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EU asked to break silence on alleged killing of Oromo protesters in Ethiopia
Rights groups claim that Ethiopian security forces have killed at least 140 protesters. The Ethiopian foreign minister is in Brussels to answer questions by members of the European Parliament on the alleged offences.
Human Rights Watch (HRW) last week alleged that Ethiopian security forces had killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more. Opposition parties and activists asserted thousands of Oromo protesters had been arrested and injured since the protests started in mid-November.
In a surprise move on Wednesday (13.01.2016), the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO) party, which is part of the ruling coalition, announced that it wanted to halt the so-called “Addis Ababa Masterplan” which is at the root of the ongoing crisis. The plan involves the expansion of the capital into the surrounding Oromia region. Government spokesman Getachew Reda told reporters that the government would respect this decision, but that they would still prosecute those who had participated in the protests.
The plans to expand Addis Ababa were hotly contested by members of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group. Universities across the country turned into battlefields, with police firing live bullets to disperse the crowds. On social media, Ethiopians united under the hashtag #OromoProtests and Ethiopians of all ethnic backgrounds staged vigils all around the world.
On the eve of the hearing of Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom in Brussels, rights groups insisted that EU officials “should convey serious concerns about Ethiopian security forces against the Oromo protesters.”
Another topic on the Brussels agenda is the recurrent drought that has hit the country. Estimates say that as many as 15 million people could be threatened by hunger this year.
Watch video01:40
Fatal clashes in Ethiopia 19.12.2015
Donor darling Ethiopia
With Ethiopia ranking fifth on the table of aid recipients globally, raking in some $3.8 billion (3.5 billion euros) in 2014, donor countries have a responsibility to follow up on how the government handles human rights issues, Daniel Bekele, Executive Director with HRW’s Africa Division, told DW.
His concern is echoed by EU advocacy director at HRW, Lotte Leicht, who says “[the] European Union should break its silence and condemn Ethiopia’s brutal use of force to quell the Oromo protests.” Being the single largest donor, the EU “should press the Ethiopian government to respond with talks rather than gunfire to the protesters’ grievances.”
The US State Department earlier urged the Ethiopian government “to permit peaceful protest and commit to a constructive dialogue to address legitimate grievances.”
The Ethiopian government denies the alleged death toll of 140. Government spokesman Reda instead accused the Oromo protesters of “terrorizing civilians.”
Ethiopian legal expert Awol Kassim Allo said he would like to see a space for all Ethiopians to participate in the political arena. “Only with such an approach can there be a possibility of paving a way to move forward,” he told DW. In the last general elections in May 2105, Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), won 100 percent of the seats in parliament.
In Berlin protesters demonstrated in front of the German chancellery in support of the #OromoProtests
‘Cultural genocide’
In a recent debate, Bekele Naga, Secretary General of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress(OFC), told DW’s Amharic Service that “the constitution of the country proclaims that the land belongs to the people.” He added that the Ethiopian government “has been engaged in land-grabbing, leading to cultural genocide [of the Oromo people].” Another Ethiopian legal expert, Tsegaye Ararsa, complained that no government officials, including Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, have publicly voiced regret over the loss of young protesters’ lives. He believes there should be an independent fact-finding committee to look into the case.
This statement was originally published by hrw.org on 12 January 2016.European Union officials should convey serious concerns about Ethiopian security forces’ use of excessive lethal force against protesters when meeting with Ethiopia’s foreign minister, Human Rights Watch said today. The foreign minister, Dr. Tedros Adhanom, will meet with EU officials on January 12 and13, 2016, in Brussels.
Ethiopian security forces have engaged in a violent crackdown against protesters in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, killing scores of protesters and arresting many others. The protests began in mid-November 2015, in response to plans to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia farmland, but have expanded in response to other longstanding concerns as well as the crackdown on protesters.
“The European Union should break its silence and condemn Ethiopia’s brutal use of force to quell the Oromo protests,” said Lotte Leicht, EU advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The EU, which is among Ethiopia’s biggest donors, should press the Ethiopian government to respond with talks rather than gunfire to the protesters’ grievances.”
The Ethiopian government has frequently used arbitrary arrests and politically motivated prosecutions to silence journalists, bloggers, protesters, and political opponents.
(Brussels, January 12, 2016) – European Union officials should convey serious concerns about Ethiopian security forces’ use of excessive lethal force against protesters when meeting with Ethiopia’s foreign minister, Human Rights Watch said today. The foreign minister, Dr. Tedros Adhanom, will meet with EU officials on January 12 and13, 2016, in Brussels.
Ethiopian security forces have engaged in a violent crackdown against protesters in Ethiopia’s Oromia region, killing scores of protesters and arresting many others. The protests began in mid-November 2015, in response to plans to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into Oromia farmland, but have expanded in response to other longstanding concerns as well as the crackdown on protesters.
“The European Union should break its silence and condemn Ethiopia’s brutal use of force to quell the Oromo protests,” said Lotte Leicht, EU advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. “The EU, which is among Ethiopia’s biggest donors, should press the Ethiopian government to respond with talks rather than gunfire to the protesters’ grievances.”
The Ethiopian government has frequently used arbitrary arrests and politically motivated prosecutions to silence journalists, bloggers, protesters, and political opponents.
TPLF/EPRDF Regime a Contra to a Developmental State
By Dr Barii Ayano, Economic Thinker
Introduction
One of the catchy phrases the TPLF/EPRDF regime leaders and their cadres often use to describe the regime is “limatawi mengist” or “developmental state”. However, the TPLF/EPRDF regime is not pursuing a development state economic model since the regime’s economic system does not meet standard features of a development state. Actually, the regime’s economy and its rhetoric are in contradiction with the conventional features of a developmental state enshrined in nation building and economic nationalism that unify a nation. There is difference between state-led developmental state and state-controlled and state-owned economy of TPLF-led regime. The regime’s rulers and bureaucrats have predatory and kleptocratic motives, which are fed by structural and institutional corruptions and rentseeking. Unlike a developmental state, which builds foundations for private entrepreneurship and innovative enterprises, Ethiopia’s monetized economy is dominated by interest groups affiliated or aligned with the regime such as REST. The regime marginalized and displaced most of the traditional entrepreneurial and business class. The foundation of Ethiopia’s economy under the current regime is not entrepreneurial or business skill but alliance with TPLF leaders. The leaders of the TPLF/EPRDF regime and interest groups aligned with them designed get-rich-quick schemes based on land grabs and cronyism, which have nothing to do with economic efficiency, entrepreneurship, innovative value adding, business acumens, etc. of a developmental state. Therefore, the regime’s leaders and their cadres use of the phrase ‘developmental state’ to the describe economy is similar to the regime’s leaders and their cadres use of the word ‘democracy’ to describe the current political system. It is also important to note that a developmental state is not always synonymous with authoritarianism and dictatorship, but many Asian states have been authoritarian to a degree, particularly at the earlier stages of development.
What is a Developmental State?
A developmental state is a term coined by Chalmers Johnson that is used to describe states which follow a particular model of economic planning and management. It was initially used to describe post World War II Japan and its rapid modernization and economic growth. It is the developmental state of Japan that led to innovative creation of world renowned Japanese brands such as Toyota, Honda, Mazda, Mitsubishi, Nisan, Sony, Toshiba, etc. Other examples often cited as developmental states include Singapore, Thailand, Taiwan, Malaysia, South Korea, and Indonesia. In terms of an economic jargon, a developmental state is a state where the government is intimately involved in the macro and micro economic planning in order to grow the economy whilst attempting to deploy its resources in developing better lives for the people. Developmental states invest and mobilize the majority of capital into the most promising sector of an economy that will have maximum spillover effect for the society and reduce the dislocations caused by shifts in investment and profits from old to new sectors. Such state plays the social engineering role to restructure the national economic system for promoting long-term (industrial) development. Thus it is based on combinations of nurturing innovative private enterprises as the key owners and the positive role of government via an ambition use of the interventionist power of the state and its fiscal and monetary policy to guide investment in a way that promotes economic solidarity of different interest groups based vision for national economy and its growth.
Key Features of a Developmental State
In order to understand the concept of a developmental state, it is important to highlight some of the characteristics of a developmental state. Although dictators pursuing developmental states generally believe that they will attain state legitimacy through delivery of services to citizens rather than through the ballot, they use economic nationalism to unify the nation based on a collective goal of economic development. Developmental states hugely invest in quality education, especially in technical fields in both domestic universities and overseas scholarship. This leads to the emergence of bureaucratic layers populated by extremely educated people, who have sufficient tools of analysis to be able to take economic leadership initiatives, based on sound scientific basis, at diverse levels of decision making within the government structure. Moreover, developmental states have been observed to be able to efficiently distribute and allocate resources and, therefore, invest optimally in critical areas that are the basis of growth such as education, research and development, infrastructure, etc. It is this ideology-structure nexus that distinguishes developmental states from other forms of states. Let me elaborate the ideology-structure nexus of a developmental state in two areas.
1. Economic Nationalism as an Ideology
The successful developmental states are based promoting economic nationalism as a unifying ideology. The state promotes economic nationalism as an essential keystone, which unifies different interest groups. A developmental state conceives economic development as its national mission and the mission of the country at large. Although a development state establishes its principle of legitimacy as its ability to promote sustained development, it does not alienate experts of diverse interest groups and political views in participating in economic nationalism since real development requires expertise for steady high rates of economic growth and structural change in the productive system, both domestically and in its comparative competition in the international economy. In spite of dictatorial development states control of political sphere, there is economic freedom where experts of diverse professions are able to establish an “ideological hegemony” based on economic nationalism to which key actors in the nation adhere voluntarily in order to contribute towards economic development for the benefits of their country. The main force behind the developmentalist ideology has usually been economic nationalism, inducing nations to seek to “catch up” with countries considered as more developed. It is essential to stress the ideological underpinnings of state policies knit together the ruling class and the ruled class of a country with economic nationalism as a unifying factor. In other words, the centrality of economic nationalism as an alternative ideology points to de-politicized national quest for economic development, which is driven by professional expertise with the help and support of a developmental state. The economy falls under some kind of technocratic governance of the best and the brightest a country can offer for economic development to carry out state policies that are good for the nation without focusing on cronyism and self-serving profiteering of politicians and their relatives. The TPLF-led regime does not function in this mindset. Economic development is not only a central preoccupation for political leaders but also by professional technocrats of a developmental state. Nationalist-cum-developmentalist ideology is used for both unifying nation building and economic development. Economic nationalism ideology is used to rally the masses for national unity and economic development. The centrality of economic development was such that it acquired the status of an ideology (“developmentalism”) national ideology, which seeks to subordinate the energy of the people behind a single national goal. Among others, the role of the government is maintaining public investment in infrastructure, research and development, and education to stimulate private investment, create skilled labor force and entrepreneurial class, etc. In the politics of nation building, the developmental state leadership focuses on the economics of nation building. In dictators-led developmental state leaders swear by economic growth and seem to view good growth indicators as the main source of their legitimacy. The developmental state is also committed to resolving conflicts in the on-going process of social restructuring as it tends to induce winners and losers in economic development. Conflict management in this regard involves ensuring that the benefits, expected benefits, of the growth process are widely shared and discussed among politicians, experts and the public. The developmental state is understood to be identified with its actual achievement of economic growth, since its legitimacy stems from the significant improvement in standards of living for a broad cross section of society. Thus economic nationalism can include political interest groups molded into a developmental coalition for a common goal.
2. Developmental State-Structure: Professional Capacity Building
The state-structure of a developmental state emphasizes building structural capacity to implement economic policies sensibly and effectively. The capacity is determined by structural, institutional, technical, administrative, and political engagements and professional bureaucrats. Undergirding all these layers is the autonomy of the state from social forces so that it can use these capacities to devise long-term economic policies unfettered by private interests of corrupt politicians and unprofessional bureaucrats. The quest for a “strong state” in the development process is aligned with building administrative capacity more than the political ability to push through its developmental project using political power. The developmental state has some social anchoring that prevents it from using its autonomy in a predatory manner and enables it to gain devotion of key social actors. It does not rely on asymmetric nature of centre-periphery power relations, which tend to produce various class structures. Rather, it focuses on building capacity for appropriate state structures and functions that effectively promote development as a national goal. (See “a” and “b” below) The foundation to building a developmental state is to develop an educated population and a knowledgeable society with high levels of scientific literacy in building a knowledge economy based on professional business people and entrepreneurship. Economic nationalism leads to a harmonious society with a strategic partnership amongst labor, government, industry and society, which leads to a society that efficiently allocates and distributes resources.
a. Competent and Efficient Bureaucracy
It goes without saying that cooperation between state and major industries is crucial for maintaining stable macroeconomy since policies decided at the top levels of government are administered by middle-level bureaucrats. One of the main characteristics of a successful developmental state capacity building is creating an extensive bureaucratic layer consisting of mainly professional technocrats with highly developed economic and innovative visions, who are able to plan in large cycles that extend over long time periods. The bureaucrats also pay special attention to reconfiguring the social sphere so that the culture of appreciating the value of education is entrenched since technical education is the driver of increasing developmental capacity. For instance, in East Asia, the developmental state’s bureaucracy has several important characteristics. There was an extensive discourse on ‘developmentalism,’ the necessity of industrialization and of state intervention to promote it. The professional bureaucracy in Asia has a powerful social group of highly educated bureaucrats with predictable and coherent national interests. Thus, the public-private cooperation between the bureaucracy and business sector has been developed and refined through institutional adaptation over time, and responds flexibly to changing new realities in the respective country and international economic conditions. By and large, the behavior of Asian bureaucrats has been bound to the pursuit of collective goals rather than individual opportunities presented by the market, allowing the state to act with autonomy from certain societal pressures. The fact that formal competence, as opposed to clientelistic ties or loyalties, is the chief requirement for entry into the bureaucratic network makes it all the more valued among people. A competent and efficient bureaucracy dedicated to devising and implementing a planned process of economic development is central role of a developmental state. Developmental states staff the bureaucracy by the respective countries best human resources, who are charged with the task of directing the course of their countries’ development. Thus the chance to join the state bureaucracy has a high degree of prestige and professional legitimacy. This allows a developmental state not only to continue recruiting outstanding personnel, but also to utilize policy tools that tend to give them additional authority. As a result, the developmental state economies have developed the greatest state capacity not only to formulate development policies but also to implement them effectively to promote economic development. The TPLF-led regime has never nurtured bureaucratic professionalism but bureaucratic clientelism of loyal servants.
b. Embedded Autonomy of Professional Bureaucrats and Entrepreneurs
A competent and efficient bureaucracy under a developmental state is able to maintain effective relationship, especially regarding the direction and funding of investment projects, with the domestic business sector without direct intervention of the central government. Thus, the professional bureaucrats, entrepreneurs and the business sector have “embedded autonomy” when it comes to the relationship between the developmental state and the business sector. A successful developmental state needs to be sufficiently embedded in society so that it can achieve its development objectives by acting through “social infrastructure”, but not so close to business sector that it risks ‘capture’ by particular interest groups, which tend to lead to entrenched corruptions and rent-seeking. This no demarcation between the TPLF-led regime’s politics and the economy since politics and economy, including dominating economic ownership, are meshed together in Ethiopia-politics is economy; economy is politics.
TPLF-led Regime: A Kleptocratic State
The TPLF/EPRDF regime vividly lacks an ideology of development anchored in some form of economic nationalism that unifies Ethiopia as a collective goal. The government has not attempted to build national consensus on economic development of different interest groups with the exception of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). Some argue that the GERD campaign by the regime is more for finance and political expedience than unifying the people under a national project. Economic growth rhetoric is sold as the domain and monopoly of the regime whereas the general public is ridiculously divided into “pro-development” and “anti-development”. And the opposition groups, by and large, fall under the category of “anti-development”. Surely, this is anti-thesis to a developmental state’s theme of building economic nationalism, which binds different interest groups of a country so that they all accept and take part in it as a collective national goal. Abay Tsehaye, in one of his interviews, clearly stated the economic goal of the regime in the long run. He stated that the regime has the agenda of creating an economically empowered class, which will control the economy and lead politics. This agenda has nothing to do with a developmental state agenda founded on building national consensus and economic nationalism as an ideology. The regime’s economic agenda is aligned with “divide-and-rule” and long term goal to lord over Ethiopia. Like the political goal of the regime, the economic agenda is also inherently discriminatory in its nature. In the lack of nurturing national development ideology and intrinsic one-party rule, loyalty to the regime easily overrides societal development goals. Individuals aligned with the regime often hold highly idiosyncratic mindset that they flout with impunity and with no moral qualms in politics, the economy and their general interaction with the business sector and the society at large. Consequently, TPLF/EPRDF regime’s leaders have no moral basis on which they could demand enthusiastic and internalized compliance to whatever “national project” they launch due to the lack of ideology of development, which addresses the public demand and national economic interests shared by all interest groups. Unlike the developmental state, the central political stage and layers of bureaucracies of the regime are not occupied by well educated professionals, who are guided by the aspirations of nation building and economic development. Loyalty is the major factor in bureaucratic appointments from top to the bottom, and hence most of the regime’s bureaucrats are less merited to occupy their offices. Rather than being competent and efficient bureaucracy, the processes of appointing less qualified individuals based on loyalty has led to an inescapable “development of underdevelopment” in Ethiopia’s bureaucracy, which in turn produced a series of political and economic contradictions and bureaucratic cronyism. Moreover, unlike a development state, the TPLF/EPRDF regime portrays foreign dependence syndrome, with a significant part of the regime’s budget covered by international budgetary aid. Externally dependent growth is not conducive for dynamic capital accumulation, which builds basis for a development state economy. Thus, even accepted at face value, equating the regime’s claimed booming economy of Ethiopia with a developmental state becomes problematic since the economy heavily depends on external factors, such as export of primary products and aid inflows.
TPLF-led State Controlled and Owned Economy
The institutional and economic structures of the regime are reinforced and constructed by political power to control the economy rather than developing national economic ideology or creating discourses with interest groups. Structural aspects of the regime’s economy include mass dislocation of society without offering alternative settings or means of survival. This kind of economic structure resembles settler colonial economy much more than a development state. This is most apparent in land-grab and the privileging of elements of the regime, their families and supporters. Access to politicians paves way for getting rich much more than individuals’ entrepreneurial and business skills. Large chunk of renowned entrepreneurs and business people have been forced to leave Ethiopia and migrate to other countries. The economic system and its bureaucracy are structured as a predatory state, where top rulers and layers of bureaucracy have predatory motives, and hence less willing to part with corruptions and rent-seeking. The aim of regime is to exploit the physical, human, and economic resources for the benefit the leaders of the regime and few others aligned with them. The economic goals of regime are simple. It is to provide maximum economic benefit to the individuals in power at the expense of the majority. Like colonial settlers, the individual needs of their subjects are neither important nor part of their economic goals. The imposition of economic policy is often arbitrary and unrelated to any real need of the majority of the people. This led to inadequacy of the food entitlements and chronic malnutrition and famine. Unlike a development state’s national development driven by all-encompassing economic nationalism, the TPLF/EPRDF regime’s economic agenda is more about economic subjugation and about the regime’s ability to control of the economy. Improving the production methods and strengthening national economy for all people are not the priorities. It’s all about empowering the likes of REST to be unchallengeable economic giants of Ethiopia. There is a crystal clear lack of autonomy of the business sector due to the unholy relationship of state-society and state-business under the TPLF-EPRDF regime. There is bureaucratic malaise into both market and state structures and it has eaten into the very core of the edifice of modern administration rendering it both weak and incoherent, at best. Mired in clientelism, the state has not been able to provide the bureaucratic order and predictability that business sector and entrepreneurs need to engage in long-term investment and contribute to long-term national development. TPLF-led regime is literally driven interest groups and mired in state-clientelist relationships. And hence it is even lacking in “stateness” in a strict sense of the word. Self-interest groups which control the state adopt policies that generated rents for them. The TPLF/EPRDF state is essentially a rent generating institution that inhibited efficient allocation of resources. Rent seeking usually involves redistribution of income from one group to another, and in Ethiopia, it is redistribution from poor to the rich through corruptions and rent-seeking. Let alone being a development state, the regime cannot pursue the collective task of development in the long run. It has crushed most of the strategies and institutions that build a solid foundation for development. State-society relationships are inherent to national development, and mistrust runs both ways-the regime does not trust the people and the people don’t trust the regime.
Conclusion
The developmental state refers to the collective economic and human development via state’s essential role in harnessing national human, financial, etc. resources and directing incentives through a distinctive policy-making process. The foundation for building a developmental state is the ability to establish nationalist educated population by creating a harmonious society with strategic partnerships amongst labor, government, industry and society as well as efficiently allocating and distributing resources. The success of the developmental state also stems from the ‘embedded autonomy,’ in which the developmental state is linked intimately with the private sector but preserves sufficient distance for the renegotiation of goals and policies when capital interests are inconsistent with national development. The key government actors under the TPLF-led are irredeemably greedy, corrupt and captured by rent seekers and economies of personal wealth accumulation, and hence focus on promoting vested interests over national development. They don’t think creatively of modes of social organization at both macro and micro level that can extricate Ethiopia from poverty and lead it to the long term path of development. Appropriate institutional structures do not exist in Ethiopia to socially engineer a developmental state since a development state is a social construct consciously brought about by a state, its bureaucracy and societies. Economic nationalism of a developmental state cannot take root. We cannot draw parallels between TPLF-led regime and developmental states implemented in Asia. Unlike TPLF, Asian dictators were/are very nationalist with the goal to change the living standard of their people and promote their countries in the world. TPLF leaders have beef with most of the people in Ethiopia such as Oromos and Amaras. TPLF’s governance resembles settler colonialism of the apartheid system in South Africa and British land-grab system in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) much more than the developmental state systems in Asia. The regime does not pursue collective economic empowerment agenda. In dictatorial developmental states, even where was no political freedom but people had economic freedom. Under the TPLF/EPRDF regime, there is neither political nor economic freedom. Discriminatory economic policies, with enclave economy nature, are more aligned to colonial policies. TPLF governance is unequivocally becoming ethnic apartheid in political, economic, etc. fronts. Its policies are designed to marginalize dissenting people from economic benefits and then to impoverish them for long term political and economic control whereas the leaders and their relatives profiteering through deeply entrenched cronyism. Developmental state dictators in Asia were not consumed by self-enriching schemes via corruptions and rent-seeking. Actually, the Asian dictators were very tough on corrupted individuals, politicians, etc. Although they did not stop it, corruption leads to very long imprisonments. But people join the TPLF/EPRDF regime to get license to be corrupt and rent-seeker without any repercussion. The TPLF –led regime is structurally and institutionally corrupt, which was not the case under Asian developmental state system. Finally, the TPLF-led regime is weak, over-extended, and interfere with the smooth functioning of the markets with its repressive characters and draconian policies. It heavily depends on foreign powers for its existence. Therefore, it is not an example of a developmental state by any account. I think phrases like the “rentier state”, the “overextended state”, the “parasitical state”, the “predatory state”, the “crony state”, and the “kleptocratic state” better fit the TPLF/EPRDF regime. I think it is a kleptocratic state/autocracy (rule by thieves) made up of very greedy individuals addicted to personal wealth accumulation through structured and institutionalized corruptions and rent-seeking.
#OromoProtests: What You Need to Know About Ethiopia’s Crisis That No One Is Talking About
January 11, 2016 by David Love, Atlanta Black Star
(Atlanta Black Star) — The Oromo protests in Ethiopia. The issue has received little attention in global mainstream media, but it is one that demands our attention. The latest news coming out of the East African nation is troubling, with at least 140 protesters killed in the past few months, according to Human Rights Watch. This represents the greatest bloodshed facing the East African nation since 2005, when 200 people died in post-election violence. Moreover, based on data from #EthiopiaCrisis, 2,000 reportedly have been injured, 30,000 arrested and 800 disappeared.
As Al Jazeera reported, police were accused of opening fire and killing dozens of protesters in April and May of 2014.
With the largest population of any of the federal states in Ethiopia, Oromia has a population of about 27 million—40 percent of the country’s population. The nation’s largest ethnic group, Oromians have their own language, Oromo, which is separate from the official language, Amharic.
At issue in the current conflict is the convergence of ethnic strife, land and economics, beginning with the expansion of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. As NPR reported, the larger picture is that the world is growing, and there is a big demand for food and arable land. Africa has 60 percent of the usable farmland, and in Ethiopia, the government, which owns all of the nation’s land, has leased large parcels of land to foreign investors from China, India and the Mideast.
In November, protests were set off when a forest was being cleared for development, as part the “master plan” by the Ethiopian government to expand the capital city into surrounding farmland in Oromia. Supporters of greater urbanization, known as the Integrated Regional Development Plan for Addis Ababa, note that the nation faces a food shortage. They believe the nation is susceptible to famine because too many Ethiopians live in rural areas and depend on agriculture. However, people in Oromia claim they are being displaced from their ancestral lands.
As VOA reported, the government plans to develop the farmland outside Addis Ababa into a new business zone. Protesters claim the plan will result in marginalization and reduced autonomy for the Oromo people living outside the nation’s capital. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian government claims the development project on the farmland will lead to new business and benefits to all groups.
As the Washington Post recently reported, President Obama has expressed concern over the events in Ethiopia, while also saying the “United States has consistently applauded Ethiopia for being a model and a voice for development in Africa.”
The nation has been hailed by the U.S. for its economic growth and engaging in the war against al-Shabab, the Somali terrorist group. And Ethiopia has reportedly received substantial aid from the U.S. in this regard. At the same time, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front regime has been accused of silencing protest and dissent. For example, Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress—Oromia’s largest registered political party—was arrested. In addition, the government also allegedly arrested and beat Oromo singer Hawi Tezera, who has a song about the protests.
Further, there are reports of the Ethiopian government clamping down on media outlets covering the protests. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the nation is one of the leading jailers of journalists. Authorities have reportedly arrested journalists such as Getachew Shiferaw, editor in chief of the Negere Ethiopia news site, under terrorism charges, and Fikadu Mirkana of Oromia Radio and TV. Further, according to the Post, the government jammed the broadcasting satellite of the U.S.-based television channel ESAT, which has been reporting on the demonstrations by students and farmers.
Although the most recent catalyst for recent protests is the development plan to expand Addis Ababa into Oromia—of which millions of farmers fear displacement—there have been tensions and grievances developing for quite some time. The Oromo have expressed a sense of marginalization and being pushed out of mainstream national life.
According to the group Global Voices, of the nearly 140 peaceful protesters killed in Ethiopia since November, most were killed at close range. More than 70 percent of the dead are reportedly male students, with male farmers accounting for around 20 percent of the deaths. Also among the victims are women and school teachers, including one seven-month pregnant woman and her sister-in-law, who were killed while attempting to escape arrest. Further, at least 10 people were reportedly tortured and killed while in prison, according to Global Voices.
Meanwhile, this round of protests is believed to be unprecedented because of broad-based support and participation—with inter-ethnic coalitions despite the ethnic lines marking the country, including a number of non-Oromo civic groups and political organizations. They are also employing tactics of civil disobedience such as lunch boycotts, sit-ins and roadblocks.
However, the Ethiopian government has characterized its response as being part of the war on terror. Authorities accuse protesters of having links to terrorist groups, according to the Sudan Tribune, and announced that the nation’s Anti-Terrorism Task Force would be leading the response.
“By treating both opposition politicians and peaceful protesters with an iron fist, the government is closing off ways for Ethiopians to nonviolently express legitimate grievances,” said Felix Horne of Human Rights Watch, according to Al Jazeera. “This is a dangerous trajectory that could put Ethiopia’s long-term stability at risk,” he warned.
#OromoProtests: Ethiopian Protesters Use Social Media to Bring Attention to Deadly Government Crackdown on Dissent
January 9, 2016 Posted by Zellie Imani, Atlanta Black Star
#OromoProtests: Ethiopian Protesters Use Social Media to Bring Attention to Deadly Government Crackdown on Dissent
Ethiopian security forces have killed at least 150 people taking part in mass anti-government demonstrations according to human rights and activists groups.
Demonstrators in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest regional state, have been protesting since Novemeber against the government’s plans to extend the boundaries of the capital Addis Ababa. Protesters say the proposed urban plan, known as Addis Ababa Integrated Master Plan or the “Master Plan”, will displace local farmers through mass evictions.
Addis Ababa is one of the fastest growing populations in the world with a population of 3,384,569 according to the 2007 population census with annual growth rate of 3.8%. In the last 10 years, the capital has steadily encroached on Oromo farmlands. In the last 10-15 years, more than 150,000 Oromo farmers have been evicted from their ancestral lands without adequate notice, compensation and proper relocation.
“Sometimes the informal settlers are given only a few days’ notices before bulldozers arrive on the scene to tear down their shabby houses and lay foundations for new investors,” said Ermias Legesse, a high profile government defector.
The government rejected the accusation, claiming that the plan is intended only to facilitate the development of infrastructure such as transportation, utilities and recreation centers to remote areas.
Protesters say the plan threatens the sovereignty of Oromo communities. According to the Ethiopian constitution, Oromia is one of the nine politically autonomous regional states in the country. However, the constitution also says that the farmers do not own their land, the government does.
Land is a common property of the Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia and shall not be subject to sale or to other means of exchange.
Since November, university students clashed with anti-riot police resulting in between over 100 deaths according to human rights and activist groups. Over 4,000 have been arrested, including journalists, bloggers and Oromo singer Hawi Tezera. Although the government has initiated a media blackout in the capital, protestors have been able to send videos, photos and messages through social media of the state violence.
(SBO – AMAJJII 11,2016) Baha Oromiyaa Godina Lixa Harargee keessatti loltootni wayyaanee Fincila Xumura Gabrummaa (FXG) dura dhaabbachuuf bobbaafaman WBOn haleelaman. Gaafatamaan Miliishaa Ona Gammachiisis Ajjeefame.
Gootichi WBO Godina Bahaa Amajjii 07 fi 08,2016 Lixa Harargee Ona Daaroo Labuu fi Ona Gammachiis keessatti tarkaanfii fudhateen Ajajaa milishaa dabalatee loltoota diinaa 12 ol hojiin ala gochuu Ajaji WBO Godina Bahaa beeksiseera.
Haaluma kanaan WBOn Godina Bahaa Amajjii 07,2016 Lixa Harargee Ona Daaroo-Labuu bakka Xuxxis-Fardaa jedhamutti humna diinaa kan Fincila Xumura Gabrummaa ummatnii fi barattootni gamtaan geggeessaa jiran dura akka dhaabbatuuf naannichatti bobbaafame haleeluun 6 ajjeesee, 5 ol ammoo madeessuu Ajaji WBO Godina Bahaa hubachiiseera.
Warning: Interactive map contains graphic and disturbing images.
Since the beginning of November 2015, at least 140 peaceful protesters have been killed in Ethiopia according to Human Rights Watch. Photo and video evidence suggests that most of the people were killed by bullets fired at close range.
There are also reports by Oromo rights activists indicating that at least 10 individuals died from torture inflicted while they were in prisons.
University students, women, farmers and school teachers have all been victims of government violence.
Among the dead, more than 70% are male students. Male farmers account for about 20% of the deaths.
The remainder are women. A seven-month pregnant woman along with her sister-in-law were killed while they were running away to escape arrest.
It was reported their bodies were discovered in scrub-land days after their disappearance.
Below is an interactive map created by this author with help from Oromo activist Abiy Atomssa. The map lists 111 people that have died during the protests in recent months.
We ask anyone who has evidence of the deaths or disappearance of protesters to contact us via editor@globalvoicesonline.org.
Despite all evidence to the contrary, the Ethiopian government and pro-governmentcommentators say the number of dead is around five people.
In a radio interview, the head of a pro-government human rights commission, Addisu Gebregziabher said for the sake of security the government was forced to use violent measures against protesters.
The protests began when the government made plans for the expansion of the capital Addis Ababa into land inhabited by the Oromo ethnic group, which accounts for almost a third of Ethiopia’s population.
The decision compounded poor relations between the Oromo and the government dominated by members of the northern Tigrayan minority.
The culturally distinct Oromo people complain of a lack of economic opportunity in Ethiopia and regular state violence against Oromo communities.
The current situation in Ethiopia is no longer tenable and unless urgent measures are taken it will bring unmanage-able chaos in the Horn of Africa worse than the current situation in the Middle East.
In 1992 and 1994, the Ethiopian regime declared an all out war against the civilian population in many parts in Oromia, Ogaden and the rest of Ethiopia creating humanitarian and human rights Catastrophe, hundreds of thou-sands were killed, detained, tortured or forcefully dislocated from their lands.Today the Ethiopian regime is embarking on campaign to commit grave violation of human rights and suppression of all democratic rights it even recognizes in its nominal constitution. The Oromo people whose democratic rights were never respected and subjected to consistent human right violations massively are now being systematically uprooted from their ancestral lands around Addis Ababa under the pretext of development. Similar atrocities are being committed against the people in Sidama, Gambela, Beni-shangul, Amhara,and other states.Read more at:
(Addis Fortune) — Ethiopia’s foreign currency supply available for importers and travellers alike is increasingly facing chronic shortages, claims an importer engaged in trading of household appliances from Asian countries, while opting to speak to Fortune on conditions of anonymity. As the country’s foreign exchange provision plummets into a whirlpool, the parallel or black market for hard foreign currency (which has become a rare commodity), is thriving in the country.
The forex shortage is so critical that opening a Letter of Credit (LC) takes as long as one year or even more, and even then, there is no guarantee that the requested amount of foreign currency will be availed, the importer complained.
His is not the sole voice of concern with the increasing scarcity of foreign currency in Ethiopia, as his view is also shared by a senior executive of a private bank and an economics lecturer, who also chose to speak anonymously to Fortune. They argue that basic economic principles of supply and demand suffice to explain the ongoing critical shortfall of forex in Ethiopia.
Both the banker and economist posited three basic factors: global economic slowdown, Ethiopia’s mega projects consuming huge loads of hard currency and the country’s widening trade balance, as the genesis of the shortage.
As the world still reels from the financial meltdown of 2008 and the subsequent global economic slowdown, it has negatively affected and upset long term foreign investment in the country, the banker and economist argued. However, a recent study by the United Nations Conference on Trade & Development (UNCTAD) discovered that Ethiopia is actually the third largest recipient of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Africa, with inflows of 953 million dollars in 2014 and 279 million dollars in 2013, highlighting a rapidly rising trend.
Ethiopia’s mega projects in hydroelectric generation, sugar production, and rail transport, continue to drain the country’s hard currency reserves, with high demand for public investment, the experts argued. Import of capital goods and construction-related services increased sharply in Ethiopia according to a June 2015 IMF report, utilising large sums of hard currency.
In line with the country’s development endeavours, the National Bank of Ethiopia (NBE) has a policy of prioritising provision of foreign exchange for selected goods and services based on a designated priority, which shuns other imports, the banker explained. The mega projects top the priority list and drain the country’s forex reserves.
In addition to the impact of the country’s mega projects taking a rather large chunk of the highly limited forex reserve, Ethiopia’s trade balance is also one of the major factors affecting the availability of hard currency.
Though Ethiopia’s exports have registered growth over the past years, the growth rate of its imports has been at a much faster pace, resulting in an ever widening gap in the overall trade balance of the country.
Reports by NBE indicate that though the country’s export trade has been registering steady growth in the recent past, with exports worth roughly two billion dollars in 2009/10, increased to 3.25 billion dollars in 2013/14 and more than 1.6 billion dollars in the first two quarters of the current fiscal year, the country’s imports have skyrocketed at an alarming rate.
NBE’s data show that Ethiopia’s imports have maintained a robust course of growth over the years as the country imported goods worth roughly 8.27 billion dollars in 2009/10, increased to 13.72 billion dollars in 2013/14 and well over eight billion dollars in the first two quarters of the current fiscal year.
The national bank’s data also highlight the distressingly widening trade imbalance which continues to haunt Ethiopia’s balance of trade. As such, the trade deficit was put at an estimated -6.27 billion dollars in 2009/10, -10.47 billion dollars in 2013/14 and roughly -6.6 billion dollars for only the first two quarters of 2015.
This imbalance has partly been caused as a result of slow-evolving export growth rates with falling commodity prices and lack of diversification in exports, loopholes underscored by the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) report.
But beyond the basic economic principles of demand and supply used as tools to explain the shortage of forex, other variables are worth exploring to get the picture of the problem in its entirety.
One important aspect is the proliferation of the black market and shady business deals between businesspeople and bankers. As anxious importers are willing to pay whatever cost they are made to pay to avoid penalties during delivery of imported goods, and as some corrupt bank staff and managers take advantage of the situation, the forex shortage has worsened.
Fortune spoke to a dealer, who, on conditions of anonymity, explained some of the processes in which brokers, importers, exporters and bankers engage, to facilitate the provision of forex at a faster time interval than normal. He stated that the deals take place underground but strictly follow legal procedural steps. This makes the whole process virtually undetectable by regulations of the national bank.
At the current going rate, a person who wants to get forex ahead of the pack, has to pay as much as three Birr for every dollar they request in their LC, the dealer told Fortune. His job is to bring together the bankers and the importers and the deal will be done. He also explained a different, still illegal, mode of acquiring forex employed in the context of secret partnerships between corrupt importers, exporters and bankers.
In this case, the dealer negotiates a proposal between an exporter and an importer where the latter will make use of the export earnings of the former, by paying the current going rate for every dollar used. The dealer once again negotiates the proposed scheme with the bankers and once on board, they jointly facilitate the importers’ access to hard currency.
The lack of transparency in opening LCs has cast an ominous shadow on the industry, according to several importers and the banker who spoke with Fortune. NBE recently took a highly publicised measure against the Cooperative Bank of Oromia for alleged mishandling of forex involving LCs.
One importer noted that a growing number of suppliers in Asia are now rejecting LCs opened in certain banks from Ethiopia, due to unpaid credits, emboldening his opinion that unless the regulatory state apparatus takes a serious overhaul at the forex provision, darker days are yet to come.
Travellers are also feeling the brunt of the forex crunch. As one traveller put it, she considers herself lucky if she can get 500 dollars from banks for a travel visa. The chronic shortage, she adds, has fed the parallel market for forex and its proportions and ramifications on the country’s economy are growing daily.
The CIA’s Factbook showed Ethiopia’s reserve of foreign exchange and gold was 3.785 billion dollars at the end of 2014. International financial institutions such as IMF have stated that they support the national bank’s objective of having foreign exchange reserves to cover three months of imports – but the central bank has so far, failed to respond to any of the questions Fortune had regarding the overall forex shortage in the country, including the state of forex reserves.
In addition to racking up the reserves, NBE should proactively counter all the shady business deals now widespread in the banking sector to cut the business community and the overall economy of the country, some slack.
Related:-
Ethiopia: The chronic shortage economy: What is the price and utility of a kilo of Sugar in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) in terms of never ending queue?
The dying African voices we must resurrect in 2016
By Abiud Onyach, Citizen Digital, 7 January 2016
Burundi, 2016
Kenya (Citizen Digital) — We have ushered in a New Year and we are all excited to live up to our New Year resolutions- including those who know they’ll abandon them this month.
This season has a way of renewing hope; sadly the same wind doesn’t blow in some African countries this time of the year.
Indeed there are those who expect little from this year. They lost loved ones, needlessly, in a horrifying fashion from the hands of a government that is supposed to protect them. From Burundi, South Sudan to Ethiopia a mood of distrust between a people and its government hangs in the air.
While the rest of us are grateful for the peace and the promises the New Year brings, we must not forget these voices, lest we lose what makes us Africans, lest we lose our hope for humanity.
As the Kiswahili proverb goes: “When you see your neighbor’s head shaved, pour water on yours.” The trouble in Burundi may not be as far and unrelated from us as we would like to think, and if leaders like Nkurunzinza have their way-they only serve to bolster the resolve of other leaders who are hell bent on violating human rights.
Hiding behind ‘sovereignty’
At no time in the history of independent Africa has the term sovereignty been misused and the non-interference policy used to protect a despot like we’ve seen in 2015.
Sovereignty loosely interpreted is the respect accorded any country as an independent nation capable of self-rule. Under this guise, leaders say that no country is expected to get involved in the internal affairs of another country, even if the said country is bleeding itself to extinction.
Politicians with dictatorial tendencies have thus abused their country’s sovereignty to prevent any form of accountability outside their spheres of influence. On the back bone of non-interference policy, they are denying their citizens basic human rights and brutally dealing with those who oppose them.
In 2015, President Nkurunziza, against popular opinion, insisted on running for a third term despite having already served his two terms as outlined in their constitution.
This selfish leader took advantage of a legal loophole over his first election because he was first elected president by Members of Parliament, who were acting as an electoral college.His argument is that the electorate did not vote in his first term, only in his second term hence the legitimacy of his third term.
Since April last year (2015), at least 400 people have died, scores left injured while 220, 000 people are now refugees in neighboring countries according to the official UN figures.
Already, Nkurunzinza has threatened to fight African Union (AU) peace keepers, following AU’s announcement to send troops to protect civilians.
I cannot wrap my head around the number of innocent children and women affected by this single act of selfishness. Take a moment to think about the lost dreams, the dashed hopes and the bitterness planted in people’s hearts.
This is why we can’t remain silent in 2016. All of us must make our voice heard. We cannot sit mum as another not another genocide takes place in Burundi.
Africa’s youngest failure
South Sudan is another African country with perhaps the most disappointing leaders in African history. After the 2011 secession from Sudan, the country plunged into civil war in 2013 displacing at least 2.2million people.
The great Garang must turn in his grave severally every time we mention Riek Machar or Salva Kirr.
After lengthy stays at luxurious hotels, the two leaders have made numerous peace-pacts in a bloody game they seemingly enjoy to play. One minute they are signing peace agreements, but before the ink dries they’ve already begun showing reservations, at times blatantly dishonoring these pact a mere 48 hours after they have been made,.
Meanwhile, South Sudanese citizens continue to die and with the luckier ones finding their way to refugee camps in other countries.
This too must stop in 2016. We should project the voice of the South Sudanese loud enough to make these two leaders realize South Sudan is bigger than their colossal egos.
The problem with this non-interference policy is that it easily oils the engine of dictatorship and gives license to leaders to kill and plunder their own with little or no consequences.
As we turn a new leaf in 2016, in Ethiopia the Oromo community remains anxious after the government designed an infrastructure development plan that appears malicious and bent on grabbing land from the largest ethnic group in the country.
Oromia, 2016
Scores have been killed and a lot others injured and displaced from their land all in the name of development.
While shiny new developments are the crowning jewel of any regime, infrastructural development is useless if humanity is not at the heart of it.
In 2016, we must raise the voice of the Oromo farmers who are driven away from their farmlands into poverty by their government.
In 2016, in addition to all those resolutions we’ve written down and hope to act on, let all Africans, especially, East Africans resolve to stand with the people of Burundi, South Sudan and Ethiopia.
Let us make our voices heard so that 2016 will not be another 2015 where fewer people made life unbearable for the majority over inexcusable selfish interests.
The writer is a Kenyan journalist and communication consultant based in Dar es Salaam.
The Oromo Lives Matter Youtube video was picked up by media in Africa.
Edmonton (Metro News) — A short documentary produced by Edmonton’s Oromo community is gaining attention online and worldwide.
The 11-minute documentary, which aims to bring awareness to human rights abuses in Ethiopia, has been viewed around 2,500 times on Youtube since it was released online about a week ago and has been picked up by media in Africa.
“We want to bring awareness to the Canadian government and public about what is going on back home in Ethiopia. There are people here, including in our association, who have relatives who were killed in these incidents,” says Bedri Mohammed, president of the Oromian Community Association of Northern Alberta.
According to Mohammed, last year, around 100 young Oromians — mainly students — were shot by the Ethiopian army. They were killed for protesting against the government’s plan to take land from Oromo farmers without consultation or compensation.
He says the Ethiopian government is notorious for using aid money from countries such as Canada to build up the army. “We need the Canadian government to understand that, and to stop unknowingly funding a government that kills its own people.”
The documentary, called “Oromo Lives Matter: The Oromo Popular Resistance Against the Infamous Addis Ababa Master Plan”, was created in partnership by Paula Kirman, an Edmonton filmmaker and human rights activist.
Kirman says she got involved after attending a rally organized by the Oromo Association in December last year.
“I found the project to be really fascinating. Prior to this, I was unaware of what was going on, so I hope the video is effective in terms of educating others about what’s happening,” Kirman says.
The Oromo people are an ethnic group based in Ethiopia, northern Kenya and parts of Somalia. An estimated 5000 to 8000 Oromians live in the Edmonton area.
Dispatches: Arrest of Respected Politician Escalating Crisis in Ethiopia
By Felix Horne
Over the past eight weeks, Ethiopia’s largest region, Oromia, has been hit by a wave of mass protests over the expansion of the municipal boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa. The generally peaceful protests were sparked by fears the expansion will displace ethnic Oromo farmers from their land, the latest in a long list of Oromo grievances against the government.
Security forces have killed at least 140 protesters and injured many more, according to activists, in what may be the biggest crisis to hit Ethiopia since the 2005 election violence.
The crisis has taken another worrying turn: on December 23, the authorities arrested Bekele Gerba, deputy chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), Oromia’s largest legally registered political party. There had been fears he would be re-arrested as the government targets prominent Oromo intellectuals who they feel have influence over the population. He was first taken to the notorious Maekalawi prison, where torture and other ill-treatment are routine. The 54-year-old foreign language professor was reportedly hospitalized shortly after his arrest but his whereabouts are now unknown, raising concerns of an enforced disappearance. Other senior OFC leaders have been arbitrarily arrested in recent weeks or are said to be under virtual house arrest.
This is not the first time Bekele has been arrested. In 2011, he was convicted under Ethiopia’s draconian counterterrorism law of being a member of the banned Oromo Liberation Front – a charge often used to silence politically engaged ethnic Oromos who oppose the ruling Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). He spent four years in prison and was only released shortly before the elections last May. The OFC ran candidates but the EPRDF coalition won all 547 parliamentary seats, a stark reflection of the unfair electoral playing field.
Bekele is deeply committed to nonviolence and has consistently advocated that the OFC participate in future elections, despite the EPRDF’s stranglehold on the political landscape.
By treating both opposition politicians and peaceful protesters with an iron fist, the government is closing off ways for Ethiopians to nonviolently express legitimate grievances. This is a dangerous trajectory that could put Ethiopia’s long-term stability at risk.
The Ethiopian government should release unjustly detained opposition figures including Bekele and rein in the excessive use of lethal force by the security forces. They should also allow people to peacefully protest and to express dissent and ensure that farmers and pastoralists are protected from arbitrary or forced displacement without consultation and adequate compensation.
These steps would be an important way to show Oromo protesters that the government is changing tack and is genuinely committed to respecting rights. Without this kind of policy shift, desperate citizens will widen their search for other options for addressing grievances.
“Within a system which denies the existence of basic human rights, fear tends to be the order of the day. Fear of imprisonment, fear of torture, fear of death, fear of losing friends, family, property or means of livelihood, fear of poverty, fear of isolation, fear of failure. A most insidious form of fear is that which masquerades as common sense or even wisdom, condemning as foolish, reckless, insignificant or futile the small, daily acts of courage which help to preserve man’s self-respect and inherent human dignity. It is not easy for a people conditioned by fear under the iron rule of the principle that might is right to free themselves from the enervating miasma of fear. Yet even under the most crushing state machinery courage rises up again and again, for fear is not the natural state of civilized man.” ― Aung San Suu Kyi, Freedom from Fear
Oromo students in particular, and the Oromo public in general, have been protesting against the Ethiopian Federal government’s Master Plan to evict millions of Oromo farmers around the Capital, Sheger, and other major towns in Oromia, and transfer the ownership of the land to investors affiliated with the government. The Ethiopian Federal government’s response to the demands of the Oromo protesters has been militaristic over the last two months; according to media estimates, more than 130 Oromo persons were killed, more than 2,000 Oromo persons were wounded, more than 35,000 Oromo persons have been imprisoned, and more than 800 Oromo persons have disappeared over the last months – all for peacefully protesting against the Master Plan (or for being suspecting of protesting against the Master Plan) – and this violence of the government has continued to date. In many of these cases, the government’s actions are random as it uses terrorizing the public into fear and submission as a means of ruling over them without their consent. The heavy violence that the Ethiopian Federal government has been willing to unleash on the Oromo civilian population, however, seems to turn the Oromo public into unshakable determination for the protests – rather than into fear and submission. No conscience mind can tolerate such level of violence – including those ordering these atrocities and those carrying them out; that is why – in recent days, some members of the Ethiopian government’s police and military apparatuses have joined the popular Oromo Protests against the Master Plan and against the violence of the Ethiopian government on the Oromo people
ETHIOPIA: PEACEFUL OROMO PROTESTERS MUST BE RELEASED
By Amnesty International, 6 January 2016, Index number: AFR 25/3148/2016
The Ethiopian authorities arbitrarily arrested a number of peaceful protesters, journalists and opposition party leaders in the context of a brutal crackdown on ongoing protests in the Oromia Region which started in November. Those arrested are at risk of torture and other ill-treatment and should be immediately and unconditionally released.
While journalists and bloggers remain the primary targets of state repression in Ethiopia, musicians that don’t jive with state propaganda also take the heat.
Hawi Tezera, an ethnic Oromo singer, was reportedly beaten, arrested, released and then rearrested in the space of just seven days by government security forces in connection with her song about ongoing protests in Oromia, a southern administrative region that is Ethiopia’s largest.
Two other Oromo singers, who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retribution, told this author over Facebook chat that they have been under intense surveillance since anti-government protests began in the region in November.
According to some estimates, over a hundred demonstrators have died in unrest that began after the government made plans for the expansion of the capital Addis Ababa into land inhabited by the Oromo ethnic group, which accounts for almost a third of Ethiopia’s population.
In the last two decades, Oromo singers who gravitate towards political and social activism have been subjected to intimidation, abductions and torture.
There are also more musicians-in-exiles among the culturally distinct Oromo group than any of Ethiopia’s other major groups.
One of the most recognisable victims of this slow purge was iconoclastic Oromo singer, Ebisa Adugna, who civic activists believe was killed by Ethiopian government forces in 1996.
Dawite Mekonen, widely known for streamlining Oromo traditional music with more contemporary styles in the 1990s, went into exile after refusing to perform for soldiers at war front during Ethio-Eritrean war in 1998.
Elefenesh Keno, arguably the most important female vocalist of Oromo language of all time was forced into exile in Norway around the same time, while vocalist Hirpa Ganfure also releases songs from the Scandanavian country having been forced to leave Ethiopia the same year as Dawite.
These are just few of the better-known examples of Ethiopia’s repression of Oromo musicians.
New wave of censorship?
Musicians of all backgrounds that go against the government line find it difficult to get a gig or airtime on Ethiopia’s radio stations.
One example of this trend is the last-minute cancellation last year of two concerts featuring Teddy Afro, a prominent Amharic singer and song writer.Teddy has a great popular appeal and is widely known as the most successful musician in Ethiopia.
Teddy, who was released from imprisonment on hit and run charges he always denied in 2009, said his team was refused permission to hold the concerts scheduled for last September, without speculating as to why.
It seems most likely the cancellations are part of a continuing government campaign against the musician since his release of songs critical of the regime in 2005, three years before he was imprisoned.
However, censorship is noticeably harsher as regards the Oromo, Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group, which is viewed as a threat by a government packed with politicians from the northern Tigray minority.
According to reports at least 17 Oromo singers whose lyrics show “nationalistic tendencies” were banned from air waves in December 2015 by the Ethiopian Broadcast Authority.
Oromo singers often produce music that articulates strong pride in their national and cultural heritage, whether through lyrics or the incorporation of traditional instruments and melodies.
The latest ban has encompassed songs that appear to be far from overtly nationalistic, including the songs of the two musicians the author interviewed for this piece.
This signifies a clampdown on even moderate forms of cultural self-expression.
A counterproductive policy
According to academic Michael Shawn Mollenhauer, who wrote his doctoral dissertation on the topic of censorship of Oromo culture in Ethiopia, the current government uses Oromo musicians to present a facade of cultural diversity while systematically imprisoning and intimidating independent singers.
Hawi Tezera’s story is an indicator that the state’s grip on any form of freedom of expression is getting ever-tighter, with controls over music reaching a new low.
However, the crackdown is not having the desired effect.
In fact, Oromo songs with political undertones are actually seeing a resurgence, with this author tallying over 300+ songs on YouTube and Facebook alone since 2014, as the Internet provides an alternative space for musicians to defy the blanket of state censorship.
If anything, music censorship has helped strengthen Oromo nationalism.
The overwhelming majority of Oromos already felt that their identity was being attacked unjustly, and the intensification of state harassment against a background of growing political unrest is tipping them over the edge.
This story was commissioned by Freemuse, the leading defender of musicians worldwide, and Global Voices for Artsfreedom.org. The article may be republished by non-commercial media, crediting the author Endalk, Freemuse and Global Voices and linking to the origin
On the evening of Dec 23, 2015, Bekele Gerba, was at home, reading at his desk in the company of his wife and son when armed Ethiopian federal security forces surrounded his home, entered and searched his house against his will, and forcibly arrested him. His family and witnesses were told that he would be taken to Makalawi, an infamous high security prison where they could visit him in 24 hours. But they were not allowed to see him. The day he was scheduled to appear in court, he disappeared. Later, he was taken to a hospital where word got out that he had been beaten to unconsciousness during an interrogation at a military camp. He continues to be denied visitation. Right now, he is being held incommunicado, and we have grave concerns that his health is deteriorating.
Bekele Gerba is the Deputy Chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress party and a widely respected peace advocate. He is a renowned voice for nonviolence, urging only peaceful forms of resistance to violent oppression in Ethiopia. He envisions peaceful struggle as the preferred means for attaining democracy, unity, and justice. He has become a significant voice of this generation.
His arrest late December was not his first. In August 2011, following a meeting with Amnesty International about Ethiopia’s human rights violations, Bekele was imprisoned, charged under the 2009 Anti-Terrorism proclamation and sentenced to eight years. Similarly trumped up charges are frequently used to silence any voice of opposition to the government. He was released in late March 2015 upon appeal, and upon his release, he was invited to the U.S. to deliver keynote remarksat an academic conference. He spent a week in Washington, meeting with members of the diplomatic community. He met with Congress members, State Department officials, media outlets and human rights groups. He gave an interview to NPR’s Michele Kelemen about the lack of political space in Ethiopia and to Al Jazeera’s The Stream.Recently, he spoke to Al Jazeera about the Ethiopian government’sviolent crackdown on widespread Oromo protests against proposed large-scale land takeovers that will displace millions of farmers.
For most of his life, Bekele was a professor of foreign languages. A few years ago, he declared that he could not simply witness the widespread and systematic oppression, ethnic persecution and grievances of his people, the Oromo, and the Ethiopian government’s merciless targeting and killing of the Oromo. Amnesty International reported, “between 2011 and 2014, at least 5000 Oromos have been arrested based on their actual or suspected peaceful opposition to the government.” Now thousands more are being rounded up and arrested by federal security for participating in peaceful protests.
Please stand with Bekele and join me in signing this petition calling for the immediate release of Bekele Gerba. And please send this petition to your Representatives and Senators.
“Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.”- MLK
OYSU: A Call to Action in Ending the Crimes Against Humanity in Ethiopia
December 31, 2015
The Ogaden Youth and Student Union condemns the systematic genocidal massacres taking place in Oromia and Ogaden, and stands with student protesters fighting to end the authoritarian regimes policies of mass displacement against the Oromo and Ogaden people.
The current EPRDF regime in Ethiopia continues and has exacerbated the policies of successive authoritarian Ethiopian regimes in the past. The genocidal massacres taking place in the Ogaden is well documented by human rights organizations and has led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of civilian populations since 2007. The Ethiopian government’s exploitation of natural resources in the Ogaden has led to a dire humanitarian crisis and a worsening armed conflict. The Ogaden region is currently facing the worst drought in history and international humanitarian organizations that have historically provided much needed assistance, such as Doctors Without Borders and the International Red Cross, have been denied access to operate in the region. Government-sponsored militias, known as the Liyuu Police, continue to commit rape, extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, and torture with impunity. Millions of people in the Ogaden are facing one of the worse famines in the world and the international community continues to turn a blind eye.
The gross human rights situation that has been taking place in the Ogaden has now spread all over Ethiopia, mainly in the Oromia and Amhara regions. The EPRDF regime, which is mainly controlled by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), is now committing mass genocidal campaigns against the Oromo people. We are receiving credible reports of mass arrests, kidnappings and extrajudicial killings taking place in different parts of Oromia. The Ethiopian regime’s current policy of displacing hundreds of thousands of Oromo farmers off their land has led to an uprising led by the Oromo youth. Protesters have spread all over the country and new armed opposition groups have emerged in parts of the Amhara, Afar, and Sidama regions. The Oromo people, who make up nearly half the population of Ethiopia, have been under repression and marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes in the past. The Oromo people are essential to the future of Ethiopia and can play a fundamental role in the stability or instability of the Horn of Africa. The Ethiopian regime’s ill-advised policies and criminal behavior will lead to a humanitarian crisis in epic proportion if the international community does not intervene.
The Ogaden Youth and Student Union (OYSU) stands in solidarity with the Oromo youth and students who are leading the peaceful protests currently taking place in Ethiopian and have been the main target of rapes, mass arrests, killings, and kidnappings. The Ogaden and Oromo people, not only share a common struggle, but also share a common history of repression and marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes. We are calling upon both people to unite against the Ethiopian regime, and reclaim freedom and justice for their respective people.
OYSU urges the international community, and mainly Western nations, to put an end to the funding and sponsoring of authoritarianism and genocide in Ethiopia. We urge Western powers, such as the United States and the United Kingdom, to pressure the Ethiopian government to end the gross human rights abuses taking place in Oromia, Ogaden and elsewhere in Ethiopia. We urge international human rights organizations to continue and further their commitment to exposing the genocidal massacres and displacements taking place in these regions. Lastly, we urge international media organizations to shed light on the acts of genocide and crimes against humanity the Ethiopian regime has been committed in the Ogaden, Oromia, and in other regions of the country.
TheUS Department of State Secretary His Excellency Mr. John Kerry
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Dear Sir/ Madam,
First of all, using this opportunity, let me introduce to you the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA)
“The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) was originally founded in Ethiopia in 1996 by the name “Human Rights League (HRL)”; it was silenced at the outset by the Country’s authoritarian regime. It was then re-launched from the Diaspora in 2007 by exiled founders and members of the HRL. It was then re-named the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA), and registered as a non – profit and non – political organization in Ontario, Canada on the 14th of June 2007.
HRLHA aims to defend fundamental human rights including freedoms of thought, expression and assembly or organization. It also works to raise the awareness of individuals regarding their own basic human rights and those of others. It insists on the observances of international and regional treaties, protocols, covenants, instruments, agreements, etc. on human rights as well as due processes of related laws. It promotes the growth and development of free and vigorous civil societies”.
Oromo Nations Uprising: Ethiopia at the Cross Road:
When the current government of Ethiopia seized power by toppling the military dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam in 1991, Ethiopia and all friends of Ethiopia hoped for democracy and equality in the country. In the Transitional Period Charter of Ethiopia of 1991, Federalism was introduced- the idea of “self-determination for the nationalities”[1] Part one Article 2 (c), devolving political, administrative and economic power to ethnically define regional states.
The 1995 constitution[2] assured that both the federal and the regional governments had their own legislative, judicial and executive powers and the right to levy taxes and allocate budgets. The federal government, with a bicameral parliament and a constitutional president, were assigned the responsibility for national defense, foreign relations, and for setting national standards for major policies. Regional governments, governed by the state president/chief executive and the state council and the woreda (district) councils, were empowered to establish their own administrations and formulate and execute economic, social and political strategies and plans.
However, all these promises were dashed, and remain on paper only, used for political consumption by the Federal Authorities. As a result,all regional States, including Oromia Regional State, fell under the indirect administration of the Federal Government. Political power and economic resources, including Oromo land, were controlled by the Federal Government of Ethiopia cheaply leased to foreign investors over the period of 50-99 years[3]. Land leases were undertaken without consultation and compensation for the landowners. Millions of Oromos lost their livelihoods and became landless. They are now homeless and beggars.
The Cause of the Recent Oromo Nation Uprising:
Oromia Regional State is Ethiopia’s largest and most populous federal with around one-third of the nation’s over 92 million people[4]
The Ethiopian Federal Government illegally sold Oromo land, including urban land, in the city of Addis Ababa which is the center of Oromia Regional State. The suburban areas around the city of Addis Ababa were sold to investors and the rest has been given to Government officials. The government then expanded its activity towards the small towns around the capital city; it planned to integrate the surrounding 36 small towns of Oromia into the capital city in order to sell them. From inside the Capital city alone over 300,000 citizens were evicted and their land was given to the government officials and cadres for free. The new plan, “Addis Ababa Integrated Plan” was aimed at evicting of around two million farmers from and around the 36 towns. This Plan was first confronted by the OPDO cadres, the Oromo wing political organization within the government in April 2014 and then spread to all corners of Oromia Regional State; over 79 Oromos, mostly students, were murdered and over 30,000 were detained by the Federal government special force “Agazi”. Peaceful protestors against the plan have been murdered or treated inhumanely and scilenced. The Federal Government of Ethiopia reactivated the Integration plan of Addis Ababa implementation idea in November 2015 without making any improvements and vowed to take serious action against any person or organization opposed to the implementation. This reckless move of the Ethiopian Government reignited the anger of the Oromo people and brought them to the streets to peacefully protest against the master plan.
The Government of Ethiopia’s special force “Agazi” again took brutal action and more than 200 Oromos were cold blooded including, children, teachers, men and women from 7 to 80 years age[5]; hundreds were wounded, and around 40, 000 detained.
Key International Actors
However, donor governments and western government agencies, such as the European Union, World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) continued their policy of engagement with the government of Ethiopia. Donors failed to publicly confront the government over its poor human rights record and to press it to respect and protect everyone’s rights.
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa and Other International Human Rights Organizations such as Amnesty International[6], Human Rights Watch[7] and UN Human Rights Council branch UPR[8] and others repeatedly reported on the poor human rights record of the Government of Ethiopia and the gross human rights violations of the Ethiopian Government against its citizens
Dear Sir/Madam,
As the main part of its activities, the HRLHA has released reports of several human rights infringements in Ethiopia in general and in Oromia Regional State in particular in the past several years.
The HRLHA reported in its recent release that the Oromia Regional State has fallen under military[9]control /State Emergency since December 15, 2015. The head of the country, Prime Minister Haile Mariam Dessalegn, has come out on state television and vowed to mercilessly crush peaceful protestors. As per his order, hundreds of Oromo children were murdered and thousands were detained. The HRLHA considers the prime minister’s declaration to be genocidal against the Oromo peaceful demonstrators. From the day of his speech, the special force “Agazi” has engaged in indiscriminate killings and any Oromo found outdoors faces its brutal actions. Presently all Oromos are essentially under house arrest without adequate food and water and in poor sanitation. This kind of inhuman treatment is purely government killing, a”democide”[10].
Dear Sir/Madam,
HRLHA is deeply concerned that if International Communities fail in responding to the killings presently taking place in Oromia Regional State as soon as possible , this could lead to a genocide comparable to those in Rwanda (1994), in Yugoslavia (1998) and in Darfur, Sudan (2003).
Therefore, the HRLHA respectfully demands that your government break its silence about the hard truth and requests your government:
To use its influence to put pressure on the Ethiopian government to respect international human rights, its own promised obligations and as well domestic and International laws and refrain from its ethnic cleansing and respect the fundamental rights of Oromo Nation
To intervene to stop the killings in Oromia using the mandate of the three pillars of the responsibility to protect, as stipulated in the Outcome Document of the 2005 United Nations World Summit (A/RES/60/1, para. 138-140) and formulated in the Secretary – General’s 2009 Report (A/63/677) on implementing the responsibility to protect :[11]
The State carries the primary responsibility for protecting populations from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, and their incitement;
The international community has a responsibility to encourage and assist States in fulfilling this responsibility;
The international community has a responsibility to use appropriate diplomatic, humanitarian and other means to protect populations from these crimes. If a State is manifestly failing to protect its populations, the international community must be prepared to take collective action to protect populations, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
2. The UN Human Rights Commissioner
Mr. Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein
OHCHR address:
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
Palais Wilson
52 rue des Pâquis
CH-1201 Geneva, Switzerland.
3. African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
31 Bijilo Annex Layout, Kombo North District
Western Region P.O. Box 673 Banjul
The Gambia
Tel: (220) 441 05 05, 441 05 06
Fax: (220) 441 05 04
E-mail: au-banjul@africa-union.org
[6]‘Because I am Oromo’ Sweeping repression in the Oromia region of Ethiopiafile:///C:/Users/Garoma/Downloads/afr250062014en%20(2).pdf
[7]Dispatches: Yet Again, a Bloody Crackdown on Protesters in Ethiopiahttps://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/05/dispatches-yet-again-bloody-crackdown-protesters-ethiopia
[8] UN Human Rights, Office of the High Commisionerhttp://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15074&LangID=E
Declaring war on its own citizens. Commandos shooting live bullets into unarmed crowds of mostly children and teens (See it to believe it – a short video by AJ+ (1 min) https://goo.gl/gbg9tf). That’s the current situation in Oromia, the largest and economically most important region in Ethiopia. School children, farmers and residents across Oromia, have been peacefully protesting for weeks against the government’s plan to expand the capital city by evicting millions of farmers and local residents.
However, instead of listening to their legitimate concerns, the government’s response to this mark of democracy was to gun down the peaceful protesters. More than 120 have been killed so far with hundreds injured and many more are currently being beaten and imprisoned. Even though major media outlets have not been able to cover the emerging crisis due to the government’s long standing policy of shutting down access to journalists and muzzling free press, citizen journalists are distributing information via videos and pictures on social media, some of which are included below. Please note that some are highly graphic and disturbing.
Unless the actions of the government are exposed, these horrific and violent attacks against civilians will continue and many more lives will be lost. Because of the fact that the current Ethiopian regime is minority led, much like that of Syria, we are fearful that similar bloodshed could occur and lead to the destabilization of the region.
These latest killings of unarmed protesters follows a similar massacre of students that happened in May of 2014. More than 70 students were estimated to have been killed by government forces and many more wounded or arrested without charges. Pictures below tell a similar story from 2014.
In mid-December of 2015, Oromos in the Diaspora demonstrated in their host countries to request their respective governments to stop supporting the Ethiopian regime by turning a blind eye to the human rights abuses.
The call by the diaspora community was also echoed by their respective state representatives.
…with all this going, the silence in major media outlets is deafening. Here are the few who broke from the norm and decided to speak up. Please join them…
Dispatches: Yet Again, a Bloody Crackdown on Protesters in Ethiopia “Student protests are spreading throughout Ethiopia’s Oromia region, as people demonstrate against the possibility that Oromo farmers and residents living near the capital, Addis Ababa, could be evicted from their lands without appropriate – or possibly any – compensation. Social media is filled with images of bloodied protesters; there are credible reports of injuries and arrests in a number of towns; and local police have publicly acknowledged that three students have died so far.” https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/05…
“Because I am Oromo” Amnesty International interviewed nine people arrested for actual or suspected participation in individual protests on a wide range of issues and received information from other sources about further protest-related arrests. Another 10 interviewees told Amnesty International their problems with the government had begun when they participated in a peaceful protest in previous years. https://www.amnesty.org/download/Do…
Ethiopia: Lethal Force Against Protesters “The Ethiopian government’s response to the Oromia protests has resulted in scores dead and a rapidly rising risk of greater bloodshed,” said Leslie Lefkow, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government’s labelling of largely peaceful protesters as ‘terrorists’ and deploying military forces is a very dangerous escalation of this volatile situation.” https://www.hrw.org/news/2015/12/18…
Crackdown Turns Deadly In Ethiopia As Government Turns Against Protesters “What’s at stake is the use of land in the Oromia region, home to the country’s largest ethnic group. They are disturbed by expansion plans for Addis Ababa, the capital. But in the last few days the protests have grown in size, and in grievance — and the government’s crackdown has become more violent.” http://www.npr.org/2015/12/19/46041…
What Is Behind the Oromo Rebellion in Ethiopia? “The Ethiopian government is now faced with unprecedented rebellion from the Oromo ethnic group, consisting 35% of the Ethiopia’s population, which it disingenuously claims is inspired by terrorism. The immediate pretext is the Addis Ababa Master Plan encroaching and displacing Oromo farmers, but this masks a deeper grievance which has been brewing for at least two decades under this regime, and for over a century under successive highland Ethiopian rulers.”http://www.huffingtonpost.com/yohan…
The sight of the protesters on the streets shouting “Stop the killings! This isn’t democracy!” is rare in the country.
People in Wolenkomi, some 60km west of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa stand on December 15, 2015 near the body of a protester from Ethiopia’s Oromo group allegedly shot dead by security forces . (Photo/AFP).
TWO lifeless bodies lay on the ground as the terrified crowd, armed only with sticks against gun-toting Ethiopian security forces, fled the fierce crackdown on protesters.
Blood seeped through a sheet covering one of the bodies on the road outside Wolenkomi, a town just 60 kilometres (37 miles) from the capital Addis Ababa.
“That was my only son,” a woman sobbed. “They have killed me.”
Back at the family home of 20-year-old Kumsa Tafa, his younger sister Ababetch shook as she spoke. “He was a student. No one was violent. I do not understand why he is dead,” she said.
Human Rights Watch says at least 75 people have been killed in a bloody crackdown on protests by the Oromo people, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group.
Bekele Gerba, deputy president of the Oromo Federal Congress, puts the toll at more than 80 while the government says only five have been killed.
The demonstrations have spread to several towns since November, when students spoke out against plans to expand the capital into Oromia territory—a move the Oromo consider a land grab.
The sight of the protesters on the streets of towns like Wolenkomi—shouting “Stop the killings! This isn’t democracy!”—is rare in a country with little tolerance for expressions of discontent with the government.
Tree trunks and stones are strewn on the asphalt on the road west from Addis to Shewa zone, in Oromia territory, barricading the route for several kilometres.
Chaos broke out on a bus on the road when it emerged that the police were again clashing with demonstrators in Wolenkomi.
“My husband just called me,” said a woman clutching her phone, as others screamed and children burst into tears.
“He’s taking refuge in a church. Police shot at the protesters,” she said.
The man next to her cried in despair: “They’re taking our land, killing our children. Why don’t they just kill everyone now?”
The army raided Wolenkomi again the next day, the rattle of gunfire lasting for more than an hour.
“They grabbed me by the face and they told me, ‘Go home! If you come back here, we’ll kill you’,” said Kafani, a shopkeeper.
Rights groups have repeatedly criticised Ethiopia’s use of anti-terrorism legislation to stifle peaceful dissent.
But Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared on television that the government would act “without mercy in the fight against forces which are trying to destabilise the region.”
‘Land is everything’
Oromo leaders have vowed to keep up their resistance against proposals to extend Addis, and Human Rights Watch has warned of “a rapidly rising risk of greater bloodshed”.
“The government can continue to send security forces and act with violence—we will never give up,” said Gerba.
Land is at the heart of the problem. Under Ethiopia’s constitution, all land belongs to the state, with owners legally considered tenants—raising fears amongst the Oromo that a wave of dispossession is on its way.
“For farmers in Oromia and elsewhere in the country, their land is everything,” said Felix Horne, a researcher at Human Rights Watch.
“It’s critical for their food supply, for their identity, for their culture,” he said.
“You cannot displace someone from their land with no consultation and then inadequately compensate them and not expect there to be any response,” Horne warned.
Some Oromo have already seen their lands confiscated.
Further west, in the town of Ambo, a woman named Turu was expropriated of her two hectares, receiving only 40,000 birr ($1,900) in compensation.
“We had a good life before,” she said.
Today she struggles to support her four children and her disabled husband with the 30 birr a day ($1.40) she earns working in a factory.
With their own language distinct from Ethiopia’s official Amharic tongue, the 27 million Oromo make up nearly 30% of the country’s population.
“The Oromos are seen as more of a threat by the government in part because they are by far the largest ethnic group,” said Horne.
The proposed expansion of Addis is part of a 25-year development plan to boost the city’s infrastructure and attract new investors.
It sparked demonstrations last year, but on a smaller scale.
The Sidama Farmers Beaten and Arrested by TPLF’s Forces
By Kukkissa, Sidama Reporter from Sidama capital, Hawassa.
The Sidama farmer whose land has been confiscated by government is resisting the plan staying for an over night on the tree behind his house with desperate measure to record his grievances (2015).
(Sidama National Regional State) — In the past 24 years of Ethiopian politics, TPLF’s savage regime has shown its state-terrorism and capability of committing crimes of unprecedented proportion against unarmed civilians. It has also shown its inadequacy in a number of ways including totally ignoring and breaking its constitution which is country’s supreme law although it always erroneously preaches it. The regime always claims that it is safeguarding the constitution even whilst killing unarmed civilians. Time again we sow TPLF’s regime blatantly violating the rights of citizens under the pretext of its defense. This claim remains an ongoing rhetoric even as it currently massacres Oromo civilians by imposing martial law in Oromia region.
Witnessing the ongoing massacre of hundreds of thousands of unarmed citizens in broad day light on yearly basis can’t be defending the rights of civilians or safeguarding of the constitution. Continually incarcerating hundreds of thousands of peaceful civilians and opposition figures who speak the truth isn’t defending constitution. Responding to all peaceful quests of the citizens with live bullets doesn’t constitute promoting justice. The unlawful displacement of millions of helpless and powerless farmers from their ancestral lands to allow TPLF’s officials to trade with their lands under obfuscating explanations by leaving legitimate owners and their families destitute can’t justify any person’s or government’s actions. Favoring single ethnic (minority) thus allowing them to own the lands of the entire country belonging to all 96 million Ethiopians isn’t about defending constitution. Terrorizing peaceful and unarmed citizens under the pretexts of defending constitution and peace and security can’t justify any person’s brutal actions under whatsoever explanation. Controlling of the entire economy, military and political aspect of the country by solely Tigray born politicians never justify the action of TPLF’s government. Promoting the supremacy of minority government to do whatever they wish on the other groups of peoples can’t be continually tolerated. Moreover, relocating TPLF’s own people (politicians and affiliates) from Tigray region in the land of Oromia, Sidama, Ogaden, Amhara by displacing them without the will of the peoples of those regions isn’t and can’t be sustainable and tolerated any longer.
There are ample evidence proving that this regime has neither respected its Paper Tiger constitution nor allowed the citizens to exercise them apart from brutally treating the citizens by its military and security apparatuses whenever they demand these rights to be respected. The citizens of the country from north to south, from west to east have been summarily executed, massacred and extra judiciary arrested for demanding their constitutionally guaranteed rights. As I have mentioned above, millions have been displaced from their lands without the necessary parameters in place to safeguard their livelihoods with ultimate aim of vacating their land for the regimes’ cadres so that they can trade with it for their personal gain in the name of investment. The continued massacre of the Oromo people and beating and imprisoning of the Sidama farmers as we speak is part of such regime’s ill-conceived and savage actions against fundamental and constitutionally guaranteed rights of citizens.
Although constitutionally unlawful, politically incorrect and morally wrong, TPLF’s leadership and loyal cadres’ excessive use of farmers’ land as their own personal asset by displacing millions has blatantly continued. TPLF’s officials and their surrogates increasingly became such reckless greedy bunches of criminals who have no sense of humanity, power of empathy and reasoning to continue with their unprecedented level of barbarism toward unarmed civilians under their false development’s defeating mantra. After exhausting all business and economic exploitation of the entire country, they have now resorted to confiscating the lands of Oromia, Sidama, Ogadenia, Amhara and others regional peoples.
TPLF’s army and political leadership who have arrived to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) 24 years ago – each of them with single fire arm and famous slippers locally known as ‘Barabasso’ and pediculosis infested unhygienic Afro hair have already looted the Oromo, the Sidama, Amhara, Ogadenia, Benshalgul, and the entire south Ethiopia resources to accumulate multimillion; to build multi-story buildings in various cities and towns of the country, exclusively rule over the entire country with iron feast, evade taxi to keep multi million dollars in foreign countries and further create hundreds of business companies under various pretexts. As we speak, they are hell bent to continue with their unwarranted barbarism, lies and deceits whist looting and subjugating their subjects.
Moreover, evidences show that TPLF’s regime has also sophisticated its dehumanizing and depersonalizing techniques to a number of ways including brutally torturing, sodomizing male prisoners and gang-raping female opposition prisoners. In their infamous prison known as ‘Ma’ikelawi’ literally meaning the central; tens of thousands of political, economic and human rights activists are incarcerated where they are subjected to such horrendous dehumanizing and depersonalizing treatments in the name of defending the said lifeless constitution. The Sidama’s famous business person known as ‘Solomon Nayu’ has been kidnapped from his home on the 27th of November 2015 and taken to the said notorious prison where his family and the Sidama community are denied visit and concerned for his life.
Meanwhile, TPLF’s regime policy towards the Sidama nation has brutal and continued as it has been for the past 24 years. Tens of thousands of Sidama farmers have been displaced from their ancestral lands of Hawassa adjacent villages since this regime has assumed power. The Sidama farmers and civilians as well as opposition politicians who have resisted to such polices have been always responded with imprisonments, torture and live bullets. For instance, the Loqqee massacre of Sidama’s 69 civilians on May 24, 2002 is part of such TPLF’s heinously masterminded action and barbarous policy toward the Sidama nation as is to the Oromo, Ogadenia, Gambella, Amhara and the other peoples of the country.
More shockingly, TPLF’s regime has planned to exponentially expand Hawassa city up to Yirgalem (over 44 km) from Hawssa. In its second phase, TPLF’s regime has already displaced at least 200,000 Sidama farmers from three Hawassa adjacent districts where it has already began trading with the Sidama’s ancestral lands leaving the Sidama farmers destitute. The Sidama farmers those who question TPLF’s unlawful actions are always brutally beaten in front of their wives, children and even in front of their in-laws (children’s wives and husbands).
Since the 23rd of December 2015, the newly assigned Hawassa mayor renegade known as Tewodros Gebiba (although his name if Tewodros Gebeyehu, from one of Sidama born non-Sidama Ethiopians) has been terrorizing Sidama farmers at Sidama’s Shallo farmer’s association about 12-15km from Hawassa. He has called for the Sidama farmers meeting in this particular association where he’s asked them to unconditionally leave their lands for government’s development projects. When the Sidama farmers question what this is meant to their families and questioned why the government displaces them without any compensation and pre-arranged plans, he’s boldly reminded them about the Sidama’s Loqqee massacre of May 24, 2002 and warned them that, if they resist the plan of the government, similar fate might be awaiting them. Subsequently, the Sidama farmers rose up against him when he has immediately ordered for re-enforcement of two military vehicles full of security personnel who have been waiting for such deployment in Hawassa. Tewodros Gebeyehu has been also entrusted the power of commanding Hawassa’s city security forces exclusively assigned by the federal government to terrorize Sidama people in addition to his puppet mayoral role. He has been given both roles simply because TPLF’s authorities and fake PM Hailemariam Desalegne believed that this man is an honest anti-Sidama tool, good for taking their orders to implement it in Sidama land without slightest hesitation and deviation.
Sidama business places burned down by regime’s secret forces to vacate room for TPLF’s businesses in Hawassa.
In so doing, Tewodros Gebeyehu (fake Gebiba) has ordered the security and federal police personnel to beat and torture hundreds of Sidama’s Shallo farmers. After satisfying their sadistic interests of beating and torturing of unarmed Sidama farmers, they brought unknown number of them to Hawassa police station where they stay to date. These farmers are in addition to those who have been beaten and tortured in Datto village for similar reason where 42 Sidama farmers have been finally arrested about 5 weeks ago.
The Sidama nation must be united and rise up against the regime brutalizing them whilst systematically impoverishing the nation under the pretext of fake development. There can’t be any development by uprooting farmers from their livelihoods to make them and their families utter destitute. The Sidama nation must be prepared and take up all possible challenges to pay the necessary sacrifices for their rights in particular with their Oromo cousins. The Sidama’s University students must work with their Oromo cousins’ day and night until this regime is removed from power to allow the rules of law to be fully exercised and the respect of human dignity and democratic rights are fully achieved.
The Sidama nation must stand shoulder to shoulder with the Oromo to fight this brutal regime with all possible means. Never keep silent. Equally, Amhara, Ogadenia, Afar, Gambellla, Benshangul, Wolyta, Gedeo, Hadya, Guragie, Kambata, Kafa Shaka and the rest of Ethiopians, must show their unconditional support to the Oromo nation with action not with lip services. It is a time for all of us to be united to wage effective war against TPLF’s barbaric and heinous regime who rejoices by the tortures of unarmed and powerless citizens.
Silence while something so important to humanity is being compromised is equivalent to dead walking. ‘Life without Purpose and Reason is not worth living’ (Socrates 390 BC).
By Kukkissa, the Sidama reporter from Sidama capital Hawassa.
Statement of Qeerroo Bilisummaa and Union of Oromo Students on the Ongoing ‘Revolution to Culminate Slavery’ (RCS)
December 31, 2015, Finfinne Oromia.
We the new Oromo generation living close to the civilized world are not willing to live in slavery in the 21st century. As we are the most conscious of our society, we cannot watch idly as our people are evicted from their ancestral land; we cannot accept the fact that our country is a place where human liberty, dignity, and democratic and human rights are violated. The minority TPLF-led Ethiopian government’s so called ‘Integrated Master Plan’ is a genocidal plan concocted to irradiate the Oromo race from the face of the earth and incorporate our forefather’s land, Oromia, into their own property. We are presenting our legitimate questions using our democratic rights in a peaceful manner and will not stop our non-violent struggle until all of our questions have been answered. Instead of answering our legitimate questions the government has dispatched the so called Agazi, Federal Police, and the regular army and committing a genocidal crime on Oromo students and the Oromo people in general. Over the past five or so weeks, the answer of the TPLF/EPRDF regime to our legitimate questions has been the following.
The government ordered its brutal forces and committed a mass massacre which is equivalent to genocide. So far 125 people have been confirmed killed, thousands severely wounded, and hundreds of thousands arrested from every corner of Oromia.
The government has declared war on the Oromo people who have peacefully opposed the Master Plan and the declaration of Oromian towns labelling the protesters as “terrorists” and ordered its armed forces to shoot and kill civilians and unarmed protesters.
The Master Plan which has been an immediate cause for our protests still stands. Although the government officials are deceiving the public indicating that “the Master Plan will not be implemented if the public opposes it”, there is no law or declaration officially cancelling the Master Plan. Nothing is mentioned about the so called “Proclamation of Oromian towns”.
The Oromo people do not have proportional power share and economic and political influence according to their population and the area of land they cover based on the rules of federalism.
The government continues distorting our legitimate questions of democracy, human rights issues, and justice by labelling peaceful protesters as “terrorists” and charging them using the “terrorism law” which it uses as a weapon to quash dissenting voices since it was declared in 2009.
The WordPress.com stats helper monkeys prepared a 2015 annual report for this blog.
Here’s an excerpt:
The Louvre Museum has 8.5 million visitors per year. This blog was viewed about 190,000 times in 2015. If it were an exhibit at the Louvre Museum, it would take about 8 days for that many people to see it.
Qonnaan bulaan Godina Harargee Lixaa keessa aanolee jiran maratti ukkaamama mana hidhaatti guuraama kaan ammoo bakka buuteen isaanii ammo bakka buuteen isaanii dhabamaa akka jiru odeessaan nu gahee jira.
Baha wallaggaa Giddaa Ayyaanattis yeroo ammaa kana fincilli barattootaan itti fufee galgala kana illee itti fufee jira,ABO fi WBO faarsuun magaalaa keessatti uumatii fi barattooti wallisaa fi dhadachaa jiru.
Seenaa darban keessatti FDG barana Sadaa fi Muddee 2015 keessa gaggeeffamaa jiru seenaa Oromoo keessatti iddoo olaanaa tahee yaadatamuu fi dubbifamuu akka qabu hubachaa wareegamni FDG amma gaggeeffame keessatti wareegamni lubbuu, qabeenyaa fi diinagdee guddaa tahus Injifannoon galmawaan daran guddaa fi gammachiisaa akkasuma uummata Oromoo kan boonsuudha.
Egaan FDG amma gara xumuraatti dhufnee jirra. Qeerroon fincilli isaa kana booda itti fufuu qabu maqaa kana ofirraa jijjiiruudhaan FDG- Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa kan jedhu gara
FXG-Fincila Xumura Gabrummaatti jijjiirruun qabsoo isaa Bilisummaadhaan xumuratuu fi yeroo gabrummaa ofirraa xumuru yeroo kana tahuun sochiiwwan yeroo ammaa gaggeeffamu irrraa kan hubannuudha.
Yeroo kanaa akkuma beekamu hidhaan uummata Oromoo irratti raawwataa jiru hammaachaa, gocho mootummaa shororkeessaa wayyaaneetiin godhamaa jirus suukkanneessaa shamarran Oromoo irratti gudeeddaa dirqiin raawwataa jiraachuu osoo argaa jirru, rasaasaan kan ajjeefaman daa’imaa hanga maanguddootti dhibbaan lakkaawam mul’ataa fi dhokaatatti beekame, ilmaan Oromoo yeroo ammaa kana mana hidhaatti guuramaa jiran kumaataman lakkaawamaa jiran kun gonkumaa qabsoo keenya duubatti osoo hin deebisnee Qeerron Bilisummaa FXG mirkaneeffachuun isaa amma tahuu wal hubachisuudhaan waamicha itti fufiinsaan qabsoo keenya dhaabuu hin qabnee taasisna.
Seattle: Protests over civil rights abuses in Ethiopia: The protesters, many of them members of the East African community — want Washington senators to pressure Ethiopian leaders or cut U.S. aid in the wake of the ongoing mass killings that they say are targeting ethnic Oromos in Ethiopia. #OromoProtests
Oromia: Partial list of Oromos mainly students that have been killed by Ethiopian regime police, security agents, Special and armed force during peaceful demonstration of last three weeks (updated stand. 26 December 2015). #OromoProtests
Courageous High School Oromo Students in second round silent protest and resistance inside the room after prevented by soldiers from marching outside. #OromoProtest in Adama at high school, 28 December 2015.
Barattoonni Mana Barnoota Sadarkaa 2ffaa Adaamaa keessatti argaman kutaa isaanii keessatti diddaa fi mormii callisaa daree fi gabatee gurraacha irratti mul’isan. Barattooti kunneen ala bahuun mormii isanii mul’isuuf fedhii qabaatanis, humni waraanaa gad bahuu waan isaan dhorkeef tooftaa isaanii jijjiiran.
#OromoProtests December 28, 2015 Akkoon mormii irra jiru
Mulu Rafiisa, Col Alemu Kitessa’s 90 years old cousin says enough!
Aadde Muluu Raffisaa, dubriin Kol Alamuu Qixxeessaa gabrummaan nu gahee bu’a nurraa takkaa gadi si harkifnaa jedhu.
#OromoProtests Second Round at General Tadesse Biruu School, Ejere town, North Shawa December 28, 2015
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Mormiin Oromoo marsaa lammaffaa mana barnoota janaral Taaddasaa Birruu kan magaalaa Ejeree ( Shawaa Kaabaa) keessatti bifa kanaan eegale
Members of U.S. Congress write to Secretary of State Kerry on Oromo Protests in Ethiopia
The following is a letter written by members of the U.S. Congress: Reps. Keith Ellison (MN), Betty McCollum (MN) and Tom Emmer (MN), to U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry.
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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
December 24th, 2015
Ellison, McCollum, Emmer Send Letter to Secretary of State Kerry Regarding Protests in Ethiopia
WASHINGTON DC – Reps. Keith Ellison, Betty McCollum, and Tom Emmer sent the following letter to Secretary of State John Kerry regarding the student protests in the Oromia region of Ethiopia calling for stronger action against human rights violations:
December 23, 2015
The Honorable John F. Kerry
Secretary of State
United States Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
Dear Secretary Kerry:
We are writing in regards to the recent student protests in the Oromia region of Ethiopia that have erupted in response to the Ethiopian government’s Master Plan to expand Addis Ababa into surrounding farmland. Minnesota is home to the largest Oromo population in the United States and we have been contacted by hundreds of constituents concerned about the violence and intimidation these protesters have faced from government security forces. We would like to commend you for condemning the recent killings and violence against peaceful Oromo protesters. However, our constituents feel that stronger action is required to address the deteriorating human rights situation in the region.
The United States and Ethiopia have shared a long, fruitful relationship and are partners on a number of issues important to the region. This ongoing relationship, coupled with the extensive foreign assistance that the United States provides Ethiopia each year, should be used to leverage the United States’ position that inclusive democracy be practiced in Ethiopia.
Numerous reports from organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Committee on the Protection of Journalists have revealed the growing practice of government security forces using arbitrary arrests and prosecution to silence journalists and Ethiopian citizens who are simply exercising freedom of expression—a fundamental right and the cornerstone of a democratic society. These individuals are often charged under the draconian 2009 anti-terrorism proclamation. The continued mistreatment and displacement of the Oromo ethnic group in the Oromia region is especially troubling. Furthermore, the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO law), enacted in 2009, has made it nearly impossible for non-profits to operate in Ethiopia.
Similar protests last year left dozens of Oromos dead and hundreds arrested. This year, there have already been five officially recorded deaths, although constituents close to the issue have informed us the true number of deaths is much higher with a death toll of at least 75. Recently, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said that authorities “will take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.” This aggressive approach to peaceful protesters is cause for major concern by the United States and we therefore urge you to engage the Ethiopian leadership in a serious dialogue in order to prevent further loss of life and to ensure that Ethiopia is adhering to democratic principles.
The United States Congress has already sent a strong message regarding Ethiopia’s response to protests. The 2015 Omnibus Appropriations Bill has provisions to ensure that the U.S. funding to Ethiopia cannot be used to support forced evictions in the country. Furthermore, the bill requires U.S. assistance to be used to support local community initiatives aimed at improving livelihoods and be subject to prior consultation with affected populations. The bill also opposes U.S. funding to international financial institutions such as the World Bank for programs that could lead to forced evictions in Ethiopia.
We respectfully ask you to conduct a full, thorough review of this ongoing situation. We cannot look the other way when our allies are violating the human rights of their citizens. If during your investigation you find violations of the Leahy Law, we ask that you respond by taking appropriate action. Thank you for your attention to this important human rights matter.
Sincerely,
Keith Ellison
Member of Congress
Betty McCollum
Member of Congress
Tom Emmer
Member of Congress
Cc: Susan Rice, National Security Advisor, White House
Samantha Power, United States Ambassador to United Nations
Congressman Ed Royce, Chairman of Foreign Affairs Committee, United States House of Representatives
Congressman Elliot Engel, Ranking member of Foreign Affairs Committee, United States House of Representatives
Family of Ob Bekele Gerba Speaks to OVR/RSO about the process of re-arrest from his resident, Adama, on 24 December 2015. He was arrested on 24 December 1:30 PM local time in Adama by 21 uniformed and armed Federal Police.
Yeroo ammaa kana magaalaan Mandii dargaggootii fi jaarsoliin hawaasi kan keessa hin jiraanne ta’uun beekamaadha!
No taxation to Tyrannic Ethiopian regime (TPLF).
20 December 2015: #OromoProtests:has continued in various area in Oromia. Today the people of Tokke Kutaye West Shawa, farmers from several villages marched. They have now promised to boycott market and refuse taxation.
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Mormiin ummata Oromoo akkuma itti fufetti jira. Har’a qonnaanbultoonni gandoota heddurraa walitti dhufan Godina Shawaa Lixaa, Aanaa Tokkee Kuttaayee keessatti mormii godhaat oolan. Bittaa gurgurtaa gabayaa dhaabuufi gibira kafaluu dhaabuuf waliin galanii akka adda bayan beekameera. Source; Social Media via Jawar Mohammed.
‘The political leaders of the Ethiopian Government have a policy of killing all opponents who take to the streets to demonstrate against them. Other opponents who do not demonstrate but make public statements instead, are sent to jail for long periods.’ Kank Cohen http://www.cohenonafrica.com/homepage/2015/12/18/on-ethiopia
An unknown group hacked and vandalized Ethiopian Ministry of Defense website. Graphic images from the recent Oromo student protests were posted on the site.
Africa Confidential (Vol 56, No. 25 December, 18, 2015):
Human rights groups have accused the security forces of killing more than 40 people in Oromia state after renewed student protests broke out over the planned expansion of Addis Ababa. The protests spread to more than 100 towns, leading to confrontations with armed police. Gruesome photos of injured protesters were widely shared on social media with the hashtag #OromoProtests.
#OromoProtests: The United States Concerned By Clashes in Oromia, Ethiopia
Press Statement, Washington, DC December 18, 2015
The United States is deeply concerned by the recent clashes in the Oromia region of Ethiopia that reportedly have resulted in the deaths of numerous protestors. We greatly regret the deaths that have occurred and express our condolences to the families of those who have lost their lives.
We urge the government of Ethiopia to permit peaceful protest and commit to a constructive dialogue to address legitimate grievances. We also urge those protesting to refrain from violence and to be open to dialogue.
US ambassador calls on Ethiopia to ‘use restraint’
BBC Africa, 18 December 2015
The US ambassador to the UN has described the Ethiopian prime minister’s reaction to the recent Oromo protests as “concerning”.
Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said on Wednesday that the government “will take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilising the area”.
Mootummaan gabroomsaa fi nama nyaatan Wayyaanee ummata hirira baherratti gara jabeenyan humna Agaazii fayyadamuudhan rasaasa roobsaa oolen qotee bulaa shan ajjeesuudhaan kudhanii ol akka malee madeessun lubbuun isaanii du’aaf jireenya gidduu kan jiruudha.Namoonni wareegaman maqaan isaanii
1.Obbo Mokonnin Guddisaa
2.Obbo Daadhii Kumsaa
3.Obbo Kumaa Leenjisaa
4.Obbo Abarraa Dhaabaa
5.Haga ammaa Maqaan kan nun gahin battalatti kan du’an yoo ta’u,kan lubbuun hafan magaala walisoo hospitaala Kaatoolikii luqaas,Finfinnee fi Hospitaala tulluboollotti yaalamaa kan jiraniidha.
Ummanni oromoo bakka hundaa waltumsee mootummàa Lubbuu ilmaan oromoo akka malee duguugaa jiru kana waloodhan ofiirra darbuu qaba.Qabsoon itti Fufa.
1. Barasiisaa Deebisaa Bayyanaa Tolasaa , Hayyuu Oromoo Uummata Oromoo miliyoonotaan jaalatamu,Sabboonaa Oromoo nama bara afaan Oromoo dubbachuun akka yakkatti lakka’amu nama yeroo jalqabaaf Qubee afaan Oromoo Uummata Oromoo Calliyaa fi naannoo ishee barsiisuun seenaa guddaa uummata Oromoo keessatti qabuu fi Barsiisaa Afaan Oromoo fi Paartii mormituu KFO bakka bu’uun Mana mare Bakka Bu’oota uummataaf Aanaa Midaa Qanyii irratti yeroo filmaata darbe irratti kan dorgomee, Aanaa Midaa Qanyii irratti guyyaa Safaa Wayyaanee harka 100%n Injifatee boddarra Mootummaan abbaa irree humna waraana agaaziitti fayyadamuun sagalee uummataa kan irra garagalchatee ofii mo’adhe jechuun labsate, Barsiisaa Deebisaa Bayyanaa jalatamaa fi Kabajamaan hayyuu Oromoo Ogeessa Afaanii fi Barsiisaa Qubee afaan Oromoo Abbaa maatii 8ti kan ta’ee guyyaa kaleessa humna Waraanaan ukkaanfame.
2. Barsiisaa Kabbadee Camadaa , sabboonaa Oromoo dorgomaa paartii KFO Aanaa Calliyaa Mana Maree Naannoo Caffee Oromiyaaf filmaata darbe irratti dorgomee sagalee guddaan kan injifate, mootummaan Wayyaanee sagalee uummataa humnaan garagalchachuun ofii mo’uu kan labsatee yoo ta’a’uu Sabboonaa Oromoo barsiisaa Kabbadee Camadaa balleessa tokko malee Oromummaa isaan yakkamee ukkanfamee eessa buuteen isaanii kan hin beekamne ta’uun gabaafamera. Kana Malees ilmaan Oromoo nagaan Gaaffii Mirgaa karaa nagaa gaaffachuun yakkamanii hidhaman Magaalaa Geedoo keessa namootni 40 ukkaanfamuun hidhamuun gabaafamera.
#OromoProtests @Finfinnee (AAU) breaks over kidnapping of two female students by Fascist TPLF (Agazi) forces. Their name is Lomitu Waqbulcho ( 3rd year Afan Oromo & Hirut Tule (2nd year Chemical Engineering). 18 December 2015
Ethiopia security forces kill up to 50 people in crackdown on peaceful protests
17 December 2015
Attempted land grab by Ethiopian government has led to violence against ethnic group
Attempted land grab by Ethiopian government has led to violence against ethnic group
People from the Oromia region, close to Addis Ababa, have been discriminated against by Ethiopia’s ruling ethnic groups Reuters
Human rights groups say an attempted land grab by the federal government has seen violence flare in the Oromia region, with up to 50 protesters killed by security forces so far this month.
Campaigners from the Oromo ethnic group say they have been labelled “terrorists” by Ethiopian authorities as they fight the government’s plan to integrate parts of Oromia into the capital Addis Ababa.
“The Oromo protest movement burns out of the general socio-economic and political marginalization and exclusionary features of the current regime.”
“The party [Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front] looks to have neither developed the society — we are begging food aid now — nor democratized the state-society relationships in Ethiopia.”
Protesters and opposition party members say they are fighting against an urban plan — commonly referred to as the master plan — that would link infrastructure development in Addis Ababa with that of surrounding towns in Oromia, including Burayu. Critics say the plan threatens the sovereignty of Oromo communities.
“The request of the Oromo people is this: Do not expand Addis into Oromia,” said the Burayu resident who asked that his name not be disclosed.
“The government has admitted that it didn’t do enough to introduce the master plan,” said Hallelujah Lulie, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in Addis Ababa. “However, beyond the issue of the proposed master plan, the protests are caused by broader issues, including the proper implementation of federalism and the capital’s relationship with the Oromo community that surrounds it. The movement, which is informed by historic injustices, also targets bad governance and calls for respect for human and political rights.”
There have been tensions in Ethiopia’s Oromia region and political organisations representing the Oromo people-have been banned. Over the last few weeks, thousands of students have been protesting and they say, many have been killed in clashes with the police. The tensions are over the plans to expand the capital Addis Ababa. So why are they against this master plan? Henok Gabisa is a visiting international law fellow at Washington and Lee University School of law and also president of the Oromo Studies Association in Washington DC. He spoke to Focus on Africa’s Audrey Brown. BBC Africa, 15 December, 2015
Freedom House: In response to the ongoing protests in Ethiopia’s Oromia regional state and authorities’s violent response, killing and injuring several peaceful protesters.
Les Oromos d’Éthiopie se rebellent contre Addis Abeba
For 10 days, violent clashes took place between police and protesters in the Oromia region in Ethiopia. The activists, many of them students, denounce a project “land grab” led by the government.
Depuis 10 jours, de violents affrontements ont lieu entre les forces de l’ordre et des manifestants dans la région d’Oromia en Éthiopie. Les militants, pour beaucoup des étudiants, dénoncent un projet “d’accaparement des terres” mené par le gouvernement.
Ethiopian police killed 10 Oromo students who were demonstrating peacefully overplans to integrate the capital, Addis Ababa, with surrounding towns in Oromia region in the past three weeks. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-12-10/ethiopian-opposition-say-10-oromo-students-killed-at-protests
Mudde 14,2015 Goototni Qeerroon Barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Madda Walaabuu Sabaa fi Sablammoota Biyyattii Hunda dabalachuun halkan Guutuu FDG finiinsaa Bulan. madda Walaabuutti Warraaqsii Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FDG jabaatee itti fufe. Barattootni Ilmaan sabaa fi sablamoota biyyattii Mooraa yuunibarsiitii Madda Walaabuu barattoota Oromoo waliin ta’uun sagaalee dhaadannoo dhageesisaa bulan. humni waraana wayyaanee Agazii jedhamu barattoota dura dhaabbachaa kan jiruu fi Akka Magaalaatti gadi hin baane humnaan Ittisaa jira.
#OromoProtests @Buraayyuu (C. Oromia), to obstruct the movement of fascist TPLF Ethiopia’s forces (Agazi), elementary school students blocked roads, 14 December 2015. Muddee14 Bara 2015 barattoonni sadarkaa 1ffaa Burrayyuu socho’ina loltuu fshistii wayyaanee danquuf daandii cufan.
#OromoProtests 4th round@ Wara Jiru town, Najo District , December 14, 2015
#OromoProtests @ Qobboo (Eastern Oromia), 14 December 2015
TESFANEWSDECEMBER 13, 2015 Death toll in the ongoing #OromoProtests in Ethiopia’s Oromia region exceeds 60
Clashes between the military force and protesters in Ethiopia’s Oromia region today left 25 people killed, according to the Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT). The army that took over the mandate of the regional police used live ammunition against the demonstrators.
The students were protesting against a controversial proposal, known as “the master plan”, to expand Addis Ababa into surrounding Oromia state, which they say will threaten local farmers with mass evictions.
The death toll so far had reached more than 55.
The protests first started on November 20 in the Western Oromo region cities of Ambo, Ginchi and Western Welega, and gained momentum within schools and other educational institutions.
It is now spread to more than 100 Oromia towns and villages.
Protests against the plan first turned violent in April 2014. At least 47 people were killed when security forces used excessive force and live ammunition to disperse the crowds.
By some estimates, there were as many as 20,000 Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia as of March last year.
As always, the local and mainstream media has paid little attention to the ongoing #OromoProtests. Demonstrators have been taking to Facebook and Twitter to report the clashes, with additional coverage coming from diaspora media.
Oromos make up the largest chunk of Ethiopia’s 95 million people, and their language is the fourth most widely spoken African language across the continent. Yet Oromo is not recognized as a federal working language in Ethiopia.
The ruling elite and members of government are mostly from the Tigray region, which is located in the northern part of the country.
The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) will hold peaceful demonstrations in all major cities and towns of Oromia tomorrow (Saturday, December 12, 2015 – or Muddee 2, 2008 ALH). The cities’ or towns’ major gathering venues (such as squares and stadiums) are expected to accommodate the peaceful demonstrations. The demonstrations are said to be for all: students and the general public.
Here’s a sample permit letter written for the Bule-Hora town.
Barattoonni yunivarsitii haramayaa bifa gaddaan mormii isaanii agarsiisaa oolan. Baahir Dara, Debre Tabor, Axum fi Samaarattis haaluma kana fakkaatu raawwatan.
@Haromaayyaa University Oromo students staged silent mourning in protest of master plan, 9 December 2015. Similar protests staged in University of Bahir Dar, Debre Tabor, Axum and Sumaara.
UNPO: Oromo: Attack on Protesting Students by Government Forces Caught on Video
Citizens from all over Oromia have been protesting for months against the Addis Ababa Master Plan, which would see Oromo farmers around the capital evicted from their land with the city’s expansion. Marches have intensified since the events at Haromaya University last week, where Oromo students, protesting peacefully against the government plans, were shot at by the Ethiopian Federal Police, killing at least three and injuring many more. The attack was recorded on a video, which can be viewed from the link below.
The following video shows as the Ethiopian Federal Police, known as Agazi and part of the elite force of the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), shooting at Haromaya University’s Oromo students – who were out protesting against the Addis Ababa Master Plan in late November 2015. According to media reports, at least three were killed and many more were wounded. The students were protesting against the Addis Ababa Master Plan, whose goal, they say, is to expand the City of Addis Ababa by many folds by evicting Oromo farmers from their land around the City of Addis Ababa in Oromiyaa. The Oromo people, especially students, have been expressing their protests against the Addis Ababa Master Plan, ever since it was unveiled by TPLF officials in April 2014. As a result of the Oromiyaa-wide protests against the Addis Ababa Master Plan, over the last year and half, more than a hundred Oromos were killed by the Agazi force, including the four who had been reported dead at the recent Haromaya protest.
The students, pronounced dead, and those others protesting, come from all sections and all zones of Oromiyaa for their higher education at Haromaya University.
Unveiled by the ethic-Tigrean-dominated Federal government of Ethiopia in April 2014, the Addis Ababa Master Plan intends to expand the borders of Addis Ababa by many folds into the adjacent Federal State of Oromia.
The City of Addis Ababa, known as Finfinne by Oromos – who make up the largest ethno-national group in Ethiopia, is itself part of the State of Oromia, but the Federal government instituted a “Charter City” status (self-governing status) over the city in 1995 without the approval of the State Representative Council of Oromia (known as Caffee Oromiyaa). Through the “Charter City” status, the city has become a self-governing region, but, to fend off the ethnic Oromo opposition to this secession of Addis Ababa from Oromia, the 1995 Constitution, in Article 49, has recognized the “Special Interests” of the Federal State of Oromia over Addis Ababa (Finfinne). However, experts say this Article 49 of the Constitution has never been put into effect, rather, what has happened over the last two decades since 1995, they say, is essentially the opposite. Caffee Oromiyaa and many other vital State institutions of Oromia, which used to be located in Addis Ababa, had been forced out of Addis Ababa and relocated to elsewhere, especially, to Adama, by the Tigrean-dominated Federal government, which has become the governing body of the City of Addis Ababa.
Over the last two decades, Oromo institutions had been cleared off from Addis Ababa: Oromo music bands, Oromo civic societies (such as, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association), Oromo newspapers, venues for expression of Oromoness (such as, Hawi Hotel) and so on, were criminalized and banned on fictitious accusations that these institutions of Oromoness had connections with the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF); today – Addis Ababa has become a ghost town from the Oromo view – a city cleansed of its Oromo ethnic origin and features. Opponents of the Master Plan say, it is this “City of Addis Ababa” that wants to expand into the rest of Oromia by cleansing Oromos and Oromoness along its way.
What the Federal government proposed in April 2014 in its “Addis Ababa Integrated Regional Development Plan,” known in short as the Addis Ababa Master Plan or the Master Plan, was essentially expanding the “Charter City” of Addis Ababa beyond its current limits by taking more land from Oromia. Opponents of the Master Plan say, this is a gradual, but definite, trampling of the Constitution as well as a threat to the existence of the Federal State of Oromia as a region (Addis Ababa sits in Central Oromia; if allowed to expand with a “Charter Status,” it will ultimately cut off the Federal State of Oromia into two: East and West – see the map drawing attached here). Opponents have counter-proposed their own plan, which supports the development of the region without the expansion of the “Charter City” of Addis Ababa and the restoration of Addis Ababa (Finfinne) as an integral part of the Federal State of Oromia. However, the Tigrean-dominated Federal government seems to use the mantra of “development” for its main objective of expanding the “Charter City” in order to decapitate the Federal State of Oromia as a coherent region.
What has become more appalling to the opposition is the way the Master Plan is being put into effect. The Addis Ababa Master Plan of the Tigrean-dominated Federal government intends to expand the “Charter City” by depopulating the region of its ethnic Oromo population and settling non-Oromo ethnic people. Since the ethnic Oromo population of the region lives on farming, the Federal government’s “development” mantra, with a focus on ‘industrialization,’ has meant the eviction and removal of the ethnic Oromo farming population, while those being settled there as an ‘industrial population’ are of non-Oromo ethnic groups, especially from the dominant Tigrean ethnic group. Therefore, by covering the Master Plan with “industrialization” and “development” buzz words, the Federal government has, albeit unsuccessfully, hidden its genocidal agenda against ethnic Oromos in the region. Opponents say the ethnic Oromo farming community itself must be supported to industrialize, instead of be evicted from its land and thrown to become homeless, as a new non-Oromo ethnic community take over the ethnic Oromo land through the Federal government’s apparent militarized implementation of the Master Plan.
In addition to the Addis Ababa Master Plan, the Federal government has recently outlined a new comprehensive Master Plan for all cities and towns in Oromia to be given “Charter City” statuses under the disguise of “development.” With the “Charter City” status comes the project of cleansing these towns and cities of their Oromo residents and Oromoness.
The past weeks’ Oromo protests, which are currently being waged by Oromo students, come with this background of life-and-death for the Oromo people in the Oromian region adjacent to Addis Ababa and other major towns, and Oromia itself as a coherent region. The Oromo protests have been staged all over Oromia; the following are some pictures from the week’s Oromo protests against the Master Plan.
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Reports say the latest Oromo protests against the Master Plan were triggered when Federal authorities, using the State of Oromia’s officials as vehicles, started an indoctrination campaign to force the Oromo people to accept the Master Plan. Another event that led to the escalation of the Oromo protests was the cutting down of an old-growth (virgin) forest in Ginchi, known as the Chilimo State Forest, for “development;” residents opposed it in light of the drought and famine risks associated with deforestation; the government, as it fails to feed the 15-million people affected by the recent drought, continues its deforestation policy in the name of “development.”
In late November 2015, residents of Mendi in Western Oromia blocked the road to make the town inaccessible for an entourage coming in for the indoctrination. The Federal government, in overreaction, according to observers, sent in its Special Federal Paramilitary-Police force (known as Agazi) to quell the tension … see the pictures in this link:- http://gadaa.net/FinfinneTribune/2015/12/two-weeks-in-pictures-oromo-protests-against-the-master-plan/
#OromoProtests (5 December 2015): has continued across Oromia with population from villages participating. Here is the picture of protesters against the genocidal master plan of the TPLF at Gujee Gafarsaa village ( in Buraayyuu, central Oromia). Source: Jawar Mohammed (Social Media)
Mormiin Oromoon Muddee 5 Bara 2015 hirmaannaa jiraattotaanOromiyaa ganda heddutti itti fufee jira Suuraa kanaratti kan agartan mormii atileetonni ganda qonaan bulaa Gujee Gafarsaa kan naannoo Burraayyuutti.
Silent sit-ins in the campus arena as protest (#OromProtests) in Arba Minich University, Walaita Sodo University, Waldia & Maqale University. #Oromo December 2015, Dec. 2015.
#OromoProtests, Dec. 4 2015: Oromo Students at Bule Hora University held demonstrations. Fascist TPLF/Agazi/forces broke into the campus and injuring several students.
Shashemene Prep School students walked out when prevented from staging a demonstration. Oromo students in university of Walyita Sodo, university of Hawwasa and in Holota, Burqa Harbu school, Gaasaraa, Awaday (East Hararghe), Meettaa (Gooro Mixii, East Hararghe) Hara Qallo school ( Goro Dola) in Guji zone held their protests against genocidal master plan.
Guyya Jimaataa Muddee 4 Bara 2015 akka lakkofsa habashatii ganama sa’aa 2 irraa eegalee baratoonii Oromoo mana barumsa qopha’inaa Shashamanee master pilaanii Finfinee akka hojii irraa hin olee jechuudhaan mormii isaanii cimsanii dhagessisani jiru .waarri opdo bakka bu’ee dhufe kootaa laybrariisenaa ni mari’anaa jedhanisi barattooni isin woajjiin mar’annee homaa debbii hin arganu jechuun wal-gahii jarrii waammatte tuffatanii itti dhisaan.Humnii waaranaa polisii fi agaziin mana barumsa marsee jira .woyanneen lola kasuuf polisoota keessaa tokko barataa fakkatee osoo sura kasu barattooni harkattii qabani rebanii warri kaabinee dhufee fudhe lixeen baratooni hiriraa nagaha bahani naghummani gara mana isaan debi’aniiru. Hirirri mormii nagaan xumarame.
December 3, 2015: Oromostudents and residents of Haromaayyaa marching through the city denouncing the Master Plan and the recent TPLF’s brutal crackdown against the University students.
Godina Baha Oromiyaa, Haromaayaa Keessatti Ummanni Oromoo Barattoota Tumsuufn Diddaa Sirna Abbaa Irree Wayyaanee Irra Jira.
The Ethiopian Federal Police, known as Agazi and part of the elite force of the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), responded heavily when young students of an elementary school in Chancho (Sululta) protested against the Addis Ababa Master Plan on Wednesday, December 2, 2015.
Ethiopian Federal Police shooting at protesting students in Haramaya University | November 30, 2015
Opposition party Oromo federalist Congress once again denounces the Addis Abeba integrated Master Plan, excessive police response to fresh student protests
The Federal High court 19th criminal bench in Addis Abeba has today passed a guilty verdict on five of the six Oromo university students who were under policy custody since May 2014. Only one was set free.
Dec. 3, 2015 #OromoStudents Protest against the master plan staged at Burayu Secondary and Preparatory school. Agazi/ TPLF’s federal forces cruelly attacked the students.
Muddee2,2015 Gabaasa Qeerroo Sulultaa.
Godina addaa Oromiyaa naannawa Finfinnee aanaa Sululta magaala Caancoo mana baruumsa Caancoo sad.1ffaa keessatti guyyaa har’aa gaasii summaa’aan biifuun barattooti balaa dhibee tasaa mudachuun barattoonni 40 ol gara mana yaalaa fi hospitaala Finfinneetti guurama jiru.
Oromo Schoolchildren Protesting Against the Addis Ababa Master Plan Met with Federal Police’s Violence in Chancho
Parents and residents of Chancho, a small town in Central Oromiyaa, returned to their children’s elementary school on Wednesday, December 2, 2015, to sort through the aftermath of the Ethiopian Federal Police’s, known as Agazi and part of the elite force of the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), violent response when Oromo young students of an elementary school in Chancho (Sululta) protested against the Addis Ababa Master Plan on Wednesday, December 2, 2015. The following are photos from the incident.
See Photos in the links: Sululta in the Aftermath of Violent Federal Police Response at Elementary School
Muddee 02/2015 Godin a Kibba Lixa Shaggar Aanaa Walisootti Wa rraaqsii FDG Goototn i Qeerroon Barattoot ni Oromoo M/B sadark aa 1ffaa, 2ffaa fi Q ophainaa Diilallaan Jabaatee Itti Fuf.
Fascist TPLF (Agazi) is attacking peaceful students and residents in City of Naqamte , Oromia today (1st December 2015). Similar situation is happening in Haromayyaa, Madda Walabuu and in different parts of Oromia. #OromoProtests.
Maanguddooliin akkasuma gaaffii barattootaa ni deggerra jechuun daandii bahan. Sagalee barattootaa dhaadannoo dhageessifameen sirbootni qabsoo sa’a kana ganama irraa kaasee kan itti fufeedha. Godinaalee mara magaalota keessattis haaluma wal fakkaadhaan itti fufee jira.
Roobee ( Baale) irraa: Odeeffannoon Mudde 1, bara 2015 akka jettutti humni federaalaa guddaan ganama kana magaalaa Roobee (Baalee) tti gadi naqamee jira. Akkuma gayaniin “akka ummanni Adda baabayii J.Waaqoo Guutuu bira gadi hin dabrine poolisaa ittifamaa jira.Karra Koollejji Barsiisota Roobee, Manneen Barnootaa Madda Walaabuu,Gaalamaafi Highschool Robe duratti Poolisa gadi naquun Roobe Cinqaa guddaakeessa jirti!” jedha. Ummata baadiyyaa gara magaalaa dhufaa jirus of duuba deebisaa akka jiranis ragaan ijaa tokko nuuf barreeessee jira. Barattoota Yunivarsitii Madda Walaabuufi poolisii jiddutti walitti bu’iinsi uumame oduun jettu amma nu geesse garuu hin mirkaneeffanne. Adda baafannee isinitti deebina.
( suuraa kanarratti kan gartan poolisiin federaalaa yeroo daandii badiyyaarraa gra magaalaaa fidu cufuudha)
Protest at Madda Walabu University in Bale on Monday 3oth November evening around 8 PM.
Student chanted slogans denouncing the Master Plan and the killing at Haromaya University and dispersed. There was no confrontation with police as campus security refrained from calling reinforcement.
Sadaasa 30 bara 2015 Galgala, Baale, Yunivarsitii Madda Walaabuu keessa hiriira mormiitu ture. Barattonni irbaata booda walgahuun dhaadannoolee Maastar Pilaanii mormaniifi ajjeechaa Haramayaatti raaw’atame balaaleffatan erga dhageessisanii booda nagayaan gara doormii galanii jiran. Jeequmsi uumame akka hin jiraatins beekmee jira.
On Wednesday, Nov. 25, 2015, young Oromo protesters demanding a halt to Addis Ababa Integrated Regional Development plan, also known as Addis Ababa Master Plan, swarmed Ambo and Mendi towns, located in the western parts of Ethiopia.
According to social media updates, roads were blocked by burning tires and rocks in Mendi, a town located 350 miles to the west of Addis Ababa, in Oromia Regional State. Read more at:- http://thehornpost.com/ethiopian-towns-rocked-by-protests/
Mormiin barattoota godina Shawaa lixaa aanaa Daandii magaalaa Gincii keessatti torbaan darbe jalqabamee ture babaldhachuun godina Wallagga lixaa aanaalee hedduu keessatti itti fufee akka jiru barattoonni dubbataa jiran.
Mormiin barattootaan eegalame kun jiraattota hedduu kan makate yoo ta’u, mormii kana dhaabsisuuf hunootiin kora bittinneessaa fi poolisoonni Oromiyaa tarkaanfilee reebichaa barattotaa fi jiraattotarratti geggeessaa akka jiranis himameera.
Wayta ammaa kana mormiin kun jabaachuun, guyyaa hardhaatis godina Wallagga lixaa magaalaa Najjoo keessatti itti fufee ooluu isaa barattoonni OMN tti himan.
Mormii kanaan haga ammaatti miidhaan nama irra dhaqqabe kan hin jirre yoo ta’u, barattoonnis mooraa mana barumsaatiin alatti bahuun magaalaa keessatti mormii isaanii cimsanii itti fufaa akka jiran akkasitti ibsa.
Barattoota mormii nagaa geggeessaa jiran kanarratti poolisoonni Oromiyaa ammaf tarkaanfii reebichaa kan irratti raawwataa hin jirre ta’uullee barataan kun nutti himee jira.
Barattoonni fi jiraattonni magaalaa Najjoo tokko ta’uudhaan, wayta ammaa kana daandii magaalattii hunda keessa naannahuun, dhaadannoolee adda addaa dhageesisaa akka turan barataan kun ni dubbata.
Itti dabaluun, wayta ammaa kana magaalattii keessa humnootiin kora bitteenneessaa fi kanniin meeshaa waraanaa hidhatan heddumminnaan jiraachuu kan nuuf hime barataan kun, garuu barattootarratti rakkoon uumame ammaf hin jiru.
Mormiin kun magaalaa Najjoo keessatti guyyoota sadiif kan itti fufe yoo ta’u, mormii kaleessa geggeeffameen ammoo, humnootiin kora bittinneessaa fi poolisoonni Oromiyaa barattootaa fi jiraattotarratti reebicha hamaa geggeessaa akka turan barataan kun dubbatee jira.
Haaluma wal fakaatuun, magaalaa Jaarsoo keessattis mormiin barattootaa kan itti fufe yoo ta’u, mormii kana dhaabsisuuf humnoonni kora bittinneessaa heddumminnaan gara magaalattiitti kan bobbafame ta’uu barataan tokko akkasitti nuuf himee jira.
Gaafilee fi mormiin barattoota Oromoo kun bakka hundatti kan wal fakkaatu yoo ta’u, keessumattuu, Karoorri Mastar pilaanii Finfiinne hujii irra ooluu hin qabu.
Labsii Caffeen Oromiyaa dhiheenna kana baaseen, magaallaawwan Oromiyaa gara Federaalaatti makuuf karoorfame, murtii haqaa akka hin taanee fi, kana gochuuf yaaluun mootummichaa guutumatti eenyummaa Oromoo dhabamsiisuuf kan qindaayee waan ta’eef ni mormina kan jedhu ture.
#OromoProtests Continue – Bekele Nega under house arrest
ayyaantuu.net, December 31, 2015
Arsi University Asella Campus December 31, 2015
Mormii barattota Yunivarsitii Arsii Damee Asallaa
#OromoProtests soldiers firing on protesters in Machara town ( West Hararge) December 31, 2015
Seenaa Oromoo keessatti Onni Daaroo Labuu madda gootota Oromoo kan akka Raggaatuu Roobaa, Aslii Oromoo fa’aa tan biqilchite ta’uun beekkamti.
#OromoProtests 2nd round continues in Gidda Ayana High school December 31, 2015
In Burrayyu students walk out of school stating they will not attend class until their arrest classmates and teachers are released and soldiers vacate school compound
#OromoProtests message from Bekele Nega, OFC’s General Secretary who was placed under house arrest and his phone is confisticated. As you read this note, keep in mind that this is an elderly person who is put through such shameful abuse – December 31, 2015
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When I was a kid growing up in Ethiopia, I used to closely watch how the man around me acted towards women. I followed their characters and tried to learn from them. See, for a young boy like me, there was nothing more important than emulating them. The older ones in my community did things in a respectful manner towards women and girls. They talked to them in different way they do to us boys. Even when we mess around and get in trouble, we were scolded differently. One night we were watching a TV, a younger lady walked in and the older gentleman wanted her to take his seat. I was a little taken a back by his action. Later that night I asked him why he did what he did and he told me “A women is a mother of all earth, everyone comes into the world from a mother’s womb. No one knows who the mother give birth to, a king or a Pop. You should always respect a women because that is a measure of a just man”
The quote sound much better in our language (apologize for the lack of good translation) but it thought me a very important lesson in my young age. A women is a mother of all earth!
I am sure you heard about the current situation in Ethiopia and Oromo protest against the illegal master plan to take the land from poor farmers to give it to private foreign companies and government cronies. I am sure you heard the government killed 100 plus, injured hundreds of protesters and imprisoned over a thousand activists. The images of dead students some at the ripe age of teens and some in college years are televised and broadcasted in diaspora TV stations. Every single one of them are sad and infuriating. Here is a story of one of the thousands that are detained and tourtured by Federal security forces in Ethiopia.
Meet artist Hawi Tefera. The famous Oromo female singer Hawi Tezera was detained and tortured by the Ethiopian Federal police for releasing an Afan Oromo single music that’s critical of the Ethiopian government’s affairs, i.e. the Master Plan and the killings following the protests against the Master Plan, in the Federal State of Oromia. The single, which was released on December 15, 2015, was produced using the traditional Oromo protest genre called Geerarsa.
Upon the intervention of the Oromian State police, Hawi was released from her ordeal only to be imprisoned again over the last few days. In that time interval, activists able to take a photo of her pain inflicted body and no one knows where she is and how she is doing.
Here is the song she released.
Her story really bothered me and pained me. Who are the federal police officers that tortured her. How does a government with a good standing with the world, be able to do this without consequences? when do the world fell this low to do nothing while artists, students and farmers summarily executed because they protested.
Yes, in Ethiopia, the government is above the law. But when we torture the mother of all earth, bad karma will torture as back very soon.
Oromo Community stage a protest outside the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) in London.
By Henry D Gombya
The Oromo Community in the United Kingdom have written to the British government urging it to halt with immediate effect, its assistance to the government of Ethiopia which they accuse of systematic repression that includes the torture, killing and harassment of school children in Oromia, a regional state of Ethiopia.
In a letter to Philip Hammond, the British Foreign Secretary, Amin Abdella, Chairman of the Oromo Community in the United Kingdom accused Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn’s security forces of carrying out a renewed crackdown inside the country against the Oromo people. The letter adds that more than 70 students were killed, many made to disappear, while others were jailed simply for taking part in a peaceful demonstration.
The letter informs the Foreign Secretary was told that over the past week, the same tragedy took place in Oromia high schools and universities as students protested against the continued eviction of the Oromo people from their livelihood without compensation and thereby driving them down to extreme poverty. It accused the Ethiopian government of continuing to push its policy of evicting the Oromo people from their livelihood on a wider scale. “This policy, coupled with the burning of a vast area of natural forests and the continued eviction of indigenous people, has been opposed in peaceful protest yet met at all times with brutal suppression in the forms of mass arrest, torture and killings,” the letter said..
Members of the East African community in Seattle planned a huge rally with regard to the “ongoing mass killings targeting ethnic Oromos in Ethiopia.”
“The Ethiopian regime is the largest U.S aid recipient in Africa and the protestors will be heading to the Federal Building to demand both Senators pressure the Ethiopian regime or cut the US aid to the dictatorial regime,” a news release said.
Protestors at Federal building say Ethiopian govt. is oppressing Oromo students. @DanKingImages gets the video.
They plan to send a letter to Sens. Patty Murray and Maria Cantwell.
“We, members of the Oromo community in Seattle and Metropolitan area, refugees and immigrants alike, arise in protest because we believe American aid is financing human and environmental atrocities directed against the Oromo people by the current Ethiopian regime,” a letter they wrote says in part.
About the killings in Ethiopia
An Ethiopian opposition party charged Wednesday that Ethiopian government forces have killed more than 80 people in the past four weeks in protests in the country’s Oromia region, according to The Associated Press.
Violent clashes between protesters and security forces have spread across Ethiopia’s Oromia Region, the biggest and most populous of Ethiopia’s federal states. Oromo students have led protests against the government’s plan which they charge will take lands from their region and displace thousands of farmers.
The government charges that the protesters are working with “terrorists.” It claims that only five protesters have been killed and that the development plan for the capital city, Addis Ababa, will not deprive farmers of land. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, speaking on Ethiopian state television, warned that the government “will take merciless legitimate action against any force bent on destabilizing the area.”
Protest had minimal traffic impacts
The Seattle Department of Transportation reported shortly after 11 a.m. that the demonstration started at 14th Avenue and Jackson Street near the Central District.
The demonstration went through Pioneer Square around noon, and it ended after the march to the Federal Building.
Protesters in the Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa demand TPLF stop killing Oromo students. Photo be Gadaa via Flickr (CC BY-ND 2.0)
The Ethiopian government is reportedly undertaking a massive clampdown on dissenting citizen voices in relation with the ongoing Oromo student protests in Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest administrative region.
The regional political party known as the Oromo Federalist Congress reports that upwards of 80 people have been killed over the past four weeks by government forces. The government has yet to release its own updated numbers, but said on December 15 that five people had died.
Alongside increasing tensions around protests, security forces have arrested two opposition politicians, two journalists, and summoned five bloggers — all members of the Zone9 collective, who were acquitted of baseless terrorism charges just two months ago — to appear in court on December 30.
The government has also reinforced censorship campaigns against US-based Ethiopian satellite TV channels as well as protest songs that were produced in solidarity with Oromo protesters.
Torture marks on musician Hawi Tezera after she was arrested for supporting Oromo student protesters with music. Photo shared on Facebook by Jawar Mohammed.
Protesters of the “Master Plan” to expand the capital city, Addis Ababa, into Oromia fear that the proposed development will displace large numbers of farmers mostly belonging to the Oromo ethnic group. Since demonstrations across the region began, the Ethiopian government has tried hard to stifle any kind of information about the outcry.
However, photos, videos and audio materials captured on mobile phones of the protests and of police brutality have made their way out of the country and are widely shared on the US-based satellite TV channels ESAT and Oromia Media Network (OMN).
These two channels reach tens of millions of Ethiopians who don’t have access to the Internet but who do have satellite dishes and depend on the two channels for news, analysis and views about the protest in Amharic and Afan Oromo, two of Ethiopia’s major languages.
Executives from the satellite channels report that Ethiopian authorities attempted to prohibit their broadcasting services. Jawar Mohammed, executive director of OMN, wrote on his Facebook page:
Notice: OMN is NOT back on satellite yet. It was NOT jammed either. Transmission was discontinued by the service provider under duress. The satellite we were on Eutelsat 8WB is still not jammable. Stay tune for details as soon as piece it together.And the promise remains the same; OMN will be back on air very soon one way or another!
Meanwhile, ESAT posted the following on their website:
The management of the Ethiopian Satellite Television and Radio (ESAT) said the regime in Ethiopia has jammed one of its two satellites, Eutelsat E8WB @ 8West starting the morning of Saturday December 19, 2015. .This latest move by the regime came at a time when ESAT has been widely covering the growing protest against the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. Ethiopians rely on ESAT for news and information about their country. The regime, known for muzzling press freedom and one of the top jailers of journalists in the world, is spending millions of dollars on jamming equipment to deny people access to information.
Citizen reports on Facebook indicate that Ethiopian authorities have started to frantically send security forces around to remove satellite dish receivers from the rooftops of residents particularly in Oromia region.
Photo taken from Facebook page of Getachew Shiferaw
Getachew Shiferaw, editor-in-chief of the online newspaper Negere Ethiopia, wasarrested. Two days earlier, he had shared a photo showing satellite dish receivers on rooftops (above) with the following note on Facebook:
They [Ethiopian government] are wrong if they think all these satellite dish receivers are set up to watch their tired propaganda.
The War on Satellite Dishes Continue. If the regime thinks it can cut our audience off from receiving OMN news and programs, they are too dumb to understand what we are made off. Just as we beat them time and again during their 10 jamming in the last 18 months, we will beat them again by staying several steps a head of them. Even if they take down every dish in the country, we will still find a way to reach our audience. Time for them to give up and face up to the truth!
Both ESAT and OMN say that in the past, they have moved their signals to other satellites that are harder for the Ethiopian government to jam. They both frequently notify their audiences in Ethiopia and advise them to re-position their dishes accordingly.
The Ethiopian authorities see these channels as mouthpieces of outlawed oppositions groups engaged in destabilizing the country. Although the government usually denies jamming satellites services, media outlets such as France24, Deutsche Welle and BBC have all condemned Ethiopian authorities for interfering with their broadcasting abilities.
Ethiopian authorities’ satellite jamming is similar to Internet censorship, whereby the government blocks access to websites, blogs and online radios, which are mostly set up by journalists and activists living in exile. Ethiopia tops the list of countries forcing journalists to flee into exile for fear of persecution.
Last week TPLF /EPRDF soldiers killed a six months pregnant Shashitu Mekonnin and her sister in law Qanani Fikadu in Guduru . They threw their body of the cliff. Relatives thought they ran to other villages to escape but their bodies were found three days later.” A witness tells VOA Afaan Oromoo.
“The way the Agazi forces killed two women and a man is very brutal; bodies of the women were left in a trench in the forest after they were executed. Their bodies were found after two days,”Eyewitness source.
The 7 month pregnant victim was named Shashitu Mekonnen. She was 19 and has recently completed 10th grade. Another victim was Qeneni Fikadu, 17 years old. They were shot dead by Agazi forces,
according to the sources.
The victims were buried at Wakiyo Church, the witness said. “It was inhuman to murder women who have nothing to do with the protest,” the witness told. Another victim, Tolossa Lelisa was also killed by Ethiopian security forces in the area.
The source said that security forces kill anyone who trespass the 8:00 PM curfew and throw their bodies into the woods.
“The current situation is not good; schools are closed; government offices were closed; there is no transport service,” the witnesses said. People are grossly arrested, harassed, and killed everywhere in
our Wereda, he said.
The TPLF security forces massacred more than 150 people in Oromia since 12 November 2015.
Advertising and Media, Communications, PR and Journalism
Location:
Career Level:
Senior Level (5+ years experience)
Employment Type:
Contract
Salary:
Job Description
BBC Media Action is looking for an Afan Oromo-speaking Senior Producer to take overall lead in the launch and production of new radio dramas, facilitating the development of culturally and socially relevant innovations, style and approach to radio drama in Ethiopia which leads the industry.
Building the creative skills of our staff to help them grow into creative leaders in their own right is also a key responsibility of this job.
BBC Media Action
BBC Media Action uses media and communications to reduce poverty and promote human rights in developing countries. To achieve this, the BBC Media Action partners with civil society, local media and governments to:
Produce creative programmes in multi-media formats, based on robust research, which inform and engage audiences around key development issues.
Strengthen the media sector through building professional capacity and infrastructure.
BBC Media Action delivers a portfolio of media projects in Ethiopia. It seeks to expand this portfolio of work, but also ensure that existing projects are delivered to time, to budget and to the highest standards, and in accordance with BBC editorial values as well as Media Action methodologies.
Overall Purpose of Job
This is a senior role within the production and training department. The Senior Producer, Drama will use her/his strong enthusiasm for storytelling, extensive drama production experience, desire to build the skills and capacity of others and passion to positively impact lives to oversee the development, launch, and production of drama outputs.
The Senior Producer, Drama will take overall lead of the launch and production of radio dramas, facilitating the development of culturally and socially relevant innovations, style and approach to radio drama in Ethiopia which leads the industry.
Building the creative skills of our staff to help them grow into creative leaders in their own right is a key responsibility of this job.
Main Duties
Production
Take overall responsibility for the planning, production and delivery of drama outputs, and to develop and maintain systems to ensure we produce high-quality work on time and to budget.
Work closely with relevant international advisors to ensure that all drama production activities benefit from experience and learning outside of Ethiopia.
Provide creative leadership for the drama production staff, from researching storylines, planning the overarching themes for each series and overseeing the scriptwriting process through recording, post-production, final edit and delivery.
Supervise, train and mentor staff involved in drama production to enable them to hone the creative skills that will allow them to deliver engaging, high quality programs that appeal to audiences and meet BBC Media Action project objectives.
Working with staff across departments, ensure that resources (both human and material) are strategically allocated, scheduled, and shared between different teams to meet the demands of a busy production schedule.
Working with the Executive Editor, help identify, recruit, and retain staff and freelancers to enable us to maintain a creative edge in the industry while continually refreshing our talent pool.
Working with the Project Management team, ensure that our drama outputs meet overall project goals and objectives.
Working with the Executive Editor and others, help the office consider innovative platforms through which to distribute drama outputs.
Ensure drama outputs fully comply with BBC Editorial guidelines and values. Work with the Executive Editor to manage any editorial issues that may arise.
Explore collaborative opportunities with other parts of Ethiopian media as appropriate.
With the Executive Editor, ensure that BBC Health and Safety guidelines are observed on all drama productions, staff are trained and briefed to manage risk, and support is provided to others to take appropriate measures to minimize exposure to perceived risks. Advise and support the Executive Editor to manage risk related to production on all the projects.
Capacity building
Take an active role, in conjunction with the Project Manager, Executive Editor, and relevant Producer/Trainers, in designing and implementing capacity building strategies with media partners and relevant stakeholders.
Leadership
To deputize for the Executive Editor as required, managing Producer/Mentors, Assistant Producers and Sound Technician, ensuring they receive adequate guidance and supervision.
To delegate tasks clearly to the team, where appropriate, and ensure the team understands the importance of their role in attaining and having attained their goals.
Support the Project Manager and Executive Editor in ensuring the production expenditure keeps within budget.
Support the Executive Editor in ensuring that all necessary contracts, clearances or agreements under direct control are negotiated and completed.
Cooperation
To liaise closely with Senior Producers and production staff in other teams, and with contributors, media partners and government officials.
To work with Project Management to align project goals and outcomes.
Cooperate closely with cross-functional departments (eg. Finance, Administration, HR, Project Management, Outreach, Research and Learning)
All Senior Producers may be required to contribute to, or work with other programme teams or partner organizations and to have the ability to work across a range of skills and in a flexible manner, carrying out these responsibilities in accordance with the BBC’s overall standards and values
Duties include:
Take overall responsibility for the planning, production and delivery of drama outputs, and to develop and maintain systems to ensure we produce high-quality work on time and to budget.
Provide creative leadership for the drama production staff, from researching storylines, planning the overarching themes for each series and overseeing the scriptwriting process through recording, post-production, final edit and delivery.
Supervise, train and mentor staff involved in drama production to enable them to hone the creative skills that will allow them to deliver engaging, high quality programs that appeal to audiences and meet BBC Media Action project objectives.
Help consider innovative platforms through which to distribute drama outputs.
Ensure drama outputs fully comply with BBC Editorial guidelines and values.
Explore collaborative opportunities with other parts of Ethiopian media as appropriate.
Job Requirements
Essential:
Substantial experience in producing drama for radio, TV or other platforms.
Excellent interpersonal leadership and people management skills. Experience of leading and managing talent and production teams, as well as managing diverse teams.
Excellent knowledge of written and spoken Afan Oromo and Amharic, and very good command of English
An extensive knowledge of the needs of the Oromo audience
Required skills, knowledge and experience
Substantial experience in producing drama for radio, TV or other platforms.
Highly advanced storytelling and other creative drama skills and instincts, including the demonstrated ability to originate new ideas and see them through production or completion.
Strong editorial decision-making experience and judgement.
Excellent interpersonal leadership and people management skills. Experience of leading and managing talent and production teams, as well as managing diverse teams.
Demonstrated experience supporting the professional development of staff in creativity, editorial judgement, technical skills and decision-making.
Excellent knowledge of written and spoken Afan Oromo and Amharic, and very good command of English
Wide familiarity with Ethiopia and an in-depth understanding of the country’s health, social issues, mindsets and attitudes
An extensive knowledge of the media situation in the target area and the needs of the Oromo audience
Understanding of the latest production-related technology and techniques for radio, TV or digital platforms.
Production budget management experience.
Knowledge of, or ability to learn, BBC editorial values, aims and objectives.
Competencies
· Creative Thinking – able to transform creative ideas into practical reality. Can look at existing situations and problems in novel ways and come up with creative solutions.
· Strategic Thinking – can identify a vision along with the plans which need to be implemented to meet the end goal. Evaluates situations, decisions, issues etc. in the short, medium and longer-term.
· Decision Making – Is ready and able to take the initiative, originate action and be responsible for the consequences of the decision made.
· Planning and organisation – able to think ahead in order to establish an efficient and appropriate course of action for self and others. Prioritises and plans activities taking into account all the relevant issues and factors such as deadlines, staffing and resources.
· Communication – able to get one’s message understood clearly by adopting a range of styles, tools and techniques appropriate to the audience and the nature of the information.
· Influencing and persuading – able to present sound and well reasoned arguments to convince others. Can draw from a range of strategies to persuade people in a way that results in agreement or behaviour change.
· Managing relationships and team working – able to build and maintain effective working relationships with a range of people. Works co-operatively with others to be part of a team, as opposed to working separately or competitively.
· Leadership – able to create a vision and inspire others to realise it irrespective of circumstances
· Developing Others – is able to recognise the potential (managerial, professional, artistic or otherwise) and is willing to foster the development of that potential. Creates a climate in which potential can be realised.
· Resilience – manages personal effectiveness by managing emotions in the face of pressure, set backs or when dealing with provocative situations. Demonstrates an approach to work that is characterised by commitment, motivation and energy.
· Flexibility – adapts and works effectively with a variety of situations, individuals or groups. Able to understand and appreciate different and opposing perspectives on an issue, to adapt an approach as the requirements of a situation change, and to change or easily accept changes in one’s own organisation or job requirements.
This job description is not intended to be an exhaustive list of responsibilities and duties. The BBC is an equal opportunity employer.
DURATION: One-year fixed term with possible extension
CONTRACT: Local terms and conditions. Only eligible for Ethiopian
nationals or those legally able to work in Ethiopia
How to Apply
candidates should write a letter in English, explaining – in an engaging way – why they are the right person for the job. The letter should be sent, with attached C.V., to the following email address: ethiopia@bbcmediaaction.org(the job title should be in the subject field of your email).
Candidates will be long listed based largely on the quality of their covering letter.
Deadline for applications: January 17, 2016
NB: Candidates should have Ethiopian nationality or have a valid Ethiopian work permit. Please note that these are not international postings.
BBC Media Action is an international charity, which uses media and communications to reduce poverty and promote human rights in developing countries. For more information please see our website: http://www.bbc.co.uk/mediaaction/
The Rule of Law Index 2015, released by the U.S.-based World Justice project analyses 102 countries worldwide using a survey. The data, collected in 2013, measures how the rule of law is experienced in practical, everyday situations using 47 indicators across eight categories — constraints on government powers, absence of corruption, open government, fundamental rights, order and security, regulatory enforcement, civil justice, and criminal justice.
According to the 2015 Index, Ethiopia’s overall rule of law performance places it in the 91st out of 102 countries worldwide. It’s ranks in civil justice and fundamental rights are 97th and 98th respectively. The top overall performer in the WJP Rule of Law Index 2015 was Denmark.
Ethiopia in 2015 rule of law index: Ranked worst on global and regional level
Ethiopia ranks 91/102, one of the worst performers
The World Justice Project (WJP) Rule of Law Index® provides original, impartial data on how the rule of law is experienced by the general public in 102 countries around the globe.
The WJP Rule of Law Index 2015® relies on over 100,000 household and 2,400 expert surveys to measure how the rule of law is experienced in practical, everyday situations by ordinary people around the world. Performance is assessed using 44 indicators across eight categories, each of which is scored and ranked globally and against regional and income peers: Constraints on Government Powers, Absence of Corruption, Open Government, Fundamental Rights, Order and Security, Regulatory Enforcement, Civil Justice, and Criminal Justice.
The WJP Rule of Law Index is the most comprehensive index of its kind and the only to rely solely on primary data. The Index’s scores are built from the assessments of local residents (1,000 respondents per country) and local legal experts, ensuring that the findings reflect the conditions experienced by the population, including marginalized sectors of society.
What is the Rule of Law?
Derived from internationally accepted standards, the World Justice Project’s definition of the rule of law is a system in which the following four universal principles are upheld:
The government and its officials and agents as well as individuals and private entities are accountable under the law.
The laws are clear, publicized, stable, and just; are applied evenly; and protect fundamental rights, including the security of persons and property.
The process by which the laws are enacted, administered, and enforced is accessible, fair, and efficient.
Justice is delivered timely by competent, ethical, and independent representatives and neutrals who are of sufficient number, have adequate resources, and reflect the makeup of the communities they serve.
These four universal principles are further developed in the nine factors of the WJP Rule of Law Index, which measures how the rule of law is experienced by ordinary people in 99 countries around the globe.
FDG Shaggar Kibbaa lixaatti har’a Muddee 28,2015 aanaalee hundumaa uummata qonaan bulaa hanga baadiyaatti dabalatee finiinaa jira.
Mudde 12/2015 Goototni Barattootni Oromoo Yuunibarsiitii Jimmaa Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FDG jabeessuun itti fufan, Mooraa Yuunibarsiiti Jimmaa Arfan keessatti warraqsii jabachuun itti fufe. Guyyaa kaleessaas itti fufuun akkuma warraaqsa finiinsuu egalaniin
Muddee 9, 2015 Godina Bahaa wallaggaa Aanaawwaan Heebantuu, Giddaa Ayyaanaa, Haroo limmuu, Limmuu Galiilaa, Diggaa saasiggaa,Guutoo Giddaa(Ukkee), fi Gatamaatti Goototni Barattootni Oromoo Mana Barumsaa Sadarkaa 1ffaa,2ffaa fi Qopha’ina Uummata Waliin Walitti Dhufuun Warraaqsaa FDG jabeessuun finiinsan . Gaaffiin mirga abbaa Biyyummaa, Kabajamuu Mirga Namummaa fi Mirga Dimookiraasii Gadi jabeessuun Gaafatan, Karoorri Master Pilaanii Finfinnee fi Labsiin Magaalota Oromiyaa haqamuu Qaba jechuun Mormiin uummataa haalan
Mudde 8,2015 Guyyaa Har’aa FDG Itti Fufuun Magaalaa Waliisoo,Ada’aa Bargaa, Ejeree,Geedoo fi Shashammannee Keessatti Jabaatee Itti Fuee Jira.
qabsiisaniin sirna gabroomfataa mootummaa Wayyaanee balaaleffataa jiru,gaaffii mirga abbaa biyyummaa fi mormii maaster plaanii Finfinnee jabeessanii kan itti fufan yeroo ta’u barattoota hidhamani akka gadhifamanii fi kanneen rasaasaan rukutamanis warri loltoota Wayyaanee kana taasisan seeraan akka gaafataman gaaffii kaasan keessa jira.Kana malees walleelee warraaqsaan diddaa isaanii dhageessifataa jiru.
Shaggar Sulultaa keessatti diddaan sirna abbaa irree Wayyaanee jabaatee itti fufuun uummanni gamtaan ka’uun sa’aa ammaa kanatti guutummaatti FDG gaggeessaa jira.Kana malees har’a Muddee 7,2015 Godina Bahaa Wallaggaa Aanaa Heebantuu, Giddaa Ayyaanaa ,Kiiramuu fi Nuunnuu Qumbaa keessatti Warraaqsii FDG Gootota Qeerroo Barattoota Oromoo fi Uummata Qonaan Bultoota Oromoon Haalaan
Barattooti Oromoo Yunivarsitii Dillaa guyyaa har’aa FDG itti fufanii jiru.Barnooti guutummaatti dhaabbatee jira. Kana malees Yuunibarsiitii Walqixxees sagalee isaanii dhageessisuun mootummaa Wayyaanee uummata Oromoo daguugaa jiru balaaleffatan. Qeerroon Yuunibarsiitichaa har’a ganama obboroo walga’uun gaaffii aabbaa biyyummaa erga bulchiinsa mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Walqixxeef dhiyeessaniin booda,humni tikaa itti bobbaafamuun barattoota Oromoo gaasii summii,uleedhaanis kan caccabsan ta’us,biyya abbaa keenyaa kabachiisuuf wanti dugduuba nu deebisu hinjiru jedhaniiru Humni tika qabeenya barattootaa saamaa kaan mana hidhaatti guuraa kan jiru yeroo ta’u, Barattoonni barnoota dhaabanii jru.
Muddee 7,2015 Gootonni Barattooti Oromoo godina Harargee Aaanaa Ciroo sirna mootummaa abbaa irree Wayyaanee balaaleffachuun guyyaa har’aa hiriira mormii guddaa bahuun gaaffii mirgaa kaasan, kana malees Godina Lixa Shaggaritti warraqsii FDG Guddaan Uummata Oromoo Magaalaa Amboo , Yuunibarsiitii Amboo, Qonnaan Bultoota Amboo fi Magaalaa Gudar, Qonnaan Bultoota Aanaa Tokkee Kuttaayee fi Barattoota Oromoo Magaalaa Gudar Dabalatee Warraaqsii Seenaa qabeessi bifa adda ta’een gaggeeffama jira. Gaaffiin mirga abbaa Biyyummaaf deebiin haa kennamu fi Karoorri Master Pilaanii Finfinnee fi Labsiin
Ummatni magaala Dambi Dolloo walgahii aangawoonni OPDO Wayyaanee yaaman diduun diddaa fi jibbiinsa sirna mootummaa Wayyaaneef qaban ifatti muldhisaa jiru.
Gootichi Barataa Yuuniversitii Haromaayaa Department Cooprative Waggaa 2ffaa Kan Baratu Barataan Gazzahinyi Oliiqaa Rasaasa Wayyaaneen Wareegame.
Godina Wallaggaa aanaa Jaarsoo keessatti FDG haala jabaateen itti fufuun barattooti Oromoo aanichaa mormii master Plaanii Finfinnee fi gaaffii mirgaa Oromoo walii galaaf jecha diddaa sirnichaa jabeessanii jiru. Haala kanaan barattooti Oromoo hedduun waraana Agaazii Wayyaaneen sababaa qabamanii hidhamanii fi haala sochii mirgaa irraan kan ka’e uummati naannichaa fi qonnaan bultooti diddaa jabeessanii hanga yeroo ammaatti dabbaloootaa fi milishoota naannoo aanotaa fi gadoota hunda keessaa arihanii uummatichi ofiin of bulchuu filataa akka jiru Qeerroon gabaasee jira.
FDG Oromiyaa keesatti yeroo ammaa kana mormii MP wal qabatee ka’ee jiruun Wayyaanee daran sodaachisee jira. Kaleessa lixa Wallaggaa Mandiitti diddaan ka’e Wayyaanen uummata naga irratt dhukaasa bante namoota 3 madoo goote 2 kan biro ammo ukkaamsuun bakka bu’an hin beekamu. Haala Kanaan diddaan kan itti caalu malee kan laaffate miti.Kanumatti fufuudhaan halkan edaa ergamtoota wayyaanee magaala Gimbii keessaa adamsanii Oromiyaa hin gurgurtan jechuun gootonni Oromoo tamsaasaa jiru.
Oromian Economist 
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