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In the midst of celebrating one of the chief successes of his athletics career, a silver medal at the Rio 2016 Olympic Games, Feyisa Lilesa symbolised the tremendous sufferance of his people, the Oromo by crossing his arms over his head in a gesture of protest. In the following days, his gesture has reverberated around the globe making headlines in many countries as one of the images of the 2016 Olympic Games. While the fate of Lilesa remains unknown as the outcome of the act of protest moves on, the gesture of solidarity has given reasons of hope to many and definitely helped raise awareness of the struggle of his people.
The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), which for several years has been advocating for the Oromo and other ethnic groups oppressed by the Ethiopian regime, praises Mr Lelisa for his brave gesture and hopes that it will help convince the international community to take a bolder stand on the issue.
Following his gesture, the athlete might face problems if he goes back to Ethiopia, where the authorities have been violently repressing protests for months. The protests began several months ago as peaceful demonstrations regarding development plans, before the government’s harsh and ongoing response led to the death of several people. Many in Oromia now live in fear, and gestures like the one Lilesa made are essential symbols of resistance and solidarity.
During the protests, the government had blocked internet service and scrambled social media apps to stop people from collaborating or expressing dissent. She said Lilesa’s feat exemplifies how fearful a lot of the Ethiopian diaspora is to speak out on this subject.
Lilesa’s silent statement while crossing the finish line in Rio instantly reverberated worldwide. Rule 50 of the Olympic charter bans political displays or protests and the IOC have confirmed that they are gathering information to better understand the case. Ethiopia’s government has said he will be welcomed as a hero for winning a medal, but state media is not showing photos of him crossing the line. Ethiopian state-owned television station EBC Channel 3 covered the race live, including the finish, but did not repeat the clip in subsequent bulletins – focussing instead on the winner, Kenya’s Eliud Kipchoge.
Information Minister Getachew Reda told the BBC the government had no reason to arrest him and it respected his political opinion. He also said none of Mr Feyisa’s relatives had been jailed over the Oromo protests.
Lilesa’s agent Federico Rosa stated that the runner would not be returning home after staging his protest, despite Ethiopian government assurances he would not face any problems if he went back.
A crowd-funding campaign to help Feyisa Lilesa seek asylum, has raised more than $136,000 (as of time written), to the surprise of its California-based organizer, who had initially set a target of $10,000, exceeding it within an hour.
“Among his compatriots, including those in the diaspora, Lilesa’s protest was welcomed with tears of joy,” said Mohammed Ademo, the founder and editor of OPride.com, a website that aggregates Oromo news. “A hero was born out of relative obscurity. […] I have no doubt that it will be remembered as a watershed moment in the history of Oromo people.”
Ethnic Oromo athletes have often been erased from Ethiopian lore, yet they were the first black Africans to win Olympic gold, Ademo said. Abebe Bikila did so in the 1960s while running barefoot and Derartu Tulu followed in the 1992 and 2000 Olympics. Yet, behind the scenes, these same athletes faced implicit and explicit biases. For example few Oromo athletes spoke Amharic, the language of power in Ethiopia, but Oromo translators rarely accompanied them.
“In the context of this long and tortuous history, Lilesa’s protest was revolutionary. Beyond the politics within the Ethiopian Olympics federation, his gesture brought much-needed attention to escalating human rights abuses in Ethiopia,” Ademo said.
You may find below a list to some of the news sources that covered the story:
Ethiopia’s Oromo people are systematically targeted and oppressed by its ruling regime. The athlete’s crossed arms protest shouldn’t be ignored
‘At risk to his life, and at the sacrifice of his career, Feyisa Lilesa expressed at the Olympics the collective grievances and institutional discrimination his people suffer in the Oromia region.’ Photograph: Rex/Shutterstock
When the Ethiopian Olympic marathon medallist Feyisa Lilesa crossed his arms at the finish line, the world asked what the symbol stood for. Little is known about the historical marginalisation and collective persecution of Lilesa’s people, the Oromo of north-east Africa.
Almost all Ethiopian runners come from the Oromia region; but the Ethiopian athletics federation is highly scornful of their Oromo identity. Perhaps the federation’s imperious attitude towards the athletes emanates from its paranoia and mistrust of the people, and fear that one day Oromo athletes might open Ethiopia’s Pandora’s box and spill the beans at an international sports event. Exactly what Lilesa did in Rio – and now he has not returned to Ethiopia.
At risk to his life, and at the sacrifice of his career, Lilesa was determined to express at the Olympics the collective grievances and institutional discrimination his people suffer in the Oromia region. The courageous crossing of his arms is a gesture of solidarity with the Oromo protest symbol that has been used over the last nine months in defiance of the ruling regime. In a short interview, Lelisa told what many believe is the story of the Oromo: the killings, the maimings, arbitrary detentions, profiling, enforced disappearances and economic injustices perpetrated by the Ethiopian government against the Oromo nation.
The current social and political crisis in Ethiopia was triggered by theAddis Ababa “master plan”, which was perceived by protesters as an attempt to remove the Oromo from the capital city. Even though it later dropped plans for this land grab, the regime claimed that its intention was to develop the city’s business district by further moving into the Oromo territories and neighbouring districts. No prior consultation, discussion or deliberation was had with the Oromo people, the ancestral owners of the land. Some saw this as being part of a grand scheme to ensure the long-term hegemony of the regime’s favoured ethnic group over the rest of the country. The Tigray, the regime’s dominant group, make up only 6% of the country’s population.
As Lilesa’s protest drew national attention, the situation in Ethiopia appeared to be deteriorating and having a serious impact on internal stability. It also cast a shadow of political uncertainty over the country.
Contemporary experiences teach us that economic and political inequality increases the risk of internal strife. When one ethnic group captures political power and excludes its perceived rivals, ethno-nationalist conflict is likely to increase, potentially descending into civil war. A heterogeneous society such as Ethiopia, where disparities in wealth overlap with ethnic grievances, is a good case study.
The scale of the Oromo protest over the last nine months has exposed Ethiopia’s ethnic-coded wealth distribution. According to Oxford University’s 2014Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI), Ethiopia is the second poorest country in the world with about 58% living in acute destitution. Not all Ethiopians have benefited equally from the country’s economic growth.
The Oromia region, the nation’s agricultural breadbasket, is also the nation’s second poorest region in the federation. According to the 2014 MPI, about 90% of Oromo live in severe poverty and destitution, more than 80% of Oromo households do not have access to electricity or sanitation and more than 75% of Oromo do not have access to potable drinking water. Similarly, the UNDP’s 2014Human Development Index (HDI) placed Oromia well below the national average. Development in Ethiopia is not inclusive, not shared; many rural Ethiopians – the majority Oromo – remain in severe poverty. Oromo people are the most affected by the current drought and by the government’s response to it.
Economic inequality is echoed in the political realm. Amnesty International’s 2014 report, Because I am Oromo, chronicles targeting based on ethnic identity. Long before that, in June 2007, the UN committee on the elimination of racial discrimination had highlighted how Ethiopian military and police forces systematically targeted certain ethnic groups, in particular the Anuak and the Oromo peoples, and reported the summary executions, rape of women and girls, arbitrary detention, torture, humiliations and destruction of property and crops of members of those communities.
It is this marginalisation in the Oromia and Amhara regions that has forced the younger generation to protest in the streets, but the government response has been bloody. International human rights organisations report more than 500 lives were lost, but activists believe this figure could be more than 700. An estimated 20,000 or more people have been imprisoned, tens of thousands wounded and disappeared; many more rendered landless, homeless and jobless.
Now, with rallies taking place and with funerals in several corners of Oromia and Amhara lands, the conflict is likely to escalate and the country’s public security and stability to deteriorate. As reports continue to emerge, after several days of internet and social media blackout in the country, there is a growing fear that the regime has, knowingly or not, helped foment inter-ethnic conflict, pitting the Tigray against the Oromo and Amhara peoples. In fact, given the differences among ethnic groups, this could quickly descend into a large-scale conflict.
If there is any lesson the world can learn from Rwanda’s genocide, it is the pressing need to act as swiftly as possible to avoid this kind of worst-case scenario. Lilesa’s gesture is a request to the citizens of the world to stand with the Oromo in their quest for political and economic survival against the unjust face of Ethiopia. It is also a call for the western powers to re-evaluate their foreign policy towards Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa in the interests of real security, dignity, stability, peace and development for all the people – not a select few.
Fayyisaa Lalisaa (Feyisa Lilesa), an athlete from Oromia/ Ethiopia, caught the world’s attention Sunday 21 August 2016 when, at the finish line of the Olympic marathon, he raised his arms in solidarity with the Oromo people in his country. This is NY Times Video:-
Realted:-
Oromia: Athletic Nation Report: #Rio2016 Olympic Marathon: Oromo athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa has demonstrated his Solidarity to #OromoProtests as he wins silver medal. Oromian Economist August 21, 2016
Oromia: Athletic nation Report: Short poem (Rio) about Oromo Olympian Fayyisaa Lalisaa, the world icon of #OromoProtests (the call for social justice). Oromian Economist August 23, 2016
Why Lilesa’s simple act of making an “X” with his arms after winning an Olympic medal was a watershed moment for so many Ethiopian people.
After nabbing a silver medal in Olympic marathon, Ethiopian runner Feyisa Lilesa hoisted his arms inches above his head in the form of an “X.”
With a seemingly innocuous gesture, the 150-pound black man was actually displaying a symbol of solidarity with the Oromo people of Ethiopia, who have protested the government’s reallocation of their land. At least 400 local protesters were killed by Ethiopian security forces over the last year, according to Human Rights Watch. The “X” symbol that Lilesa showed came into widespread use in Ethiopia four and half years ago by protesters as a mark of unarmed, civil resistance.
Following his demonstration, which he repeated on the medal stand, Lilesa toldreporters in Rio De Janeiro, “If I go back to Ethiopia, the government will kill me.” That’s the cost of protesting a government in Ethiopia that controls its media and stifles those who speak out against its will.
After Lilesa’s protest, James Peterson, the Director of Africana Studies at Lehigh University spoke to many Ethiopians in America who felt galvanized by the gesture despite the ongoing human rights violations in their homeland.
“There are a lot of complicated things folks don’t understand about continental African politics,” Peterson said. “Addis (Ababa) as a city is sort of engaged in this moment of neoliberal straw. The city is trying to expand at the expense of these rural and suburban settlements that have been in place for like thousands of years. For an Ethiopian athlete, on the largest stage of any Ethiopian of the world right now at the Olympics, to be in solidarity with them, I don’t think it’s too much to say this is the equivalent of some of the most courageous, solidarity protests that we’ve seen in athletics.”
Olympians have long used the games as a stage to draw attention to national causes.Tommie Smith and John Carlos gave a black power salute on the podium at the 1968 Summer Olympics during an American wave of Civil Rights. After Simone Manuel’s historic gold medal, she also spoke out about police brutality and black lives in America.
Such acts have caused the International Olympic Committee executive board to ban political or religious demonstrations in multiple ways in their Olympic Charter Rule 50and can result in the “disqualification or withdrawal of the accreditation of the person concerned.”
Yet for Lilesa’s protest, his defiance of the Ethiopian government didn’t open up a new wave of Oromo activism. But it did demonstrate their current struggle for the world’s purview.
“Ethiopia has been praised as a poster child for peace and stability in the last 25 years. Western governments that continued financing this government, including the U.S. Government, have turned their eyes away,” Tsedale Lemma, the editor-in-chief of the Addis Standard, a monthly magazine focusing on Ethiopian current affairs from the country’s capital Addis Ababa, told SB Nation.
“To be able to tell this to the world, where everyone can see, on this stage was monumental,” she said. “It was telling the world to its face that this country, this poster child of peace, isn’t that way. It’s killing its own people. When everyone kept silent in the wake of this excessive killing, this young man (protested) at the great cost that he might not be able to come back to his country afterwards.”
Lemma’s magazine shares the same views as Lilesa. In January, it published a widely shared cover. Employees were intimidated and threatened, and the publication’s subscription numbers in Ethiopia have drastically declined for questioning the government.
The January 2016 cover of the Addis Standard, provided by Tsedale Lemma
Since the Ethiopian government announced plans in 2014 to expand the territory of the capital Addis Ababa, the country has been racked with protests resulting in hundreds of deaths at the hands of the government. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn wanted to further Addis Ababa’s territory into Oromia, where Lilesa lives.
Doing so would displace many of the Oromo people in Ethiopia who work on farmlands. It’s similar to American eminent domain, the right of the government or its agents to expropriate private property for public use. Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, accounting for nearly 40 percent of its population, according to a 2007 census.
Historically, the Oromo people have been marginalized by the government. Protests started in November; and though the government has dropped proposals to widen the capital in January, protests have continued, though, with citizens corralling for wider freedoms.
Local residents and Oromos between the United States and Ethiopia have claimed that thousands have also been jailed. Many incidents happened where the Oromo have gone to the streets and they almost always end in violence. They are killed. They are exiled or tried for treason. At best, the protestors just disappear from sight.
Within Ethiopia, Oromos mostly expressed their support for Lilesa on social media, Lemma said. Current government mandates do not tolerate people flooding the streets for celebration, particularly not for a man that flashed a symbol that is the nightmare for a regime in front of billions of people.
State-run media only showed a censored version of the marathon Lilesa won, and completely blocked his protest at the games. Some have refused to mention his name at all. But in the United States, where Ethiopians are the fifth–largest source of black immigrants, their ebullience was overflowing.
“Among his compatriots, including those in the diaspora, Lilesa’s protest was welcomed with tears of joy,” said Mohammed Ademo, the founder and editor of OPride.com that aggregates Oromo news. “A hero was born out of relative obscurity. A GoFundMe account was set up within hours. I have no doubt that it will be remembered as a watershed moment in the history of Oromo people.
“Kids will be named after him. Revolutionary songs and poems will be written in his honor. For a people who have been silenced for so long this is likely to embolden and generate more momentum for the budding movement in Ethiopia.”
The overwhelming thought is that the plight of the Oromo people, and Lilesa’s protest shedding light on it, are not what Ethiopia wants the world to know. It is an extremely censored country, where most newspapers and other outlets are either controlled or affiliated with the government.
One woman, who asked for anonymity to speak to SB Nation because she feared the consequences of speaking out against the Ethiopian regime for her and her family, said that when she last visited Ethiopia around the start of the protests, the government had blocked internet service and scrambled social media apps to stop people from collaborating by using them, a form of silencing dissent.
She said Lilesa’s feat exemplifies how fearful a lot of the Ethiopian diaspora is to speak out on this subject.
“(Lilesa) acknowledged the significance of this dialogue and that he may never walk the land he’s from or see his family again,” she said. “It was meaningful and it’s going to spur the type of international engagement that is necessary to challenge the Ethiopian government to recognize their faults and consider what a just government looks like.”
American media still largely ignores the African continent and most news organizations have dramatically cut their African bureaus or rely on one person to cover the entire continent. There’s more coverage generally on terrorism with direct implications for American national security, Ademo said.
There also hasn’t been much coverage of the Oromo protests. One reason is because Oromia has largely been off-limits to journalists since the protests began, and those who go to Ethiopia often face insurmountable hurdles for access, Ademo said.
Even Lilesa’s dominance as a marathoner is unique for Ethiopia. Ethnic Oromo athletes of all genders have often been erased from Ethiopian lore, yet they are the first black Africans to win Olympic gold, Ademo said. Abebe Bikila did so in the 1960s while running barefoot and Derartu Tulu followed in the 1992 and 2000 Olympics. Yet behind the scenes these same athletes faced implicit and explicit biases.
Few Oromo athletes spoke Amharic, a language of power in Ethiopia, and they were never sent with Oromo translators. They often had to operate by the doctrine of the country’s current rulers and the official Olympics body to compete, Ademo said.
Photo by Ezra Shaw/Getty Images
Within Ethiopia, those who protest see these same issues at the micro level. Lemma described a phrase many have used to explain the discrimination and marginalization the Oromo face. Oromo have said “the prisons in Ethiopia speak Afaan Oromo,” the native language of the Oromo, which shows the disproportionate rate at which Oromo are jailed in Ethiopia.
Video this month, obtained by the Associated Press, showed Ethiopian security forces beating, kicking and dragging protestors during a demonstration in the capital as they cowered and fell to the ground.
This same fight to upend oppression in Ethiopia is one being done by current American black protestors at the height of a renewed wave of activism. Lilesa’s protest spoke to some on a bigger level. Because just like black lives, African lives also have value.
“Not even in just this particular incident, but the dominance of black athletes on the global stage is in a sense of protest, especially when you have representatives of countries under such oppression as Ethiopia and the black America,” said Kwame Rose, an activist from Baltimore most known for his stand-off with Fox News commentator Geraldo Rivera after Freddie Grey’s death.
“What he did would get a lot of people killed in Ethiopia and could’ve gotten his medal stripped,” Rose continued. “This was the time to send a message, not only about competing as an athlete, but surviving as a human and trying to better humanity.”
The reality is that what Lilesa did might not change anything for the Oromo people, but his demonstration had much more validity than to be limited to just that notion.
Ademo said it provided a crucial show of inspiration for people being disproportionately jailed, that are unheard and have yearned for a change in their government.
“In the context of this long and tortuous history, Lilesa’s protest was revolutionary. Beyond the politics within the Ethiopian Olympics federation, his gesture brought much-needed attention to escalating human rights abuses in Ethiopia,” Ademo said.
Lilesa’s act was a moment to show the shackles of systemic oppression binding the Oromo people. He took their fight to the international stage.
Oromo athlete, Fayyisaa Lalisaa (Feyisa Lelisa), who finished 2nd and took Silver in Rio 2016 Olympic in men’s Marathon, crossed the finishing line with his hands crossed, an iconic sign of Oromo social resistance (#OromoProtests) to injustices and tyranny in Ethiopia. Rio Olympic Marathon was held on 21 August 2016 and its the final day of the Olympic Games. Fayyee has made an Olympic history on Olympic history. made solidarity to #OromoProtests in the podium and at medal and after press conference.
The Significance and importance of his heroic solidarity is very understandable for those have followed the #OromoProtests the last 2 years.
Ethiopia’s state-owned TV network has refused to broadcast footage of one of its most successful Olympic athletes crossing the finishing line or receiving his medal after he staged a political protest against oppression back home.
Feyisa Lilesa won silver in the men’s marathon on the last day of events in Rio, making him Ethiopia’s joint second most successful performer after the country won just one gold in a disappointing campaign.
As he crossed the line on Sunday he raised his arms to form an “X”, a symbol of defiance that has been used by the Oromo people in Ethiopia as part of political protests against the government.
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Why an Ethiopian silver medallist could go to jail when he gets home
Lilesa repeated the act in a press conference after the race, and said he would repeat it at the medal ceremony later. He told reporters he faced being killed for doing so if he returns home after the Games.
EBC, the Ethiopian state broadcaster, was showing Lila’s race live on TV on Sunday afternoon. As such, it was unable to avoid airing his protest as it happened the first time.
But the moment he crossed the line was cut from subsequent bulletins and, unlike with its other champions, EBC refused entirely to show footage of Lilesa being given his silver medal.
Ethiopian marathoner Fayisa shows gesture after winning Silver at #Rio2016
On its website, EBC carried a report on the result entitled “Ethiopia wins Silver medal in men’s marathon”.
While its online reports from other Rio events tended to show pictures of victorious athletes after they had finished competing, the Lilesa article was accompanied by an image of a group of the marathon runners halfway through the race.
Neither online nor on TV did the state-run broadcaster make direct reference to Lilesa’s protest.
The athlete is from Oromia, home to many of the 35 million Oroma people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. At the press conference, he said: “The Ethiopian government is killing my people, so I stand with all protests anywhere, as Oromo is my tribe. My relatives are in prison and if they talk about democratic rights they are killed.”
Lilesa told reporters he would be killed or put in prison if he returned home, and said he feared for his wife and two children who are still in Ethiopia. He said he plans to try and stay in Brazil or make his way to the US.
Feyisa Lelisa, Oromo Olympic Marathon silver medalist and #OromoProtests global icon and Eliud Kipchoge of Kenya, Rio 2016 Olympic Marathon Gold medallist.
Kana malees, sabboonticha ilma Oromoo kana lammiileen Oromoo hiree itti qaban hundi isa cinaa hiriiruun gargaarsa barbaachisu hundaan akka bira dhaabbatan waamicha isaa dabarseera. Guutuu isaa kan fulduree kana tuqa dubbisaa: ilma-ummatni-oromoo-itti-boonuu-qabu
The Significance and importance of his heroic solidarity is very understandable for those have followed the #OromoProtests the last 2 years.
That is sign now widely recognized all over Ethiopia as a symbol of civil resistance. Ethiopia has been gripped by successive anti-government protests which the recent one began in Nov. 2015 in Gincii (Ginchi) town, Oromia state.
We are calling on all Ethiopians and human rights advocates to make contributions to funds needed to support Marathon athlete Feyisa Lelisa who exhibited extra-odrinary heroism by becoming an international symbol for #OromoProtests and Ethiopian Freedom Movement after winning a medal at the Rio de Janeiro
Olympic games today August 21, 2016.
Feyisa Lelisa faces persecution if he goes back to Ethiopia and he has decided to to seek assylum. Funds are needed to support him and his family in the meantime, Please donate whatever amount you can. We assure you all the money collected will go to support this Oromo/Ethiopian hero.
Co-sponsered by Abdi Fite, Lalisaa Hikaa and Solomon Ungashe
The Obama administration’s top official promoting democracy and human rights,Tom Malinowski, says the Ethiopian government’s tactics in response to protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions of the country are “self-defeating”. Writing ahead of the arrival of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry in Nairobi for talks on East African issues, including security, Malinowski says Addis Ababa’s “next great national task is to master the challenge of political openness.”
The United States and Ethiopia have years of strong partnership, based on a recognition that we need each other. Ethiopia is a major contributor to peace and security in Africa, the U.S.’s ally in the fight against violent extremists, and has shown incredible generosity to those escaping violence and repression, admitting more refugees than any country in the world. The United States has meanwhile been the main contributor to Ethiopia’s impressive fight to end poverty, to protect its environment and to develop its economy.
Because of the friendship and common interests our two nations share, the U.S. has a stake in Ethiopia’s prosperity, stability and success. When Ethiopia does well, it is able to inspire and help others. On the other hand, a protracted crisis in Ethiopia would undermine the goals that both nations are trying to achieve together.
The recent protests in the Oromia and Amhara regions present a critical challenge. They appear to be a manifestation of Ethiopian citizens’ expectation of more responsive governance and political pluralism, as laid out in their constitution.
Almost every Ethiopian I have met during my three recent trips to the country, including government officials, has told me that as Ethiopians become more prosperous and educated, they demand a greater political voice, and that such demands must be met. While a few of the protests may have been used as a vehicle for violence, we are convinced that the vast majority of participants were exercising their right under Ethiopia’s constitution to express their views.
Any counsel that the United States might offer is intended to help find solutions, and is given with humility. As President Barack Obama said during his July, 2015 visit to Addis Ababa, the U.S. is not perfect, and we have learned hard lessons from our own experiences in addressing popular grievances.
We also know Ethiopia faces real external threats. Ethiopia has bravely confronted Al-Shabaab, a ruthless terrorist group based on its border. Individuals and groups outside Ethiopia, often backed by countries that have no respect for human rights themselves, sometimes recklessly call for violent change.
Ethiopia rightly condemns such rhetoric, and the United States joins that condemnation. But Ethiopia has made far too much progress to be undone by the jabs of scattered antagonists who have little support among the Ethiopian people. And it is from within that Ethiopia faces the greatest challenges to its stability and unity. When thousands of people, in dozens of locations, in multiple regions come out on the streets to ask for a bigger say in the decisions that affect their lives, this cannot be dismissed as the handiwork of external enemies.
Ethiopian officials have acknowledged that protestors have genuine grievances that deserve sincere answers. They are working to address issues such as corruption and a lack of job opportunities. Yet security forces have continued to use excessive force to prevent Ethiopians from congregating peacefully, killing and injuring many people and arresting thousands. We believe thousands of Ethiopians remain in detention for alleged involvement in the protests – in most cases without having been brought before a court, provided access to legal counsel, or formally charged with a crime.
These are self-defeating tactics. Arresting opposition leaders and restricting civil society will not stop people from protesting, but it can create leaderless movements that leave no one with whom the government can mediate a peaceful way forward. Shutting down the Internet will not silence opposition, but it will scare away foreign investors and tourists. Using force may temporarily deter some protesters, but it will exacerbate their anger and make them more uncompromising when they inevitably return to the streets.
Every government has a duty to protect its citizens; but every legitimate and successful government also listens to its citizens, admits mistakes, and offers redress to those it has unjustly harmed. Responding openly and peacefully to criticism shows confidence and wisdom, not weakness. Ethiopia would also be stronger if it had more independent voices in government, parliament and society, and if civil society organizations could legally channel popular grievances and propose policy solutions. Those who are critical of the government would then have to share responsibility, and accountability, for finding those solutions. Progress in reforming the system would moderate demands to reject it altogether.
Ethiopia’s next great national task is to master the challenge of political openness, just as it has been mastering the challenge of economic development. Given how far Ethiopia has traveled since the days of terror and famine, the United States is confident that its people can meet this challenge – not to satisfy any foreign country, but to fulfill their own aspirations. The U.S. and all of Ethiopia’s friends are ready to help.
Tom Malinowski is the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.
Oromo athlete, Fayyisaa Lalisaa (Feyisa Lelisa), who finished 2nd and took Silver in Rio 2016 Olympic in men’s Marathon, crossed the finishing line with his hands crossed, an iconic sign of Oromo social resistance (#OromoProtests) to injustices and tyranny in Ethiopia. Rio Olympic Marathon was held on 21 August 2016 and its the final day of the Olympic Games. Fayyee has made an Olympic history on Olympic history. made solidarity to #OromoProtests in the podium and at medal and after press conference.
The Significance and importance of his heroic solidarity is very understandable for those have followed the #OromoProtests the last 2 years.
That is sign now widely recognized all over Ethiopia as a symbol of civil resistance. Ethiopia has been gripped by successive anti-government protests which the recent one began in Nov. 2015 in Gincii (Ginchi) town, Oromia state.
Fayisa Lalisa brings silver at Rio Olympics and turns it into pure Gold by defiantly standing with his people and against the terrorist regime that is massacring people, Says Jawar Mohammad, analyst and Oromia Media Network (OMN) Director.
Various sources misspelled his name as Lilesa but the correct one is ‘Lalisa’ or ‘Lalisaa’ in Afaan Oromoo. Fayyisaa means the healer. Lalisaa means (making) adorable, (giving) glory.
Brave. Ethiopian silver medallist in the marathon makes crossed hands gesture of #oromoprotests. Barry Malone@malonebarry Online editor, Al Jazeera English
Fayyisaa Lalisaa haadha warraafi ilmaan lama Itoophiyaadhaa akka qabuufi yoo gale ajjeefamuu ykn hidhamuu akka danda’u himee ta qabsoo ummata isaa cinaa dhaabbachuurraa akka sodaatee hin dhiisin hima, Chris Chavez gaazexeessaan Sport Illustrated! Ibsa agaazexeessitootaaf kenne irratti alaabaa Oromiyaa gonfoo harkaa godhateeti.
Athlete Fayyisaa Lalisaa (Marathon medalist at Rio Olympics 21 August 2016) is the first Oromo Olympian to publicly address the Oromo people cause to the world community, OMN news.
Fayyisaa Lelisaa speaks out against the Ethiopian government. His pose at the finish line was in protest of the killing of the Omoro people.
He told reporters that “in nine months, more than 1,000 people have died from government harm.”
Lalisa says that if he goes back to Ethiopia, they could kill him, they could put him in prison or keep him in the airport.
“If I go back to #ETH, they will kill me.”
Fayisa Lalisa plans to protest at tonight’s closing ceremony when the marathoners get their medals. #Rio2016.
He has a wife and 2 kids at home.
Background
Feyisa Lalisa is a male long-distance runner from Oromia. He became the youngest man to run under 2:06 hours when he set his personal best in the men’s marathon at the 2010 Rotterdam Marathon. He was born February 1, 1990 (age 26), in Jaldu, West Showa, Oromia, East Africa.
As he neared the finish line and a silver medal, Lelisa raised his arms to form an “X.” The gesture is a peaceful protest made by the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and one that is facing a brutal response to widespread protests that began late last year.
Human Rights Watch estimated in June that 400 people have been killed and thousands more injured as the government attempted to stop the estimated 500 protests that the Oromo people staged to draw attention to systemic persecution by the government.
Lelisa is from Oromia, which is home to a large majority of the country’s 35 million Oromo. He didn’t back down from the protest after the race either, flashing the sign for cameras at a press conference and pledging to do it again during Sunday night’s closing ceremony.
Rule 50 of the Olympic charter bans political displays or protests, and the American duo of Tommie Smith and John Carlos was famously suspended by the USOC after the pair flashed the black power salute on the medal stand at the 1968 Summer Games.
Lelisa, however, has bigger things to worry about than the IOC response as such dissent puts his life in real danger if he returns to Ethiopia. He told reporters afterward that he would seek a visa to stay in Brazil or possibly come to the United States. He also said that his wife and two children are still back in Ethiopia.
The whole world should keep in mind that this is not the first time that athlete Feyisa Lelisa protested against all sorts of tyranny & the Ethiopian state sponsored terrorism on civilians. Another Oromo athlete Lelisa Desisa was one of the very few athletes who devoted his Boston Marathon Medal to the Boston terror victims on April 15, 2013, in the US. We hope that the US foreign Ministry also recognizes this fact about these brave Oromo athletes very well. Naf-tanan Gaadullo
#OromoProtests: Must Wach Press TV Africa News: Scores of people were killed across Oromia state, Ethiopia as security forces brutally suppressed a new wave of anti-government protests
#OromoProtests, Must watch Al Jazeera new video News of August 20, 2016, Hundreds have been killed by agazi police forces during a peaceful demonstration across the country (Oromia, Ethiopia).
The cruel Fascist Ethiopia’s regime (TPLF) is killing Oromo children on daily basis. Since 6 August 2016, over 25,000 Oromo nationals of all walks of life have been in military concentrations/torture camps. The figure is rising daily. This figure does not include the over 50,000 detained before 6 August 2016.
Targeted killing continues across Oromia.This is Galataa Admaasuu, a young man of age 19. He was returning home after watching a soccer game at a cafe in the evening of August 19, 2016 when the regime’s force with sniper bullets hit him 3 times and killing him on spot in front of Dambi Dollo Hospital, in Qelam Wallaggaa. In the past few days we have been receiving several such targeted killing using snipers or by staging night time raid to homes.
Kun Galataa Admaasuu dargaggeessa umri 19 kan galgala kaleessaa osoo kubbaa laalee galaa jiruu loltuun Wayyaanee rasaasan dhahee fuuldura Hospitaal Dambi Doollootti ajjeeseedha.
16 years old from Fantaallee kidnapped by Ethiopia’s regime fascist forces on 17 August 2016 his whereabouts is unkown
Kun barataa kutaa sagal Marraa Hawaas kan hiriira Hagayya 6 bara 2016 Aanaa Fantaallee magaalaa Mataa-Haaraatti geggeeffame irratti nama 29 waliin qabamee mana hidhaa Mataa-Haaraatti dararamaa ture. Barataan kun kaleessa mana murtitti dhiyaannan umrii 16 waan ta’eef akka bayu manni murtii murteesse. Garuu, warri seeruma ofii baafattettuu hin bulle, ukkaamsitee bakka hin beekamne geessitee turte. Odeessi nu gahe akka ibsutti, yeroo ammaa mana hidhaa Martitti dararaan irra gayaa jira.
Dr Alamuu Taaddasaa, medical doctor at incinnii hospital in Oromia kidnapped by Ethiopia’s regime fascist forces on 16 August 2016 and his whereabout is unknown
kun Dr Alamuu Taaddasaa jedhama. Hojjetaa hospitaala Incinnitii, Hagayya 16 bara 2016 waree booda lukkulee wayyanetiin qabamee essa akka isa buusaan dhabnee jirra jedhan.
Obsineet Baqalee, young Oromo woman, worker of Ethio telecom. Kidnapped on the Grand #OromoProtest, 06 August 2016 demonstration inFinfinnee, her whereabouts and health is unknown.
Jamaal Abdalla Aadam, Oromo boy, star student, from Calanqoo kidnapped by Ethiopia’s regime fascist forces on 6 August 2016
Barataa Jamaal Abdalla Aadam jedhama. Jiraataa Harargee Bahaa Aanaa Meettaa magaala Calaanqooti. Barataan kun qoruumsa kutaa 12ffaa qaphxii 467 kan fide yoo ta’uu, qaphxii isaa ille arkuu hin dandenye. Eega gaafa hiriira guddicha hagayya 6 irraa qabamee qeerroo baayyee waliin gara magaalaa qullubbii geeffame, achitti rakkisa jiran.
KADIR MOHAMMAD ABDULLAA , Oromo national from East Haraghe, Gursum, Funyaan Hujubaa town in Oromia state kidnapped by Ethiopia’s regime fascist forces on 15 August 2016. His whereabuts is unknown.
Mallicha Guyo, former lecturer at Dire Dawa University and currently a graduate student of Constitutional & Public Law at AAU is among the many peaceful demonstrators unlawfully detained during the Grand #OromoProtests, 6th of Augus 2016 in Finfinnee and still kept in regime’s secrete detention centres.
Akkuma beekamufu hiiriiraa guddicha sanbata xiqqaa sani irratii namoota kumatamat lakkawaamu achii buute dhaban hamami hin jedhamu…namni maqaan isaa Malicha Guyyoo jedhamu kan barsiisa university Dire dawa tii damee seeraa barsiisuu amma MA university finfinnet constitutional and public law baracha Jiru achii buute isaa dhaban…..mee nama qoonqoo isaa qabu faa yoo argate inbox na godhii.
Godina Wallaggaa Lixaa Anaa Baaboo Gambeel keessatti gaafa 06 /07/2016 hirirraa guutu Oromiyaattii ta’e irraattii anaan Baaboos hirmachuun mormii jabaa dhageessisanii tura sanan wal qabatee namoonnii hedduun hiidhamuufi manii hiidhalee hankakee mana barumsaatii uummattaa hiidha akka turan gabaasun keenya ni yaada tamaa ammaas namoonnii hedduun hiidhaatii dararamaa yoo jirata dargagoo lamaa
1 Jafar Caaliif
2 Jafar Qawwee kan
jedhaman immoo mana hiidhaatii basanii essa akka isaan geessan hin beekamu! Uummanniis dararraa guddaa keessa jira!
An Oromo national Taagal Daaqaa Waaqgaarii is among thousands of peaceful protesters who have been unlawfully detained by the TPLF security agents during the Grand #OromoProtests rally in the capital Finfinnee, on the 6th of Aug, 2016. It’s believed that Mr. Tagal & thousands of others unlawfully detained during these peaceful protests are currently being tortured at a Military Camp called Awash Arba, in the remote Afar regional state. The regime is torturing thousands to death in such a remote military barricades across the country.
Oromo youth, Yaasiin Xaahaa, original from Jimma, kidnaped by fascist Ethiopia’s regime forces on August 6, 2016, Grand #OromoProtests Rally in Finfinnee. His whereabouts unknown.
Young Oromo national Akaaluu Mulugeetaa Olaanii, kidnaped by fascist Ethiopia’s regime forces on 6 August 2016 (Grand #OromoProtest) his whereabouts is unknown.
This is Kebede Gemeda, a 70 year elder. He was arrested at the Grand Rally in Finfinne. He was beaten so badly that he lost one of his eye sight completely. They thought he was dying so they took him out of the military camp and threw up near his house.
Oromo national Jibriil Mohaammad, from Jimmaa Arjo shot four times at gun point by Agazi on 6 August 2016 at Grand #OromoProtests.
#Oromoprotests alert: The regime now using collage campus as concentration camp in addition to several military camps. For instance some 25000 protesters arrested in Hararge have been taken to Kombolcha Agricultural College. Their head has been shaved and they are crammed into classrooms in hundreds.
NOTE: These colleges are mostly built and run by money donated from American and European tax payers. So tell your representatives. Jawar Mohammed, OMN reports, 20 August 2016.
VOA Afaan Oromoo reports how fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s regime soldiers killed a man named Hora Wajiso in his own home and then imprisoned his wife with her infant child.
Maqaan isaa Dr.Gabayyoo Jaallataa jedhama. Kaninni itti dhalatee guddate godina Wallaggaa lixaa aanaa Gullusoo jedhamtu keessatti.
Ga’een hojii isaa Dookteerummaadhaan kilinika Abdii kan jedhamu magaalaa naqamtee keessaa naannoo Hoospitaala naqamteetti kan argamu keessatti ramadamee hojjechaa nama tureedha. Dr.Gabayyoo jaalataa xinnummaa isaa irraa ka’uun nama diinaaf harka hin laanne nama oromummaa isaatti boonee jiraatuu fi nama ilmaan oromoo akka lubbuu isaatti jaallatu keessaa nama tokko ture.
Haata’u malee yeroo darbe hiriira guddicha magaalaa naqamtee keessatti akka abidda saafaa belbelaa ooleen wal qabatee sababii inni oromummaa isaa jaallatuuf jecha akkasumallee ati dhoksaadhaan qeerroo mana hojii itti ramadamtee hojjettu keessatti ol seensistee walla’aansa gochaafii jirta maqaa jedhuun humni agaazii guyyuma hiriira guddichaa sana bakkuma hojiisaatii deemanii rasaasa itti roobsanii deemanii jiru.
Haa ta’u malee dr Gabayyoon yeroo sanaaf rukutamee hatattamaan gara hoospitaala naqamteetti ergamee yaaliin deddeebiin torban tokkoo oliif osooma godhamaafii jiruu hoomaayyuu fayyuu hin dadhabuurraan kan ka’e guyyaa har’aa jechuun Hagayya 15/08/2016 du’aan addunyaa kanarraa boqotee jira. Reeffi isaas gara bakka dhaloota isaa kan taate godina wallagga lixaa magaalaa gullusootti ergamee jira.
Qabsa’aan du’us qabsoon itti fufa.
on 15 August 2016 night, fascist Ethiopia’s regime Agazi soldiers broke into home of Hora Fajiso, and killed him on spot in Batu town, East Shawa.
Bulchiinsa magaalaa Baatuu guyyaa 09/12/2008 halkaan sa’aati 10:00 ti Dargaggoo Hora Fajjisoo sababii meeshaa woraan qabda jedhuun marsaanii warranaa mana jirenyaa isaati itti banuun kan ajeesaan yoo ta’u akka ajeefamu kan haala mijessee obbo Kadir Gammada I/g W/ra Bulchiinsa fi Nagenyaa Magaalaa Baatuu ta’u bekkame jira ,dhukaasa godhameen Poolisii tokkoo yoo Ajefamuu tokko rukkutame jira.
This is martyred Ahmadoo who was killed by TPLF Ethiopia’s regime fascist Agazi forces in Haramaayaa town, East Hararge on 6 August 2016, Grand #OromoProtests. May his soul rest in Peace!
Kun wareegamaa keenya barataa Ahmadoo, kan hiriira guddaa Oromoo godina Harargee Bahaa, magaalaa Haramaayaa, keessatti Hagayya 6 bara 2016 waraana Wayyaaneen wareegame.
Gootota Oromoo kumaatamaa wajjin nagaan nuuf boqodhu!
Qabsoon hanga bilisummaatti itti fufa!!
Rabbi lubbuu isaa haa qananiisu.
Abduselam Ahmed, a succesful Oromo businessman in haramaya was assassinated by tplf fascit Ethiopias regime on 7 August 2016.
The other victim on the protest held in Robe, Bale on the Grand #OromoProtests on 6 August 2016 was Zubeyr Kadir as you can see on the picture bellow! May he join Oromo martyrs in heaven!!!
Zubeyr Kadir gunned down by Ethiopia’s regime fascist forces on 6 August 2016 in Robe Bale, Oromia.
#OromoProtests, Must watch Al Jazeera new video News of August 20, 2016, Hundreds have been killed by agazi police forces during a peaceful demonstration across the country (Oromia, Ethiopia).
Darajee Birbirsaa, Oromo national, civil engineering graduate kidnapped by fascist forces on 19 August 2016 and his where about is unknown.
kuni darajee birbirsaa jedhama. bara 2015 wallaga university irra civil engineering dhan eebifame kan turee yoo tauu dalagaa male hanga ammaatti magaala Itayya godina arsi keessa turee haa tauu malee akka lakkobsa Habashaatti Hagayya 12 bara 2008 poolisi feedaralattin ergaa fudhatame booda eessa akka dhaqee hin beekamuana sirreessa aanaa fi goodinaa keesattis hin argamnee.isaa walii is namooni abdalla dasee jedhamuu fi muktar abdoo jedhamuu dhabanni jiraan.
Jundii Abboomsaa Badhaasoo, Oromo business man from Arsi, Martii district kidnapped on 17 August 2016 and his whereabout is unknown
GodinaArsii Bahaa Aanaa Martii ganda Golagotaa keessaa nama Jundii Abboomsaa Badhaasoo jedhamu guyyaa dheengaddaa mana murtii irraa waraqaa fidanii mana isaatti seeraan sir barbaanna jedhaniinii ani Wayyaaneetti hin bulu reeffa kiyya malee jiraa kiyya asii na hin fuutan jedheenii gootummaan dura dhaabbate. Achii jaarsoliin fuudhanii magaalaa geessanii halkan kalee namoota 16 waliin halkan saa’aa 9 makiinaa lamaan fe’anii achi buuteen hin beekamne. obbo Jundii Abboomsaa Badhaasoo abbaa qabeenyaa lafa bishaan hektaara hedduu yoo ta’u, akkasumas eessuma wallisaa Ibroo Ibsaa; kan akka abbaatti guddisee asiin gahee hanga har’aatti gargaaree sirboota hedduu hojjisiise.
Aman Aliyii Xaha, Oromo national was shot at gun point by fascsist Ethiopia’s regime forces on 6 August Grand #OromoProtests in Haramayaa and died on 20 August 2016.
Godina Haragee Bahaa Haramayaa keessatti Hirira guddicha Hagayya 6, 2016 irrati dhahamee harra lubbuun isaa dabarte.”
OSG’s letter to United Nations Human Right Council : Ignoring a wave of unlawful killings and enforced disappearances in Oromia is fueling further catastrophic in the region. osg-call-for-urgnet-action
HRLHA Urgent Action
Ethiopia: State – Sponsored Terrorism and Military Brutality in Oromia HRLHA Urgent Action
August 17, 2016
Ethiopia, a UN Human Rights Council member since 2011, and an elected member of the UN Security Council as of 2017 is committing state- sponsored terror against the Oromo nation in violation of the UN Human Rights Council responsibility for the promotion and protection of all human rights and the UN Security Council responsiblities for maintaining international peace and security as well as the human rights treaties it has signed and ratified. The government- trained and highly funded Agazi force shot Gebeyehu Jalata, a medical doctor, several times at his personal clinic in East Wallaga Nekemt town on August 6, 2016 while he was allegedly treating wounded protestors at his clinic. Dr. Gebehu Jalata was taken to the Nekemt hospital for treatment and died on August 15, 2016 . The Agazi killing squad also invaded Mr. Hora Fajisso’s home- he is a farmer in East Showa Zone Adami Tulu district, Batu town- and murdered him in his bed in front of his three children and his wife at 5:00 am on August 16, 2016. During the grand nationwide Oromo nation protests on August 6,2016, the Agazi force killed at least 70 people and arrested tens of thousands of others in Oromia Regional State. 1-ethiopia-government-sponsered-terrorism
Among Oromo nationals killed on August 06, 2016 the Human Rights League (HRLHA) reporters managed to get the names of the following 65 people:-
#OromoProtests, Australian Oromo Community solidarity rally in front of Austerelian Parliament, 17 March 2016
Canberra delegate, Australian Oromo Communities leaders and Oromo activists
#OromoProtests, South Africa, Oromo global solidarity rally, 14 March 2016
#OromoProtests – Global Solidarity Rally, March 11, 2016
March 11, 2016In North America, protest rallies took place in Washington, DC., Maryland and Virginia; Utah; USA Los Angeles, California; Minneapolis/St. Paul, Minnesota; Lansing, Michigan; Seattle, Washington; Sioux Falls, South Dakota; Syracuse, New York; Phoenix, Arizona; Raleigh, North Carolina; Saskatoon, Calgary, Toronto, Canada and other cities.In Europe, rallies took place in Berlin, Germany; Brussels, Belgium; Rome, Italy; Oslo, Norway; Stockholm, Sweden; Paris, France; London, United Kingdom; and Berne, Switzerland.
Worship at San Francisco Theological Seminary in Solidarity with OromoProtests. Most of people you see here are local church leaders, Pastor and Professors. 10 March 2016.
#OromoProtests global solidarity rally organised by the Australian Oromo community in Melbourne, 10 March 2016
#OromoProtests Global solidarity rally in Oslo, Norway, 11 March 2016.
#OromoProtests Global solidarity rally in Winnipeg, Canada , 11 March 2016.
#OromoProtests: The Oromo Solidarity Project Concordia University, Montreal ( Canada) March 3, 2016
Star Tribune: Minnesota’s Oromo community rallied at the State Capitol to protest treatment at the hands of the Ethiopian government. February 29, 2016
News Fulton County (#OromoProtests Global Rally) : Oromians in SA protest in Pretoria over killings at home. Demonstrators say government scheme to expand capital Addis Ababa endangers farmers
Thousands of Oromo in North America Gathered in New York in front of the UN to Protest against the Brutal & Fascist TPLF Regime in Ethiopia
Ayyaantuu.net | January 15, 2016
Thousands of Oromo protesters and supporters of Oromo struggle turned out in masse, in front of the United Nations (UN) building in New York, to oppose the brutal repression in Ethiopia. The protesters demanded an immediate investigation into the indiscriminate killing of peaceful demonstrators in Oromia region of Ethiopia. The brutal repression by the authority against the Oromo demonstrators has resulted in the killing of well over 140 people and wounding thousands of others.
Seattle: Protests over civil rights abuses in Ethiopia: The protesters, many of them members of the East African community — want Washington senators to pressure Ethiopian leaders or cut U.S. aid in the wake of the ongoing mass killings that they say are targeting ethnic Oromos in Ethiopia. #OromoProtests 29 December 2015
(Times of Malta) — Members of the Oromo community in Malta this morning held a protest in Valletta over the treatment of Oromo people in Ethiopia.
The group of about 30, holding placards and many with chains around their arms and hands, walked up Republic Street to the new Parliament, calling on the Ethiopian government to treat their people better.
According to international media, some 75 protesters were killed and hundreds injured in month-long protests across Ethiopia.
Diaspora continues to expose crimes of Ethiopian government on Oromo protesters
#OromoProtests in Little Oromia (St Paul) in solidarity with #Oromo students in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian tyrannic regime’s ethnic cleansing (master plan).
December 10, 2015
Yaa Oromo dhageefadhaa Oromo student being killed by Ethiopian dictator protest in St Paul(1)
Yaa Oromo dhageefadhaa Oromo student bing killed by Ethiopian dictator Protest in St Paul(2)
#OromoProtests in London in solidarity with #Oromo students in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian tyrannic regime’s ethnic cleansing (master plan). Hiriira magaalaa Londonitti ta’e, Muddee 10 bara 2015.
Nairobi, Oromo Peaceful rally in solidarity with #OromoProtests in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian regime’s ethnic cleansing (Master plan), December 10, 2015
TVOMT: Oromo Protest Saartuu Roraas fii Hiriira Toronto
#OromoProtests global solidarity rally, South Africa (Johannesburg), 10 Dec. 2015
Egypt: Oromo Peaceful rally in solidarity with #OromoProtests in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian regime’s ethnic cleansing (Master plan), December 10, 2015
Sweden, Oromo Peaceful rally in solidarity with #OromoProtests in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian regime’s ethnic cleansing (Master plan), December 10, 2015
Germany, Oromo Peaceful rally in solidarity with #OromoProtests in Oromia against TPLF Ethiopian regime’s ethnic cleansing (Master plan), December 10, 2015
Join the global demonstration to stand with the Oromo Students and denounce the violent actions of the Ethiopian government on innocent and peaceful protesters who simply oppose the displacement of millions of Oromo farmers. We call on the international media to break the silence on the massive crackdown on the protesters, its unjust to keep quiet while scores are being killed on school grounds and university campuses across Oromia by Ethiopian security forces, the same regime that receives millions of dollars from UK, US and the EU. #OromoProtests, #Justice for Oromo students#NO Democracy No AID!
CITY: BERLIN, GERMANY, EU DATE/TIME: December 16, 2015 | STARTING at 9am VENUE: At Willy-Brandt-Straße 1, 10557 Berlin, Germany LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/WAbICA
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UPCOMING SOLIDARITY RALLIES FOR DECEMBER 17, 2015
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CITY: ATLANTA, GEORGIA, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 11am VENUE: In Front of the Georgia State Capitol Building (Capitol Avenue SW) LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/OIbNqr
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CITY: BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 9am VENUE: In Front of the Massachusetts State House LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 9am VENUE: In Front of the John C. Kluczynski Federal Building (230 S Dearborn St, Chicago, IL 60604) LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: COLUMBUS/CINCINNATI, OHIO, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 12pm VENUE: In Front of the Ohio State House in Columbus, Ohio LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: DENVER, COLORADO, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 7am VENUE: In Front of the Colorado State Capitol Building (City Park; 2001 Colorado Blvd – West Steps) LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/xL4Ffm
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CITY: LANSING, MICHIGAN, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 9:30am VENUE: In Front of the Michigan State Capitol Building LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: OAKLAND CITY, CALIFORNIA, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 9am VENUE: In Front of the Federal Government Building/Office LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: PHOENIX, ARIZONA, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 17, 2015 | STARTING at 9am VENUE: In Front of the Arizona State Capitol Building LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/fPFOJk
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UPCOMING SOLIDARITY RALLIES FOR DECEMBER 18, 2015
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CITY: BERLIN, GERMANY, EU DATE/TIME: December 18, 2015 | STARTING at 10am VENUE: At Willy-Brandt-Straße 1, 10557 Berlin, Germany [and Berlin Ethiopian Embassy at 11am – Boothstraße 20A, 12207 Berlin] LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/WAbICA
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UPCOMING SOLIDARITY RALLIES FOR DECEMBER 19, 2015
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CITY: BERGEN, NORWAY, EU DATE/TIME: December 19, 2015 | STARTING at 1pm VENUE: ? LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/t3apt4
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CITY: TROMSØ, NORWAY, EU DATE/TIME: December 19, 2015 | STARTING at 12pm VENUE: Torgsenteret, Storgata 9008 Tromsø LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/urzmPi
The following is the schedule of the Oromo Diaspora Solidarity Rallies; Oromo Diaspora stands with Oromo protests against the Addis Ababa Master Plan; this schedule will be frequently updated to include all rallies as much as possible.
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UPCOMING SOLIDARITY RALLIES FOR DECEMBER 10, 2015
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CITY: SEATTLE, WASHINGTON, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 10, 2015 | 10am VENUE: To be announced later LINK TO FLYER – N/A
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CITY: FRANKFURT, GERMANY DATE/TIME: December 10, 2015 | FROM 9am to 3pm VENUE: Frankfurt Hauptbahnhof LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/k434KG
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CITY: OSLO, NORWAY DATE/TIME: December 10, 2015 | FROM 10am to 2pm VENUE: Oslo Central Station LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/KY9R7b
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CITY: LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM DATE/TIME: December 10, 2015 | FROM 12pm to 4:30pm VENUE: UK Parliament Square (SW1P 3BD) LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/S8pc6U
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CITY: ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA, U.S.A. DATE/TIME: December 10, 2015 | FROM 12pm VENUE: Minnesota State Capitol Building LINK TO FLYER – http://goo.gl/xuygli
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INSPIRING SPEECHES FROM THE MAY-2014’s OROMO DIASPORA SOLIDARITY RALLY IN SEATTLE | #OromoProtests
The following is a statement from the Oromo Communities’ Association of North America (OCA-NA).
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Dear Oromo Communities and Friends:
The Board and Executive Committee of the Oromo Communities’ Association of North America (OCA-NA) are extremely concerned about the current Ethiopian government’s attempt to implement the controversial Master Plan at any cost, with aggressive crackdown on student demonstrators and peaceful protesters. We believe that we have a collective obligation to support the students who are brutally attacked, and Oromo farmers who are being evicted from their lands in the name development and urban planning. We know that many of you and your communities are planning to stage demonstrations, and organizing for sustained action in support of our people.
To facilitate this effort, we recommend that that each community chooses one of the following days for their demonstrations.
– Thursday, December 10, 2015
– Thursday, December 17, 2015
– Wednesday, December 23, 2015
– Wednesday, December 30, 2015
– Thursday, January 7, 2016
If necessary, additional dates will be announced later.
In your planning, please use the following suggestions:
1. Set your rally in your area or coordinate with nearby communities;
2. Contact your Congressional Representatives’ and Senators’ Offices (both State and U.S.) and alert them about the Oromo rallies ahead of the scheduled event;
3. Send press releases to all media;
4. Create, if you do not have already, fundraising committees to support Oromo students;
5. After the event, assess your activities and provide us with feedback for future improvement.
Remember, a one-time activity alone will not solve our historic problems, or deter a determined and brutal government from displacing peaceful people and destroying great nations like the Oromia. Organization, careful planning and sustained actions are vital for the ultimate success of our people. So, let us put our minor differences aside and focus on the great danger that we are all facing.
OCA-NA calls on all Oromo communities, civic and professional organizations in Diaspora to participate in the scheduled demonstrations. We also call on all Oromo political organizations to put their tactical and other differences aside and join Oromo communities in protest. We expect all Oromo political leaders to provide collective leadership and avert the looming danger for the Oromo people.
Our nation will rise again in victory.
History will be our witness.
Oromo Communities’ Association of North America (OCA-NA)
Support the victims of the Addis Ababa “Master Plan”
December 5, 2015Many of us have been following the Oromo students who have been demonstrating in all parts of Oromia, unequivocally rejecting the Addis Ababa (Finfinnee) “Master Plan”. As usual, the Ethiopian government opted to shed blood instead of responding the demands of the students that have been demonstrating peacefully.Based on our culture of helping fellow Oromos in thier time of sorrow, Macha-Tulama Association (MTA) hereby launches an online fund raising drive to support the families of those students who are killed by Ethiopian security forces across Oromia while peacefully protesting the “Master Plan”. We would like also to announce that MTA has allocated $1,000.00 U.S. dollars to support the victims and their families, and also to lead the fund raising effort.The fund will also be used to support students in their needs who are incarcerated for months in notorious gulags because of again protesting the Addis Ababa “Master Plan”. Please click on the“Donate“ button on our website – machatulama.org – and follow the instructions to contribute.It’s our plan that if sufficient funds are collected, MTA will reach out to the victims of the 2014 violence of the government.In the mean time, we would like to request for your help in gathering the following information and sending them to us via our Facebook message or our email – contact@machatulama.org:
Names of the students killed by the Ethiopian government security forces,
School grade or academic year and field of study if s/he is a university student,
Name of family members (at least two) to whom money can be sent and their telephone number,
Picture of the deceased student (if available), and
Age, place of birth, brief life history of the deceased if known
Please do not hesitate to contribute as much as you can. Every penny adds up and makes a difference in the lives of the victims!
Respectfully,
Macha-Tulama Association
Washington, D.C.
Related:-
Oromo Diaspora Mobilizes to Shine Spotlight on Protests in Oromia – Ethiopia
(UN News Centre, 19 August 2016)– Voicing concern over serious human rights violations in the Oromia and Amhara regions of Ethiopia earlier this month, the United Nations human rights chief today urged the Government to ensure access for independent observers to affected areas and to work towards opening up political and democratic reforms.
Against the backdrop of extremely alarming reports on human rights abuses during public protests over the weekend of 6-8 August, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, appealed to the Ethiopian authorities for allowing human rights experts to access to the conflict zones and evaluate the situation.
“We welcome the decision to launch an independent investigation, and we urge the Government to ensure that the investigation has a mandate to cover allegations of human rights violations since the unrest in Oromia began in November 2015,” Ravina Shamdasani, a spokesperson for the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), told reporters in Geneva.
She went on to stress that the probe should be “indeed independent, transparent, thorough and effective, with a view to establishing whether the use of excessive force occurred and with a view to bringing to justice the perpetrators of any human rights violations.”
The UN rights office is ready to assist in ensuring that the investigation is abide by international human rights standards. However, she said, it is critical to have access to areas where have been reported of ongoing arbitrary arrests, intimidation and harassment of people in the regions.
“We call on the Government to ensure that the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and expression are protected and that those detained for exercising these rights are promptly released,” said Ms. Shamdasani.
She further urged the Government to work towards opening up the political and democratic space, including comprehensive security sector, legislative, and institutional reforms.
Ethiopians wait to fill water cans in February during the recent drought. With the return of the rains, however, have come flooding and disease — something the government is reluctant to discuss. (Aida Muluneh for The Washington Post)
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — After going through its worst drought in 50 years, Ethiopia is again seeing rain. In fact, in some places, it’s falling too hard and has set off floods.
So while the number of people requiring food aid has dropped slightly from 10.2 million in January to 9.7 million, according to the latest figures, there is a new threat of disease in a population weakened by drought.
Measles, meningitis, malaria and scabies are on the rise. And most seriously, there has been an outbreak of something mysteriously called “AWD,” according to the Humanitarian Requirements Document, issued by the government and humanitarian agencies on Aug. 13.
“There is a high risk that AWD can spread to all regions with high speed as there is a frequent population movement between Addis Ababa and other regions,” it warned.
The letters stand for acute watery diarrhea. It is a potentially fatal condition caused by water infected with the vibrio cholera bacterium. Everywhere else in the world it is simply called cholera.
But not in Ethiopia, where international humanitarian organizations privately admit that they are only allowed to call it AWD and are not permitted to publish the number of people affected.
The government is apparently concerned about the international impact if news of a significant cholera outbreak were to get out, even though the disease is not unusual in East Africa.
This means that, hypothetically, when refugees from South Sudan with cholera flee across the border into Ethiopia, they suddenly have AWD instead.
In a similar manner, exactly one year ago, when aid organizations started sounding the alarm bells over the failed rains, government officials were divided over whether they would call it a drought and appeal for international aid.
Police break up anti-government protest in Ethiopian capital
Play Video0:57
Hundreds of protesters on Saturday clashed with police in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa after campaigners called for nationwide protests due to what they say is an unfair distribution of wealth in the country. (Reuters)
The narrative for Ethiopia in 2015 was a successful nation with double-digit growth, and the government did not want to bring back memories of the 1980s drought that killed hundreds of thousands and left the country forever associated with famine.
“We don’t use the f-word,” explained an aid worker to me back in September, referring to famine.
Like many of its neighbors in the region, Ethiopia has some issues with freedom of expression and is very keen about how it is perceived abroad. While the country has many developmental successes to celebrate, its current sensitivity suggests it will be some time before this close U.S. ally resembles the democracy it has long claimed to be.
Ultimately, the government recognized there was a drought and made an international appeal for aid. The systems put into place over the years prevented the drought from turning into a humanitarian catastrophe — for which the country has earned praise from its international partners.
In the same manner, even though it doesn’t call it cholera, the government is still waging a vigorous campaign to educate people on how to avoid AWD, by boiling water and washing their hands.
Yet this sensitivity to bad news extends to the economic realm as well. Critics have often criticized Ethiopia’s decade of reported strong growth as being the product of cooked numbers. The government does seem to produce rosier figures than international institutions.
After the drought, the International Monetary Fund predicted in Aprilthat growth would drop from 10.2 percent in 2015 to just 4.5 percent in 2016.
Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, maintained, however, that growth would be a robust 8.5 percent, despite the falling agriculture productivity and decreased export earnings.
In the political realm, news of unrest and protests is suppressed. During a weekend of demonstrations on Aug. 6 and 7, the Internet was cut, making it difficult to find out what happened.
Human rights organizations, opposition parties and media tried to piece together the toll from the deadly demonstrations, which according to Amnesty International may have been up to 100.
The United Nations has called for international observers to carry out an investigation in the affected regions, which the government has strongly rejected even as it has dismissed estimates of casualties without providing any of its own.
“That is one of the factors we are struggling against with this government, the blockade of information,” complained Beyene Petros, the chairman of a coalition of opposition parties. “Journalists cannot go and verify. We cannot do that.”
Local journalists are heavily constrained, and as Felix Horne of Human Rights Watch points out, Ethiopia is one of the biggest jailers of journalists on the continent.
“Limitations on independent media, jamming of television and radio signals, and recent blocking of social media all point to a government afraid to allow its citizens access to independent information,” he said.
Foreign journalists do not fare much better, especially if they attempt to venture out of the capital to do their reporting.
In March, the New York Times and Bloomberg correspondents were detained by police while trying to report on the disturbances in the Oromo Region.
They were sent back to Addis Ababa and held overnight in a local prison before being interrogated and released.
In a similar fashion, a television crew with American Public Broadcasting Service was detained on Aug. 8 south of the capital trying to do a story on the drought conditions.
They and their Ethiopian fixer — an accredited journalist in her own right — were released after 24 hours, and they were told not to do any reporting outside of Addis.
In both cases the journalists were all accredited by the Government Communication Affairs Office, with credentials that are supposed to extend the breadth of the country but in practice are widely ignored by local officials.
The government spokesman, Getachew Reda, has dismissed the allegations about the information crackdown in the country and in recent appearances on the Al Jazeera network he maintained that there are no obstacles to information in Ethiopia.
“This country is open for business, it’s open for the international community, people have every right to collect whatever information they want,” he said.
15 August 2016 (The Centre for Human Rights) – The Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria, is deeply concerned by the ongoing human rights violations in Ethiopia following popular anti-government protests in the Amhara and Oromia regional states, as well as in the capital, Addis Ababa.
The Centre is particularly dismayed by the use of force against protesters and the killing of civilians by the police, security and military forces during the protests. According to reports, nearly 100 people have been killed in the recent Amhara and Oromo protests, while more than 400 people have been killed during the earlier Oromo protests which began in November 2015.
The Centre is further concerned by the fact that the government of Ethiopia continues to suppress the human rights and fundamental freedoms of citizens including the rights to life, assembly, peaceful demonstration and the freedom of expression and association.
Considering the fact that Ethiopia is the seat of the African Union, and is regarded as a symbol of freedom against colonialism, the Ethiopian government is expected to have an exemplary human rights record to other African states. On the contrary, the government has been continually using force against peaceful protesters, which has often resulted in the death of a considerable number of people so far.
This is particularly distressing as there have been no signs of holding the perpetrators accountable. The government has often brought charges against the leaders of protests—who are often demanding human rights—while the very persons who are responsible for the deaths and injuries of many people go scot free.
Although Prime Minister Haile-Mariam Desalegn has apologised for the loss of lives and the injuries sustained by protestors earlier this year, the government has not shown improvement in handling protests, and in holding perpetrators accountable. Instead, it continues to hold a firm stand against protesters as it is shown—again—when the Prime Minister threatened that ‘measures will be taken’ against protesters. The fact that government officials, alongside members of the security forces, are involved in these human rights violations highly hampers the quest for justice at the domestic level.
The Centre is further concerned that, despite these gross violations of human rights, there has been inadequate pressure from the African Union, international organisations and the ‘international community’ in general.
Therefore, the Centre calls upon the African Union and the international community to take steps to ensure that the Ethiopian government produces tangible results with regards to its human rights record.
In particular, the Centre calls upon:
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to condemn the human rights violations in the country; to undertake an urgent visit to the country, and to report the human rights situation in the country to the African Union Assembly;
The Government of South Africa to condemn the serious human rights violation by the Ethiopian government, and work together with other African states towards a common AU position and action towards this issue.
The Centre also calls upon the Government of Ethiopia:
To immediately stop violence against, and the killing of protesters, as well as to respect and protect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the people, including the right to life, the right to peaceful assembly, the right to freedom of expression, the right not to be tortured, and the freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention;
To take precautionary measures to prevent the use of force during peaceful assembly;
To address all the issues raised by the people, in a democratic manner, according to the Ethiopian Constitution and the human rights treaties to which Ethiopia is a party;
To note that the right to peaceful assembly and peaceful demonstration should not be impeded by arbitrary restrictions in the pretext of protecting law and order;
To bring to justice government officials and members of security forces, who are responsible for the attack and killings as well as to provide adequate remedy for people whose properties have been destroyed and looted during the protests, and;
To promptly establish an independent and impartial commission of inquiry to investigate, report, and where required, to prosecute perpetrators.
For more information, please contact:
Prof Frans Viljoen
Director, Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria
Tel: +27 (0) 12 420 3228 / 3810
Mobile: +27 (0) 73 393 4181
Email: frans.viljoen@up.ac.za
Ethiopian police on August 8, 2016, detained three journalists reporting on the effects of a severe drought in the country before escorting them back to Addis Ababa with a warning not to work outside the capital, the Foreign Correspondents’ Association of Ethiopia said in a statement.
Fred de Sam Lazaro and Thomas Adair from the U.S. Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) and Africa News Agency (ANA) correspondent Hadra Ahmed, who was working as a fixer and translator, were told by the police to report to the Shashemene town police station, about 240km from the capital.
Police confiscated their passports and their equipment and offered no reason for their detention. The team was taken back to Addis Ababa the next day under police escort, interrogated for a further six hours and then released with a warning not to report outside the capital.
“Hadra and her colleagues’ ordeal is the latest example in a long trend of the government preventing journalists from doing their work,” William Davison, the FCAE’s chairman, said in the statement. In March 16, police detained Davison and a translator in the eastern town of Awash, confiscated their equipment, and escorted them back to the capital, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported at the time.
Ethiopia is the third worst jailer of journalists on the African continent, with at least 10 behind bars on December 1, CPJ’s 2015 prison census shows.
Women wait to receive food at a distribution center in Gelcha village, one of the drought stricken areas of the Oromia region in Ethiopia, on April 28. Photo by Tiksa Negeri/Reuters
We came to Ethiopia to report on the country’s response to a historic drought. We left with a very different story and a taste of how hard it is for journalists, even those covering what should have been a mostly positive story.
For years, Ethiopia has struggled to shed its association with vast human suffering earned during the epic famine three decades ago.
Gleaming high rises in the capital, Addis Ababa, are testament to what today is one of Africa’s most robust economies. An infrastructure building boom has connected the farthest reaches of this sprawling nation of 100 million people, many of them now covered by a government social safety net.
As a result, even though Ethiopia’s current drought has been far more severe than that in the ‘80s — one-fifth of its population suffers moderate to severe food insecurity — there’s very little of the classic, horrible imagery: the emaciated faces of children with distended bellies, which became the backdrop of those historic famine relief rock concerts.
More hours went by before we finally got our “hearing” before five unidentified men. … Each of us was interviewed separately about exactly what our story was, why we chose to go where we did.
We went to Ethiopia to tell this new story, that drought does not have to lead to famine. Many experts say planning and good governance can greatly mitigate human suffering. Ethiopia’s government has won some kudos for its drought response this time, yet its abysmal record on human rights, its harsh treatment of journalists and political dissidents can hijack attempts to tell this story. And in our case, it did just that.
For foreign correspondents, obtaining a journalist visa requires extensive paperwork, documenting the serial numbers of all equipment down to cell phones, a detailed account of every place to be visited and, once approved — if approved — stern warnings not to deviate from it.
The morning after we arrived in Addis, armed with all required permits and paperwork, we set off for the Oromia region south of the capital, shooting images of the extensive housing and road projects under construction or newly completed, some images of farmland and finally a small farm whose owners were being trained in business skills while cultivating new specialty crops to help cope with climate vagaries.
It was here where we were summoned by Ethiopia’s “security services” to the police station. It is amusing to reflect now that our first reaction was annoyance: this would rob videographer Tom Adair of the afternoon’s best light. If only that was all we would lose.
About two hours into our wait in a dimly lit office, we were told to surrender all electronic equipment, including cell phones, and our passports. No explanation was offered, only the threat of arrest if we continued to insist, as we did, that our paperwork was in order, that it is illegal to confiscate a passport, especially without a receipt.
“Report to Immigration tomorrow, and you can collect it,” we were instructed by a plainclothesman who never introduced himself. That meant a six-hour journey back to the capital and to a building teeming with Ethiopians and foreigners alike, applying for passports or visas. In our case, our chance to get our equipment and documents returned.
More hours went by before we finally got our “hearing” before five unidentified men. They’d combed through every corner of our luggage in pursuit of hidden cameras or memory cards and demanded to see every inch of footage we’d shot. Each of us was interviewed separately about exactly what our story was, why we chose to go where we did.
An emaciated cow walks through a dry field in the Oromia region of Ethiopia. Photo by Tiksa Negeri/Reuters
Our explanation was simple: Oromia was hard-hit by the drought. It is where we planned to film food distribution and other retraining programs run by the government and by Baltimore-based Catholic Relief Services, the largest nongovernment aid group operating in Ethiopia. A CRS official accompanying us was also detained through this ordeal. This was mystifying since his agency, far from being subversive, is a key government partner in relief work.
As it turns out, Oromia is also one of several regions that have seen political unrest and protests — unrelated to the drought — which the government has put down violently. In the days just before we arrived, Human Rights Watch reported 100 deaths at the hands of riot police in the Oromia region.
It’s fair to assume that the security services were looking for footage or evidence of any encounters we might have had with protests or protesters, highly improbable given that we’d barely arrived in the country. A glance in our passports could attest to that.
Finally, 24 hours after they were taken, our passports and gear were returned with the only “official” explanation we would get.
“You did not get permission from Security,” we were advised, even though no such requirement is published anywhere.
Oromia was now off limits and interviews already scheduled with government ministers about the drought were now canceled.
In Ethiopia, “Security,” the National Intelligence Service, appears to hold the biggest sway, enforcers for a government hell bent on controlling the flow of public information and the images it sends out to the world.
Internet service was shut down throughout the country in the period just before we arrived, presumably to muzzle social media and to prevent protest images from being exported, a virtually impossible task in this day and age. Nevertheless, footage of the protests were broadcast and distributed.
Given that weeks of careful planning (to say nothing of the hefty travel costs) were wiped out by the whims of a paranoid security apparatus, it’s unlikely we’ll be able to return and tell this important story any time soon.
Since November 2015, Ethiopia has been experiencing a wave of anti-government protests unleashed by fears by the Oromo people that the government was planning to seize their land. Hundreds of people have been killed.
In early August, anti-government demonstrations rocked the Oromia and Amhara regional states of Ethiopia. Thousands of demonstrators went on to the streets calling on the government to stop killing protesters, release those arrested, implement political reform, and respect justice and the rule of law. However, the response from government security forces, which used live ammunition against protesters, led to the death of about 100 unarmed people.
Although the government security apparatus reported that the demonstrations had been contained, “the current political situation has become volatile. Things are fast changing and developments have become increasingly unpredictable,” according to analyst Tsegaye R. Ararssa. Activists are said to be busy devising alternative methods of protest that range from weakening government institutions through staying at home and not operating businesses to organizing a Diaspora-based “grand solidarity rally.”
Change of tactics
In the town of Gondar in the state of Amhara, where the first demonstration took place, residents resorted to a new mode of protest – staying at home. A resident of the town, talking on condition of anonymity, told Deutsche Welle that from last Sunday to Tuesday the streets were deserted. Workers stayed at home and stores remained closed.
Asked why the public had opted for this type of protest, the man said “it is clear that society has demanded an answer from the government, but the response was one of bullets in return, so the public decided to launch a stay-at-home strike.”
For Tsegaye, this peaceful method of protest demonstrates “a complete rejection of the regime by the people. It also blunts the regime’s false claims that the protests were violent. The stay-at-home protest is an indication of the increasing maturity of civil disobedience in Ethiopia.”
Protesters are now leaving the streets and staying at home
Internet restrictions
Residents in both the Oromia and Amhara regions say that it is becoming increasingly difficult to get an internet connection and access to social media tools has been blocked. “The only way to get through is by using proxy servers,” one resident of Gondar told DW.
In a recent interview with Al Jazeera, Ethiopia’s Communications Affairs Minister Getachew Reda claimed that that social media had been used “to churn out false information after false information, mostly seditious remarks, trying to agitate people against security forces and also against fellow brothers and sisters.” The administration therefore decided to gag “the kind of vitriol running over social media,” he said.
However, political pundits argue that the state move to censor the internet places a strain on political discourse and the sharing of information. Despite the fact that the country has less than three percent of internet access, there are growing numbers of news and opposition websites which the regime is notorious for blocking.
Aid from the West
The Ethiopian government receives some 3.5 billion dollars (3 billion euros) annually from international donors and has remained a key strategic partner of the West, particularly the US and the EU, in the ‘war against terror.’ However, analysts argue this financial support has been toughening the regime’s resolve to silence dissenting voices. The western approach of tiptoeing around human right violations in the country and its continued support for the regime has been stirring up anger among sections of the public.
Tsegaye says that US and EU “support of the regime – which they know is clearly undemocratic – is the very cause of the state terrorism we observe in the region.”
A recent editorial in The Washington Post argues that the Obama administration, beyond releasing their “deeply concerned” statements, should put pressure on the regime to allow for “credible investigation into the killings.” Following the demonstrations in the two regions, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, urged the Ethiopian government to “give access to international observers in the affected areas to establish what really happened.”
In an interview with DW, Ravina Shamdasani, spokesperson for the commissioner, said restrictions on internet access, the blocking of social media and lack of civil society organizations in the country have made it difficult to verify reports of deaths and casualties.
Oromo activists took to the streets of Berlin in November 2015
Mohammed Said, public relations officer with Ethiopia’s Communications Affairs Office, told DW that the government had its own system of checks and balances and the country’s own Human Rights Commission was doing its job in investigating and publicizing the human rights situation in the country.
For analyst Tsegaye, this shows that the regime “is still in denial of the injustice its policies have resulted in.” The Ethiopian government now has the opportunity to change its approach – otherwise, Ravina said, “if the situation is left to fester, there will be more outbursts, more unrest, more protests and perhaps more violence.”
In Ethiopia unrest and protests against the government. This goes with a heavy hand against it. At the center of the conflict is the distribution of farmland.
Seit einigen Tagen weiten sich in Äthiopien Unruhen und Proteste gegen die Regierung aus. Diese geht mit harter Hand dagegen vor. Im Mittelpunkt des Konflikts steht die Verteilung von Ackerland.
Menschenrechtsbeauftragte zu den Unruhen in Äthiopien
Erscheinungsdatum17.08.2016
Die Beauftragte der Bundesregierung für Menschenrechtspolitik und Humanitäre Hilfe, Bärbel Kofler, erklärte heute (17.08.):
Zusatzinformationen
Die Unruhen in Äthiopien, die sich inzwischen von der Region Oromia auf die Region Amhara sowie Addis Abeba ausgeweitet haben und zuletzt in einem blutigem Wochenende gipfelten, bei dem schätzungsweise 50 Menschen bei Zusammenstößen mit Sicherheitskräften getötet wurden, verfolge ich mit großer Sorge. Ich mahne alle Beteiligten an, in einen inklusiven Dialog einzutreten und bedingungslos auf Gewalt zu verzichten. Mein Beileid spreche ich den Angehörigen der Verstorbenen aus und wünsche den Verletzten eine baldige Genesung.
In der äthiopischen Verfassung garantierte Rechte wie freie Meinungsäußerung und friedliche Versammlungsfreiheit müssen gewahrt bleiben. Einsätze der Sicherheitskräfte gegenüber Demonstranten dürfen den Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßigkeit nicht brechen.
Ich bin davon überzeugt, dass Umverteilung von Land für Entwicklungs- und Investitionszwecke, sowie die Neugliederung von Verwaltungsbezirken partizipativ, transparent und sozialverträglich umgesetzt werden muss. Hierbei ist es wichtig, dass legitime Forderungen von ethnischen Gruppen und Oppositionskräften berücksichtigt werden. Die in Äthiopien erreichten wirtschaftlichen Fortschritte müssen allen Bevölkerungsteilen gleichermaßen zu Gute kommen. Ich appelliere daher an die Regierung, unter Nutzung der lokalen Kräfte und Stärkung der föderalen Struktur in einen konstruktiven Dialog mit der gesamten Bevölkerung einzutreten. Nur so kann die Lage auf Dauer beruhigt und ein friedvolles Leben gesichert werden.
Hintergrund
Seit November 2015 kommt es in der Region Oromia und neuerdings auch in der Region Amhara immer wieder zu Demonstrationen und Protesten gegen die Zentralregierung und die strukturelle Benachteiligung der Provinzen und deren ethnischen Bevölkerungen. Der äthiopische Staat reagierte darauf mit Zensur, Einschüchterung und gewaltsamen Vorgehen der Sicherheitskräfte. Wie auch bei früheren Protestaktionen hatte die Regierung zunächst die sozialen Medien und Nachrichtendienste und schließlich das gesamte Internet landesweit gesperrt.
Bestätigte Zahlen über die Opfer gibt es nicht. Es kann jedoch als gesichert gelten, dass im Zeitraum November 2015 bis Mai 2016 mehrere hundert Menschen ums Leben kamen (bis zu 400 laut AI und HRW). Die äthiopische Regierung bestätigt diese Zahlen nicht.
Neben der unruhigen Region Oromia hat sich Gondar (Amhara Region) seit einigen Wochen zu einem weiteren Brennpunkt Äthiopiens entwickelt. Aus der blutigen Festnahme einiger Aktivisten der Welkait-Volksgruppe am 14. Juli ist binnen weniger Wochen eine größere Protestbewegung entstanden, deren Ende noch nicht abzusehen ist.
press release (Google translated)
Human Rights Commissioner on the unrest in Ethiopia
Release date 17 August /2016
The Federal Government Commissioner for Human Rights Policy and Humanitarian Aid, Bärbel Kofler, stated today (17:08.):
additional information
The unrest in Ethiopia who have now spread from the Oromia region of the Amhara and Addis Ababa and recently culminated in a bloody weekend in which an estimated 50 people were killed in clashes with security forces, I have been following with great concern. I urge all parties to engage in an inclusive dialogue and unconditionally to renounce violence. My condolences to the families of the deceased, I and wish those injured a speedy recovery. In the Ethiopian Constitution guaranteed rights such as freedom of expression and peaceful assembly freedom must be respected.Appearances of the security forces against protesters must not break the principle of proportionality. I am convinced that redistribution of land for development and investment purposes, as well as the reorganization of administrative districts must be participatory, transparent and socially acceptable measures. It is important that legitimate demands of ethnic groups and opposition forces are taken into account. The arrived in Ethiopia’s economic progress must come to Good all populations equally. I therefore appeal to the Government to engage using local forces and strengthening the federal structure in a constructive dialogue with the entire population. Only so the location can assured permanent and peaceful lives are saved.
Background Since November 2015, in the region of Oromia and recently also in the Amhara region repeatedly to demonstrations and protests against the central government and the structural disadvantage of the provinces and their ethnic populations. The Ethiopian government responded by censorship, intimidation and violent actions of the security forces. As with earlier protests, the government had first social media and news services, and finally the entire Internet nationally banned. Confirmed figures on the victims do not exist. However, it can safely be assumed that in the period from November 2015 to May 2016, several hundred people were killed (up to 400, according to AI and HRW). The Ethiopian government does not confirm these numbers. In addition to the troubled region of Oromia to Gondar has developed (Amhara Region) for a few weeks to a further focal point of Ethiopia. From bloody arrest of some activists Welkait ethnic group on July 14 a larger protest movement has arisen within a few weeks, the end is not yet in sight.
The government has recently killed and disappeared hundreds of people.
A couple hundred members of Seattle’s Ethiopian immigrant community marched through downtown’s streets Tuesday afternoon in protest against U.S. support for the brutal Ethiopian regime.
“Back in Ethiopia, we have a dictatorial regime which has committed mass crimes against its own people,” said attorney Daniel Ajema, a marcher who identified himself as an organizer. “We’re here in solidarity with the people back home, and would like to support them and show our support.”
He’s not exaggerating. In their “Democracy Index” last year, the Economistgave Ethiopia’s government their lowest classification: an authoritarian regime, with an “Electoral Process and Pluralism” score of zero out of ten. Since November, according to the Human Rights Watch, government forces have killed hundreds of largely peaceful protesters and “disappeared” hundreds more.
Ajema said that the protest was specifically aimed at urging President Obama and philanthropist Bill Gates to try to lean on Ethiopia’s national government to do better on human rights and democracy. “We are here to voice our concern and our anger against the enablers of the regime,” he said. The Gates foundation currently has 150 projects worth more than $500 million in Ethiopia, according to the South African Broadcasting Service. The official U.S. relationship with Ethiopia is a friendly one: Ethiopian troops have battled the terrorist army al-Shabaab in neighboring Somolia, and last year our government sent theirs more than half a billion dollars in aid.
Ajema says both the U.S.’s and Gates Foundation’s money helps finance the regime, and he says both Gates and the president should insist on putting human rights ahead of political expediency.
“They’re not doing a whole lot of checking on good governance and democratic rights,” Ajema said. “They’re just blindly giving money to the government.”
The transaction “utility” (economists’ term for satisfaction) compares the price one thinks is justified (the “reference price”) to the actual price they have to pay. If reference price is less than or equal to the actual price, humans get satisfied.
For free-trade skeptics, buying a relatively varied and less expensive basket of commodities is an alluring development. However, the transaction utility (satisfaction) is severely negative. This is because they are not willing to pay the price of substantial layoffs and unemployment at home (incidents that they perceive chiefly stem from globalisation) in order to get the goods for cheap.
Whether they are right or wrong is another matter, but the heavy moral cost they face because of perceived guilty conscience is too high. This results in a dissatisfaction with the current state of free trade and borderless transactions. In short, they suffer from a negative overall utility.
For the first time in history, the plight of the Oromo people has also received worldwide attention. International media outlets have reported on the peaceful protests and subsequent government repression.
Ethiopia’s volcano: The Oromo are resisting the regime and its bid to grab their land
Largest ethno-national group has been under martial law with citizens killed and subjected to beatings, torture and detention in concentration camps.
Oromo men in their traditional costume
Countrywide demonstrations by the Oromo in Ethiopia have flared up again. Ethiopia’s authorities reacted with heavy force, resulting in the death of 100 civilians. SAMANTHA SPOONER asked Professor Asafa Jalata, a leading scholar on the politics of Oromia, about the countrywide protests
Who are the Oromo people?
The Oromo are the single largest ethno-national group in northeast Africa. In Ethiopia alone they are estimated to be 50-million strong out of a total population of 100-million. There are also Oromo living in Kenya and Somalia.
Ethiopia is said to have about 80 ethno-national groups. The Oromo represent 34.4% and the Amhara 27%. The rest are all less than 7% each.
The Oromo call themselves a nation. They have named their homeland “Oromia”, an area covering 284 538 square kilometres. It is considered to be the richest area of northeast Africa because of its agricultural and natural resources. It is often referred to as the “breadbasket” of the region. Sixty percent of Ethiopian economic resources are generated from Oromia.
The capital city of Ethiopia is located in the heart of Oromia. What the world knows as Addis Ababa is known to the Oromo as Finfinnee. When the Abyssinian warlord Menelik colonised the Oromo during the last decades of the 19th century, he established his main garrison city in Oromia and called it Addis Ababa.
Despite being the largest ethno-national group in Ethiopia, the Oromo consider themselves to be colonial subjects. This is because they have been denied equal access to their country’s political, economic and cultural resources. It all started with their colonisation by, and incorporation into, Abyssinia (the former Ethiopian empire) during the Scramble for Africa.
Today, comprising just 6% of the population, Tigrayans dominate and control the political economy of Ethiopia with the help of the West, particularly the United States. This relationship is strategic to the US, which uses the Tigrayan-led government’s army as their proxy to fight terrorism in the Horn of Africa and beyond.
The Oromo have been demonstrating since November last year. What triggered the protests?
The Oromo demonstrations have been underway for over eight months, first surfacing in Ginchi (about 80km southwest of the capital city) in November last year. It began when elementary and secondary schoolchildren in the small town began protesting the privatisation and confiscation of a small football field and the sale of the nearby Chilimoo forest.
The sentiment quickly spread across Oromia. The entire Oromo community then joined the protests, highlighting other complaints such as the so-called Integrated Addis Ababa Master Plan and associated land grabbing. The master plan was intended to expand Addis Ababa by 1.5-million hectares on to surrounding Oromo land, evicting Oromo farmers.
Last year’s demonstrations were the product of over 25 years of accumulated grievances. These grievances arose as a result of the domination by the minority Tigrayan ethno-national group. Because of this dominance the Oromo people have lost ownership of their land and become both impoverished and aliens in their own country.
What was different about these demonstrations was that, for the first time, all Oromo branches came together in co-ordinated action to fight for their national self-determination and democracy.
Which part of the Oromo is organising the rallies?
It is believed that underground activist networks, known as Qeerroo, are organising the Oromo community. The Qeerroo, also called the Qubee generation, first emerged in 1991 with the participation of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in the transitional government of Ethiopia.
In 1992 the Tigrayan-led minority regime pushed the OLF out of government and the activist networks of Qeerroo gradually blossomed as a form of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism.
Today the Qeerroo is made up of Oromo youth. These are predominantly students, from elementary school to university, organising collective action through social media. It is not clear what kind of relationship exists between the group and the OLF. But the Qeerroo clearly articulate that the OLF should replace the Tigrayan-led regime and recognise the Front as the origin of Oromo nationalism.
What are their demands?
Their immediate demands are for the Ethiopian government to halt the so-called Addis Ababa Master Plan, land grabbing, corruption and the violation of human rights.
Their extended demands are about achieving self-determination and sovereignty by replacing the Tigrayan-led regime with a multi-ethno-national democratic government. These demands gradually emerged to create solidarity with other ethno-national groups, such as the Amharas, who also have grievances with the regime.
How has the government reacted to the protests?
The government reaction has been violent and suppressive. Despite Oromia being the largest regional state in Ethiopia, it has been under martial law since the protests began. The government has been able to use this law to detain thousands of Oromos, holding them in prisons and concentration camps.
Security structures called tokkoo-shane (one-to-five), garee and gott have also been implemented. Their responsibilities include spying, identifying, exposing, imprisoning, torturing and killing Oromos who are not interested in serving the regime.
There have also been deaths and reports of thousands of Oromos who have been maimed as a result of torture, beatings or during the suppression of protests. For example, during the Oromia-wide day of peaceful protest on July 6, the regime army, known as Agazi, massacred nearly 100 Oromos. According to Amnesty International, 400 Oromos were killed before July 6. But in reality nobody knows exactly how many Oromos have been victims of violence.
What effect have these protests had on the country?
The Oromo protest movement has started to change the political landscape of Ethiopia and shaken the regime’s foundations. Erupting like “a social volcano”, it has sent ripples through the country, and several groups have changed their attitudes to stand in solidarity with the Oromo. The support of the Ahmaras has been particularly significant as they are the second-largest ethno-national group in Ethiopia.
For the first time in history, the plight of the Oromo people has also received worldwide attention. International media outlets have reported on the peaceful protests and subsequent government repression.
This has brought about diplomatic repercussions. In January the European Parliament condemned the Ethiopian government’s violent crackdown. It also called for the establishment of a credible, transparent and independent body to investigate the murdering and imprisonment of thousands of protesters. Similarly, the United Nations human rights experts demanded that Ethiopian authorities stop the violent crackdown.
Not all global actors are taking a strong stance. Some are concerned about maintaining good relations with the incumbent government. For example, the US State Department expressed vague concern about the violence associated with the protest movement. In sharp contrast, they signed a security partnership with the Ethiopian government.
Nevertheless, the momentum of the Oromo movement looks set to continue. The protests, and subsequent support, have seen the further development of activist networks and Oromo leadership, doubling their efforts to build their organisational capacity.
Is this the first time the Oromo have demonstrated their grievances?
No. The Oromo have engaged in scattered instances of resistance since the late 19th century when they were colonised.
In the 1970s the Oromo started to engage in a national movement under the leadership of the OLF. The Front was born out of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association, which was banned in the early 1960s, and other forms of resistance such as the Bale Oromo armed resistance of the 1960s. Successive Ethiopian regimes have killed or sent Oromo political and cultural leaders into exile.
How do you believe their grievances can be resolved?
Critics believe the Tigrayan-led minority regime is unlikely to resolve the Oromo grievances. Oromo activists believe that their national struggle for self-determination and egalitarian democracy must intensify.
I am sure that, sooner or later, the regime will be overthrown and replaced with a genuine egalitarian democratic system. This is because of the size of the Oromo population, abundant economic resources, oppression and repression by the Tigrayan-led government, the blossoming of Oromo political consciousness and willingness to pay the necessary sacrifices.
This is an edited version of an article that was originally published on theconversation.com
Grand #OromoProtests (6 August 2016) MUST SEE: Soldiers shooting and killing a peaceful protesters in Robe, Bale. The victim is Abdela Kadir. Video source credited to Jawar Mohammed.
Calls for an international investigation in Ethiopia have surfaced after more than 100 people were killed in demonstrations.It is a conflict that has led to 400 deaths since November, 100 of them in the last week alone, according to human rights groups.The Ethiopian government is cracking down on ethnic Oromos and Amharas, who are calling for political reforms.Human rights groups have called the reponse ruthless. And the United Nations wants to send international observers to investigate.Ethiopia has denied that request, saying it alone is responsible for the security of its citizens. But what can be done to ensure the Ethiopian government respects human rights?Presenter: Folly Bah ThibaultGuests:Getachew Reda – Ethiopian communications affairs minister.Felix Horne – Ethiopia reseracher for Human Rights Watch.Ezekiel Gebissa – Profesor of History and African studies at Kettering University.- Subscribe to our channel: http://aje.io/AJSubscribe– Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/AJEnglish– Find us on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/aljazeera– Check our website: http://www.aljazeera.com/
As history repeats itself, barefoot Oromo athlete Abbabaa Bqilaa (Abebe Bikila), winner of Rome Olympic Marathon in 1964.
Oromo athlete Etenesh Diro of Oromia, representing Ethiopia in Rio 2016 Olympics competes in the Women’s 3000m Steeplechase heat.
Oromo athlete Etenesh Diro of Oromia, representing Ethiopia in Rio 2016 Olympics competes in the Women’s 3000m Steeplechase heat.
Oromo athlete Etenesh Diro — one of the favourites in the women’s 3000m steeplechase — was sitting comfortably in first place about two-thirds into her heat at the Olympics when disaster struck.
Her heel was clipped by a falling opponent, sending her tumbling to the ground and removing her right shoe.
Etenesh Diro reacts after she competed in the Women’s 3000m Steeplechase. Picture: AFP
The 25-year-old stood and quickly tried to put it back on her foot, but the laces were tied tight and with no time to spare she cast it aside.
Realising she’d have a better chance of running barefoot, her sock went too — and the African set about attempting to fight her way back into a race where only the first three placegetters were guaranteed of progressing to the final.
Oromia’s Etenesh Diro competes in the Women’s 3000m Steeplechase.
To say the crowd at Rio’s Maracana Stadium got behind her was an understatement.
With every step of Diro’s barren hoof the energy went up a notch — and she responded by passing several runners in the final few laps to claim seventh.
After the race Diro dropped to the ground in disappointment as competitors offered their support.
She’d failed to qualify and lost the opportunity to improve on a sixth-placed finish in London. But then something heartwarming happened.
Three teams involved in the race protested.
Etenesh Diro (L) is helped by officials after she competed in the Women’s 3000m Steeplechase heat. Picture: AFP
Diro had been unfairly brought down and along with Jamaica’s Aisha Praught and Ireland’s Sara Treacy — who also fell after being impeded — would be given a place in the final, which expanded to 18 runners.
She will now be the fan favourite in the final, which also features Australian Genevieve LaCaze and starts at 12.15am Tuesday AEST.
How the Ethiopia protests were stifled by a coordinated internet shutdown
Guartz, 14 August 2016
Nearly 100 deaths and thousands of arrests have been reported in Ethiopia over the week, as part of protests against the marginalization and persecution of the Oromos and Amharas, Ethiopia’s two largest ethnic groups. But the attacks and arrests may not have been the only forms of retribution carried out by the Ethiopian government in its crackdown against protesters.
Last weekend, the internet was reportedly shut down in the country.
In an attempt to understand whether the internet was in fact shut down, we looked at some public sources of data that contain information about internet traffic. Such data provides strong indicators that the internet was most likely shut down during the Ethiopian protests last weekend, though it remains unclear if this occurred in all regions and/or on all types of networks across the country.
Ethiopian protests
Ongoing protests have been carried out by Ethiopia’s Oromo people since November, marking one of the most significant political developments in Ethiopia in recent years. These protests were sparked by the introduction of the Addis Ababa City Integrated Master Plan, which aims to expand the territorial limits of the country’s capital into neighboring Oromo towns, threatening to displace millions of Oromo farmers and bring the Oromo-dominated region under the Tigray-led federal government.
The unprecedented wave of protests has resulted in more than 400 deaths since November, according to a recent Human Rights Watch report.
Protesters relied on the internet to plan and mobilize so this may have prompted the Ethiopian government to pull the plug.
More protests sprung up in the Amhara regional state, with protesters requesting political reforms and specifically, the Welkait community demanding that ancestral land currently administered by the Tigray regional state be moved into the neighboring Amhara region.
The new-found unity between the two historically antagonistic communities of the Oromo and Amharas against a common adversary, the TPLF-led government, seems to have raised the tension in the country. The security forces response has been extreme, with observers comparing it to the 2005 post-election violence where nearly 200 people were killed. This time though, at least 30 people were reportedly killed in the Amhara region in one day alone.
Internet shutdown
Protesters relied on the internet to plan, mobilize and coordinate with each other and this may have prompted the Ethiopian government to pull the plug on the internet even before the planned protests started.
But this is not the first time that the Ethiopian government appears to be restricting access to the internet this year.
Last month, the government reportedly blocked social media platforms across the country after university entrance exams were leaked on Facebook by an Oromo activist, as a form of protest against the government.
Public data from last weekend indicates that the internet was shut down in Ethiopia during the heat of the protests, but it remains unclear if this occurred nationwide.
The graphs below illustrate that while internet traffic appeared to be originating from Ethiopia up until Aug. 5, such traffic was suddenly terminated until August 8th, indicating that the internet was probably shut down.
Read more at:-
Ethiopia: State – Sponsored Terrorism and Military Brutality in Oromia HRLHA Urgent Action
Read more at:- 
Oromian Economist 
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