia. By cutting direct funding to the Ethiopian government, 50% of whose budget relies on foreign aid, there is a real opportunity to achieve an end to state sponsored human rights violations and pave the way for democracy and long term stability.

UNPO Press Release

Press Release, Peoples Alliance for Freedom and Democracy

Declaration of Peoples Alliance for Freedom and Democracy

The middle class in Africa October 27, 2015

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Africa: Why we are getting poorer when the official figures say we are getting richer http://wp.me/p1xhGr-7n

5whaudit

The current issue (October 24) issue of The Economist posed the puzzling question of why the middle class in Africa is so small after a decade in which economic growth has averaged more than 5% a year, about twice as fast as population growth. Two reasons are opined;
(1) The proceeds of economic growth are shared very unequally. In recent years inequality has increased alongside growth in most parts of Africa, and
(2) Poverty in many parts of Africa is so deep that even though incomes may have doubled for millions of people, they are now merely poor rather than extremely poor.

I wish to put forth a third reason. Most of the economic growth comes from the fabled FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) – not a bad thing (every country is jostling for it). Except that with little or no local value addition to the operations of the transnational corporations…

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Ethiopia’s agriculture boom yields a bare harvest for poor as El Niño bites, officials attempt to downplay the crisis. October 27, 2015

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Ethiopia may be portrayed as an emerging African powerhouse, but prolonged drought has left 8.2 million people facing a major food security crisis

 in Mieso district, The Guardian
Mohammed Jibril and his family
Mohammed Jibril and his family in Mieso district West Hararghe Zone in Oromia region. Photograph: William Davison

On a bright afternoon in east Ethiopia, Mohammed Jibril’s family is passing around corncobs roasted over a fire. Bulky cows lounge on the other side of a shady tree, munching from a golden carpet of cereal.

It is a picturesque rural scene, complete with a forested mountain towering over the plains. Yet Jibril is worried and, when asked about this year’s crops from his three hectares of land, he is scathing. “What would I harvest?” he asks, gesticulating at his scrappy cornfield.

Due to a lack of rain, Jibril, 28, expects to collect only about 400kg of corn. Times were better a decade ago in the Mieso district of West Hararghe Zone, in Ethiopia’s Oromia region; back then, Jibril harvested up to 20 times that amount. Now most of his failed crop is only useful as fodder for his herd.

The story is the same across almost all of eastern Ethiopia, after a succession of supposed rainy seasons largely failed to materialise. The crisis has left 8.2 million of the country’s 96 million people in need of food aid – a number that could almost double in 2016as the effects of El Niño linger.

Jibril spent $100 (£65) renting a tractor this year; by his side is a Kalashnikov rifle worth more than $1,000. He is not among the poorest in Ethiopia, but he is worried about the immediate future. “If I don’t sell the cows they will run out of food and die before the next harvest,” he said. He has sold three this year, but at a steep discount as farmers all around him also offload livestock before the situation worsens.

As with the last dry spell, in 2011, Ethiopia’s government, with foreign assistance, looks likely to prevent the catastrophes of the past. In 1973, Emperor Haile Selassie’s neglect for the countryside led to the deaths of about 300,000 – and helped topple his regime a year later. A decade later, civil war during a socialist dictatorship led to famine when rains failed. Aid workers think the current development-focused administration, experienced at crisis management after almost 25 years in power, can cope. This month officials said the government has allocated $192m for relief efforts.

But the severity of the crisis raises questions about why Ethiopia still needs emergency aid and food imports given the nation’s agriculture-led economic growth and decades of development assistance from donors.

The government is commended by partners for its pro-poor budgeting, which means directing spending towards water, health, education, agriculture and infrastructure. With agriculture employing almost 80% of the workforce, improving farm productivity is key. The primary focus has been providing advice, seeds and fertiliser to smallholders. Over the past five years the government has also encouraged large-scale farming, which has not yet added significantly to food production. And in 2011, with assistance from donors such as the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the government created the Agricultural Transformation Agency to boost yields and improve value chains.

Those efforts have led to agricultural growth that has averaged 6.6% a year since 2010, according to the finance ministry. What has not happened is the eradication of severe poverty and vulnerability. The UN Development Programmeconcluded this year that although Ethiopia’s poverty rate dropped from 39% in 2005 to 26% in 2013, the number of people in extreme poverty remained at roughly 25 million due to population growth.

Even if food surpluses were available from fertile areas in the highlands to the west, it is not clear they would reach those in the east. The government created a commodity exchange in 2008, again with donor support, that was supposed to modernise food markets. But seven years later, the bourse is still primarily a trading post for the country’s main exports, such as coffee and sesame. It has yet to change the way staple foods are distributed around the country.

According to the government’s bullish predictions, food surpluses should be available next year, and the economy will keep growing rapidly. During previous El Niño years, the economy shrunk by up to 5%. But the finance ministry says growth of approximately 10% – driven also by infrastructure spending and a construction boom – will not be affected this time because agriculture is now less dependent on rain, and the economy is less dependent on agriculture. The ministry’s data says 39% of gross domestic product now stems from farming, compared with 45% in 2010.

In areas like Mieso, the change is not evident. The ground under even the more arid stretches is believed to hold enough water to irrigate swaths of land, according to local experts, but the investment has not been made to harness it. After the east African food crisis in 2011, the talk was of building up the resilience of communities to drought, but achieving this will be tough, said an NGO head, who did not want to be named. “It’s really, really expensive to make boreholes, it’s really really, expensive to make irrigation. If we had unlimited funds it wouldn’t be a problem, but we don’t.”

Others blame tiny smallholdings and insecure land tenures as one of the key reasons that millions of Ethiopian farmers do not move beyond rain-dependent subsistence. The state owns all land in Ethiopia.

Whatever the underlying reasons, with the crisis running counter to the narrative of an ascendant African powerhouse leaving poverty behind, some aid agency members were concerned at official attempts to downplay the crisis.

“There is this huge competition for scarce emergency resources around the world, so you really have to push. But without a big push from the government – they’ve been saying two things at the same time, ‘Help us’, and ‘Everything’s fine’ – that mixed messaging sure does not help in getting the resources,” said another charity executive, speaking anonymously. Most foreigners working in Ethiopia for NGOs, embassies, or international organisations do not criticise Ethiopia’s government publicly due to concerns their work will be affected.

Ethiopian officials now seem to have changed their tone, with the prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, visiting affected areas and his government making a clear appeal for assistance in unison with the international community. A total of $340m is needed just for the rest of this year.

“The challenge we have before us is incredibly serious, and it will take the collective effort of the entire international community to support the government in preventing the worst effects of El Niño now and well into next year,” said John Aylieff, from the World Food Programme, earlier this month.

Sneak Peak: Oromo Cultural Night October 27, 2015

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Kenya: Oromo Refugees and Asylum Seekers are at Risk October 27, 2015

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HRLHA

HRLHA’s Urgent Action and Appeal

October 25, 2015

For Immediate Release

Contact Details

Appeal To: The President of the Republic of Kenya 
Your Excellency President Uhuru Kenyatta
President of the Republic of Kenya
Nairobi
Box 74434-00200
Nairobi, Kenya
Tel: 254 203 247000
Your Excellency,

First of all, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) would like to express its appreciation to the people of Kenya and to its government for their hospitality and kindness towards thousands of Oromo and other refugees and asylum seekers who have fled their homes to escape government persecutions in Ethiopia, and who are now residing in different parts of the Republic of Kenya including in the capital city, Nairobi. Since the early 1990’s, when the TPLF government came to power to the present, hundreds of thousands of Oromo and other nationals have run away from arbitrary detentions, degrading tortures and violent killings in Ethiopia to save their lives by seeking refuge in the Republic of Kenya and other neighboring countries.

However, the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) expresses its deep concern regarding the safety of all Oromo national refugees and asylum seekers presently residing in the Republic of Kenya because of the document it recently received from its informants. The document was written by the Ethiopian Government agency, the so called “Anti-Terrorist Unit”, and sent to the Republic of Kenya Government. It addresses the bi-lateral agreement signed by both countries in 2012.

In this communique, the Ethiopian Government’s “Anti-Terrorist Unit” reminds the Republic of Kenya Government of the bi-lateral agreement made between the two countries in 2012, an agreement that expresses issues of common interest such as terrorism on which both countries should find a common

 

solution. document

The communique discloses the names of 131 Oromo Nationals and their addresses and telephone numbers in Nairobi and in different township areas; the agency claimed the source of its information was the Ethiopian intelligence unit.  In the names listed among the 131 Oromo Nationals in this communique is Mr. Dabassa Guyyo, an Oromo cultural legend who recently disappeared in Nairobi. His name was at the top of the list. (#1).

List of Oromo National Refugees and Asylum seekers in Kenya labeled as terrorists by the so- called “ANTI TERRORIST UNIT”, the Ethiopian Government agent.

No Name Sex No Name Sex
1 Dabasa Guyo M 67 Fawaz Ahmed M
2 Dirirsa Kejela (Wakjira) M 68 Lami Sori M
3 Dachas Roba M 69 Abdo Asabot M
4 Shamil Aliyi M 70 Lenco Eliyas M
5 Keranso Abdisa M 71 Asha Bire F
6 Mahamed Abaye M 72 Faxe Aniya F
7 Gaddisa Lammi M 73 Diribe Gada F
8 Alemayehu Iddosa M 74 Aman Gobena M
9 Tolera Mogasa M 75 Shafis Akil M
10 Shaga Arado M 76 Tajudin Ibrahim M
11 Abdusalam Muktar M 77 Temesgen Kumsa M
12 Galgalo Jilo M 78 Maya Dagale M
13 Fikadu Dirriba M 79 Abdata Saba M
14 Gosaye Anota M 80 Shifera Kumala M
15 Jamal Ibro M 81 Lami Dugasa M
16 Chali Nagasa M 82 Mahadi Harar M
17 Kalil Mohamed M 83 Shamsadi Abdurazak M
18 Mohamed Taha M 84 Godana Nure M
19 Mohamed Zakaria M 85 Hawi Falmata F
20 Mohamed Abdullah M 86 Fardosa Mohamed M
21 Idris Negawo M 87 Fatiya Ame F
22 Shukuri Mohamed M 88 Roba Gada M
23 Buke Chulo M 89 Yomsan Abaye M
24 Abdi Guddina M 90 Mohamed Kedir M
25 Ana Saba M 91 Ayub Hussien M
26 Bahar Harari M 92 Tahir Kadir M
27 Lemo Wariyo M 93 Adele Ahmed M
28 Wayu Malka M 94 Tura Ahmed M
29 Tamam Ahmed M 95 Alemayehu Wallaga M
30 Magarsa Bikila M 96 Chala Ragassa M
31 Galgalo Dhiri M 97 Fira’ol Ambo M
32 Kadir Jale M 98 Hailu Jifara M
33 Falma Roro M 99 Lucho Bayitu M
34 Obsa Lenco M 100 Shifera Biranu M
35 Mustafa Boki M 101 Nuradin Musa M
36 Gugsa Tulu M 102 Mahadi Jundi M
37 Dida Kena’a M 103 Waljira Mangasha M
38 Gaga Jimma M 104 Tiya Nure M
39 Gada Mulatu M 105 Anane Tamiry M
40 Bontu Ambo F 106 Dure Nagasa M
41 Barnan Saba M 107 Dika Godana M
42 Abdi Denge M 108 Dalacha Iddi M
43 Nur Kadir M 109 Galane Dasta F
44 Sa’id Hussein M 110 Alemayehu Kitaw M
45 Berhanu Mulisa (Tola) M 111 Mikael Wallaga M
46 Abdi Hirphasa M 112 Kasu Wallaga M
47 Tolasa Gada M 113 Solomon Wallaga M
48 Aman Samuna M 114 Mohamed Hussein M
49  Bilisumma Hordofa M 115 Birhanu Ambo M
50 Fita Mideksa M 116 Abdurashad Marfo M
51 Abdullah Ahmed M 117 Badhne Kafani M
52 Darara Irbo M 118 Solomon Kebede M
53 Jalata Wallaga M 119 Mekonen Beyene M
54 Milkessa Wakjira M 120 Zalalem Teshome M
55 Sanyi Wallaga M 121 Habib Hussein M
56 Yeron Biru M 122 Abdo Hebo M
57 Daku Gababa M 123 Tahir Hassen M
58 Timaj Taha M 124 Abba Arsiti M
59 Misira Mama M 125 Mohamed  Tahir M
60 Badriya Boro F 126 Abba Hussein M
61 Badriya Nur F 127 Haji Abas M
62 Maksina Amano M 128 Abdullah Hamza M
63 Abdi Ibrahim M 129 Aba Qube M
64 Aliyi Sabit M 130 Haji Hassen kalid M
65 Chala Bultum M 131 Omar Alqadir M
66 Jafar Yusuf M

dabassa_guyyo

The disappearance of Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro is disheartening and HRLHA is deeply shocked.

Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro, age 80, a resident of Mololongo, Kenya for more than thirty- five years disappeared on September 27, 2015 in Nairobi.  The HRLHA is highly suspicious that the disappearance of Mr. Dabassa Guyyo  Safarro is connected with the campaign of Ethiopian authorities labelling Oromo refugees in Nairobi as terrorists.  HRLHA also suspect that Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro is being held in Nairobi, or might have been deported to Ethiopia. In either case the Kenyan Authorities have an international legal obligation to not hand over Ethiopian refugee and asylum seekers residing in their territory to the Ethiopian Government and need to disclose the whereabouts of Mr. Dabassa Goya Safarro to his family and the public- and give the reason for his arrest.

In case Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro has been handed over to Ethiopia, it should be noted that the Ethiopian Government has a well-documented record of gross and flagrant violations of human rights, including the torturing of its own citizens who were involuntarily returned to the country. The government of Ethiopia routinely imprisons such persons and sentences them to life in prison, and often imposes the death penalty. There have been credible reports of physical and psychological abuses committed against individuals in Ethiopian official prisons and other unofficial or secret detention centers. Under Article 33 (1) of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (189 U.N.T.S. 150), to which Kenya is a party, “[n] o contracting state shall expel or forcibly return a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his. . . Political opinion.” This obligation, which is also a principle of customary international law, applies to both asylum seekers and refugees, as affirmed by UNHCR’s Executive Committee and the United Nations General Assembly. By deporting refugees, the Republic of Kenya Government will be breaching its obligations under international treaties as well as customary law.

  1. Under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1465 U.N.T.S. 185) to which Kenya agreed in 1997, Kenya has an obligation not to return a person to a place where they face torture or ill-treatment. Article 3 of the Convention against Torture provides: No state party shall expel, return (“refouler”) or extradite a person to another state where there are substantial grounds to believe that they would be in danger of being subjected to torture.
  2. For the purpose of determining whether there are such grounds, the competent authorities shall take into account all relevant considerations including, where applicable, the existence in the state concerned of a consistent pattern of gross, flagrant or mass violations of human rights. We strongly urge the government of Kenya to respect the international treaties and obligations it has signed and ratified.

Therefore, HRLHA would like to draw the attention of Western Governments, the UN Human Rights Council, the EU Human Rights Commission, the African People’s and Human Rights Commission as well as other regional and international human rights organizations and NGOs to these worrisome safety situations of Oromo refugees in the Republic of Kenya and take all necessary actions against:

Background Information:

The Kenyan Government is well known for handing over refugees to the Ethiopian Government by violating the above mentioned international obligations. It is very disheartening to recall that Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda, who was tortured to death on August 24, 2013 in Ethiopia’s grand jail of Kaliti, was handed over to Ethiopian Government Security Agents in 2007 by the Kenyan Government. Tesfahun Chemeda was arrested by the Kenyan anti-terrorist forces, along with his close friend Mesfin Abebe, in 2007 in Nairobi, Kenya, where both had lived as refugees since 2005. Both were later deported to Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Government detained them in an underground jail in a military camp for over one year, during which time they were subjected to severe torture and other types of inhuman treatment until when they were taken to court and changed with terrorism offenses in December 2008. They were eventually sentenced to life imprisonment in March 2010. (Mesfin’s death sentence was later commuted.)

The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) is highly concerned for the safety and security of  Mr Dabasa Guyyo Safarro who disappeared in Nairobi on September 27, 2015, whose name along with the above listed refugees was also labeled by the Ethiopian Government as terrorists and  those who are still living in Kenya. It urges the government of Kenya to respect the international treaties and obligations, to not cooperate with the Ethiopian unfounded allegations and disclose the whereabouts of Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro. The Kenyan Government should also reject the unfounded allegations of Ethiopian Government against Oromo national refugees and asylum seekers residing in Kenya.

HRLHA requests the governments of the Western countries as well as international organizations to interfere in this matter so that the whereabouts of Mr. Dabassa Guyyo are disclosed and safety and security of the refugees of those currently staying in Kenya are ensured.

RECOMMENDED ACTION:

  1. Please send appeals to the President, the Kenyan Parliament and Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Kenya and its concerned officials as swiftly as possible, in English, or your own language expressing
  2. Urging the authorities of Kenya to ensure that Mr. Dabassa Guyyo Safarro is treated in accordance with regional and international standards on the treatment of prisoners
  3. Urging the authorities in Kenya to completely reject the unfounded allegation of the Ethiopian Dictatorial Government about Oromo refugees living in Kenya.

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