China: The Scramble for Africa January 19, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa and debt, Africa Rising, China and Africa, Colonizing Structure.Tags: Africa, African Studies, China and Africa, Colonizing Structure, economics, Land grabs in Africa
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China in Africa: One among many
The Economist, Jan 17th 2015
ACROSS Africa, radio call-in programmes are buzzing with tales of Africans, usually men, bemoaning the loss of their spouses and partners to rich Chinese men. “He looks short and ugly like a pygmy but I guess he has money,” complained one lovelorn man on a recent Kenyan show. True or imagined, such stories say much about the perceived economic power of Chinese businessmen in Africa, and of the growing backlash against them.
China has become by far Africa’s biggest trading partner, exchanging about $160 billion-worth of goods a year; more than 1m Chinese, most of them labourers and traders, have moved to the continent in the past decade. The mutual adoration between governments continues, with ever more African roads and mines built by Chinese firms. But the talk of Africa becoming Chinese—or “China’s second continent”, as the title of one American book puts it—is overdone.
The African boom, which China helped to stoke in recent years, is attracting many other investors. The non-Western ones compete especially fiercely. African trade with India is projected to reach $100 billion this year. It is growing at a faster rate than Chinese trade, and is likely to overtake trade with America. Brazil and Turkey are superseding many European countries. In terms of investment in Africa, though, China lags behind Britain, America and Italy (see charts).

If Chinese businessmen seem unfazed by the contest it is in part because they themselves are looking beyond the continent. “This is a good place for business but there are many others around the world,” says He Lingguo, a sunburnt Chinese construction manager in Kenya who hopes to move to Venezuela.
A decade ago Africa seemed an uncontested space and a training ground for foreign investment as China’s economy took off. But these days China’s ambitions are bigger than winning business, or seeking access to commodities, on the world’s poorest continent. The days when Chinese leaders make long state visits to countries like Tanzania are numbered. Instead, China’s president, Xi Jinping, has promised to invest $250 billion in Latin America over the coming decade (see article).
The growth in Chinese demand for commodities is slowing and prices of many raw materials are falling. That said, China’s hunger for agricultural goods, and perhaps for farm land, may grow as China’s population expands and the middle class becomes richer.
Yet Africans are increasingly suspicious of Chinese firms, worrying about unfair deals and environmental damage. Opposition is fuelled by Africa’s thriving civil society, which demands more transparency and an accounting for human rights. This can be an unfamiliar challenge for authoritarian China, whose foreign policy is heavily based on state-to-state relations, with little appreciation of the gulf between African rulers and their people. In Senegal residents’ organisations last year blocked a deal that would have handed a prime section of property in the centre of the capital, Dakar, to Chinese developers. In Tanzania labour unions criticised the government for letting in Chinese petty traders.
Some African officials are voicing criticism of China. Lamido Sanusi, Nigeria’s former central bank governor, says Africa is opening itself up to a “new form of imperialism”, in which China takes African primary goods and sells it manufactured ones, without transferring skills.
After years of bland talk about “win-win” partnerships, China seems belatedly aware of the problem. On a tour of the continent, the Chinese foreign minister, Wang Yi, said on January 12th that “we absolutely will not take the old path of Western colonists”. Last May the prime minister, Li Keqiang, acknowledged “growing pains” in the relationship.
China has few political ambitions in Africa. It co-operates with democracies as much as with authoritarian regimes. Its aid budget is puny. The few peacekeepers it sends stay out of harm’s way. China’s corporatist development model has attracted few followers beyond Ethiopia and Rwanda. Most fast-growing African nations hew closer to Western free-market ideas. In South Sudan, the one place where China has tried to flex its diplomatic muscle, it has achieved embarrassingly little. Attempts to stop a civil war that is endangering its oil supply failed miserably.
Chinese immigrants in Africa chuckle at the idea that they could lord it over the locals. Most congregate in second-tier countries like Zambia; they are less of a presence in hyper-competitive Nigeria. Unlike other expatriates, they often live in segregated camps. Some thought, after a decade of high-octane engagement, that China would dominate Africa. Instead it is likely to be just one more foreign investor jostling for advantage.
The increased concentration of wealth: 80 rich people now have as much as 50% of the rest of humanity combined January 19, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics.Tags: economics, Poverty and Inequality, The increased concentration of wealth
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WIDENING GAP:80 rich people now have as much as 50% of the rest of humanity combined
http://qz.com/329099/80-rich-people-now-have-as-much-as-50-of-the-rest-of-humanity-combined/
Billionaires are getting richer, according to a new study from Oxfam. Gather together the wealth of the world’s richest people, and you now only need 80 of them before there’s enough in the pot to equal everything owned by the poorest 50% of the rest of the world combined. Back in 2010, you’d have needed 388 of the world’s richest to balance those scales.

The richest of the top 1%, the top billionaires on Forbes’ rich list, have seen their wealth accumulate faster over the last five years than even the rest of the super-rich, Oxfam said. In 2010, the richest 80 people in the world had a net wealth of $1.3 trillion. By last year, that was up to 1.9 trillion, an increase of $600 billion.
Together with the rest of the 1%, that group owned 48% of global wealth in 2014. That’s more uneven than in 2010, when they owned a little over 44%.
However, according to Oxfam’s data, we’ve been here before. Back in 2000, the 1% owned a higher percentage of global wealth than they do today. For a few years, the trend seemed to show that number falling, as the world’s poorest clawed some of it back. But in the past five years, that’s reversed.
Part of the problem, as identified by Oxfam, is that the rate of increase for the rich has speeded up, and it’s now so much higher than that for everyone else that it’s increasing the gap.
The 1% has entered parlance, but who’s included? And do they constitute a problem or an asset?
Who are these people?
With a world population of 7.2 billion, there are around 72 million people in the top 1%—not all of whom are billionaires. In 2014, there were 1,645 people listed by Forbes as being billionaires, with Bill Gates back at the top after a year off. Of these, 90% are male, and 30% are American. And there’s evidence they’ve been running the show for a long, long time.
Is rising inequality inevitable?
Oxfam says not. In a campaign, the charity focuses on changes that could be made to the way global society is organized, including the eradication of extreme poverty and economic empowerment of women.
Why does it matter?
Economists like Dan Altman and Thomas Piketty argue that wealth inequality hampers growth and will only get worse in the future. Somehave argued that it could be a good thing. And many have blamed it for misery, hopelessness and, ultimately, violence.
http://qz.com/329099/80-rich-people-now-have-as-much-as-50-of-the-rest-of-humanity-combined/
Great Loss to the Human Rights Community as Legendary Dr. Martin Hill Passes On January 19, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Dr. Martin John Dudley Hill.Tags: Human rights, Martin John Dudley Hill, Oromo
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(Advocacy for Oromia) We are deeply saddened to hear the death of Dr. Martin Hill, a long time friend and voice for the voiceless oppressed peoples of the world including the Oromo. Dr. Martin Hill passed away on Friday 9 January 2015.
Dr. Hill worked at the Amnesty Secretariat office in London, as a researcher and a campaigner on the Horn of Africa in the human rights field for over 32 years.
I first met Dr. Hill in 1989 when he led the first Amnesty International delegation to Somalia during the period of military dictatorship. At sub-regional level where many human rights violations and suffering for the past three decades and lack of attention globally, Dr. Hill brought human rights issues and concerns in the limelight and earned the admiration and love of many people particularly Ethiopians, Eritreans and Somalis.
Dr. Hill was a friend to me and to my late uncle, Dr. Ismail Jumale Ossoble, (the only human rights lawyer who consistently defended prisoners of conscience in the dreaded national security court). Dr. Ossoble was a prisoner of conscience himself and was Amnesty International’s principle research contact in Somalia during the 80s and 90s. We subsequently established Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Centre in 1996 and I co-directed the centre for 6 years starting in 1996 before I went into exile. During this period, I was the principle Somali contact for Amnesty International and I worked very closely with Dr. Hill.
Dr. Hill worked with us on the protection and promotion of human rights for Somalis including a sign up campaign during the 50th UDHR anniversary celebrations where Dr. Ismail Jumale Centre was able to garner over 1.5 million signatures including first signature by the founding first President, the late Aden Abdulle Osman at his farm in Shalambood District of lower Shabale region, former Prime Ministers, faction leaders, and civil society groups among others.
I particularly remember the first human rights defenders training for Somalis that Dr. Hill organized in 1997 in Kenya and I was part of that training. He was instrumental in organizing sub-regional networks consultation meetings to the run up of the All Africa Human Rights Defenders Conference I 1998 and subsequently the global human rights summit in Paris in December 1998.
He also supported our research initiative during our initial mission, Africa Human Rights Defenders Project in the East and Horn of Africa while I was at York University. Dr. Hill was present as founding member of East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network in 2005 in Entebbe, Uganda.
Dr. Hill will be remembered for his ardent support to human rights in the Horn of Africa. He inspired and mentored so many human rights activists who are now working with prominent human rights organizations around the world. He contributed to the fight against human rights violations and ending the culture of impunity in the sub-region.
Our thoughts, and those of the wider human rights community, are with his family and many friends around the world. The East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project staff, East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network and the Pan Africa Human Rights Defenders Network, extend our sincerest condolences to his wife, Dawn Hill and children.
Great Loss to the Human Rights Community as Legendary Dr. Martin Hill Passes On
Martin Hill Funeral Annoucement (1)
Sirna Awwaalcha Dr. Martin Hill
Hawaasota Oromoo UK fi biyya adda addaa keessa jirtan maraaf!
Fira ummata cunqurfame addunyaa fi warri sagalee hinqabne sagaleen isaanii akka dhagahamu godhaa kan turani Dr. Martin Hill biyya lafaa kana irraa lubbuun dabruu isaanii gadda guddaan ibsina. Ummatoota cunqurfamanii fi miidhaan irra gahe keessaa ummatni Oromoo tokko yommu ta’u Dr. Martin bara dhibba kudha sagalii fi saddeettamootaa fi sagaltamoota keessa rakkoo Oromoo irra gahaa ture ifa baassuu fi saaxiluun Oromoon akka gargaaramu godhaa nama turani dha.Yeroo dheeraaf adunyaa irratti mirga dhala namaaf ka falmu dhaaba ‘Amnesty International’ jedhamu geggeessaa ka turan Dr. Martin Hill biyya lafaa kana irraa ka dabran Jimaata dabre Amajji 16, 2015 yommuu ta’u sirni awwaalcha isaanii Jimaata dhufu Amajjii 23, 2015 ganama sa’a 11:00 irratti London keessatti waldaa teessoon isaa kanaa gadi kaa’ametti raawwata. ‘Amnesty International’ dhuma bara 2014 keessas akkuma rakkoo ummatoota addunyaa cunqunrfaman saaxile ka Oromoo irra gahes “Because I am Oromo” jechuun biyyi lafaa akka sirriitti hubatu godhe. Kanaaf Oromoo dabalatee fira ummata cunqunrfamtoota biyya lafaa kan turani sirna awwaalcha Dr. Martin Hill irratti akka argamtan gaafanna.
Guyyaan: Amajjii 23, 2015
Sa’a: 11:00
Bakki:
Holy Trinity Church & Saint Matthias Centre
Trinity Rise, Tuise Hill
London, SW2 2QP
Brixton irraa
Otobusiin: 2, 415, 432 (Stop F)
Bakka kana irraa daqiiqaa 10 deemsisa
Hawaasa Oromoo UK
=========================
To all members of Oromo Communities in the UK and around the world!
We are deeply saddened to hear the death of Dr. Martin Hill, a long time friend and voice for the voiceless oppressed peoples of the world, including the Oromo. The funeral service of Dr. Martin Hill, who was the director of the Amnesty International for a long time, will be held on Friday, 23rd January 2015 at the following address and time.
Date: 23rd January 2015
Time: 11:00 AM
Place: Holy Trinity Church and Saint Matthias Centre, Trinity Rise, Tulse Hill, London SW2 2QP
Transport from Brixton station to the Church,
Buses: 2, 415, 432, (Stop F)
10 minutes from the stop.
Oromo Community UK
Africa: resource curse or leadership curse? January 17, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Africa Rising, Corruption in Africa, Dictatorship, Illicit financial outflows from Ethiopia, Leadership curse.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Developing country, leadership curse, State and Development, Sub-Saharan Africa, The Tyranny of Ethiopia, Tyranny
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The main challenge for Africa is to reinvent how it grows, in a way that creates opportunities for all. The opportunity to go to a good hospital; the opportunity to attend a competent school and develop technical and intellectual skills; the opportunity of not being discriminated against based on gender; or simply the opportunity to produce a couple more litres of milk and become an abundant farmer instead of a subsistence farmer. The key is having the possibility of living like Malik wanted to, by trading and sharing his goats and vegetables, or choosing a more “westernized” lifestyle.
In order to shape this new kind of growth and reverse this leadership curse, it is fundamental to reinvent leadership itself.
Africa’s “eternal” incumbent leaders – such as Equatorial Guinea’s president, Obiang; his Uganda congener, Museveni; or Cameroon’s head, Biya – have not steered the wheel in the direction of generalised prosperity. They have instead narrowed the chances for anyone else to achieve it.
Africa needs leaders from different disciplines, places and generations, who are capable of challenging the status quo and framing a new development phase. And the importance of involving both policy and business is large. The curse can only be lifted if government, civil society and business leaders collaborate to craft long-term strategies for their countries and people.
In a nutshell, there is a need to develop African leaders who are capable of acting differently. Leaders who not only have a broad understanding of the contextual world but also have an in-depth knowledge and respect for local behaviour. Leaders who are capable of composing a better future by going beyond the golden GDP growth quest or revenues pursuit; and who instead value their ecosystems as a whole: their existing human and natural resources. Leaders who Malik would be proud to go home to.
The big question remains: is Africa ready to overcome these barriers?
Xyntéo analyst Joao Sousa blogs on an encounter that made him reflect on what the golden GDP quest means for the people of Africa
Joao Sousa, The Guardian
A few weeks ago, on one of my regularly-occurring train rides to Oslo airport, I sat next to someone who would make me rethink the way I perceive the world. This man was a 40-something Somalian who had been living in Oslo for longer than he wanted. I greeted him and he greeted me back, telling me his name was Malik and that he was from Jilib, in Somalia.
I have always been curious about life in Somalia, and wondered whether the Somali novelist Nuruddin Farah’s books convey the media-blurred reality of the place.
So I asked him what it was like in Somalia. “Very good,” he said, “in Somalia we would be very rich if it were not for the war.”
I wondered what he could be talking about, considering Somalia isn’t known for riches and resources. He then showed up humans’ differing perceptions of “wealth” by saying, “We have lots of goats and we even grow our own vegetables.” Wealth, to Malik, is evidently very different from wealth according to the average westerner.
Knowing the situation in Somalia is now more stable, I asked him whether he had any plans to go back, and he told me, with watering eyes, that one of his remaining dreams is to return home and live from what he can get from the land, with his community.
The same week that I met Malik, newspapers all over the world were full of stories about Nigeria’s “miraculous” GDP recalculation, which saw its numbers double overnight despite “missing billions”. The ordinary Nigerian person, however, stood exactly in the same place as they were the day before.
Nigeria and Somalia are very different sub-Saharan countries. The first, one could say, suffers from the resource curse; the second simply suffers. Nigeria is the largest African oil producer; Somalia has one of the lowest GDP per capita (PPP) in the world, 90 times lower than in Norway.
But in spite of the differences the two countries have many similarities (and, no, I don’t mean Boko Haram and Al Shabaab). Both are highly exposed to climate change, which degrades their land and causes food and water scarcity. Both have dysfunctional educational systems, malfunctioning political arrangements, hindered rules of law, and flawed wealth distribution. (Jim Yong Kim, the World Bank president, was right when he connected all these issues in one sentence: “We will never end poverty if we don’t tackle climate change.”) And both have an enormous untapped natural and human potential that can only be met if their future leaders are visionary and transformative.
Spin the globe, close your eyes and try to point to Africa. The probability is that your finger lands on a country with similar symptoms to Nigeria and Somalia. Look at Angola, with its rocketing growth over the last decade; or the frequently-cited success story of Botswana, with its impressive economic indicators. GDP figures might indicate everything is rosy, but scratch the surface and the symptoms described above – dysfunctional education systems and so on – remain. Oil-rich, gas-rich, tanzanite-rich, just-culturally-rich or not-rich-at-all, many African countries suffer from the same syndromes. This makes me wonder if there is a resource curse or if it is instead a leadership curse.
Africa’s asymmetric and trembling growth has its foundations in models primarily designed by and for developed countries. Moreover, its success is – most times wrongfully – measured by its countries’ GDPs alone, leading to occurrences like the misleading example of Nigeria’s recent GDP recalculation.
Crucially, millions of “Maliks” don’t think GDP is relevant when they think about measuring wealth. By Malik’s measure – having the ability to live among his community and from the land – Africa is perfectly placed to create a new kind of growth, by approaching consumption and wealth in a way that isn’t simply about GDP or revenue and that is, instead, about looking holistically to people’s current and future needs and behaviours.
The main challenge for Africa is to reinvent how it grows, in a way that creates opportunities for all. The opportunity to go to a good hospital; the opportunity to attend a competent school and develop technical and intellectual skills; the opportunity of not being discriminated against based on gender; or simply the opportunity to produce a couple more litres of milk and become an abundant farmer instead of a subsistence farmer. The key is having the possibility of living like Malik wanted to, by trading and sharing his goats and vegetables, or choosing a more “westernized” lifestyle.
In order to shape this new kind of growth and reverse this leadership curse, it is fundamental to reinvent leadership itself.
Africa’s “eternal” incumbent leaders – such as Equatorial Guinea’s president, Obiang; his Uganda congener, Museveni; or Cameroon’s head, Biya – have not steered the wheel in the direction of generalised prosperity. They have instead narrowed the chances for anyone else to achieve it.
Africa needs leaders from different disciplines, places and generations, who are capable of challenging the status quo and framing a new development phase. And the importance of involving both policy and business is large. The curse can only be lifted if government, civil society and business leaders collaborate to craft long-term strategies for their countries and people.
In a nutshell, there is a need to develop African leaders who are capable of acting differently. Leaders who not only have a broad understanding of the contextual world but also have an in-depth knowledge and respect for local behaviour. Leaders who are capable of composing a better future by going beyond the golden GDP growth quest or revenues pursuit; and who instead value their ecosystems as a whole: their existing human and natural resources. Leaders who Malik would be proud to go home to.
The big question remains: is Africa ready to overcome these barriers?
Introduction to Microeconomics: Understanding Market Economy January 17, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics, Uncategorized.Tags: Applied economics, economics, Microeconomics, Supply and Demand
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Economics Basics: Supply and Demand
Supply and demand is perhaps one of the most fundamental concepts of economics and it is the backbone of a market economy.
Market is made up of people, consumers and entrepreneurs, attempting to buy and sell on the best term possible. Through the grouping process of give and take, they move from relative ignorance about others’ wants and needs to a reasonably accurate understanding of how much can be bought and sold at what price. The market function as an ongoing information and exchange system.
A free market is…
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Introduction to Economics January 17, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics.Tags: Applied economics, Comparative Advantage, Economic policy, economics, Macroeconomics, Microeconomics
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Oromia: The Ethiopian Empire Formation And Its consequences On The #Oromo And Beyond. #Africa January 16, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Afar, Agaw people, Boran Oromo, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Ethiopian Empire, Ethnic Cleansing, Mursi, National Self- Determination, Ogaden, OLF, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, The Tyranny of Ethiopia.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Ethiopian Empire, Genocide against the Oromo, National Self Determination, Ogaden, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo people, Paul Baxter, Sidama, Tyranny
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“…The sustained and bloody campaign of Minilik resulted in the cutting of limps of men of all ages, breasts of women of the Arssi Oromos, which many Oromo Anthropologists, historians and the elderly equate it to the genocide committed against the Armenians by the Ottman Turks Empire during the First World War, in which over a million Armenians were killed.”
The Ethiopian Empire Formation And Its consequences On The Oromo And Beyond
By Bakkalcho Barii
With the help of the then three colonial powers, Minilik, the Abyssinian king managed to break and conquer the Oromo Country and beyond in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Following this war of conquest, the invading Abyssinian colonial army not only committed genocide on the entire Oromo, Walita, Sidama, and other people, but also, committed cultural, historical, social,and economic genocides in this new frontiers by imposing Abyssinian culture, language, way of life, administrations, and religion. These crimes were committed by presenting anything Abyssinian as superior to the languages, cultures, system of governance of the new colonies, as Europeans did practice when they conquered vast territories in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
Thanks to their heroes and heroines, the Oromo and the Southern people begun the journey of re-claiming what istheirs and re-writing their own history. Like other Empires in history, the Ethiopian Empire shall collapse by the subjected people, on which it has been built on, and that processes of de-colonization and the wheel of freedom is marching forward with full gear so that those subject nations shall claim their due place among the free nations of the world. The late P.T.W Baxter spent much of his time studying mainly the Boran and the Arssi Oromos. Paul Baxter documented and wrote many research books and articles on the Oromo way of life, their Gada system of governance and their experiences under the Ethiopian empire after the Minlik colonial army managed to conquer much of the Oromo land and the Southern nations by default and with the help of the then European Colonial powers, the French, the British and the Italians.
In his research article titled “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo” (July 1978) wrote the following; “Each of the Oromo peoples has a distinctive history but all shared comparable experiences; ……….perhaps I may select a few observed by myself in Arssi to illustrate some common types of Oromo experience under Abyssinian rule. …… The Arssi and the Oromo Country beyond were finally subjugated by Shoan gun power in 1887 after six different annual campaigns which R.H Kofi Darkwa, the Ghanaian historian of Menilek reign, summarizes as “perhaps the most sustained and the most bloody war which Menilek undertook.”
The above description of the sustained and bloody campaign of Minilik resulted in the cutting of limps of men of all ages, breasts of women of the Arssi Oromos, which many Oromo Anthropologists, historians and the elderly equate it to the genocide committed against the Armenians by the Ottman Turks Empire during the First World War, in which over a million Armenians were killed.
Paul Baxter and John Hinnant, who both studied the Arssi, the Boran and the Guji Oromos in the 1960s, summarized the experiences of those Oromos under conquest as the following: “The Arssi described their conquest by Abyssinians as the commencement of an era of miseries, since which life has not run as God intended it but out of true”. “The Boran likewise divided their history into two eras, before and after, the first of which was good and the second bad” to describe what colonization has brought upon them.
Similarly, John Hinnant described the experiences of the Guji Oromos as tending “to blame all social problems on their incorporation into the Ethiopian empire.” The above feelings and humiliation expressed and felt by the Boran, the Arssi and the Guji Oromos are the same as the feelings and humiliation felt by the Oromos of the Wollo, the Rayya, the Karayu, the Ittu, the Leqa, the Mecha, and the Tulama.
One would always ask how successive Abyssinians regimes managed to rule over the Southern nations, including the Oromo’s (currently known as the subjects or colonies), who constitute more than two-third of the entire populations of the Ethiopian Empire for so long?
The precise answer to the above question was given by Paul Baxter in his article “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo, in which he says “ The absolute political domination and cultural dominance of the Amhara ( now the Tigres), has resulted in the public presentation of Ethiopia as a state with a much more unitary culture than , in fact, it has. Even scholars have come to accept Ethiopia at the evaluation of its own sophisticated and charming elite.”
The current Tigrian elites copied their Amhara elite’s, their predecessors, in presenting their Empire as a unitary and at peace with itself while waging unprecedented war of genocide on the Oromo people and other nations. They (both the Amhara & Tigre elites) hired foreign PR companies, influential individuals, and lobbyists in Western capitals and political corridors to maintain their marginalization of the Oromos and the Southern people, and present their Empire at peace with itself at the expense and misery of the subject people.
Of all the Abyssinian regimes, the current TPLF regime can only be equated with that of Minilik rule because TPLF rulers, like Minilik openly declared the entire Oromo people as the enemy of the state, and placed them in open concentration camps, in parallel with what the Nazi Germany inflicted on the Jewish communities of Europe during the Second World War.
The question many Oromos and friends of Oromos raise is Why is it the current rulers of the Empire (the TPLF), and their unprecedented scale of human rights violations and abuses on the Oromos is different from the past three regimes of the Empire rulers?
Unlike the past three regimes, who rose from the Amahric speaking Abyssinians, the TPLF originates from a minority Tigre region, which comprises only about five percent of the current Ethiopian Empire population, and was junior partners or foot-soldiers with the invading Minilik army during a war of conquest and expansion of the Abyssinian Empire towards the south.
Secondly, the TPLF rose from a century old power struggle with its close kin, the Amharas, who defeated the Tigre king Yohannes IV. In other words, the TPLF came to power not only to rule over the Empire but also to avenge their century old wounds against their kin, the Amharas. Thirdly, TPLF’s cleverly learnt the shortcomings of the Amaharas rulers over the colonies and, for the first time in the history of the Empire forcefully accepted the existence of independent nations like the Oromo’s, and allowed some form of self-rule and the use of their languages in office and schools.
However, when it comes to responding to the democratic and justice demands of the Oromo for total liberation from alien rulers, TPLF created satellite organizations who speak the languages of the indigenous population and used them as a Trojan horses to kidnap, harass, kill, displace and jail thousands of innocent Oromo for only demanding their country Oromia be free, and it is only the Oromos as owners and custodians of their Country Oromia, who shall decide their future relationships with neighbouring countries, including the Abyssinian themselves. According to official reports by Amnesty International, Oromia Support Group and other local human rights bodies, currently there are close to 45,000 innocent Oromo prisoners of conscience in different TPLF concentration camps.
Finally, the event of the September the 11th, 2001, in which thousands of innocent American lives were lost by a global terrorist organization called Al-Qaida. This horrific incident played well in the hands of TPLF rulers and exploited to receive billions of dollars and military aid in the name of fighting Islamic extremism in the region, but in actual facts to crash its opponents by bullying and invading neighbouring countries of the region with the tacit support of the Western powers.
The late TPLF ruler, Meles Zenawi loudly and clearly declared on many occasions that, TPLF conquered the Empire’s power by the barrel of guns, and, therefore, it can only be forced out of power by those who can use the same tactics. This reminded me of that famous saying “Power never gives up by will” but only by force.
The current minority regime of the TPLF hell-bent on not only committing unprecedented human rights atrocities against the Oromos and other nations in the South, its determinations to displace millions of Oromo from their ancestral land and selling those lands at the lowest bid to its foreign backers, destroy their forests by clearing in the name of development, and expose current and future generations of Oromos and the southern nations to environmental genocide shall have huge implications for the years to come.
The challenge for the Oromos and the people of the South is that the old guards, who conquered and built the Ethiopian Empire are so desperate and furious for losing the Empire to their junior partners, and making everything they can to re-claim their lost glory in the name of united Ethiopia, one vote and individual democratic rights slogans. These old guards of the Empire are barking and pulling their hair inside and outside of the country to undo the symbolic self-rule that is currently in-place that successive Oromo generations earned by much blood and sacrifice.
As one of my favourite young broadcaster, journalist and poet Abdi Fixe recently put on his comment regarding the fire that destroyed the Taitu Hotel in Finfinnee, “ where were these people who were so enraged by the burning of a hotel, for which the cause of the fire is not known yet, and silent when the TPLF Agazi militia murdered over seventy Oromo University students at Ambo and other Universities across Oromia for peacefully demonstrating against the expansion of Finfinnee? Where were these people when TPLF Agazi army carried out mass murder on the people of the Gambella, Sidama? Where were these people when TPLF deliberately burned Forests across all over Oromia?
In fact, they were cheering and clapping from the side when and every time TPLF carries-out their dirty work and some of them even could not hide their hatred towards the Oromos, the Gambellas, the Sidamas, and went on air and different social Medias in support of TPLF’s dirty deeds against the Oromo and the South. For Oromo and Southern compatriots in the Diasporas, keep it up the pressure on TPLF’s backers not to fund and support this in-humane and autocratic regime by coordinating your resources and hiring PR groups, lobbyists on behalf of your people back in the Empire, by collecting facts and figures of human rights violations that were committed and going to be committed, and expose them to governments and agencies in the West not to support this brutal regime diplomatically, financially and militarily.
Describing why the Oromo demand for statehood has not received news coverage in the West, despite the problem of the Oromo has been a major and central one in the Ethiopian Empire ever since it was created by Minilk in the last two decades of the 19th Century, Paul Baxter attributes the failings of the Western media for failing to cover this major issue due to two major factors: The first factor was all “the difficulties the Ethiopian Empire has been enduring were the conflicts in the north and eastern frontiers ( with Eritrea and Somalia), which were fairly reported due to their accessibility to foreign reporters, coupled with the interests of the Great Powers and their satellites have been involved”. “The second factor for the under-coverage or total absence of covering the Oromo and the Ethiopian Empire conflicts was the absolute political domination and cultural dominance of the Amhara has resulted in the public presentation of Ethiopia as a state with a much more unitary culture than, in fact, it has. Even some Western and “African Scholars” have come to accept Ethiopia at the evaluation of its own sophisticated and charming elite.” There is one last myth or propaganda both the Abyssinian camps are using as a last resort to foil the total liberation of Oromos and the Southern people, including the Ogadenian Somali brothers, who have similar aspirations being free from Abyssinian domination. This last myth or propaganda currently waged and used by both Abyssinian camps are puffing out “is if Oromia shall become independent, their neighbouring Nations such as Sidama, Walita, Kambata, Hadiya, Harari & Somali will be dominated or even cease to exist as a people.
This is a complete myth used as a last resort to delay the inevitable liberation of Oromia and other nations indicated above. We Oromos, have lived peacefully and protected these nations to maintain their way of life, languages, culture, religious practices, and we have been living with these nations for thousands of years. Imagine if these nations were bordering either the Amhara or Tigre Abyssinians? Their fate would have very similar to the Wollo Oromos who were forced to be Amharized and the Rayya Oromos, who were forced to abandon their language and history to be Tigre speaking people. Above all, we Oromos share common way of life and share closer kinship with our neighbours unlike what the Empire rulers try to portray.
One last message to my Oromo and the Southern compatriots to support their political and media organizations to shed lights and expose the chronic human rights violations perpetrated by successive Abyssinian regimes, so that their people back home shall rise and get rid-off them once and for all for peace to reign in that part of Africa. Strengthening and empowering Oromo Media Organizations will fill this void and the under-reporting of Oromo and the southern people conflicts with the Ethiopian Empire.
Let me quote the late P.T.W. Baxter and conclude my message:
“……But the efflorescence of feelings of common nationhood and aspirations for self-determination among the cluster of peoples who speak Oromo has not been much commented upon. Yet the problem of the Oromo people as has been a major and central one in the Ethiopian Empire ever since it was created by Minilik in the last two decades of the nineteenth century. If the Oromo people only obtain a portion of the freedoms which they seek then the balance of political power in Ethiopia will be completely altered. If the Oromo act with unity they must necessarily constitute a powerful force. ………..If an honest and free election was held ( an Unlikely event) and the people voted by ethnic blocks, as experience of elections elsewhere in Africa suggests that they well might do, then around half the votes would be cast by Oromo for the Oromo…”
May Waqaa Bless our forefathers, fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters who paid the ultimate price for the dignity of the Oromo People and the southern nations.
Bakkalcho Barii
This article is originally published in ayyaantuu.com
Seenaa Gabaabduu Sabboonaa Oromoo Obbo Araarsoo Boruu (1952 – 2015) January 16, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Obbo Araarsoo Boruu, Oromo, Oromo Identity, Oromummaa.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Obbo Araarsoo Boruu, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo people, Oromummaa
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Seenaa Gabaabduu Sabboonaa Oromoo Obbo Araarsoo Boruu
(1952 – 2015)
Qabsoon bilisummaa ummata Oromiyaa, arra, sadarkaa if duuba hin deebine geeysee jirti. Akkanumaa waliin, bahaa-bu’ii amna isii keessatti warra dhaabbiin rooraatuu fii kanneen Xophiyummaan a’oo seente jidduu, lammii keessaa, kanneen galii isii irraa shakkii qaban heddu. Garuu, yo kan durin wal cinaa qabame, lakkooysi warra kanaa akkaan xiqqa.
Hamma walakkaa baroota torbaatamootaatti, warri kaayoon qabsoo bilisummaa Oromiyaa abjuu hujiin hin fassaramne itti fakkaachaa turte baayye. Haalli san, murannoo qabsaawota dirree qabsoo saaqaniin injifatamee, kaayoon bilisummaa dhaabbii takkittii mooraa qabsoo taatee lammii keessa babal’achutti seente. Milkii tanaaf Elemoo Qilxuu fii Jaarraa Abbaa Gadaa tiin alatti warri itti faarfaman hin jiran.
Gaafa jeeynoonni armaa olitti maqaan dhawame, kaayoo bilisummaa tiif wareegama barbaachisu kennuuf muratanii daggala Oromiyaa seenan, kaayoo deemaniin bowwaasuu fii tumsa barbaachisuun warri bira dhaabbatan jibiri. Qoonni jara kanaa, babal’ina kaayoo bilisummaa tan gaafa qacalee tiif murteessa ture. Sadarakaa qabsoo tan gaafa kanaa keessatti, qabsaawota maqaan tarree duraatti tarrifamu keessaa tokko, Rabbi rahamata haa godhuu fii, Araarsoo Boruu (Ahmad Muussaa Haaji Alii Boruu) ti.
Araarsoo, abbaa isaa Obboo Mussaa Haaji Alii Boruu tii fii haadha isaa Aadde Haloo (Halimaa) Aadamirraa Baha Oromiyaa, Godinaa Bareentumaa, magaalaa Dirree Dhawaa, duubbee Masgiid Jum’aa, naannoo maqaa akaakoo isaa tiin moggaafamuun, ganda Haaji Boruu-tti beekkamutti Caamsaa 10, bara 1952, dhalate.
Gaafa sammuun Araarsoo barnoota fudhachuu geeyse, ijibbaata sirna gabrummaa dura dhaabbachuu, tan gaafa inni dhalte lammiin hordofaa turan irraan kan ka’e, akkuma daa’imman yaroo saniitti, mana barnoota Amaaraa (akka gaafas itti beekkamutti) irraa iggitamee, Amantii Islaamaa tii fii Arabii akka baratuuf, Madrasaa Gubee geeyfame.
Madrasatti, Araarso, qu’annaa hifaata malee tiin, yaroo gabaabduu keessatti if bira dabree, warra waliin baratan gargaarutti seene. Xiqqo booda, san bira kutee, barachaa, manuma barnootaa sanitti, joollee barnootaan isaa gad jiran barsiisuu jalqabe. Barnoota madrasaa akka xumureen, guddaan, dheeraan, barnoota ammayyaa tiif, mana barnoota Madrasa Jadiidaa geeyfame. Araarso akkuma mana barnoota kaanitti, kanattiis, barnoota isaatti akkaan cime. Barnoota sadarkaa duraa booda kan jiddu galaa tiif mana barnoota Laga Harree-tti dabree, waliigala kutaa duraa, baroota gabaabotti keessa fullahee, kan lamadaatti tarkaanfate.
Gama biraa tiin, Araarso sab-boonota bara 1974, magaalaa Dirree Dhawaa keessatti maadheeleen gurmaawan keessaa tokko. Magaalaa san keessatti, barattootaa fii dafkaan bultoota dammaysuu fii jaaruu, akkasumatti ammallee, qotee buloota naannoo sanii if beeysisuu irratti odoo haalaan hojjatuu, ji’a Waxabajjii tan bara 1977, gama universitiitti tarkaanfachuuf, qormaata hulaa kudha lamaa fudhatee, barumsa maraan qabxii ol-aantu galmeesse.
Yaroon tuni, yaroo qabsoon hidhannoo bilisumma ummata Oromiyaa qacalee ti ture. Qabsoo hidhannoo qacalee gubbisuuf warra jalqabaan marxifatan keessaa Araarso angafa tahe. Akka hujiin Dirree Qabsoo karaa qabatteen, biyya alaa deemee qabsoo bilisummaa tiif tumsa akka argamsisuuf qaadhimame. Araarso barnoota isaa itti fufuuf karaa universitii Finfinnee deemuu dhiisee, dirqama qaadhimameef hobbaafachuuf, jilaa waliin, biyyarraa sossoohe. Amna miilaa tan guyyaa torbaa booda, ji’a Onkololeessaa kan bara 1977a, magaalaa Jabuutii seene.
Gaafni Araarso faan Jabuuti seenan, gaafa biiyti sirna bulchiinsa gabrummaa Faransaayii jalaa reefu bilisa itti baate ture. San malees, yaroon san, yaroo Oromoonni biyya san keessa jiran, jijjiirama arkametti fayyadamuun, caasaa Embaasii mootummaa Xophiyaa jalaa walaba taateen, if gurmeessanii maqaa Caayaa Oromoo ja’uun mootummaa haarayatti if galmeessan ture.
Jilli Araarso irraa tokkoo, Caayaa Oromoo magaalaa Jabuutii tan reefu jaaramaa jirtu caaseysuu fii karaa qabsiisuu irratti qooda guddaa laatan. Gama biraa tiin, miseensonni caayaa tiis, qoma bal’oon isaan simatanii, dhimma biyyaa bahaniif if dura tarkaanfachiisuu irratti dugugguruu (lafee duuydaa) tahaniif.
Araarso, karoora biyyaa bahaniif fiixa baasuu irratti, ramaddii hujii tan magaalaa Jabuutii keessatti isa hambifte gammachuun fudhatee, hujitti seene. Gama tokkoon, dhimma siyaasaa tan biyyaa baheefiif dhaabotaa fii Embaasiilee ambaarra daddeemaa, gama kaaniin, lammii Oromoo kanneen biyya san keessatti if wallaalanii alagooman dammaysuu fii Caayatti dabaluu irratti hifannaa malee halkanii fii guyyaa carraaquu jalqabe.
Lakkuma qabsoon bilisummaa finiinaa deemtuun, Oromoonni baayyinaan baqatanii Jabuutii gaafa seenuu jalqaban, Araarso daran hirriiba dhabaa dhufe. Baqattootaaf iddoo bulmaataa tii fii dhihana irraa arkatan barbaaduu fii qubachiisuu dirqama godhate. Akka hara fudhataniin, bixxillee baqattumaa akka arkataniif waan barbaachisu godhuu fiin ba’aa isarra jirtu taate. San boodaas, kanneen qubsumaaf karaa Amerikaa fii Kanadaa deemuu barbaadaniif, korboo guutuu, afaan hiikuu fii mala dhawuun tan isaa taate. Warra dalagachuuf karaa Sa’udii deemuu fedhanii fiis baasabooraa fii viisaa biyya sanii barbaaduuf, oowwa biyya sanii keessa, olii fii gad kan daddeemu tahe.
Gama biraa tin, rakkoo dirree qabsoo bilisummaa ummata Oromiyaa keessatti bara 1978 arkamte furuuf, Araarso, tattaafata guddaa godhe. Haala dhalate irraa kan milkaawu diina qofa taachaa hubachuun, dhibdeen ganamumaan akka dhaamtuuf karaa dandayuu maraan carraaqe. Ijibbaanni isaa fiixa bahuuf dinnaan, odoo hin jaalanne, dhaabbi fudhachuu dirqame. Dhaabbiin, murannoo cimtuu waliin, gaafas Araarso fudhate, tokkummaa Oromoo cimsuu irratti qooda guddaa gummachite.
Addi Bilisummaa Oromoo, biyya Soomaalee keessatti heeraan hojjachuuf akka hayyama arkateen, Araarso achiitti ramadamee, jalqaba bara 1980i, Jabuutii irraa gamas sossoohe. Soomalee keessatti itti gaafatamaa Waajjira Hargeessaa tahee, qabsoo bilisummaa tiif dirqama isaa hobbaafachaa odoo jiruu, dhaabaan waldhabee, biraa deemee, ji’a Adooleessaa kan bara 1982a, bahara Hindii qaxxaamuree Sa’uudii seene.
Araarso Sa’uudii dhaquun hawaasa achi ture keessatti jijjiirama cima fide. Araarso Sa’uudii keessatti, ilmaan Oromoo faffac’arraa akka gurmaawan godhe. Dhaaba maqaa Tokkummaa Hojjattoota Oromoota Riyaad (THOR) ja’uun gurmeessee, ifii fii wal malees, qabsoo bilisummaa Oromiyaa tiif waan hedduu akka gumaachan godhe. Biyya dibbee dhawuun boquu nama dhabsiisu keessatti, agarsiisa aadaa tii fii daawwiilee dhooysatti qopheessanii, Oromoota achii malees, kanneen naannoo biraa akka irraa barataniif viidiyoon waraabanii wanni lammii keessa facaasan, irree qabsoo bilisummaa akkaan cimsite.
Haalli Sa’uudii akkaa-gara dhaabaa gaafa dhufe, maatiif biyya qubsumaa barbaacha, Sadaasa 19, bara 1986, biyya Xaaliyaanii – magaalaa Roomaa warraa waliin seenan. Hamma yaroon achii sossoohuu geeysutti, akkuma Riyaaditti Roomaa keessattiis, lammii gargaaruu fii gurmeessuu hujii godhate. Hooggana isaa fii kanneen biraa tiin, waldayni baqattoota Oromoota Roomaa keessatti dhaabbatee, yaroo gabaabduu keessatti, damee Tokkummaa Barattoota Oromoo Aroppaa (TBOA) keessaa kan hundarra cimaa tahee arkame.
Araarsoo fii maatii: Bitaarraa gama mirgaatti, Faayoo, Tiyyaa,
Araarso, Faxxumee, Leensaa fii Guulaa
Araarso, jiruu baqattummaa irraa hara fudhatee qubachuuf, Ebla 14 bara 1988, maatii isaa waliin biyya Kanadaa magaalaa Torontoo dhufe. Akka Torontoo seenettiis, hujiin sabaa jalaa in hafne. Wanni qubsumaa hanqattee, miseensa Tokkummaa Oromoo Amerikaa Bitaa (TOAB) damee Ontariyoo tahee, murannoo isaa saniin, mooraa qabsoo bilisummaa gabbisutti seene.
Araarso, nama naamusa cimaan faayame. Nama yaada isaa ifatti ibasatu, kan namaa tiis qamaa qalbiin gurra banee caqasu. Nama dhaabbii bilisummaa ummata Oromiyaa tan ganama manaa baheef irraa takkaa hin daddabini. Nama dirqama fudhate hamma hobbaafatuu hirriibni hin fudhanne. Guddaa fii xiqqaa lammii tiif jaalalaa fii kabajaa qabuun, qabsaawaa fii sab-boonaaf fakkeenya dhugaa tahe.
Waldhabbii qabsaawotaa tan bara 1978 irraa kaasee, Araarso, “bilisummaa biyyaa tii fii walabummaa sabaa tiif tokkummaan qabsaawotaa barbaachisaa dha,” je’ee nama yaadu. Yaada isaa kana, afaan bira kutee, katabbii isaa tan akkaan faayamteen taraaree, suuraan miidhaysee, kaleen agarsiiseen odoo abdii hin kutanne, irra daddeebi’ee, yaroo hedduu dooyaarratti agarsiisee jira. Yaroo dhukkubni itti sharafee hafuura itti kutaa dhufees, wanni dhaammate, wasiyyaan isaa, “tokkummaa qabsaawotaa fiduuf tattaafata godhaa jirtan itti jabaadhaa,” tan jattu.
Araarso, bara dabre, Amajjii 19, 2014, hawaasa Torontoo kanneen gadda haadha warraa, Aadde Faxxum Abdukariim Alii, tiif walitti qabaman irratti, “Ambayyoo! Ani silaa nama du’a Fxxumee irraa dandamatuu miti. Garuu, haalli keessan irraa na hambise. Galatoomaa!” jechuun jaalala haada warraa tiif qabu ibsee ture. Duuba, tin’isni hawaasaa akka hawwe hin taaneef. Akki je’ee hanqattee, amata isaatti, Amajjii 15, bara 2015, dhukkuba yaroo gabaabduu keessatti isa sardeen, magaalaa Torontoo keessatti, adunyaarraa gale.
Araarsoo fii Faxxumeen, dhuma bara 1981, Somaalee keessatti irbuu jaarsaa jaartummaa waliif seenan. Eega gaafasii, hamtuu fii toltuu isaan mudattu mara jaalala namayyu hinaafsiftuun keessa hulluuqan. Akkuma wal-jaalatanitti wal jalaa hafuu didanii, Guulaa, Faayoo, Tiyyaa fii Leensaa biyya ambaa keessatti hadiyyomsanii, wal duraa duuba, deeman. Ilmaan isaanii malees, hawaasa Oromoo magaalaa Torontoo garaa raasan.
Rabbi jannataan haa qananiyu!
Oromiyan ni bilisoomti!
Abbaa Urjii
http://www.gulelepost.com/2015/01/16/seenaa-gabaabduu-obbo-araarsoo-boruu-1952-2015/
Economics: Role and Method of Econ (1.1-1.5) January 16, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics, Uncategorized.Tags: economics
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‘Economics is the study of choices we make among our many wants and desires given our limited resources. With unlimited resources we wouldn’t have to worry about scarcity.
Resources are inputs that we use to produce goods and services. These include Capital, Entrepreneurship, Land and Labor (CELL). Capital is the goods we make to produce other goods. Entrepreneurship are machines that are used to make products. Land is our natural resources and Labor is the human effort put into making products. Scarcity is defined as products that are desirable but limited. These cause us to change our decision and and give up opportunities that we value, this is known as the Economic Problem.’
1.1
Economics is the study of choices we make among our many wants and desires given our limited resources. With unlimited resources we wouldn’t have to worry about scarcity.
Resources are inputs that we use to produce goods and services. These include Capital, Entrepreneurship, Land and Labor (CELL). Capital is the goods we make to produce other goods. Entrepreneurship are machines that are used to make products. Land is our natural resources and Labor is the human effort put into making products.
Scarcity is defined as products that are desirable but limited. These cause us to change our decision and and give up opportunities that we value, this is known as the Economic Problem. Every person, worker and firms all face the Economic Problem. Consumers have to decide what to buy, save and how much of their money to invest. Workers have to decide where to work, what to do…
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2015 Global Economic Prospects January 15, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics.Tags: 2015 Global Economic Prospects, Africa, African Studies, Developing country, economics, World Bank
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The global economy is still struggling to gain momentum as many high-income countries continue to grapple with the legacies of the global financial crisis and emerging economies are less dynamic than in the past. After rising marginally in 2014, to 2.6 percent, world GDP will grow by an estimated 3.0 percent in 2015 and 3.3 percent in 2016, supported by gradual recovery in high-income countries, low oil prices, and receding domestic headwinds in developing countries. Developing economies are expected to see an increase in growth from 4.4 percent in 2014 to 4.8 percent and 5.3 percent in 2015 and 2016, respectively. Lower oil prices will lead to sizeable real income shifts to oil-importing countries from oil-exporting ones. Risks to the global outlook remain tilted downwards. Weak global trade growth is anticipated to persist during the forecast period, potentially for longer than currently expected should the Euro Area or Japan experience a prolonged period of stagnation or deflation. Financial conditions could become volatile as high-income economies tighten monetary policy on diverging timelines. Rapid reassessment of risk could also be triggered by a spike in geopolitical tensions, bouts of volatility in commodity markets, or financial stress in major emerging market economies. Worryingly, the weak recovery in many high-income economies and slowdowns in several large emerging markets may be a symptom of deeper structural weaknesses.
Developing countries face significant policy challenges in an environment of weak global growth and considerable uncertainty. Fiscal buffers need to be rebuilt to ensure the effectiveness of fiscal policy in the future. Central banks need to balance policies to support growth against measures to stabilize inflation and currencies or to bolster financial stability. Progress on implementing structural reforms must be continued to boost long-term growth. The fragile global outlook makes the implementation of growth enhancing policies and structural reforms even more urgent to improve the odds of achieving the World Bank Group’s goal of ending extreme poverty by 2030.
The current juncture presents a window of opportunity for reform. The sharp decline in oil prices means that policymakers could implement subsidy and tax reforms to help rebuild fiscal space or finance better targeted pro-poor policies while removing distortions that hinder activity. The challenge now is for policymakers to seize this opportunity.
Kaushik Basu, Chief Economist and Senior Vice President
The World Bank
Read more at https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/20758
Oromia: The Intricately Carved Xayyaa (Tiya) Megaliths of Gadaa Oromo Heritage of 1249BC – 889BC January 14, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Gadaa System, Maaddillee Oromo, Munyoo Oromo, Munyoyaya Oromo, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Rayya Oromo, Waata Oromo, Wardei Oromo, Xayyaa Oromo.Tags: Africa, African culture, African Studies, Gadaa System, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo culture, Oromo people, Oromummaa, Xaayyaa (Tiya) Oromo Gadaa Heritage, Xayyaa (Xiyyaa) or Tiya, Xayyaa Oromo
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Philosopher and Social Anthropologist Prof. Gammachu Magarsaa has so far periodized 9 Gadaa Oromo Governance cycles for the time since 1249BC in which one cycle takes 360 years. We can see as follows:
The intricately curved stones of Xayyaa (Tiya) are the marks of the Gadaa governance of 1249BC – 889BC Xayyaa era, and the Maddillee governance also marked by stone graves in the region. At present, as the Ethiopian regime engaged in denying and erasing Oromo cultural and historical heritages, redistricted this part of central Oromia to neighboring zone.
So, in reading the following article we must refer to the above study.
The Intricately Carved Tiya Megaliths of Ethiopia

January 13, 2015 (Ancient Origins) — The Tiya stones are part of an archaeological site located in central Ethiopia, in an area known as the Gurage Zone. The 46 large, decorated Tiya megaliths have been declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Although the construction of such megaliths is an ancient tradition in Ethiopia, the Tiya stones are fairly ‘recent’, dating to sometime between the 10th and 15th centuries. Remarkably little is known about the Tiya stelae, beyond descriptions of their physical appearance. These large monuments likely had some cultural significance when erected, but their meaning remains unclear and very few efforts have been made towards understanding these magnificent monoliths.
The town of Tiya is found in central Ethiopia, located in the Soddo Region, in an area known as the Gurage Zone. Over 100 stelae can be found scattered across nine distinct megalithic pillar sites within the zone, 46 of which can be found at Tiya.

The pillar sites contain large stelae (monuments) of three types – anthropomorphic, phallic, and non-anthropomorphic/non-phallic. Anthropomorphic stelae are those which are given a human form. Phallic stelae are tall, thin shafts. The final stelae are flat monuments that take on neither an anthropomorphic nor phallic form, yet still take on the same basic form as the other megaliths. Each of these types of stelae are prominent within the nine sites of the Gurage Zone. Additionally, most of the stelae in the Gurage Zone contain elaborate decorations, including symbols that resemble plants, swords, and human figures, standing “akimbo,” with their hands on their hips and elbows turned out.
The monoliths at Tiya are taller than the stelae found elsewhere in the zone, with the tallest reaching over 16 feet (5 meters) high. Thirty two of the Tiya stelae bear decorative symbols.
In April 1935, one of the Tiya stones, engraved with a sword symbol, was discovered during a German expedition. Local residents refer to the stelae as Yegran Dingay, or Gran’s Stone. This is in reference to the ruler of the Adal Sultanate, Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi. In addition to the stelae at Tiya, there have been other finds of archaeological significance. During excavations, several tombs have been found. In the area, researchers have also discovered tools form the Middle Stone Age. Several sets of remains have been found in the area, with the bodies dating to sometime between the 12th and 14th centuries. Upon examination, it appeared that the remains belonged to individuals who were killed in battle. This may be fitting, as some say that the Tiya stones appear to be laid out like a row of headstones. There has been speculation that these are, perhaps, the site of a mass burial for those killed in battle.

The Tiya stelae are similar to stelae found in other areas, such as those that can be found en route between Djibouti City and Loyada. The stelae near Djibouti City include anthropomorphic and phallic stelae, and some of those near Loyada contain a T-shaped symbol. Some of these stelae also contain the symbols found on the Tiya stelae.

The Tiya stones were declared to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1980. A UNESCO World Heritage Site is a place that is considered to be of special cultural or physical significance. These worldwide sites are protected in hopes of preserving any cultural significance they may hold. The site of the Tiya stones joins many other UNESCO World Heritage Sites in Ethiopia, including: Axum, Lalibela, Semien Mountains National Park, Fasiledes Castle, the lower Valley of the Awash River, the lower Valley of the Omo, Muslim Holy City Harar, and the Konso Landscape. Altogether, these sites are the important remains of ancient Ethiopian culture, although it has been said that there has not been enough effort towards understanding the archaeology of Ethiopia.
Fully understanding the purpose and function of the Tiya stones is difficult because of the small amount of research that has been done in the area. Identification as a UNESCO World Heritage Site should be helpful towards learning more about the stelae, but surprisingly little has been done in the past 35 years since that occurred.
Sites such as the Tiya stones should be protected to ensure that any cultural secrets they hold will remain preserved, and perhaps someday be discovered. As a site created by the ancestors of those who live in Tiya and nearby areas, any significance of the megaliths may still apply to those who live there today. By protecting the site, UNESCO and other interested groups can ensure that the stones are preserved for future generations. There is the hope that more research will be undertaken in order to learn more about the amazing megaliths at Tiya, including who constructed them, why they did so, and what significance the monuments hold.
Source: Ancient Origins
http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/the-intricately-carved-tiya-megaliths-of-ethiopia/
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Cyberwarfare and Encryption January 13, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Cyberwarfare.Tags: Cyberwarfare, Encryption, Information Warfare
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‘Cyberwarfare is defined as offensive and defensive measures designed to achieve superiority of control of cyberspace (Internet, networks, software and hardware) or parts thereof. Although cyberwarfare is often thought of as an activity practiced by the state, attacks against corporations and the theft of credit card data can also be considered attacks against state sovereignty and symbols of statehood, and, hence, cyberwarfare.’
The recent cyberhacking attacks on Sony, CentCom and a number of well known companies over the past few years (especially Home Depot and Target) highlight a major development in the online world known as cyberwarfare. Cyberwarfare is defined as offensive and defensive measures designed to achieve superiority of control of cyberspace (Internet, networks, software and hardware) or parts thereof.
Although cyberwarfare is often thought of as an activity practiced by the state, attacks against corporations and the theft of credit card data can also be considered attacks against state sovereignty and symbols of statehood, and, hence, cyberwarfare. The information released in the Sony attacks, despite it being a foreign company, largely pertained to American operations and that bastion of Americana, Hollywood. Especially as it was an American subsidiary, Sony Pictures Entertainment, based in Culver City, Ca. And of course governments can, and do, invoke such attacks as justification for…
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Ethiopia: The Water Grabbing Dam, Ecological Destruction, Social Devastation, Hunger And Conflicts January 13, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Access to water, Africa, African Poor, Water Grabs.Tags: Access to water, Africa, African Studies, Environment, Gibe Dam, Land grabbing, Land grabs in Africa, Omo, Turkana, Water grabs
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Ethiopia dam will turn Lake Turkana into ‘endless battlefield’, locals warn
John Vidal, The Guardian
Ethiopia dam will turn Lake Turkana into ‘endless battlefield’, locals warn
Kenyans near world’s largest desert lake predict conflict, hunger and cultural devastation when hydroelectric project is completed.
The Turkana are traditionally nomadic pastoralists, but they have seen the pasture that they need to feed their herds suffer from recurring droughts and many have turned to fishing. However, Lake Turkana is overfished, and scarcity of food and pastureland is fuelling long-standing conflict with Ethiopian indigenous Dhaasanac, who have seen grazing grounds squeezed by large-scale government agricultural schemes in southern Ethiopia.
Locals fear the completion of the Gibe III dam could exacerbate tension in the region between Kenyans and Ethiopians.
People living near Lake Turkana in northern Kenya have little understanding that the fresh water essential to their development is likely to dry up when a huge hydoelectric dam in neighbouring Ethiopia is completed.
Fishermen, farmers, teachers and others living near the world’s largest desert lake say Turkana’s volume has reduced significantly over the past 30 years because of higher temperatures and changing weather patterns.
But few of the 100 people interviewed by a Kenyan researcher for International Rivers watchdog said they had been consulted or warned what could happen when the reservoir of the Gibe III dam, one of Africa’s largest hydropower projects, is completely filled in about three years’ time. The $1.8bn construction project, which is 90% complete, will start limited power generation in June.
The downstream impact of the dam is hotly contested. Some hydrologists have predicted that Ethiopia’s expansion of water-intensive sugar and cotton plantations on the Omo river, which the Gibe 111 dam allows, could reduce flow to Lake Turkana by up to 70%. This would kill ecosystems and greatly reduce the water level of the lake.
This, says International Rivers, could make the difference between marginal livelihoods and famine for the tens of thousands of already vulnerable people who depend on the lake for their livelihoods.
When told of the possible impact of the project, ethnic groups and communities near the lake predicted widespread conflict, hunger and cultural devastation. “If the Gibe III dam is constructed, the lake will dry up and this will lead to desertification and there will be depletion of resources: there will be no fish, no farming, and low humidity [and less rain]. If that is the case, the community will be finished,” said Sylvester Ekariman, chairman of the council of elders in Kakalel pastoral village.
The government says the Gibe III dam will boost development, give access to power for many Ethiopians — about half of the population — currently living without it. But critics say Ethiopia must also consider the environmental and social impact it will have on some 500,000 people living downstream and at Lake Turkana in neighbouring Kenya, who rely on the river for their livelihood.
Currently, the lake, which could split into two if incoming water is restricted, helps to prevent conflict between communities in Ethiopia and Kenya, and locally between the Turkanas and the Rendille ethnic groups, who live on opposite sides of the lake. If the lake shrinks, conflict is much more likely, says the report.
“This place will turn into an endless, uncontrollable battlefield,” said Joseph Atach, an assistant chief at Kanamkuny village.
Helen Alogita, a seed seller, told researcher Narissa Allibhai that she feared the people living on the other side of the lake. “They will come and kill us and that will bring about enmity among us as we turn on each other due to hunger. Find the person [building the dam] and ask them where they expect our communities to go? Where are our Kenyan leaders? If famine and hunger will make us die of starvation, where will they get votes from?”
Fisherman Dennis Epem said: “When the lake goes back, our enemies, which are the people of Ethiopia, will be reaching here. They have weapons, but we don’t have weapons. How will we defend ourselves when the people of Ethiopia cross? This lake is our security.”
Many of the people interviewed in the 14 communities said they were angry that an Ethiopian dam should affect Kenyans. “Not a single country [should] harm the other one by taking its waters without discussing with the other countries, because water is life. It should not be decided by one country. Who is funding these Gibes? They should withdraw their assistance or the loans they are giving,” the researcher was told.
Children sitting on the Omo River bank which is slightly cracked due to the lowering of water level. Gibe III Dam, Africa’s Tallest Dam with installed capacity of 1870 MW which is under construction, is said to impact 500,000 Ethiopians and Kenyans relying their lives on Omo River and Lake Turkana. The lowering of water level and the change of water salinity may especially impact aboriginal tribes who already live in severe drought and poverty, and may end the fragile peace between tribes.
“Awareness of the dam’s impacts and development process is extremely low,” said Allibhai. “A majority of interviewees were extremely uninformed. Any consultations with local communities were either minimal or non-existent. People in the villages had either heard about the dam only through local NGO Friends of Lake Turkana’s awareness-raising or through rumours; misinformation was rampant.
“Those in the towns were slightly more informed, especially the few with access to the internet – but even so, not one interviewee was sure of the details of the upstream developments, agreements and progress,” she said.
“All community members are opposed to the dam and irrigated plantations, as it will deprive them of their livelihoods and lead to increased famine, conflict and death. Their messages to the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments and the international community reflect their despair, and feelings of helplessness, anger and betrayal.”
Many older people said the developments in Ethiopia could tip the region into a crisis because climate change had made them more vulnerable. The lake was already much smaller than it was 30 years ago and villages like Impressa Beach, Lokitoenyala and Nachukui used to be under water, said locals. Rains are unpredictable and temperatures and wind have increased.
“These water grabs will disrupt fisheries and destroy other ecosystems upon which local people depend,” said Lori Pottinger, International Rivers’ Africa campaigner. “Local people have not been consulted about the project nor informed about its impacts on their lives.”
Both the Kenyan and Ethiopian governments have strongly backed the dam, which they maintain will increase development by providing more electricity.
The World Bank, which has been strongly criticised for funding developments that force evictions, is supporting the transmission line from the dam to Kenyan cities.
The Ethiopian government this week strongly rejected claims that the dam would harm Lake Turkana. A spokeswoman said: “The dam will provide a regular flow of water to Lake Turkana, which gives the possibility of providing a water supply throughout the year, whereas the lake is currently short of water in the dry season. The regular flow of water will also improve the aquatic life of Lake Turkana, providing a better livelihood for people living round the lake.
“The project … is instrumental in forging regional integration – the Gibe III dam will have a role in the realisation of close economic cooperation between Ethiopia, Kenya and the countries beyond. Kenya [will] obtain more than 300MW of electricity from Ethiopia.
“Campaigners are consciously trying to distort all these positive developments … in order to incite misunderstanding between the fraternal countries of Ethiopia and Kenya.” she said.
The Kenyan government was invited to respond to the report but has so far declined.
Suggestions for action by the communities ranged from using force to stop the dam, persuading the the Kenyan government to stand up for the people of Turkana and Marsabit, pressing for donors to withdraw funding and requesting compensation.
http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/jan/13/ethiopia-gibe-iii-dam-kenya
Oromo Street January 13, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in 25 killer Websites that make you cleverer, Africa, MINNEAPOLIS, Oromo Street.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Little Oromia, MINNEAPOLIS, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo culture, Oromo Diaspora, Oromo people, Oromo Street
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The Proposal to Name a Road in Minneapolis as “Oromo Street” is Approved.
The hearing held by the Minneapolis City Planning Commission on Jan. 12, 2015, to decide on Council Member Abdi Warsame’s application for commemorative street names along the city’s Cedar riverside area has approved Warsame’s proposal.
According to the now approved Warsame’s proposal, the section of the 4th Street South in Minneapolis, Minnesota, between Cedar Avenue and 15th Avenue South will be named “Oromo Street.”
The Oromia Media Network (OMN) covered the news during its January 12, 2015, nightly news as follows:
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Source: Finfinne Tribune | Gadaa.com
See also: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/3784-minneapolis-may-soon-get-a-commemorative-oromo-street
What is a developed country? January 12, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Developed country, Economics.Tags: Developed country, Developing country, Development, Development and Change, Economic development, economics, Governance issues, State and Development
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“A developed country is one, where all its people are literate, have respect for their fellow beings around them, have job security, medical insurance, a well planned and organized retirement for elderly, an organized system of operating private business, an organized system of security, both for individual, family, business and as well as society, and most importantly, a vision to develop with science.”
Why Some Countries Are Poor and Others Rich. #Africa January 11, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley.Tags: African culture, African Studies, poverty, State and Development, Sub-Saharan Africa, Tyranny and its myth
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‘The reason why some countries are rich and others poor depends on the quality of their institutions, the culture they have, the natural resources they find and what latitude they’re on.’
Ethiopia: Habasha myth and peoples’ liberation | Hooda Habashaa fi bilisummaa Ummataa January 10, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Ethiopia's colonizing Structure, Tyranny and its myth
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Habasha myth and peoples’ liberation | Hooda Habashaa fi bilisummaa Ummataa
By Ibsaa Guutamaa | January 9, 2015
In olden times it is customary for rulers to claim mystic origins different from their people. Such origins have some divine trait to justify limitless power for the man at the head, the king. That was how the Solomonic dynast of Abyssinia was told to have been created by a book composed in Egypt, called “Kibira Nagast”. |
Bara duri moototi madda hooda ummata saaniirraa adda tahe ofii kennu turan. Maddoti akkasii moototaaf aangoo hin dangahamne akka kennuuf qaccee gubbaan hidhata qabutu jira. Akka sanatt hundee mootummaa Habashaa Solomonawaa akka tahe kan himu moor “Kibira Nagast” jedhamuu Masaritt akka uumame kan himamu. Moor kun moototi Habashaa hundeen saanii Mooticha Israa’el Solomoon irraa akka bu’e hima. |
| It claims for Habasha kings an origin that traces to King Solomon of Israel. A son was born from out of wedlock romance between the king and the Queen of Sheba when she came to visit him from somewhere in the South as told. Queen of Sheba is known only through religious books of the Middle East and there is no history book that mentions her or her exact country. That is why she is claimed by Arabs and African alike. Even then her committing adultery with King Solomon and having a son was not mentioned in the religious books. That is why many believe that Minilik I was a creation of the Coptic Church to have permanent influence on Habashaa Kings and never existed as presented. His name started to appear in the said document, Kibra Nagast, for the first time. Thus everything surrounding him and his mother is myth told over and over by generations of Habashaa clerics known as daftaraa.The myth had served the Habashaa ruling clique to rule over their people with fear of the heavenly and iron fist. The people are never citizens with full rights over their individual life and national affairs. They were subjects that pay tributes and serve the rulers without question. The clerics play great role in cramming down the myth and the possible supernatural retribution if doubted into the minds of the masses making them believe that it would be sin to disobey the rulers, in particular the king. In the last four centuries Habashaa power was never transferred peacefully. Kings were overthrown by individuals that declare themselves kings. Except for those daredevils there were rare mass movements to overthrow the kings for they are under the fear of divine retribution. Even movement like that in Goojjam in 1960s targeted the Governor General Tsahayuu Inqusillaasee’s harsh rule not the Emperor.The kings were presented as demigod throughout their history until the over throw of Emperor Haile Sillaasee. With the last emperor a saturation point was reached where people started doubting the sinfulness of rebellion against injustice. In earlier times the chief priest from Alexandria can condemn the rebellion or untie the people from allegiance to the king. That was what the church did to Iyyaasuu; it untied the people from allegiance to him. To over throw the last emperor no priest interference was required because the chief priest was also under threat for it was not individual rebellion but mass revolution that came to change the setup of the monarchical rule. That be as it may the reverence for those holding power still persists among the Habashaa masses. It is a bone deep ethos that does not easily get erased.Through the years prior to that many changes have taken place. Many independent nations were annexed to Habashaa kingdom by force. Except for the land holding system, all autocratic vices of governance were transplanted to the colonies. The world’s technology and needs have started to grow in leaps and bounds. Africa was divided among alien colonizers. The world had carried out two world wars. These have prompted the demand for liberation and freedom by oppressed and colonized peoples of the world. But still they are the sly elites that dominate the political fields in Habashaa land. Power is yet far off from the people. It would have been advantageous for all oppressed peoples of the empire had the Habasha people asserted their right to be governed by those they truly elect. However waiting until they do that or fighting for them to achieve democratic rule cannot be a precondition for others to be free. To negotiate with a democratic state about freedom would have been easier than dealing with bunches of undemocratic dictators. For development, regional understanding and proper governance of the Horn of Africa the existence of democratic states can be the only warranty.
Unable to cop up with the new situation the emperor has to give way. Though the major role for the change was played by the colonies, power did not go to them for they were not organized. The occupation army took over and filled offices with new class. Some members of the old ruling class took individual actions opposing the change. But they were easily crushed because the oppressed sided with the junta. The remaining landed gentry were easily cajoled to get in line and pledge allegiance to the new order. The new rulers asserted that the source of power is not Devine but the people. But “One Ethiopia or Death” slogan was adopted assuring Darg’s loyalty to the empire state reassuring the Habasha people. Thus at least formally the Solomonic legend was mostly demystified. The new regime and its left leaning cohorts echoed after Mao Zedong that “Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun” making their heritage more clear. They are going to impose their rule with power of the gun alone unlike the ancient Nafxanyaa that used the gun plus the Cross. The same principle is adhered to down to the present day. The Darg was forced out of power in the same way it came, by the power of the gun. For those that replaced them just like their predecessors, negotiation for the dissolution and sanctity of the empire was off the table. For the colonies nothing short of its destruction could answer their question. But a make believe policy that recognize peoples’ rights was put into a charter. The traditional power sharing practice between the two major Habashaa groups, Amaaraa and Tigrawayi was not respected. Tigray went alone to exploit the colonies for benefit of individual rulers and fringe benefit of their region. The causes that led to over throw of the different Habashaa regimes are not yet addressed. Material deprivation of the masses in the mother country is still continuing except for the especial advantage Tigray got at the expense of others. Amaaraa elites have turned blind eye to their people’s plight while focusing on how to snatch away Oromiyaa from their cousins. As for the colonies their resources are busy building infrastructure of Tigray. Roads, electric power, health facilities, defense force etc are mushrooming. Education facilities that produce future leaders for the empire with exclusive curriculum are said to be flourishing in Tigray alone. For the colonies nothing significant was done. Even plans for infrastructure development started by the emperor are not completed. The previous regimes, including the Italians built roads to the colonies so that as much resources and services as possible are sifted out. From that Oromiyaa had some trickled benefits though incomparable to what colonial masters gained from it. The present ones added nothing to it to deny the indigenous smooth access to information and market. As long as they have power over the market they can force low prices on products and higher communication and transport cost locally. That gives them monopoly over movement of wealth of the colonies. The policy that allowed for land grabbing has brought in voracious groups that may side with Wayyaanee in defense of their investment, there by prolonging the subjugation of Oromiyaa and its neighbors with possible fast extinction of some minorities already on the verge. Habashaa rulers have managed their own people with unending terror. The conquest of new land might have relieved the age old internal tension. Able bodied men were given the opportunity to share in the colonial spoils. They were infatuated by their new gains, power, land, hunting grounds, vegetation, water, gold and other natural resources and above all free labor. The rulers and their followers were guided by intuition not knowledge. They took for granted the new land and never went back to alleviate the agony of those who are still suffering under brutal rule of petty chiefs they left behind. They feed the people only with false hopes and grandeur and fame they brought for them internationally. Those are the Nafxanyaa parasites that had been reaping without sawing for over a century. It never clicks their minds that a time will come that they will be demanded to hand over to the owners all their loots. When that time arrives they know they have nowhere to go and no one to turn to. Whatever they had looted will return to the legitimate owners from wherever they were stashed. This they know and it is its nightmare that is driving them crazy terrorists in order to live a day more. Despite the myth’s falling apart conspirators are trying to patch them together. They mix up history of ancient Kush (Nuubiyaa) cited by Greek historians and the religious books of the Middle East, with that of recent Abyssinia to confuse world public opinion. Still Ethiopia’s colonial nature is being suppressed by dishonest writers, politicians and diplomats. They tell of Ethiopia maintaining her independence untouched by “The Scramble for Africa”. But they do not tell of which Ethiopia they are talking. If they are talking of Abyssinia, that may be true. Abyssinia had participated in the Scramble for Africa. It is only racist mind that denies this. Free countries like Afar, Ogaadeeniyaa, Wala’ita, Sidaamaa, Kaficho, Oromiyaa and all the counties south of Habashaa land were colonized then with support of other colonizer buddies. Now is the time to write the true history of the region of which Habashaa is one among the many. This truth must be a part of freedom fighters manual. One has to know the driving force behind the enemy that makes it selflessly greedy and brutal. Now Ethiopian empire has become good only for history books for it cannot keep one people subservient to another anymore. Descendants of the first “Nafxanyaa” in Oromiyaa were the most privileged members of the society distinctly different from the indigenous people around them. They were owners of land and most of the wealth it produced. That land based economic wealth came to an end with land proclamation of 1975. But their umbilical cord with the empire state was not totally severed. Most were still trusted more than the oppressed for which the revolution claimed to come. But still they were hard hit by the revolution in general terms. That be as it may, the colonial state cannot escape the responsibility by changing its name and ideology, not descendents of the first Nafxanyaa. It is the one that has to apologize and redressed all harms done. As for the descendants no one can deny them being an Oromiyaan if they desire so. But if they are still the bragging types by the broken bones and spilt blood of their forebears in the process of colonization it could be considered “rubbing salt on a wound”. But for those that stand for justice and equality there is nothing to fear from independent free Oromiyaa. Because they were born in Oromiyaa for most of them there is no other country to claim or better relations they could depend on. To support free Oromiyaa or continuation of the empire is their individual choice. The problem in which descendant of the first Nafxanyaa find themselves in, needs to be addressed by liberation activists. Given from what they were told at bed side story or as indoctrination at schools, any change in the status quo can be freighting for they were not told about Oromo accommodativeness at the same time. Throughout their lives they had been seeing Oromo the dehumanized and timid not the real one. The real one is not vengeful but brave and passionate; to make peace is the arena of the brave and true offspring of the Gadaa fathers. It must be understood that the sacrifices the oppressed made are not to oppress others in turn. It is to bring peace, freedom and happiness for all Oromiyaans irrespective of ethnicity or past records. Descendants of the first Nafxanyaa are being hammered from left and right by false history and gruesome consequences if the colonies were freed. That is daily reinforced by continuous propaganda of those that are not personally affected but have something to gain from chaos that may ensue. The struggle for liberation is not based on ethnicity. It is the demand for, liberation from alien domination, justice, freedom and equality. The Nafxanyaa descendant may be answerable for their own folly like all Oromiyaans not for their forefathers. As for ethnicity of the Nafxanyaa for many of them it is all a myth that their forefathers were made to accept of being Amaaraa, whether they were recruited from Abyssinia or Oromiyaa. Purposely they have made Amaaraa synonymous with Orthodox Christianity to which most gun wielders are proselytized, to keep Oromo Nafxanyaa apart from the Waaqeffataa and Muslim indigenous. It is up to them to verify if racism has anything to do with the Oromo question and even if they were real Habashaa before they are thrown to fright by made up ethnic cleansing scarecrow. Otherwise, to join a group that denies Oromoo having land in Africa would be, denying one’s own identity or self-hatred. It will also be denying Minilik’s claim that is on record of his being “Emperor of Abyssinia and the Oromo countries”. The first Nafxanyaa had destroyed more than half the population, their sovereignty, culture, language, national identity and tradition mercilessly. That is all remembered for its historic value not to affect generations that are not responsible. But anyone that continues with that animosity and contempt for the colonial peoples even under the present situation cannot escape being responsible for condoning criminal actions. There cannot be peace, stability and development in the region without the rule of law, democracy and freedom. The colonizer has nothing to gain from peace and stability of the region. Rule of law, democracy and freedom for all does not give it exclusive access to resources. Therefore it will not accept the right of nations to national self-determination that includes independence of the colonies which is a democratic right. In addition losing authority for those that abused human rights while in power makes them vulnerable to the wrath of justice. For these reasons it is highly unlikely for it to give up power willingly. Therefore for activists to waver at every turn is no solution, only firm stand could lead to victory. Peoples’ right is not something that one gives to another but is a birth right recognized by Assembly of nations. Today political forces of Oromiyaa are not well organized to enforce their nation’s rights but spontaneous people’s movements for liberation are fast rolling. Whether liberal Oromo or fundamentalist Habasha like it or not, the struggle for independence will never stop. OLF can stand only for independence as its program dictates and for nothing short of that as long as it remains OLF. The following is UN resolution 3070 of 30, November 1973 for everyone to know: The General Assembly ∙∙∙ 1. Reaffirms the inalienable right of all people under colonial and foreign domination and alien subjugation to self-determination, freedom and independence in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, 2649 (XXV) of 30 November 1970 and 2787 (XXVI) of 6 December 1971; 2. Also reaffirms the legitimacy of the peoples’ struggle for liberation from colonial and foreign domination and alien subjugation by all available means, including armed struggle; 3. Calls upon all States, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and with relevant resolutions of the United Nations, to recognize the right of all peoples to self-determination and independence and to offer moral, material and any other assistance to all peoples struggling for the full exercise of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence; Frightening the masses with the divine power of kings has already eclipsed. Then all the dirty policies of the kings were covered up under the saying “Kings make no mistake” and they were presented as fountains of justice with no flaws. Now with that myth broken leaders of the empire stand naked and their naked force exposed. They cannot distance themselves from implementation of their oppressive inhuman policies. Rule of law had never been a concern of Habasha rulers though there were traditional redress mechanisms in the ancient ones. The present ones have full control over all mechanism and it is only them that are judges for their actions. Therefore to save the Habasha from abuse of power, peoples of the colonies from dehumanization and extermination they have to go. To be ruled by rude gangsters is sin. Wayyaanee is on its way out soon forced by its own mistakes and corruption. But the question Oromo liberators have to answer is what next? The cry of “terrorism” for Wayyaanee is one of the methods to get aid and attention from western countries in particular USA. But how long should the tax payer’s money prop a corrupt unsustainable dying system? The truth is there is no terrorism in Ethiopia except for the incumbent government itself. It is to hide its true terrorist nature and win appreciation when it kills and imprisons so many people for being terrorists. Actually they were not terrorists but Oromo; it is terrorizing them not to dare ask for justice. Under the pretext of fighting terrorism they fulfill their objective of keeping the Oromo nation under subjugation with the material and moral support they get. The vanguard political organization Oromo have, the OLF is branded terrorist to smear any dissenting Oromo voice as members of OLF and therefore “terrorist”! Reports of human right organization had exposed the Ethiopian government of abusing its people in particular the Oromo. Oromo are law abiding peace loving people with democratic tradition. To which ever religion they might belong so far no extremism is observed among the Oromo. All believers understand their place and role within the Oromo national political setting. There Gadaa background seems never forgotten when it comes to maintain peace and conciliation (Nagaa and Araaraa). They were good fighters and good peace makers prior to all indoctrinations. Still they have the stamina to fight and to make peace but for freedom and independence of their country, Oromiyaa, not for “clash of civilization”. Unlike the Habashaa their civilization was known for accommodativeness. No religion or religious sect had ever been considered as second class citizen in Oromiyaa while religious segregation is obvious in Abyssinia from time immemorial as opposed to what they lecture to the world. That has to be understood as not to be swayed by Wayyaanee smear campaign. The Oromo are victims of Wayyaanee terror not vis-versa. Oromiyaa is the country of the brave. The brave believe in fair play at any time. No violence should be used against the unarmed and there is no terrorizing the not aware innocent civilian. That is the skill Wayyaanee is trained for. That is what it is carrying out on the Oromo and crying of Oromo being “terrorists”. Oromo can be called terrorist only if resisting alien subjugation can be termed so. Be that what it may the Oromo will continue fighting with the occupation army of aliens until their right for national self-determination up to and including independence is realized. Honor and glory for the fallen heroines and heroes; liberty equality and freedom for the living and nagaa and araaraa for the Ayyaanaa of our fore parents! Ibsaa Guutama |
Fuudhaa alatt meshebbelaan Mootichaa fi Mootittii Saabaa irraa yeroo iseen biyya tahe gara kibbaatii isa daawwachuu dhufte akka ilmi dhalate dubbata. Mootittiin Saabaa moorota dhugeeffannoo Baha Gidduu malee moor seenaa biraan dhahuu, yookaan biyyisee bakka kam akka tahe kan agarsiisu hin jiru. Kanaafi kan Afrikaa fi Arabiyaanis keenya kan jedhaniin. Moorota dhugeeffannoo keessatt Mooticha Solomoon waliin sagaggaluu see haatahu ilma godhachuun see hin himamne. Kanaaf Minilik I galmistaana Kopti fedha mootummaa Habashaarratt dhiibbaa dhaabbataa gochuuf kan uume malee akka himameti kan hin jirre jedhanii hedduun amanuu. Maqaan saa jalqabaaf mooricha “Kibira Nagast” jedhame irratt qofa kan mullate. Egaa want naannaa saa fi naannaa haadha sa jiru hundi hooda irra deddeebi’amee dhaloota daftaroota Habashaan himamee dha.Hoodichi garee bulchituu Habashaa, soda gubbaa fi abootee sibiilan akka mo’an tajaajila bahe. Ummatichi nambiyyoota lubbuu ofii fi dantaa sabichaa irratt gonka mirga guutuu qaban hin turre. Gabbaarii gibiraa baaftuu fi bulchoota gaaffii malee tajaajiltu turan jechuu dha. Qeesoti, hoodichaa fi balaa yoo ciicatan gubbaa itt dhufuu dandahu sammuutt gad hudumuun yoo bulchoota,keessaayyuu mootichaa sarmuu didan cubbuu akka tahu sodachisaa turanii. Jaarra arfan darban keessa angoon mootii Habashaa nagaan tokko irraa kan biraatt darbee hin beeku. Moototi namoota mootii of godhaniin finqilchamu turan. Sodaa haaloo bahannaa gubbaa dhufuun,abba tokkoota xaranga’oo homaa hin sodaanneen malee sochiin ummataa bulchoota irratt godhaman hamma hin jirre turan. Sochooti 1960moota keessa Goojjam ture illee hammina Bulchaa Muumicha TSahaayuu Inqusillaasee irratt kan xiyyeeffate malee Mootii Moototaa hin laalu ture.Moottoti seenaa saanii hundaa kaasee hanga finqilchamuu Hayila Sillaaseett akka cittuuwaaq tahanitt ilaalamu turani dhumaa want halle morma nama gahuun ummattooti daba irratt finciluun cubbuu tahuu ciicachuutt kahan. Dur Qeesii muummichi Alaksandariyaa fincila sooka’uu yk ummata mootii amanamuu irraa hiikuu dandahu turani. Sana ture galmistanni kan Iyyaasuutt tolche; ummata amanama isaaf qabanirraa hiikeen. Mooticha isa dhumaa finqilchuuf gidduu seenuu qeesii hin barbaachifne ture; diddaa abba tokkee utuu hin tahin warraaqsa waan tureef qeesichi muummichuu dorsifamaa ture. Sunis tahee ulfinni ummati Habashaa kanneen aangoo irra jiranii qabu ammalee cichee jira. Hooda hamma lafeett seene waan taheef salphaatt hin haqamu.Waggooti sanaan dura geedarama hedduutu tahe. Saboota ofiin buloo hedduutu humnaan mootummaa Habashaatt dabalame. Sirna qabiyyee lafaa malee hamaan mootumma abbaa hirrumaa Habashaa akka jiruti kolonota irrati habaqalame. Tekinooloojii fi fedhi addunyaa dachaan guddachuu eegalan. Afrikaan koloneeffatoo halagaa gidduutt qircamte. Addunyaan lola waraan addunyaa lama godhe. Sanneen cunqurfamootii fi koloneefatamtooti addunyaa bilisummaa akka gaafatan jajjabeese. Haatahu malee ammayyuu dirree malbulchaa keessatt olantummaa abshaalota gurguddoo Habashaatu muldhata ture. Angoon ummata irraa ammallee fagoo jirtii. Utuu ummati Habashaa kan isaan dhugaan filatan qofa mallee eenyuu nun bulchu jedhanii ummatoota cunqurfamoota adduyaaf anjaa qaba ture. Haa tahu malee hamma isaan sana gochuu dandahanitt yk bulcha demokratawaa argachuuf lolatanitt eeguun jarri kaan bilisoomuuf hala duree tahuu hin dandahu. Finnaa demokratawe waliin waa’ee birmadummaa dhoofsisuun tuuta abbaa hirrootaa waliin gochuu irra salphata ture. Gaanfa Aftikaaf finnooti demokratawan jiraachuun misoomaa, walqayyabannoo godinaa fi bulcha akkaaf iggitii taha ture
Haala haaraan wal fudhachuu dadhabuun mootichi bakka gad dhiisuutu irra ture. Yoomallee jijjiirama taheef qooda guddaa kan gumaachan kolonoota tahan waan hin ijaaramneef aangoon isaanitt hin dabarre. Waraana biyya qabatee jirutu fudhatee gita haaraa itt naqee. Miseensoti gita dullachaa tokko tokko jijjiiramichaan mormuu yaalanii turani. Cunqurfamtooti loltuu waliin waan dhaabbataniif salphaatt macalaqfamuu dandahan. Abbaan lafaa hafan, salphaatti toora galfamanii akka sirna haaraaf kakuu seenan tolfaman. Bulchooti haaraan maddi aangoo gubbaa utuu hin tahin ummata jedhan. Garuu dhaadannoo haaraa “Itophiyaa tokko yk du’a” jedhu guddifachuun Dargiin empayeriif amanamaa akka tahe ummata Habashaaf mirkaneesse. Akkasitt hoodummaan durdurii Solomonawaa hanga tokko raawwate. Mootummaa haaraaf jala kaattuun saa bitaatt duufaa turan dhaalmaa saanii xaliila gochuun Maa’oo Zedongiin qiliwwisanii “Angoon malbulchaa afaan qawwee keessaa olbaha” jedhaa turan. Kan nafxanyaan durii qawwee fi qaxaamurroott dhimma bahe isaan kun afaan qawwee qofaan fedha saanii nama irratt fe’uuf deemu jechuu dha. Akeekuma kanatu hanga harraatt daddarbuun dhimma itt bahamaa jira. Dargiin akkuma ofii dhufett afaan qawween dhiibamee aangoo irraa ari’ame. Kan bakka isaa bu’aniif akkuma angafa saanii digammii fi ulfummaan empayeraa kan hin dhoofisisamne jedhani. Kolonootaaf diigama saa gaditt gaaffii saaniif deebii tahuu kan dandahu hin jiru. Garuu imaammati fakkeessaa kan mirga ummataa beeku chartara keessa galfamee ture. Angoo hirmachuun durboota lamaan Amaaraa fi Tigraawaayi giduu dudhaan ture hin ulfeeffamne. Tigrayi bu’aa abba tokkootaa fi harcaatuu ummatichaaf argamuu dandahuuf samichatt kophaa bobbahe. Kaasaan mootota Habashaa finqlaachisaa ture ammayyuu deebii hin arganne. Dhabiisi waatattaa ummaticha biyya haadha, anjaa addaa Tigray dhabiisa jara kaaniin argateef malee ammayyuu itt fufa jiraa. Oromoo akkamiti durbii keenya irraa buufannaa irratt xiyyeefachuun gurguddoon Habashaa rakkina saba saaniitt ija duruufata jiru. Waan kolonota ilaalu irratti qabeenyi saanii Tigraayiif jalcaasa akka commee margaa jiran, karaa, humna elektika, dhaabota fayyaa,humna ittisaa kkf ijaaruutt tattaafataa jira. Dhaaboti barumsaa hogganoota empayeraa egeree homishuuf adddatt kurfibarumsaa Tigray qofaaf dagaagaa jira jedhu. Kolonootaaf hagas waanti hojjetame hin jiru. Karoorri misa jalcaasaa nugusichaan diriire illee hin xumuramne. Moototi darban Xaliyanii dabalatee qabeenya fi tajaajila baafachuuf karaa ni ijaaru turanii. Sana keessaa hamma gahaa hin argatin malee Oromiyaan coccobduu hin dhabdu turte. Jarri si’anaa abbaan biyyaa iyyaatii fi gabaatt saaqaa salphaa akka hin arganneef homaa itt hin daballee. Hanga gabaa irratt dhuunfaa qabanitt gatiin hoomishaa akka cabu fi gatiin geejjibaa fi quunnamtii naannaa akka olkahu dirqisiisuu dandahu. Sun sochii qabeenyaa kolonotaa irratt humna dhuunfaa kennafi. Imaammati saamicha lafaa murnoota gomgomaa tahan horii lafarra oolchan eeggachuuf gara Wayyaanee goranii gadi qaba Oromiyaa fi olloota see dheeresuu ni gargaaru taha. Sunis sabooti bubbucuun tokko tokko kan durumaayyuu fittee irra jiran akka lafarra haqaman gochuu dandaha. Moototi Habashaa goolii hin daangaa hin qabnneen ummata saanii gurmeessaa turan. biyyoota haaraa argachuun bokoka waggootiif keessaa turan hanga tokko afuura fudhachiisaniiru taha. Kan dandeettii qaamaa qaban saamicha koloneeffannaa keessatt akka qooda fudhatan carraan kennameefii ture. Bu’aa haaraa itt bahaniin, aangoo, lafa, dirree balla adamoo, bosona, bishaan, warqee fi qabeenya uumaa biraa fi hunda caalaa humna namaa tolaan basha’anii turan. Bulchootii fi jaleewwan saanii coraamaan masakamu malee beekumsa hin qaban turan. Lafi haaraan kan saanii tahee akka hafutt fudhatan malee deebi’anii firoota saanii ammayyuu “shuumata” xixxinnoo hacuucuucuunii dandahan harkatt dhiisanii bahan deebi’anii gadadoo saanii salphisuu hin yaadne. Abdii fi guddina sobaa addunyaa irratt argamsiisaniif laachuufii malee wanti dabalaniif hagas mara miti. Jarri sun Nafxanyaa digaloota jaarraa tookkoo oliif utuu hin facaasiin galfataa bahanii. Waanti saamichaan gurratan bar tokko abbaatt deebisuu akka dirqamuu dandahan takkaa sammuuti dhufee hin beeku. Gaafas bakka dhaqanii fi nammi itt dheessan akka hin jire beekuu. Kan saaman hundi bakka kuufatanii abbaa seerawaatt deebi’aa. Kana waan beekaniif yaaciin saa guyyaa tokko buluf gooltuu maraatuu tahuutt isaan oofaa jira. Hoodicha gargar faca’aa jiru sadooti walitt suphuuf yaala jiru. Seenaa Kuush (Nubiyaa) durii Girikootaa fi moorota amantee Baha Gidduun dhahamee fi kan Habashaa dhiheenyaa walitt makuun ilaalcha addunyaa afanfajjeessuu barbaadu. Ammallee uumaan kolonummaa Itophiyaa innich dhugaan barreesota hin amanamne, malbulcheessoo fi malbeekotaan ukkaanfamaa jira. Itophiyaa akka waan “Hirmannaa Afrikaan” hin tuqamnee fi walabummaa see eegdee jiraatett himu. Garuu kan Itophiyaa kami akka jedhaa jiran hin himani. Yoo waa’ee Habashaa dubbatu tahe dhugaa tahuu dandaha. Habashaan “Hirmannaa Afriikaa” keessati qooda fudhatteetii. Kan kana haalu sammuu sanyeesituu qofa. Biyyooti bilisi Afar, Ogaadeeniyaa, Wala’ita, Sidaamaa, Kaficho, Oromiyaa fi biyyooti kibba biyya Habashaa jiran hundi gargaarsa miiltolee see koloneeffatoo biraatiin koloneeffatee turte. Yeroon seenaa godinichaa isa dhugaa kan Habashaas dabalatu barreessan ammaa. Dhugaan kun qaama qabattee harka duultu bilisummaa tahuu barbaachisa. Nammuu humna duubaa diinni hammma of wallaaldhalee donna fi bineensa tahuutt oofaa jiru baruu qaba. Amma empayerri Itophiyaa, ummata tokko kan biraaf jalee godhee tursuu waan hin dandeenyeef, kan inni tolu moor seenaa qofaafii. Horeen Nafxanyaa jalqabaa Oromiyaa keessa jiran, miseensota hawaasichaa keessaa kan bashaan jiraachuu saaniin abbaa biyyaan irraa adda tahanii mullatan turanii. Lafaa fi waan inni baasu irratt abbaa turan. Qabeenyi, lafa irratt hundaawe sun labsa lafaa 1975n raawwate. Garuu hiddi handhuura saanii guutummaati Empayera irraa hin citne ture. Caalaan saanii cunqurfamoota labsichi dhufeef jedhaman caalaa amanamummaa qabu turan. Waliigalatt garuu warraaqsichaan hedduu rukutaman. Sun akka sana tahus finnaan kolonummaa maqaa fi ilaalcha jijjiirradhe jedhus balleessaa darbett kan gaafatamu isa malee horee Nafxanyaa kana miti. Badii tahe hundaaf aagii tufsiifatee kan dabe qajeelchuuf abbaawummaa isatu qaba. Horee Nafxanyaa yoo ni fedhu tahe Oromiyoo akka tahan nammi isaan haalu hin jiru. Garuu yoo isaan ammayyuu “kan abbooliin keenya dhiga itt lolaasanii, lafee saanii itt caccabsan” jedhanii dhaadatan tahe “madaa irratt soogidda dibuu” isa jedhan taha. Jara walqixxummaa fi qajeeltuuf dhaabbataniif garuu Oromiyaa walabaa fi bilisa irraa wanti sodaatan hin jiru. Oromiyaa keessatt waan dhalataniif hedduun saanii biyya biraa fi hariiroo wayyaa irratt hirkatan hin qabani. Oromiyaa walaba deggeruu haa tahu akka empayerri itt fufu, filachuun mirga saaaniiti. Yeroo rafan waan itt himamaa guddatanii fi waabariitt kan sammuu dhiqaman yoo laalamu halli jiru jijjiiramuun, walfaana akka Oromoon nama hin ciigaane waan itt hin himamneef sodaachisaa tahu dandaha. Jireenya saanii guutuu Oromoo namummaa baafame fi birdhataa malee isa dhugaa hin agarre. Inni dhugaa haaloof kan sardamu mitii, garuu jannaa fi garalaafessa; nagaa buusuun qooda jannaa fi ijoollee warra abbaa gadaati. Kan qayyabatamuu qabu wareegammi cunqurfamooti godhan kan biraa darbanii cunqursuuf akka hin taane. Oromiyoo hundaaf, utuu lammii fi gocha darban hin laalin, nagaa, birmadummaa fi gammachuu argamsiisuufii. Horeen Nafxanyaa eegalaa wanti bitaa fi mirgaa itt afuufamaa jiru seenaa sobaa fi yoo kolonoti bilisa bahan waan hamaa irra gahuu dandahani. Kun holola kanneen dubbiin suduudaan hin tuqnee burjaajiin yoo dhalate keessaa waa arganaa lata jedhaniin jajjabaatee oofamaa jira. Qabsoon bilisummaa lammummaa irratt kan hundaawe utuu hin tahin gaaffii gadi qabaa halagaa jalaa bilisoomuu , qajeeltuu, birmadummaa fi walqixxummaati. Horeen Nafxanyaa akkuma Oromiyoo hundaa balleessaa ofiif malee kan abboolii saaniif hin gaafatamani. Waan lammumaa horee Nafxanyaa jalqabaa ilaalu irratt caalaa saaniif hooda abbooliin saanii Gondorii haa tahu Oromiyaa madaqfamanis Amaraa akka tahan fudhachiifamanii. Itt yaadamee Amaaraa fi Kiristinnaan Ortodoxii tokko jedhame. Nafxanyaa Oromoo fi Moslima fi Waaqeffannaa Oromoo abbaa biyyaa gargar baaasuuf inn nafxanyaan akka itt cuubamee, jara kaan ciigahu tahe. Gaaffiin Oromoo sanyeessaa tahuu fi dhiisuu saa yoo Habashaa dhugaa tahanillee utuu soda haxaawa lammiin hin baaragin ofumaa mirkaneeffchuu qabu. Sana malee murna Oromoon Afrikaa keessaa lafa hinqabu jedhanitt makamuun eenyummaa ofii haaluu yk of jibbuu taha. Sanatt dabalee Minilik II illee an “Mootii Habashaa fi Biyyoota Oromoo” ti ofiin jedhe dhara jechuu taha. Nafxanyaa duraa dilormaa Oromoo walakaa ol, moo’umma, aadaa, afaan, eenyummaa sabummaa, fi dudhaa saanii garalaafina tokko malee mancaase. Sun hundi seenaaf yaadatamu malee dhaloota abbaawummaa itt hin qabne tuquuf miti. Haatahu maleehala amma jiru keessatt eenyuu kan hamajaajummaa sanaan itt fufee ummata kolonichaaf tuffii agarsiisu gocha yakka deggeruu saaf abbaawummaa fudhachuu jalaa hin bahu. Seeraan bulummaa, demokraasii fi birmadummaan uumamu malee godinicha keessatt nagaa fi tasgabiin hin jiraatuu. Koloneeffataan nagaa fi tasgabii naannichaa irraa bu’aa argatu hin qabu. Seeraan bulummaa, demokraasii fi tasgabin qabeenya kolonootaatt saaqaa addaa hin kennuufi. kanaaf mirga hiree sabummaa ofii ofiin muteeffachuu kolonootaa kan walabummaa dabalatu, mirga demokraatawaa tahe, hin fudhatu. Kana irratt dabalee kanneen mirga ilmaan namaatt yeroo tahitaa irra jiran roorrisan dheekkamsa qajeeltuutt isaan saaxilaa. Kanaaf fedhaan tahitaa gaddhiisuun saanii waan hin yaadamne. Qabsaawoti marsaa hundatt daddaaquun furmaata hin tahuu; ejjennoo sirrii fudhachuu qofatu baasaa. Mirgi ilmaan namaa kan eenyuu namaa kennu utuu hin tahin Yaa’ii Addunyaan kan beekamee. Hardha humni Oromoo mirga sabaa kabachiisuuf jabaatee hin ijaaramne haa tahu malee sochiin walabummaa ummati godhu tasaawaan, ariitiin konkolaataa jira. Oromoo waahidhibnee hataatuu bu’uursituun Habashaa, jaallatee dhiiftee qabsoon walabummaa hin dhaabbatu. ABOn akka sagantaan saa ajajutt ABO tahee itt fufuuf walabummaa qofaaf ijaajjuu malee sanaa gaditt waanti tahu hin jiru. Kan itt haanu akka hundi beekuuf murtoo ST (UN) 3070 30, Sadaasaa 1973tii: (furaan afaanii kan kanati) Yaa’iin idilee ∙∙∙ 1.Keessa deebi’ee mirga ummata kolonummaa fi olhantummaa halagaa jala jiran hin tuqamne kan hiree murteeffachuu, birmadummaa fi walabummaa akka murtoo Yaa’ii Idilee 1514 (XV) 14, Muddee 1960, 2649(XXV) 30, Sadaasa 1970 fi 2787 (XXVI) 6 Mudde 1971; 2. Akkasumas seerawummaa qabsoon ummatootaa bilisummaa kolonummaa fi olhantummaa biyya alaa fi gadiqaba halagaa jalaa bahuuf karaa jiru hundaan qabsoo hidhannoo dabalachuun tolchan keessa deebinee mirkaneessina: 3. Akka Chartera Saboota Tokkoomanii fi Konvenshinoota Saboota Tokkoomanii dubbiin laalutt mirga ummatooti hundii hiree saanii murteeffachuu fi walabummaaf qabanii fi gargaarsa jajjabeessaa, waatattaa fi gargaarsa biraa ummataa shakala guutu mirga saanii hin tuqamne kan hiree murteeffachuu fi walabummaaf qabsaawaa jiranii hundaaf akka godhan finnoota hundaaf waamicha goonaaf: Ummatoota humna hoodaa moototaan sodaachisuun qaata dukkanaawe. Yeros imaammatooti moototaa xuraawoo hundi jecha “Moototi homaa hin balleessan” jedhuun golgamuun akka waan isaan burqaa qajeeltuu dogoggora hin qabneett dhiheefamu turan. Amma hoodi sun cabee hogganooti empayeritt olgaa dhaabbachuun humnni saanii qullaa tahe saaxilamaa jira. Imaammatoota saanii cunqursoo tahan hojii irra oolchuu irraa of fageessuu hin dandahanii. Mootota Habashaa duriif, dudhaan karaan itt waan tokko tokko qajeelfatan yoo jiraateyyuu, seeraan bulmaati dhimma saanii tahee hin beeku. Jarri ammaa karaa halle too’annaa jala oolfatanii waan jiraniif gocha saaniif isaanumatu abbaa dhaddachaati. Kanaaf Habashaa roorroo angoo irraa baraaruu fi ummatoota kolonii namummaa baafamuu fi badiisa irraa oolchuuf jarri baduu qabu. Tuuti addagee biyya bulchuun cubbuu dha. Wayyaaneen ulfina dabaanbulummaa ofiin dhihoo karaa bahaa qabata. Garuu gaaffiin bilisa baaftoti Oromiyaa deebisuu qaban itt haaneewoo kan jedhu? Iyyi “Goolii” Wayyaaneef mala ittiin jara dhihaa keessaayyuu US irraa gargaarsaa fi hubannoo itt argatuu. Dhugaan saa isuma mootummaarra jiru malee, gooltuun biraa empayera Itophiyaa keessa hin jirtuu. Uumaa saa isa dhugaa dhossee shororkeessituu dha jedhee yeroo inni nama lakkoofsa hin qabne hidhuu fi ajjeesu mararfannoo akka kennaniif barbaada. Garuu jarri gooltuu utuu hin tahin Oromoo dha; mataa ol qabatanii akka hin deemnee fi ugganii qajeeltuu akka hin gaafanneef goolaani. Gargaarsa jajjabeesaa fi waatattaa argataniin akeeka ofii Oromoo gadqabaa jala jiraachisuu fiixaan baafachuuf imaammata gooltuu loluu jala gugatanii bobba’aa jiru. Sagalee Oromoo hin sarmineef faaluuf dhaaba malbulchaa Kallacha qabsoosaa tahe gooltuutt moggaase. Gabaasii dhaboota mirga ilmaan namaa mootummaan Itophiyaa akka ummata ofiitt, keessaayyuu Oromoott roorrisu saxilaa jiru. Oromoon ummata seeraan buloo, nagaa jaallatoo fi dudhaa demokraasii qabanii. Dhugeeffannoo kamuu haa qabaatanii hanga yoonaa karisummaan Oromoo keessatt hin muldhannee. Yeroo nagaa fi araaratt dhufu duubbeen saanii Gadaa kan irraanfatame hin fakkaatuu. Amantooti hundi marsaa malbulcha sabichaa keessatt bakkaa fi qooda ofii beeku. Yaada cichaa hunda jala seenuu dura loltuu fi naga buusoo beekamoo turani. Ammallee “walitt bu’a qaroomaa”f utuu hin tahin, birmadummaa fi walabummaa biyya saanii, Oromiyaaf annisaa lolaa fi nagaa buusuu qabu. Qaroommi saanii hunda hammataa tahuun beekama. Miseensi amantee yk murna amantee kamuu Oromiyaa keessatt takkaa akka nambiyyoota sadakaa lammafaatt ilaalamanii hin beekanii; Habashaa keessatt garuu akka addunyaatt hodeessan utuu hin tahin yeroo hin beekamnee kaasee ciiga’amnii ifaa dhaa. Duula maqaa faalaa wayyaaneen utuu hin raafamin sun qayyabatamuu qaba. Oromoon gaaga’amtoota Wayyaaneeti malee cookkoo saa miti. Oromiyaan biyya goototaati. Gooti yoomuu tapha walgitu fedha. Jeequmsi kan hin hidhannee fi noola qubaa hin qabne irratt raawwatamuu hin qabu. Sun ogummaa Wayyaaneen ittii leenjifame. Sana kan inni Oromoo irratt gochaa Oromoon gooltuu dha jedhee caraanuu. Oromoon gooltuu dha jedhamuu kan dandahu yoo gadqaba halagaa ofirraa faccisuun sana jedhame qofa. Sun waan fedhe haa tahu Oromoon waraana halagaa irra buufatee jiru loluu hanga mirgi hiree ofii murteeffachuu hojiirra ooluufitt itt fufa. Ulfinaa fi surraan dabaankufootaaf; walabummaa, walqixxummaa fi bilisummaan kan hafaniif; nagaa fi araarri Ayyaana abboolii fi ayyoliif haa tahu! Ibsaa Guutama |
Fordi jeg er oromo: Because I Am Oromo January 10, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Fordi jeg er oromo.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Because I Am Oromo: Amnesty International Report, Fordi jeg er oromo, Genocide against the Oromo, National Self Determination, Oromia, Oromo, Oromo people
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Kelilew Urga:- Norwegian Newspaper’s Coverage of the Crimes Committed Against Innocent Oromo by the TPLF/Tigrean Govt
Amajjii/January 9, 2015 · Finfinne Tribune Gadaa.com http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2015/01/kelilew-urga-norwegian-newspapers-coverage-of-the-crimes-committed-against-innocent-oromo-by-the-tplftigrean-govt/
Below is an article in a Norwegian newspaper covering the human rights crimes committed against innocent Oromo by the TPLF/Tigrean government. The scanned version of the article (and the text format of the article) are also presented below (language: Norwegian).

Scanned version:

Full Text:
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Fordi jeg er oromo
Oromoere den største etniske urfolkegruppen i Øst-Afrika med en befolkning på rundt 40 millioner i området fra Etiopia til Kenya og deler av Somalia og Egypt. Oromoere er Etiopias største etniske gruppe, og deres språk er den fjerde mest talte i Afrika (etter arabisk, hausa, og swahili). Oromo snakkes over et geografisk stort område. De andre navnene på språket inkluderer afaan oromo, oromiffa og oromo. Men språket og dets brukere utsettes for i marginalisering og diskriminering av den etiopiske regjeringen.
Oromoerne i Etiopia har blitt kuet av de etiopiske herskere siden forrige kvartal av det 19. århundre. Oromo ble da utestengt for bruk i undervisning, massemedia og det offentlige liv. Afaan oromo ble forbudt først under keiser Haile Selassies regime. Den gang ble oromotalende privat og offentlig latterliggjort. Regjeringen gjorde alt i sin makt for å sikre dominans av abyssiner-språk og -kulturer på bekostning av oromo. Dette fortsatte senere under kommunistregimet som fulgte etter keiserens fall. I 1992 ble forbudet opphevet, og språket brukes i Oromia-områder med visse restriksjoner.
Alle de påfølgende etiopiske regimer, inkludert dagens, har drevet bevisste og systematiske kampanjer av feilinformasjon om oromoere og deres språk og kultur for å opprettholde undertrykkelsen av folkegruppen.
Hvorfor har de etiopiske herskere undertrykt Oromo?
Det tigrinja-ledede regimet har i hovedsak valgt seg ut oromoere grunn av deres økonomiske ressurser og politiske motstand. Oromia-støttegruppen uttaler: “Fordi Oromo spenner over Etiopias rikeste områder og utgjør halvparten av befolkningen i Etiopia, blir de sett på som den største trusselen mot den nåværende tigrinja-ledede regjeringen. I ettertid har flere Oromo-organisasjoner, inkludert Oromo Relief Association, blitt nedlagt og undertrykt av regjeringen. Den hyppigst anvendte begrunnelsen for å anholde oromoere er at de er mistenkt for å støtte OLF.”
Human Right Watch, Amnesty International og andre internasjonale organisasjoner retter jevnlig søkelys mot statens hensynsløse forfølgelse av oromoere, basert utelukkende på deres oppfattede opposisjon til regjeringen. Det nevnes hvordan oromoere stadig utsettes for vilkårlig arrest, langvarig fengsling uten rettssak, tvungen forsvinning, gjentatt tortur og ulovlige statlige drap som eksempler på regjeringens uopphørlige forsøk på å knuse dissens.
“Den etiopiske regjeringens ubøyelige aksjon mot reell eller innbilt dissens blant oromoere er sweeping in its scale og ofte sjokkerende i sin brutalitet,” sa Clair Beston, Amnesty Internationals Etiopia-forsker. “Dette er tydeligvis gjort for å advare, kontrollere eller bringe til taushet alle tegn på politisk ulydighet i regionen.” Ifølge rapporter fra Amnesty International har 5000 etniske oromoere blitt arrestert mellom 2011 og 2014 basert på deres faktiske eller mistenkte fredelige opposisjon til regjeringen.
Disse inkluderer fredelige demonstranter, studenter, medlemmer av opposisjonspolitiske partier og mennesker som gir uttrykk for sin oromo-kulturarv. I tillegg til disse blir folk fra alle samfunnslag, som bønder, lærere, helsepersonell, tjenestemenn, sangere, forretningsfolk og utallige andre jevnlig arrestert i Oromia basert kun på mistanke om at de ikke støtter regjeringen. Mange er anklaget for å ha ”oppildnet andre mot regjeringen”. Familiemedlemmer av mistenkte har også vært forfulgt kun basert på mistanke om at de deler et familiemedlems syn eller har arvet sine meninger, eller de er arrestert i stedet for deres savnede slektning.
Mange av de arresterte har sittet fengslet uten grunn i måneder eller år og blitt utsatt for gjentatt tortur. I hele regionen er hundrevis av mennesker arrestert i uoffisiell forvaring i militærleire. Mange blir nektet kontakt med advokater og familiemedlemmer. Dusinvis av de faktiske eller mistenkte dissentere har blitt drept. Majoriteten av dem er anklaget for å støtte Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), den væpnede gruppen i regionen.
Under Tigrinyan People’s Liberation Fronts brutale styre har rettssaler vært viktige arenaer for undertrykkelse. Siden TPLF tok makten i 1991 har mennesker blitt myrdet, torturert og uskyldig fengslet under grunnløse og falske, fabrikerte anklager om at de støtter Oromo Liberation Front.
Kilder: Amnesty Internationals rapport publisert 28. oktober 2014
Oromia støtte-gruppe
BBC NEWS 28. oktober 2014
UCLA Language Materials Project
Av Kelilew Urga
Read @ http://finfinnetribune.com/Gadaa/2015/01/kelilew-urga-norwegian-newspapers-coverage-of-the-crimes-committed-against-innocent-oromo-by-the-tplftigrean-govt/
Oil, Commodities, And The Dollar Trade January 8, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics, Oil, The sate of world Economy, Uncategorized.Tags: commodities and dollar, economics, Oil, Oil price, Oil supply and demand, Supply and Demand, The state of world economy
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‘The world’s debt situation has become a gigantic Ponzi scheme that makes all others look like children trying to sell candy to a baby. So what is the world situation on oil supply? There is currently an excess of supply and a reduction in usage. China is no longer using oil at a burn rate that makes the Americans look like Sunday drivers. But that is not all that is happening. Commodity prices are falling greatly due to lack of demand. China is no longer building factories and cities that will never be used. Their demand for electrical production has been reduced through lack of industrial activity and gigantic construction projects. In the past ten years the play was in commodity speculation and boy did the speculators speculate, steal, even. Not that demand has collapsed the prices for raw commodities has collapsed with it. Australia is hurting and will suffer some severe economic reverses. Already mines are closing and layoffs appearing. Their housing bubble is bursting as it their job markets. And they are the only ones. Many developing countries are starting to see their trade with China decline. Right now China has become the middle man in the world markets. Where it once produced products using its own labor forces and factories, it has out sourced the unfinished parts to the various undeveloped countries where labor is still cheaper. But here in America we have seen a downturn in demand of goods coming from China.’
Oromo: Thousands of Nationals Detained for Protesting Against Government Decisions. #Africa. #Oromia January 8, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Because I am Oromo, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Ethnic Cleansing, Genocidal Master plan of Ethiopia, Groups at risk of arbitrary arrest in Oromia: Amnesty International Report, Janjaweed Style Liyu Police of Ethiopia, Jen & Josh (Ijoollee Amboo).Tags: Africa, African Studies, Because I am Oromo, Human rights violations, Land grabs in Africa, Oromia, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo people, Oromummaa
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The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa released an appeal that describes the crackdown on the Oromo community, which has been particularly significant in the last 10 months, after the protests, held in March and April 2014, against the annexation of some Oromo towns to the territory of Addis Ababa. The organization highlighted in particular, the situation of a group of 26 prisoners, who have been illegally detained, beaten, tortured and deprived of their few belongings.
Below is the Appeal from the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, also available in .pdf format:
Since the March-April 2014 crackdowns against the peaceful Oromo protesters who have protested against the Ethiopian Federal Government’s plan of annexation of 36 small Oromia towns to the capital city of Addis Ababa under the pretext of the “Addis Ababa Integrated Plan”, thousands of Oromo nationals from all walks of life from all corners of Oromia regional state including Wollo Oromo’s in Amhara regional state have been detained or imprisoned. Some have disappeared and many have been murdered by a special commando group called “the Agiazi force”. The “The Agiazi” force is still chasing down and arresting Oromo nationals who participated in the March-April, 2014 peaceful protests. Fearing the persecution of the Ethiopian government, hundreds of students did not return to the universities, colleges and high schools; most of them have left for the neighboring states of Somaliland and Puntiland of Somalia where they remain at high risk for their safety. Wollo Oromos who are living in Ahmara regional state of Oromia special Zone are also among the victims of the EPRDF government. Hundreds of Wollo Oromos have been detained because of their connection with the peaceful protests of March-April 2014. The EPRDF government has detained many Oromo nationals in Wollo Oromia special Zone under the pretext of being members or supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), as prisoners’ voices from Dessie/Wollo prison have revealed.
From among the many Oromos who were picked from different districts and places from Wollo Oromia special Zone in Amhara regional state in April 2014, the HRLHA reporter in the area has received a document which shows that 26 Oromo prisoners pleaded to the South Wollo High Court that they were illegally detained first in Kamise town military camp for 36 days, Kombolcha town Police Station for 27 Days, and Dessie city higher 5 Police Station for 10 days- places where they were severely tortured and then transferred to Dessie Prison in July 2014. According to the document, they were picked up from three different districts and different places by federal police and severely beaten and tortured at different military camps and police stations and their belongings including cash and mobile telephones were taken by their torturers. In their appeal letter to the South Wollo high court they demanded
1. Justice and release from the prison because they had been arrested without court warrant and didn’t appear in front of the court for more than eight months- which violates the Ethiopian constitution.
2. The return of their belongings, including 1000 – 5000 Eth Birr and their mobile phones. […]
The Ethiopian Government for the past 23 years has continually breached:
1. the 1995 Constitution of Ethiopia Articles 14-19 by arresting citizens without court warrant, used torture and inhumane degrading treatments and deprived citizens of their livelihoods and generally discriminated against Oromo nationals
2. international treaties it has signed and ratified
2.1. CAT –Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatments or Punishment (1994)
2.2. CCPR – International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1991)
2.3. CESCR – International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1991) and
2.4. CERD – International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1976)
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) strongly condemns the irresponsible actions of the Ethiopian Government and its agents for their inhumane treatments of citizens. The government should be held accountable for failing its duty and responsibility to protect and promote human rights in its territory.
The HRLHA calls upon regional and international donor States and Organizations to take measurable steps against the Ethiopian TPLF/EPRDF government for its persistent brutal, dictatorial, and suppressive actions against innocent and unarmed civilians.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to the Ethiopian Government and its concerned officials as swiftly as possible, in English, Amharic, or your own language expressing:
– for the immediate and unconditional release of prisoners illegally detained and pay compensation
– urging the Ethiopian authorities to ensure that these detainees would be treated in accordance with the regional and international standards on the treatment of prisoners,
For further information on the detainees and on where to address the concerns, please see the attachedfile.
Source: http://unpo.org/article/17822
Kemants, Neglected Ethnic Group in Ethiopia– Deserve Your Voice January 8, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Agaw people, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Uncategorized.Tags: African Studies, Agaw people, Kemants, National Self Determination
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http://gadaa.com/oduu/13869/2012/05/28/agaw-midir-ethiopia-renaissance-of-agaw-peoples-priori-identity-as-a-support-for-the-oromo-national-liberation-struggle/http://gadaa.com/oduu/13869/2012/05/28/agaw-midir-ethiopia-renaissance-of-agaw-peoples-priori-identity-as-a-support-for-the-oromo-national-liberation-struggle/
Why the world cry for Mandela? He has many qualities among them are democracy and fairness. The Kemant people had suffered in previous regimes and the suffering is now reaching its peak. One may despise these oppressed people, should not been forgotten that God is also observing injustice taking place.
By Prof. Yigzaw Kebede (e-mail message)
We speak Amharic, but we are not Amharas, but Amharas are our … friends and neighbors.
Dear all,
You might have heard about the Kemant request which is not yet settled. I am distributing this e-mail to clarify some confusion on issues which are circulating in the community. We are also ready to receive your genuine comments.
Here are some of the facts and false rumors:
1. What is the Keamnt’s request? The request is for recognition of identity and self rule. This is the same request that some people characterized as the demand for secession. Actually, the secession was neither our request and nor our interest, will never be our concern in the future.
2. Is our request illegal? Not at all. Our request is constitutional on basis of Article 39. Despite this is the truth, some government officials say the group who…
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UNPO: Updated Report on the Persecution of Ogaden People in Ethiopia. #Africa January 8, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Ethnic Cleansing, Ogaden.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Genocide, Human rights violations, Ogaden, Tyranny
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In recent years the Ogaden people in Eastern Ethiopia have increasingly suffered various human rights abuses as the Ethiopian State continues its mission of ethnic oppression.
These violations of human rights often compound the current humanitarian crisis that is developing in the region; with foreign aid funds supporting a state that actively deters humanitarian organisations from operating in the Ogaden region.
To help increase awareness about the worsening situation for the Ogaden people, UNPO has published a background report outlining some of the major human rights that currently exist.
This report focuses on many of the Ogaden people’s civil and political rights that have been violated by the Ethiopian Government, and puts them into the broader context of the general state of human rights compliance throughout the whole country.
Cause for serious concern continues to be the suppression of the free media and freedom of expression within Ethiopia. Silencing those willing to voice concerns of state suppression means that the outside world is never likely to know the full scale of rights violations that are taking place within the country.
Of further concern to international law is the occurrence of extra-territorial activity of the Ethiopian State in both targeting political opposition and persecuting the Ogaden people. The fact that these actions have now begun to span borders makes it even harder to encourage transparency on the issues.
Source: http://unpo.org/article/17831
For a full copy of the report click here. UNPO Ogaden 2015 Report
The South Sudan peace process: prospects for 2015 January 7, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, South Sudan.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Developing country, IGAD, South Sudan, Sub-Saharan Africa
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‘These are not achievements of which IGAD can be too proud. The peace process is at a particularly perilous juncture. The last round of talks in December 2014 went nowhere.’
(African Arguments, 6th January 2015) Predicting conflict in South Sudan is easy. Those who warn that the coming of the dry season means further bloodshed are not being especially astute; they are stating the obvious. What to do about this likelihood is a much harder question.
Almost as obvious is to observe that the peace process is weakened by continued fighting. Is the sequence of a comprehensive cessation of hostilities first, then productive peace talks second, necessary? Desirable, yes, but necessary?
Almost paradoxically, limited, ongoing violence has not so far been the main obstacle to progress in the peace process: more of a problem is the inability of the parties to demonstrate goodwill and genuinely commit to finding a solution. Since the Bahir Dar talks in September 2014, violence certainly hasn’t prevented both warring parties from continuing to talk – in the earlier months of 2014 this was not always the case.
Today, more consequential to the environment for talks are the rhetoric and antagonism of preparations for escalating the conflict, rather than any individual episode of conflict itself; the increasing authoritarianism and paranoia of the government in Juba; provocative declarations that national elections will be held on schedule (all too similar to the strategy of the NCP in Sudan, unfortunately); and on both sides, prevaricating leaders who care more about their own interests than that of their so-called constituencies.
Which returns South Sudan to external intervention: the formal, IGAD peace process. For all its flaws, without the peace process, the war would be completely unconstrained.
Neighbouring states would have privileged their narrow, bilateral interests even more than they have done already. A full-fledged proxy war between Sudan and Uganda could have developed months ago – there is still a real risk that it might.
These are not achievements of which IGAD can be too proud. The peace process is at a particularly perilous juncture. The last round of talks in December 2014 went nowhere.
The consultations of the government in Juba, and the SPLM/A (In Opposition) in Pagak, have widened rather than narrowed the gaps between the parties. The participation of political parties other than the SPLM remains contested, with other political parties having had no effective presence since Bahir Dar.
The Tanzania hosted intra-SPLM dialogue in Arusha has opened a parallel process that further detracts from the IGAD effort. Arusha, only in its second round of talks, is still in a honeymoon phase, compared to the relative bitterness now felt in almost a year of talks in Ethiopia.
(An aside: Finland and Switzerland, the donors supporting the Arusha process, should have been far more cognizant of the risks of encouraging forum shopping; this failure of understanding, particularly in the case of Switzerland, so long-engaged in South Sudan, is inexcusable.)
Having effectively exhausted the classical mode of negotiations, the mediation has turned again to that unwieldy but potentially transformative option: a summit of IGAD heads of state and government, to be held sometime later this month in Addis Ababa. This will be the seventh IGAD summit on South Sudan since December 2013, and it is unclear whether the lesson of past meetings – particularly that of the August summit – have been fully learned.
This is probably IGAD’s last chance – another summit failure and the organization’s credibility and political capital will be almost spent. The need to demonstrate ‘success’ may be counterproductive: IGAD may be tempted to spin any summit outcome positively, or threaten the parties to sign up to an agreement they are not ready to believe in.
In the limited time IGAD has left to achieve meaningful progress in resolving the South Sudan crisis, it is vital that the mistakes made in the past year are not repeated. Avoiding these errors will not be sufficient for resolution – that depends on the South Sudanese (and of course, there are plenty of other pitfalls); it will, however, make the prospect of success more likely.
Here are four tasks the IGAD mediators should urgently undertake:
Adequately prepare for the next summit.
Most events involving heads of state are so tightly choreographed and well planned they might as well be ballet performances. Recent IGAD summits have suffered from a total lack of choreography.
There needs to be a clear game plan for the summit, and strategies in place to ensure traps and detours do not ensnare the meeting. Summit meetings are not wellsuited to details and can’t get bogged down on minutiae.
It is critical that heads of state are adequately prepped and briefed before they arrive in Addis. Otherwise the summit will, at best, make little tangible progress, and at worst, go backward
Make real efforts to reach out to more South Sudanese.
At this stage, the occasional press release or press conference is not enough. The mediation needs to marshal the full force of South Sudanese society towards an irreversible peace.
Most South Sudanese – even those nominally aligned to one side or the other – have little idea what their representatives are doing in their name. The parties to the talks have proven to be intransigent and stubborn; most people don’t know enough about these machinations to express their own outrage and demand change.
Individual church leaders have demonstrated a willingness to stand up and state the uncompromised truth: IGAD should more actively compliment these efforts, and itself campaign for peace in towns and communities across South Sudan. Building a constituency for peace and pressure from below may help change the behavior of those too arrogant to otherwise work for peace
Resolve the representation of political parties, and challenge civil society delegates to be useful.
No peace process outcome will be fully legitimate if it excludes the diversity of political actors in South Sudan. Feeble though most political parties are, the exclusion of the official opposition is an open sore in the process. An exclusive, SPLM stitch-up serves the narrowest of elites, and must be avoided.
Much has been said about civil society’s participation in the IGAD peace process. Regrettably, the most useful contributions from civil society have come from those outside of the peace process: the work of David Deng and the South Sudan Law Society, the Development Policy Forum and the Sudd Institute.
Unfortunately, the cogent work of such individuals and institutions has not been espoused by their civil society colleagues present in Addis Ababa. Civil society needs to raise its game.
The mediation needs to be blunt with civil society delegates: merely showing up to eat lunch and silently attend meetings is not good enough. Civil society delegates can still advance ideas, offer innovation and identify political hypocrisy; but they cannot do so if they are mostly silent.
Abandon the CPA model as the template for the mediation.
The CPA should not be understood outside of its context of time and place. It still offers useful elements for South Sudan in 2015.
But, far too often, the IGAD mediation, and most prominently the CPA’s chief mediator and his staff, have let the CPA model imprison their thinking and their tactics.
I do not wish to critique the CPA at length here: it is only necessary to point out that in so many ways, and not necessarily as the fault of the mediation of the time, the CPA failed or was inadequate. Consequently, it should be a cautionary guide for the current process, but not the only guide.
Similar advice would be well heeded by the parties, who themselves all too often refer to what happened in Machakos or Naivasha. Considering alternatives, being creative, and acknowledging past failure – rather than romanticizing the history of the CPA mediation effort in South Sudan as one of unmitigated success – would be far more illuminating.
As I wrote earlier, none of these actions are guarantees for success. But the mediators must understand where they have gone wrong, and quickly take corrective action.
Ultimately, should this incarnation of the IGAD mediation fail, the primary blame and responsibility must fall on those negotiating, no matter the deficiencies of the mediators. But the mediators can improve the odds.
Not every mediation can succeed. Witness the innumerable attempts (and innumerable mediators) who have tried to resolve the conflict in Palestine; more recently, the failure of both Kofi Annan and Lakhdar Brahimi to resolve the Syrian crisis.
There is no shame in accepting that this process, too, has its limitations. To fail to do so would be to a further disservice to the people of South Sudan.
The author is a diplomat based in Addis Ababa.
Source: http://africanarguments.org/…/the-south-sudan-peace-proces…/
Internet and its enemies: 36 out of 65 assessed countries show decline in internet freedom, 41 passed or proposed new laws to curb It. #Ethiopia. #Africa January 6, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in 10 best Youtube videos, 25 killer Websites that make you cleverer, Africa, African Internet Censorship, Ethiopia & World Press Index 2014, Facebook and Africa, Internet Freedom.Tags: African Studies, Enemies of Press Freedom, Internet Freedom
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January 6, 2015 (Dazeinfo) — Amid all those talks of an overwhelmingly large majority of people (83%) wanting to make the right to access the internet at affordable prices a basic human right, most of us do not bother to look beyond getting connected to the net. Without undermining the importance of being connected to the internet, there is no doubting the need to ensure freedom over the internet.
Sadly enough, internet freedom has fallen for the fourth consecutive year in wake of more and more countries introducing belligerent and often offensive online censorship measures while others tightened the noose and made their existing measures in regard to the same more rigorous.
The fifth annual Freedom on the Net 2014 report released by Freedom House, an independent watchdog organization, tracks the developments between May 2013 and May 2014 and observed that out of the 65 assessed countries, 36 have shown a negative trajectory in 2014.
Key Findings of the Freedom on the Net 2014 Report
It has been observed that an increasing number of countries are now giving legal sanction to laws that curb internet freedom, in total contrast with the previous government policy of controlling the internet using invisible strings.
Expressing dissent with the government policy or not toeing their line in the online space can invite legal action now, due to which more and more individuals and media outlets are under pressure to either censor their online behavior or face legal action and, in extreme cases, even arrest.
That is in addition to blocking and filtering of content which are among the most common means of online censorship. Imprisoning those who put up ‘undesirable’ content is being seen by governments as a deterrent and, according to them, encourages self-censorship.
At the same time, the use of physical violence against internet users ‘appears to have decreased in scope,’ says the report.
Of the 65 countries being assessed, 36 showed a decline in the degree of Internet freedom since May 2013.
Five countries with the most and least internet freedom were depicted in the form of a chart by the online statistics portal, Statista:
Iran, Syria and China were confirmed as the worst abusers of internet freedom in the world- a dubious honor for them! Countries wishing to impose more restrictions (like Iran, Belarus and Uzbekistan) often cite China as an example!
Iceland was ranked as the country with the highest degree of internet freedom. Five more countries which were appreciated in this regard are Estonia, Canada, Australia, Germany and the United States.
41 countries passed or proposed new laws to penalize expressing of views over the internet, to increase the surveillance capabilities of the governments or to increase the powers of the government to control the content which get published online.
Very few countries recorded an improvement in the degree of freedom over the internet.
India and Brazil were among those few nations where some curbs were taken off. Belarus also eased some restrictions.
Concern was shown over both democratic and authoritarian governments seeking to curb the freedom of the internet.
Penalty for online expression in some countries is worse than for similar expression off the internet.
19 countries passed new laws to increase surveillance or to restrict user anonymity.
The number of people detained or prosecuted for their online behavior touched a record high, surpassing all previous figures.
Among those prosecuted, online journalists and bloggers covering anti-government demonstrations were among the prime targets.
Women all over the world “face immense cultural and socio-economic barriers to ICT access, resulting in significant gender gap in ICT use.
The LGBTI community also faces great threats and harassment over the internet.
With more and more internet users beginning to guard their online privacy, “malware attacks against government critics and human rights organizations have evolved to take on a more personalized character.”
Shocking Instances of Curbs on Internet Freedom across the World!
There have been many instances of internet freedom being curbed all over the world. And it is not only surprising but also shocking that even the so-called ‘democratic’ countries have not been liberal with their internet access policy. Some incidents which sent shock waves across everyone’s spines during the period covered by the report are:
The Russian government enacted a law to crack down on all online media which criticized the Vladimir Putin’s policy toward Kremlin without any judicial oversight. Three major news sites were blocked within six weeks as a result of this law.
One of the worst offenders, Iran, does not allow its citizens to access social networking sites like Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter. Those promoting Sufism online were made to serve long prison sentences. Six Iranians who recorded a video of them dancing to Pharrell’s song “Happy” and posted it on YouTube (the video later went viral) were punished with 91 lashes each and six months of imprisonment. The director was ‘awarded’ a full year.
A new law in Ethiopia allows the government to snoop into computers, networks, internet sites, social media platforms, television and radio stations “for any possible damage to the country’s social, economic, political and psychological well-being”, citing that blogs, social media sites and other digital media have the potential to “instigate war, to damage the country’s image and create havoc in the economic atmosphere of the country.”
Governments in Turkey, Thailand, Russia, Kazakhstan and Italy allow agencies controlled by them to block content with no judicial oversight and with little or no transparency at all.
Uzbekistan passed a law requiring owners of cybercafés to record browsing history of customers for three months.
The draconian ‘bloggers law’ passed by the Russian government in May 2014 increased government surveillance of social media users by making it mandatory for anyone having sites or pages which draw more than 3,000 daily views to register with the telecommunications regulator.
A blogger in Ethiopia was sentenced to an 18 year term while six more await a trial for expressing dissent over government policies or actions over the internet.
News site editors in Azerbaijan were arrested and implicated under charges of hooliganism or drug possession.
Kavita Krishnan, a women’s rights activist in India, was harassed online by someone using the handle @RAPIST.
Mukhlif al-Shammari who posted a YouTube video about mistreatment of females in Saudi Arabia was jailed for five years.
Egyptian government used an application called Grindr to track and prosecute men belonging to the homosexual community. Russian and Ugandan governments also usedonline tools and malware to lure people belonging to this community and then harassed them.
In June 2013, a woman in Pakistan was stoned to death by local men after she was found guilty of possessing a mobile phone by the tribal court!
Iceland, which boasts of a 97% internet access, has no restrictions over the use of social sites and the government does not block any content was presented as a noteworthy example.
Sanja Kelly, Freedom House’s project director for Freedom on the Net, explained that governments are finding new and less detectable manners to control free speech online
“As authoritarian rulers see that blocked websites and high-profile arrests draw local and international condemnation, they are turning to murkier – but no less dangerous – methods for controlling online conversations”, says Sanjay.
Though it is important to ensure that the internet becomes accessible for a larger number of people, mere access to it will be no good if the government makes it an additional channel for snooping over its citizens or the users are threatened, harassed, discredited, punished or imprisoned for not bowing to the rulers’ diktats.
Read more @ http://ayyaantuu.com/horn-of-africa-news/36-out-of-65-assessed-countries-show-decline-in-internet-freedom-41-passed-or-proposed-new-laws-to-curb-it/
Ethiopia: The Indigenous People Are Pushed Out of Their Fertile Lands. #Mursi #Africa January 6, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Ethnic Cleansing, Land Grabs in Africa, Mursi.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Land grabbing, Land grabs in Africa, Mursi, The Tyranny of Ethiopia
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The people pushed out of Ethiopia’s fertile farmland
By Matthew Newsome
January 6, 2015 (BBC) — The construction of a huge dam in Ethiopia and the introduction of large-scale agricultural businesses has been controversial – finding out what local people think can be hard, but with the help of a bottle of rum nothing is impossible.
After waiting several weeks for letters of permission from various Ethiopian ministries, I begin my road trip into the country’s southern lowlands.
I want to investigate the government’s controversial plan to take over vast swathes of ancestral land, home to around 100,000 indigenous pastoralists, and turn it into a major centre for commercial agriculture, where foreign agribusinesses and government plantations would raise cash crops such as sugar and palm oil.
After driving 800km (497 miles) over two days through Ethiopia’s lush highlands I begin my descent into the lower Omo valley. Here, where palaeontologists have discovered some of the oldest human remains on earth, some ancient ways of life cling on.
Some tourists can be found here seeking a glimpse of an Africa that lives in their imagination. But the government’s plan to “modernise” this so-called “backward” area has made it inaccessible for journalists.
As my jeep bounces down into the valley, I watch as people decorated in white body paint and clad in elaborate jewellery made from feathers and cow horn herd their cows down the dusty track.
I arrive late in the afternoon at a village I won’t name, hoping to speak to some Mursi people – a group of around 7,000 famous for wearing huge ornamental clay lip plates.
The Mursi way of life is in jeopardy. They are being resettled to make way for a major sugar plantation on their ancestral land – so ending their tradition of cattle herding.
Meanwhile, a massive new dam upstream will reduce the Omo River, ending its seasonal flood – and the food crops they grow on its banks.
It is without doubt one of the most sensitive stories in Ethiopia and one the government is keen to suppress.
Human rights groups have repeatedly criticised schemes like this, alleging that locals are being abused and coerced into compliance.
I’d spoken to local senior officials in the provincial capital of Jinka, before travelling into the remote savannah.
The suspicion is palpable as the chief of the south Omo zone lectures me. Local people and the area’s reputation have been greatly harmed by the negative reports by foreigners, he says.
Eventually a frank exchange takes place and I secure verbal permission to report on the changes taking place in the valley.

- Situated approximately 300km south-west of the capital Addis Ababa, the dam is 246m high
- Work started in July 2006 and was estimated to take 118 months (nearly 10 years)
- The government says it will provide much needed-power and help develop the country’s economy
- Authorities say no-one has been forced from their home
It seems prudent to let the Mursi tribe and attendant police warm to my presence before I start asking questions. After all, I have the whole evening.
But a brief chat with the tribe ends abruptly with the entrance of a police officer, wearing a replica Manchester United football shirt, vehemently waving a dog-eared copy of the country’s constitution.
I am prohibited from talking to anyone and must immediately climb back into my jeep, drive back up the mountain and return to Jinka, he says.
As often in Ethiopia, he doesn’t explain exactly why.
I object to driving through the wilderness at dusk on safety grounds and so a compromise is reached: I will pitch my hammock outside the police station, a short stroll away from the village, with armed guards watching my every move.
The political boss of the zone comes on the two-way radio. “This is house arrest,” I protest. “No, just a misunderstanding,” he replies.
The prospect of returning home without interviews is unthinkable. My ruse is to distract my captors.
I sit them down for a meal of pasta and vegetables – and brimming beakers of spiced rum – in front of my laptop, which is playing an Ethiopian comedy.
After saying good night I strike out through the scrubland.
I run without sense of direction through bush and bog, crawl under fences, and negotiate large herds of noisy cattle. I have to find a village elder I met earlier, and interview him before policemen and their flashlights turn up.
So I am relieved to stumble on two boys milking their cows in the moonlight. They lead me to the elder’s hut. The sound of so many rudely-awakened animals in our wake fills me with dread that searchlights are heading our way.
The moment arrives. I squat in front of the elder inside his mud dwelling, surrounded by his sleeping companions: several cows, a goat and a cat. My dictaphone is poised to record truths heard by few journalists in this media-muzzled region.
I ask him in broken Amharic what is going on. He tells me: “The government is telling us to sell our cattle and modernise like townspeople – they say our land is the property of the sugar corporation. We have not been asked what we want or need.
“If we do not accept the resettlement plans, we’ll be taken to jail. How can we survive if we have no access to land, cattle or water?”
I promptly thank the elder for his time, apologise for disrupting his evening and head back to my open-air jail.
On reaching my hammock I find several dozing policemen and an empty bottle of rum. Mission accomplished.
The Mursi people
- About 10,000 Mursi people live in Ethiopia
- Traditionally insert pottery plates known as debhinya in the lower lips of young women
- They live in an area surrounded by the rivers Mara, Omo and Mago, which flow into Lake Turkana
- Mursi territory was incorporated into Ethiopia during the reign of King Menelik II in the 19th Century
Read @ http://www.mursi.org/
Oromo Voice Radio (OVR): Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation (MWMF) will start English program. #Oromo #Africa January 3, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in 25 killer Websites that make you cleverer, Africa, Oromia, Oromia Satelite Radio and TV Channels, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo Culture.Tags: Africa, African culture, African Studies, Development and Change, Free and independent media, Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo culture, Oromo News, Oromo people, Oromo Voice Radio, Oromummaa, Sub-Saharan Africa
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Madda Walaabuu Media Foundation (MWMF) will start English program

Oromo Voice Radio (OVR) English Service will be launched on 5 January 2015, every Monday for 15 Minutes from 7:15-7:30 pm Oromia Local time. For the start OVR English Service program will be aired once a week, and with time it hopes to increase the time length and scope of the program.
MWMF is a non-governmental, non-partisan and non-profit organization, incorporated in Washington, D. C. (USA) and Melbourne Australia.Founded in 2013 by a broad based collective of human rights advocates, civic society leaders, journalists and community members who are committed to the principles of democracy, human rights, freedom and justice, the MWMF provides an independent voice for the Oromo people and other voiceless communities of the Horn of Africa, including the Diaspora communities from the region.
The MWMF envisions that providing public education through its media outlets will enhance knowledge and appreciation about the true nature of the Oromo society and also the interest and its neighbours. MWMF’s pride is our common bond, aspirations, achievements and the desire to be a positive voice in the global society.
The OVR English Service program is designed to address issues that impact on the daily life of Oromo people and its neighbours in the Horn of Africa. It broadcasts 15 minutes English Program every Mondays at 7:15 PM local time at 16 MB or 17850 kHz.
For further information please call Mr. Aliye Geleto Anota on 61422602204 or email mwmfdirector@gmail.com
Saudi Star To Restart Rice Project on Disputed #Anuak Lands in Ethiopia. #Gambela. #Oromia #Omo. #Africa. January 3, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, African Poor, Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Colonizing Structure, Corruption in Africa, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Ethnic Cleansing, Gambella, Genocidal Master plan of Ethiopia, Land Grabs in Africa, Land Grabs in Oromia, Oromia, Uncategorized.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Gambela, Genocide against the Oromo, Horn of Africa, Human rights violations, Land grabbing, Land grabs in Africa, Land Grabs in Oromia, Omo, The Tyranny of Ethiopia
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Saudi Star Agricultural Development plans to pump $100 million into a rice export project in Gambella region of Ethiopia despite allegations of human rights violations surrounding the “villagization” program under which the land has been taken from indigenous Anuak pastoralists to lease to foreign investors.
The company is owned by Mohamed al-Amoudi, who was born in Ethiopia to a Saudi father and an Ethiopian mother. Al-Amoudi made a fortune from construction contracts to build Saudi Arabia’s national underground oil storage complex. Now a billionaire many times over, al-Amoudi has invested heavily in Ethiopia where he owns a gold mine and a majority stake in the national oil company.
Al-Amoudi was one of the first to invest in a new scheme under which president Meles Zenawi offered to lease four million hectares of agricultural land to foreign investors and his company was also one of the first to become the subject of controversy. After Saudi Star was awarded a 10,000 hectare (24,700 acres) lease in 2008, a dozen aggrieved Anuak villagers attacked Saudi Star’s compound in Gambella in 2010 and killed several employees.
Saudi Star abandoned work at the time but this past November the company announced that it would return to invest millions to grow rice using new large-scale flood irrigation techniques. Saudi Star hopes to sell its produce to Saudi Arabia under King Abdullah’s Food Security Program.
“We know we’re creating job opportunities, transforming skills, training local indigenous Anuak,” Jemal Ahmed, Saudi Star CEO told Bloomberg. “The government wants the project to be a success and see more Gambella people able to work and produce more, that’s the big hope.”
But activists say that Saudi Star’s newly invigorated project in Gambella is likely to have a detrimental impact on the local population, notably pastoralist groups like the Anuak as well as the Nuer.
“Sadly, right now, the Anuak, nearly all small subsistence farmers, are becoming refugees in their own land as they are internally displaced from indigenous land their ancestors have possessed for centuries,” Obang Metho, Executive Director of Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, told the Africa Congress on Effective Cooperation for a Green Africa.
“They have become ‘discardable’ by a regime that wants their land, but not for them, in order to lease it to foreigners and regime-cronies for commercial farms,” he added.
All told as many as 1.5 million subsistence farmers are expected to be offered voluntary relocation to new settlements where the government has told them that they will be given housing, social services and support infrastructure under the villagization program.
However, activists like Human Rights Watch and the Oakland Institute say that the relocation process has been plagued by violence and broken promises.
Instead of getting housing, villagers are forced to build their own tukols – traditional huts – and risk beatings if they speak out, says Human Rights Watch, which conducted interviews of 100 residents during the first round of villagization that occurred in 2010.
The majority of resettlements did not have a school, health clinic or even water wells, says the Oakland Institute. Lack of agricultural assistance such as seeds, fertilizers, tools and trainings, have further exacerbated the risk of hunger and starvation among families.
The traditional pastoralist communities also say that they are having a hard time adapting to sedentary farming practices in the new settlements. “We want you to be clear the government brought us here…to die…right here,” an Anuak elder in Abobo district told Human Rights Watch. “They brought us no food, they gave away our land to foreigners so we can’t even move back. On all sides the land is given away, so we will die here in one place.”
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) holds meetings with #Oromo Community members. #Oromia. #Africa January 3, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Amnesty International's Report: Because I Am Oromo, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Southern Ethiopia and the Omo Valley, Genocidal Master plan of Ethiopia, Human Rights Watch on Human Rights Violations Against Oromo People by TPLF Ethiopia, Land Grabs in Oromia, Oromo Diaspora, Oromo Identity, Oromo Nation, Oromo Protests, Oromummaa, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia.Tags: 'BECAUSE I AM OROMO’: SWEEPING REPRESSION IN THE OROMIA, Africa, African Studies, Genocide against the Oromo, Human rights violations, Land grabbing, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo people, Oromummaa, The Tyranny of Ethiopia
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HRLHA Holds Public Meetings with Oromo Community Members
The Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA) held, over the past three weeks, public meetings with members of Oromo Communities in four cities of Canada and discussed human rights issues in the Horn of Africa in general and in Ethiopia in Particular. The Oromo communities involved were those of Toronto/Ontario, Edmonton & Calgary/Alberta and Winnipeg/Manitoba; and the major topic of discussion at all the four public meetings was the unabated gross human rights violations by the different regimes of the Ethiopian Government for over a century, with particular focus on what have been happening in the past twenty years under the current TPLF/EPRDF government.
Toronto:
The public gathering in Toronto was held on December 13, 2014 at the office of Oromo Canadian community Association. At the gathering, HRLHA Executive Director Mr. Garoma B. Wakessa explained in his presentation “the gross and Systematic violations of human rights against Oromo nation and other nationals in Ethiopia in the past and at present” by different governments that ruled the country. Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details.
Besides, Mr. Tesfaye Dheressa Kumsa, Director of Investigations and Dissemination with HRLHA, who did a presentation on “Land Grabs and Evictions as a Cultural Genocide”, explained how forced displacements of the Oromos and others from their farm lands and the resultant detachments and disconnections from traditional rural lives have been causing destructions of precious cultural assets, values, and wisdoms from which the societies have been benefiting generation after generation.
The HRLHA presenters explained that they are working with other civil society organizations to bring the perpetrators to justice and urged all human rights advocates to stand together in this regard.
Edmonton and Calgary:
On December 20 and 21, 2014, similar public meetings were held in Edmonton and Calgary/Alberta respectively, and many Oroms participated and discussed human rights violation issues in Oromia and Other regions in Ethiopia.
At the gathering, HRLHA Executive Director Mr. Garoma B. Wakessa presented “the gross and Systematic violations of human rights against Oromo nation and other nationals in Ethiopia in the past and at present” by different governments that ruled the country.
Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details. The participants have actively participated in discussion by giving their perspectives on the continuous gross human right violations by EPRDF government of Ethiopia against Oromo young generation in particular. At the end of the meeting, the consensus has been reached that the perpetrators should be brought to justice for genocide they had committed and also Oromos must pay all necessary sacrifices to resist the evil action of the EPRDF Government to save Oromo nation from more victimizing.
Winnipeg/Manitoba:
On Dec 27, similar meeting was held in Winnipeg/Manitoba and many Oromos participated and discussed human rights violation issues in Oromia and Other regions in Ethiopia.

Winnipeg
Extra judicial killings, mass arrests and detentions, kidnappings and disappearances, and tortures under the present government in particular have been discussed in details. After many hours’ explanations and discussions on genocide the EPRDF government has committed against Oromo nationals and others, the consensus has been reached that the perpetrators should be brought to justice for genocide they had committed and also Oromos must pay all necessary sacrifices to resist the evil action of the EPRDF Government to save Oromo nation from more victimizing.
During the discussions at four meetings held, it has been concluded that, by committing such well documented human atrocity, the Ethiopian government has violated the constitution of the land, regional, and International human rights treaties it has signed and ratified. The continued gross human right violations in Oromia, Ogadenian and Gambela regions in the past twenty three years by the EPRDF Government were/are intentionally committed genocides and crimes against humanity. For its deliberate actions of killings, torturing and disappearing its citizens, the EPRDF Government should be accountable. For the heinous human atrocity of EPRDF government against Oromo, Ogaden and Gambela people there are credible documents and proofs to hold the EPRDF Government accountable for its criminal actions and to bring the perpetrators to justice. The participants raised several questions on the possibilities of bringing the government to justice and all possibilities were explained by the presenters.
Finally Oromo participants of the four meetings thanked all HRLHA members for their commitment of defending human rights and promised to support HRLHA financially to make the organization stronger. HRLHA chapter organization was created during the meetings to help the organization’s more involvement in the communities.
Read @ http://ayyaantuu.com/human-rights/hrlha-holds-public-meetings-with-oromo-community-members/
OPride.com’s Oromo Person of the Year 2014: #Oromo Student Protesters. #Oromia #Africa January 1, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Oromia, Oromians Protests, Oromiyaa, Oromo, Oromo and the call for justice and freedom, Oromo Protests, Oromo Protests in Ambo, Oromo students movement, Oromo students protests, Stop evicting Oromo people from Cities.Tags: #OromoProtests, National Self Determination, Oromia, Oromo, Oromo people, Oromo Students Protests, Oromummaa
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(OPride) — For energizing and unifying the Oromo public both at home and in the Diaspora, for keeping the beacon of liberty from being extinguished, for selfless sacrifice to advance Oromo rights and for bringing international media attention to the plight of Oromo people, Oromo Student Protesters are OPride’s Oromo Person of the Year.
The Master Plan
In March 2014, the Addis Ababa and Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan Project Office organized a workshop for journalists and civil servants in Adama, 90 kms east of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. The training, conducted by officials from the Oromia regional state and representatives of the Addis Ababa city administration, continued through mid-April. It was intended to generate momentum before “a joint master plan,” which would ostensibly facilitate efficient resource use, eliminate existing contradictions and link the city’s developmental activities with the Oromia Special Zone, is unveiled.
Established in 2008, the Oromia Special Zone is comprised of eight towns (Dukam, Lagatafo-Lagadadhi, Sandafa Buke, Sululta, Holota, Burayu, Sabata and Galan) and six districts (Walmara, Sabata Hawas, Akaki, Sululta, Mulo and Barak). The zone has a total area of 4,800 square kms and 15 townships.
The special zone was established in response to local concerns over lack of attention and proper planning in the hinterland and the unchecked, horizontal urban sprawl around the capital. The renewed interest in the area, which ironically coincided with rampant land speculation and a chaotic industrial construction boom, was further strengthened by Oromia’s local development plan crafted in 2010.
Founded in 1886 by emperor Menelik II and his wife Taytu Betul on conquered Oromo land, Addis Ababa, which Oromos call Finfinne, has “complete powers of self- administration” with its own police, city council, budget and other public functions overseen by a mayor (appointed by the ruling party). Regardless of the reasons for the creation of the Oromia special zone, the city’s unique place as both a state capital and federal capital— the constitution granting special interest in the provision of services or the utilization of resources to Oromia — has been at the center of the debate over the city’s horizontal spread over the years.Oromo activists have been calling for clarification of the Ethiopian constitution’s special status clause, as well as language instruction and other services for the city’s Afaan Oromo speakers. In theory, the creation in 2011 of a joint project office tasked with fashioning a joint strategy and a master plan was meant to assuage these grievances.
However, as noted by workshop participants in April, the project office not only took an arrogantly top-down approach in crafting the master plan but also expanded the city’s territorial jurisdiction by a whopping 1.1 million hectares, an area more than 20 times the capital’s current size, according toleaked documents. The proposed plan would put 36 Oromia towns under Addis Ababa’s — thereby federal government’s — direct control.
In a rare report by the state-run Oromiyaa TV (OTV), journalists and officials from the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO), the Oromo elements in Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, sounded-off about the lack of public consultation and potential violation of Oromia’s autonomy and territorial integrity, as well as threats to the livelihood of Oromo farmers in the areas covered by the proposed plan. The planning office apparently did not even bother to consult with mayors of the affected municipalities and other regional and Oromia Special Zone officials. Moreover, the state’s rubberstamp legislative chamber, Chaffee Oromia, did not deliberate on it, leaving rank-and-file OPDO members deeply disgruntled.
“The issue of Addis Ababa and surrounding Oromia towns is not a question of towns; it is a question of identity,” one speaker said at the workshop in Adama. “When we speak of identity, there are fundamental steps we ought to take to ensure that the plan would incorporate and develop the surrounding towns while also protecting Oromo’s economic, political and historical rights.”
The speaker added: “we are keenly aware of the city’s past spatial growth. We don’t want a city that pushes out farmers and their children but one that accepts and develops with them…more importantly we don’t want a master plan developed by one party and pushed down to us.”
OTV’s segment on the opposition to the master plan came as a shocker to many. Established in 2006, the network has been serving as an unabashed government mouthpiece, giving only lip service to issues of concern to the Oromo other than scant cultural programming. Within days after OTV’s report, thousands of Oromo students at all regional universities in Oromia took to the streetsopposing the master plan (starting at Jimma University and quickly spreading to Haramaya, Ambo, Wollaga, Matu, Bule Hora, Addis Ababa, Adama and Madawalabu universities). In one instance, on April 29, an estimated 25,000 people partook in a citywide demonstration in the flashpoint town of Ambo, 80 miles west of Finfinne. Federal security forces responded as usual, firing live ammunition at unarmed protesters, killing at least 50 people and injuring many others while hundreds were arrested, according to eyewitness reports.
Authorities saw OTV’s report on the master plan as an indirect rebuke of its campaign to unveil the plan. TVO then went mute, apparently per orders from federal authorities, keeping eerie silence as protests spread across Oromia and received significant coverage in the international press. Shortly thereafter, an indoctrination campaign was organized for the OTV journalists, which according to a number of participants, ended without any breakthrough in the form of agreement.This was followed by mass firing of journalists seen as agent provocateurs, including Bira Lagasse, who presented the April OTV report on the master plan.
Marketed as the megacity of the future — complete with a new railway system courtesy of the Export-Import Bank of China — Ethiopia’s sprawling capital faces increased pressures to meet international standards and ongoing urbanization challenges. Half of Ethiopian population, roughly 67 million, is projected to reside in towns and cities by 2040, up from only 18 percent in 2013. Addis Ababa hopes to lead the charge in urbanization and become one of the top ten tourist destinations in Africa by 2025. Even as they insist that the controversial master plan offers a win-win solution for all stakeholders, Addis Ababa city officials say high economic integration and uniform land use and development strategies with surrounding Oromia towns is key to that effort.
Ethiopia’s GenQ: A lethal threat?
Student protests have been a fixture in the contemporary Oromo history. Students have been demonstrating in Oromia since the mid-1990s. The budding Oromo student activism can be likened to the cactus. You cut it down and it would grow back even more luxuriant as if in vengeance. You depopulate it in one place and it would mushroom elsewhere. It is in no need of a nourishing climate or soil; it thrives in the lowlands, the highlands, and anywhere in between. Seeing it as a lethal threat to its continued grip on power, the ruling party has been cracking down hard. However, the protesters grew more and more strident rather than abate. Resilient as they have been over the years, Oromo students have paid hefty prices for their dissent against the regime in Finfinne. That is why the repression by the authorities could hardly dampen the spirit of an increasingly assertive generation of Oromo youth that is just coming of age.
To be sure, one of the positive developments under the current regime is the adoption in 1991 of the country’s federalism, which carved Ethiopia into nine federated and theoretically autonomous states. However, for all its promises of maintaining Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, the constitutional guarantees for decentralization of authority have rarely been applied. Final decision-making power still rests with the central government, with supposedly semi-autonomous states enjoying only a semblance of self-rule. Consequently, EPRDF’s failure to abide by its own constitution, frequent top-down changes in education policy, denial of academic freedom and the government’s misguided development policies have been among the most contentious issues for Oromo students over the last two decades.
Dubbed the Qubee generation, today’s college and high school students in Oromia are like a new species of Oromo. Studied in their mother tongue, Afaan Oromo, and keenly aware of their state’s boundaries and the Oromo people’s longstanding misgivings about the Ethiopian state, the average Oromo protester personifies the indomitable spirit of Oromo nationalism and a steely determination to see to it that the injustice against the Oromo becomes a thing of the past. Such open national consciousness was hitherto unthinkable in Ethiopia, which remained a unitary state in large part by harshly suppressing Oromo self-expressions.
Oromo student protests through the years
The heightened Oromo student activism of the late ‘90s and early 2000s coincided with widespreadhuman rights violations and mass expulsions of student leaders from various universities and colleges. Based on available record, from 1999 to 2004 alone, more than 1,000 Oromo students were dismissed from Addis Ababa, Jimma, Adama and Haramaya universities. Tens of students disappeared without trace while hundreds have been forced into exile — some still languishing in refugee camps across neighboring East African countries.
After a brief lull, sustained protests began in early 2000 in response to massive forest fires in Bale and Borana zones of Oromia. Amid apparent neglect and allegations of federal government’s involvement in setting the forests ablaze, students across Oromia took to the streets demanding swift action. Authorities responded by rounding up the students, firing live ammunition at peaceful protesters and detaining those suspected of organizing the protests.
In early 2001, Oromo students at Addis Ababa University began protesting after authorities blocked their efforts to publish a student newspaper and organize a student union. The students also opposed the stationing of uniformed police and undercover security agents on college and university campuses. High school and university students around the country joined the strike calling for academic freedom. Protesters were further angered by the killing in Tigray of Oromo student Simee Tafara by unidentified security agents. More than 3,000 Oromo students were arrested. “Government forces responded to the protests with extreme brutality, killing more than thirty people, wounding some four hundred, and arresting thousands,” the Human Rights Watch reported at the time. “Academic life ground to a halt for one month around the country, and most AAU students who participated in the strike did not return to class for one year. About 250 students fled to Kenya; others went to Djibouti or Sudan.”
Again in early 2002, following sustained Oromo student protests over economic depression and rising cost of fertilizers, the federal Rapid Deployment Forces killed at least 10 students and injured many others in Shambu, Naqamte, Gedo, Ambo, Gimbi, Najo, Dembi Dolo, Guder, Robe and Kofele towns. In May 2002, authorities arrested more than 320 students from various institutions of higher learning in and around Addis Ababa. Tens of students were dismissed from Adama, Haramaya and Addis Ababa universities.
Following a year of tensions, in 2004, Oromo student protests returned in response to the government’s attempt to relocate Oromia’s capital from Finfinne to Adama. More than 350 Oromo students were expelled from Addis Ababa University alone. Hundreds of students, teachers and Oromo intellectuals were arrested throughout Oromia in a move seen as an effort to eliminate educated and politically conscious members of the society. Schools across Oromia were closed for most of the year. “In some places, police used live ammunition to disperse demonstrators, killing several school students,” according to Amnesty International’s report. “Demonstrators were detained for several months; some were beaten and made to do strenuous physical exercises while in custody.” Thousands of protesters, including leaders of the Oromo welfare organization, the Macha Tulama Association, remain in prison or are serving lengthy sentences under trumped up charges.
Oromo students took to the streets once again in 2006 following disputed parliamentary elections. In fact, as UC Berkeley’s Leonardo Arriola rightly noted, while international media reports focused almost exclusively on the opposition protests in Finfinne, post-election “protests in Oromia resulted in more than 15,000 detentions and 80 reported deaths.” The trend continued in the year with yet another killing of innocent Oromo student, Shibiru Demissie, at Mekelle University. While there have been sporadic protests over the last half decade, the 2014 #OromoProtests were a watershed — not just in their size and duration but also in the participation of other sectors of society, urban dwellers, bureaucrats and rural folk, including members of the ruling party.
All in all, since 2000, Ethiopian security and military forces have killed hundreds of peaceful protesters. Despite the recurring and perennial protests the storyline remains the same: Peaceful protesters shot at close ranges; significant numbers injured; hundreds dismissed from high schools and universities and many more fleeing the country to seek safety.
Implications for Ethiopia’s future
The names of some of those indiscriminately gunned down by security forces such as Diribe Jifar, Getu Diriba, Jagama Badhane, Gammachu Hirphaasa, Alsan Hassan and many others or those who died in prison from torture such as Alemayehu Gerba and Tesfahun Chemeda, have become household names, their struggles forever ingrained in the consciousness of the ever vibrant Qubee generation as well as the wider Oromo public. Still, these are but few whose names entered the public domain. Many more perished without due recognition or remain unjustly imprisoned with their fates and future hanging in balance. One thing is certain: Killing, imprisonment and forced exile have thus far failed to discourage or undermine Oromo student activism.
Ethiopia continues to be haunted by an age-old problem: the unaddressed Oromo question. Despite making up close to half of the country’s 96 million population, the Oromo continue to face political repression, social marginalization and social alienation. Instead of addressing Oromo grievances, controlling Oromia’s resources and the suppression of Oromo dissent has been a constant preoccupation for successive Ethiopian rulers.
It doesn’t take a political scientist to realize that addressing the Oromo question is tantamount to removing the albatross from Ethiopia’s neck. As the Horn of Africa country prepares for yet another sham election in May, calls to democratically address gapping deficits in governance, rule of law and respect for human rights would grow louder. The specter of more student protests and violent suppression would continue to sour state-society relations. Despite the rising risk on Ethiopia’s stability, the authorities lack the will to heed calls for any sensible reform and accommodation of dissent.
The Addis Ababa and Surrounding Oromia Special Zone Integrated Development Plan Project Office is reportedly forging ahead with the controversial master plan. Any attempt to impose a widely unpopular proposal on the Oromo guarantees the return of yet another protest by Oromo students—even before the hundreds and thousands of young students rounded up during the 2014 protests were released from incarceration. But if history is any guide, the threat of arrest, beating, torture and exile alone will not quell the protests.
Ethiopia has recently been named to the top ten leading jailers of journalists in the world. While the media blackout has aided the regime to keep the lid on the plight of Oromo prisoners, in 2015, amid growing social media use inside the country, it would be impossible to suppress another anti-government protest. Even by the government’s own admission, tensions are expected to run high in Ethiopia ahead of the 2015 elections. The ruling party’s standoff with the urban opposition is at its peak. Rural support has all but evaporated. Ethiopia’s stability could be put to a severe test should the various grievance-fueled protests link up across ethnic, political and religious cleavages that have emasculated the potency of challenges to the ruling party.
Buoyed by past success at suppression, the authorities have every reason to underestimate the power of the Oromo Student Protester. With a radical shift in strategic thinking on the part of protest organizers, a new round of protests would not stop at simply re-energizing and unifying the Oromo public. It can become a catalyst for a countrywide pro-democracy movement. The selfless sacrifices of the Oromo Protester cannot forever remain fruitless. It has already drawn international media attention to the plight of Oromo people. The Oromo Student Protester, OPride’s Person of the Year, through sheer determination in the face of mortal and physical danger, through its capacity to rebound, and its irrepressible yearning for freedom is destined to write and right not only Oromia’s but also Ethiopia’s history.
Read more @ http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/3783-opride-s-oromo-person-of-the-year-2014-oromo-student-protesters
These are short interviews with farmers who have lost thier farmlands. #Landgrabs. #Oromia. #Africa January 1, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Because I am Oromo, Ethiopia's Colonizing Structure and the Development Problems of People of Oromia, Land and Water Grabs in Oromia, Land Grabs in Africa, Land Grabs in Oromia, No to land grabs in Oromia, No to the Addis Ababa Master Plan, Uncategorized.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Gambela and Omo, Genocide against the Oromo, Land grabbing, Land grabs in Africa, Land Grabs in Oromia, The Tyranny of Ethiopia
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The Ethiopian Government land owner¬ship right has created it easier for flower growers to get land easily. Abiy Mezgebu, 28 has lost his piece of land because of the government influence and pressure. The government paid him a small amount of money – “I had to take the small amount of money that the government offered me and they threatened me to take away my land if I would refuse to take the offer,” says Abiy. Now Abiy is a laborer in the Menagesha Farms. He has lost his land – his means of living for ages.
Aduna Workneh, father of five, lives across bunches of flower farms near Addis Ababa. Officials from the government and flower farms came and talked to him in person. They told me I will benefit better if I take the offer from the government and leave my land. Initially, I refused the offer – because they money would feed my family for a few years, but my land will feed till the ages of my grandchildren and even beyond.” However, Aduna was forced to take the offer and he is now a landless man. He is not sure about his future.
These flower farms benefit us nothing; at least they were expected to provides employment opportunity, says Aduna. Only a few members of our community got employed; as for the majority are not from this area. Showing across the valley, Aduna says – this whole valley was covered by indigenous trees – now is cut down and green houses have been constructed on them. We were able to collect firewood from leftovers and foliage in the forest – the flower farms have taken away everything from us.
This is a teenage girl working in Dugda Flower Farm. This was owned by her father in Dugda area…and taken away by the Ethiopian governemnt and given to a TPLF affiliate businessman…now she works as a labourer in this farm being paid under half a dollar a day…
The Ethiopian Government land owner¬ship right has created it easier for flower growers to get land easily. Abiy Mezgebu, 28 has lost his piece of land because of the government influence and pressure. The government paid him a small amount of money – “I had to take the small amount of money that the government offered me and they threatened me to take away my land if I would refuse to take the offer,” says Abiy. Now Abiy is a laborer in the Menagesha Farms. He has lost his land – his means of living for ages.
Aduna Workneh, father of…
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2014 in review January 1, 2015
Posted by OromianEconomist in Uncategorized.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Economic and development analysis, economics, Oromia, Oromian Perspectives, Oromo, The pursuit for Justice and freedom
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The WordPress.com stats helper monkeys prepared a 2014 annual report for this blog.
Here’s an excerpt:
The concert hall at the Sydney Opera House holds 2,700 people. This blog was viewed about 42,000 times in 2014. If it were a concert at Sydney Opera House, it would take about 16 sold-out performances for that many people to see it.
Ethiopia: 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report. #Oromo #Africa December 31, 2014
Posted by OromianEconomist in Africa, Domestic Workers, Human Traffickings, Slavery, The Tyranny of TPLF Ethiopia, Youth Unemployment.Tags: Africa, African Studies, Domestic Workers, Human Traffickings, Modern Slavery, The Tyranny of Ethiopia
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Ethiopia: 2014 Trafficking in Persons Report
http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2014/226721.htm#.VKOCop-RPe0.facebook
(31ST DECEMBER 2014, US DEPARTMENT OF STATE: OFFICE TO MONITOR AND COMBAT TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS) — Ethiopia is a source and, to a lesser extent, destination and transit country for men, women, and children who are subjected to forced labor and sex trafficking. Girls from Ethiopia’s rural areas are exploited in domestic servitude and, less frequently, prostitution within the country, while boys are subjected to forced labor in traditional weaving, herding, guarding, and street vending. The central market in Addis Ababa is home to the largest collection of brothels in Africa, with girls as young as 8-years-old in prostitution in these establishments. Ethiopian girls are forced into domestic servitude and prostitution outside of Ethiopia, primarily in Djibouti, South Sudan, and in the Middle East. Ethiopian boys are subjected to forced labor in Djibouti as shop assistants, errand boys, domestic workers, thieves, and street beggars. Young people from Ethiopia’s vast rural areas are aggressively recruited with promises of a better life and are likely targeted because of the demand for cheap domestic labor in the Middle East.
Many young Ethiopians transit through Djibouti, Egypt, Somalia, Sudan, or Yemen as they emigrate seeking work in the Middle East; some become stranded and exploited in these transit countries, and are subjected to detention, extortion, and severe abuses—some of which include forced labor and sex trafficking—while en route to their final destinations. Young women are subjected to domestic servitude throughout the Middle East, as well as in Sudan and South Sudan. Many Ethiopian women working in domestic service in the Middle East face severe abuses, including physical and sexual assault, denial of salary, sleep deprivation, withholding of passports, confinement, and even murder. Ethiopian women are sometimes exploited in the sex trade after migrating for labor purposes—particularly in brothels, mining camps, and near oil fields in Sudan and South Sudan—or after fleeing abusive employers in the Middle East. Low-skilled Ethiopian men and boys migrate to Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, and other African nations, where some are subjected to forced labor. In October 2013, the Ethiopian government banned overseas labor recruitment. Preceding the ban, Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MOLSA) officials reported that up to 1,500 Ethiopians departed daily as part of the legal migration process. Officials estimated this likely represented only 30 to 40 percent of those migrating for work; the remaining 60 to 70 percent were smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers. Brokers serve as the primary recruiters in rural areas. Over 400 employment agencies were licensed to recruit Ethiopians for work abroad; however, government officials acknowledged many to be involved in both legal and illegal recruitment, leading to the government’s ban on labor export. Following the ban, irregular labor migration through Sudan is believed to have increased. Eritreans residing in Ethiopia-based refugee camps, some of whom voluntarily migrate out of the camps, and others who are lured or abducted from the camps, face situations of human trafficking in Sudan and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula.
Since November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government has deported over 163,000 Ethiopians, including over 94,000 men working mostly in the construction sector and over 8,000 children working in cattle herding and domestic service; international organizations and Ethiopian officials believe thousands were likely trafficking victims. Many migrants reported not having repaid debts to those who smuggled them to Saudi Arabia, rendering some of them at risk for re-trafficking.
The Government of Ethiopia does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking; however, it is making significant efforts to do so. The Federal High Court convicted 106 traffickers and worked with international partners to shelter and provide emergency care to trafficking victims. In 2013, following an influx of trafficking victims returning to Ethiopia, the government recognized problems with its oversight of Ethiopian-based employment agencies, which were failing to protect workers sent overseas. In response, the government temporarily banned labor recruitment and began to revise the relevant employment proclamation to ensure improved oversight of these agencies and better protection of its citizens while working abroad. The government facilitated the return of thousands of Ethiopians, including many likely trafficking victims, deported from Saudi Arabia and elsewhere during the reporting period, and coordinated with NGOs and international organizations to provide services to the returning migrants. The government relied on NGOs to provide direct assistance to both internal and transnational trafficking victims and did not provide financial or in-kind support to such organizations. The government did not deploy labor attachés or improve the availability of protective services offered by its overseas diplomatic missions. The absence of government-organized trainings in 2013 was a concern. The government also did not effectively address child prostitution and other forms of internal trafficking through law enforcement, protection, or prevention efforts. It did not report on the number of victims it identified in 2013.
Recommendations for Ethiopia:
Complete amendments to the employment exchange proclamation to ensure penalization of illegal recruitment and improved oversight of overseas recruitment agencies; strengthen criminal code penalties for sex trafficking and amend criminal code Articles 597 and 635 to include a clear definition of human trafficking that includes the trafficking of male victims and enhanced penalties that are commensurate with other serious crimes; enhance judicial understanding of trafficking and improve the investigative capacity of police throughout the country to allow for more prosecutions of internal child trafficking offenses; increase the use of Articles 596, 597, and 635 to prosecute cases of labor and sex trafficking; improve screening procedures in the distribution of national identification cards and passports to ensure children are not fraudulently acquiring these; allocate appropriate funding for the deployment of labor attachés to overseas diplomatic missions; institute regular trafficking awareness training for diplomats posted abroad, as well as labor officials who validate employment contracts or regulate employment agencies, to ensure the protection of Ethiopians seeking work or employed overseas; incorporate information on human trafficking and labor rights in Middle Eastern and other countries into pre-departure training provided to migrant workers; engage Middle Eastern governments on improving protections for Ethiopian workers; partner with local NGOs to increase the level of services available to trafficking victims returning from overseas, including allocating funding to enable the continuous operation of either a government or NGO-run shelter; improve the productivity of the national anti-trafficking taskforce; and launch a national anti-trafficking awareness campaign at the local and regional levels.
Prosecution
The Government of Ethiopia maintained its anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts during the reporting period, but its efforts continued to focus wholly on transnational trafficking, with little evidence that the government investigated or prosecuted sex trafficking or internal labor trafficking cases. Ethiopia prohibits sex and labor trafficking through criminal code Articles 596 (Enslavement), 597 (Trafficking in Women and Children), 635 (Traffic in Women and Minors), and 636 (Aggravation to the Crime). Article 635, which prohibits sex trafficking, prescribes punishments not exceeding five years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent, though not commensurate with penalties prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Articles 596 and 597 outlaw slavery and labor trafficking and prescribe punishments of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent. Articles 597 and 635, however, lack a clear definition of human trafficking, do not include coverage for crimes committed against adult male victims, and have rarely been used to prosecute trafficking offenses. Instead, Articles 598 (Unlawful Sending of Ethiopians to Work Abroad) and 571 (Endangering the Life of Another) are regularly used to prosecute cases of transnational labor trafficking. The absence of a clear legal definition of human trafficking in law impeded the Ethiopian Federal Police’s (EFP) and Ministry of Justice’s ability to investigate and prosecute trafficking cases effectively. Officials began drafting amendments to the Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009, which governs the work of approximately 400 licensed labor recruitment agencies; planned amendments will prohibit illegal recruitment and improve oversight of recruitment agencies.
During the reporting period, the EFP’s Human Trafficking and Narcotics Section, located within the Organized Crime Investigation Unit, investigated 135 suspected trafficking cases—compared to 133 cases in the previous reporting period. The federal government reported prosecuting 137 cases involving an unknown number of defendants relating to transnational labor trafficking under Article 598; of these cases, the Federal High Court convicted 106 labor traffickers—compared to 100 labor traffickers convicted in the previous reporting period. Officials indicated that these prosecutions included cases against private employment agencies and brokers, but did not provide details on these cases or the average length of applied sentences. Between June and July 2013, courts in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples Region (SNNPR) reportedly heard 267 cases involving illegal smugglers and brokers. In addition, in Gamo Gofa, a zone within SNNPR, the zonal court convicted six traffickers in 2013—the first convictions in that area’s history. The EFP investigated allegations of complicity in trafficking-related crimes involving staff at several foreign diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa; the EFP arrested several staff at these missions.
In 2013, the government did not initiate any sex trafficking prosecutions, including for child prostitution. It also did not demonstrate adequate efforts to investigate and prosecute internal trafficking crimes or support and empower regional authorities to effectively do so. Regional law enforcement entities throughout the country continued to exhibit an inability to distinguish human trafficking from human smuggling and lacked capacity to properly investigate and document cases, as well as to collect and organize relevant data. In addition, the government remained limited in its ability to conduct international investigations. The government did not provide or fund trafficking-specific trainings for law enforcement officials, though police and other officials received training from international organizations with governmental support during the year. Seventy-seven judges also received training on both child labor and human trafficking. The government did not report any investigations, prosecutions, or convictions of public officials allegedly complicit in human trafficking or trafficking-related offenses. For example, reports suggest local kabele or district level officials accepted bribes to change the ages on district-issued identification cards, enabling children to receive passports without parental consent; passport issuance authorities did not question the validity of such identification documents or the ages of applicants.
Protection
The government did not provide adequate assistance to trafficking victims—both those exploited internally or after migrating overseas—relying almost exclusively on international organizations and NGOs to provide services to victims without providing funding to these organizations. However, following the Saudi Arabian government’s closure of its border and massive deportation of migrant workers, officials worked quickly and collaboratively with international organizations and NGOs to repatriate and accommodate over 163,000 Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia and several hundred from Yemen. The government did not report the number of victims it identified and assisted during the year. It remained without standard procedures for front-line responders to guide their identification of trafficking victims and their referral to care. During the reporting period, following the return of Ethiopians exploited overseas, the Bole International Airport Authority and immigration officials in Addis Ababa referred an unknown number of female victims to eleven local NGOs that provided care specific to trafficking victims. Typically such referrals were made only at the behest of self-identified victims of trafficking. One organization assisted 70 trafficking victims during the year—often from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Yemen, and Lebanon—providing shelter, food, clothing, medical and psychological treatment without government support. The government’s reliance on NGOs to provide direct assistance to most trafficking victims, while not providing financial or in-kind support to such NGOs, resulted in unpredictable availability of adequate care; many facilities lacked sustainability as they depended on project-based funding for continued operation. Despite its reliance on NGOs to provide victims care, the government at times created challenges for these organizations as a result of its 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation. This proclamation prohibits organizations that receive more than 10 percent of their funding from foreign sources from engaging in activities that promote—among other things—human rights, the rights of children and persons with disabilities, and justice. These restrictions had a negative impact on the ability of some NGOs to adequately provide a full range of protective services, including assistance to victims in filing cases against their traffickers with authorities and conducting family tracing.
The government operated child protection units in the 10 sub-cities of Addis Ababa and six major cities, including Dire Dawa, Adama, Sodo, Arba Minch, Debre Zeit, and Jimma; staff at the units were trained in assisting the needs of vulnerable children, including potential trafficking victims. Healthcare and other social services were generally provided to victims of trafficking by government-operated hospitals in the same manner as they were provided to other victims of abuse. The government continued to jointly operate an emergency response center in the Afar Region jointly with the IOM, at which police and local health professionals provided medical and nutritional care, temporary shelter, transport to home areas, and counseling to migrants in distress, including trafficking victims. While officials reportedly encouraged victims to assist in the investigation and prosecution of their traffickers, there were no protective mechanisms in place to support their active role in these processes. For example, Ethiopian law does not prevent the deportation of foreign victims to countries where they might face hardship or retribution. There were no reports of trafficking victims being detained, jailed, or prosecuted in 2013. The limited nature of consular services provided to Ethiopian workers abroad continued to be a weakness in government efforts. Although Employment Exchange Services Proclamation No. 632/2009 requires licensed employment agencies to place funds in escrow to provide assistance in the event a worker’s contract is broken, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) has never used these deposits to pay for victims’ transportation back to Ethiopia. Nonetheless, in one case, a young woman in domestic servitude was pushed off the fifth story of a building by her employer in Beirut; once the victim was out of the hospital, the Ethiopian Embassy assisted in her repatriation, and upon her arrival, officials referred her to an NGO for assistance.
While officials worked to facilitate the return of stranded migrants and detainees, many of whom are believed to be trafficking victims, its focus was solely emergency assistance, with minimal direct provision of or support for longer-term protective services necessary for adequate care of trafficking victims. In April 2013, through a bilateral agreement with Yemeni officials, the Ethiopian government facilitated the return of 618 Ethiopian migrants stranded in Yemen after having failed to cross the Saudi Arabian border or been deported from Saudi Arabia. The government did not coordinate humanitarian assistance for these returnees upon their arrival in Addis Ababa. IOM coordinated subsequent returns, providing shelter at the IOM transit center in Addis Ababa, where returnees received medical care and psycho-social support while UNICEF conducted family tracing. The government did not provide financial or in-kind support to these IOM-led operations.
Beginning in November 2013, the Saudi Arabian government began massive deportation of foreign workers, who lacked proper visas or employment papers. The Ethiopian government led the repatriation and closely collaborated with IOM as part of an emergency response to the deportation of 163,000 Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia—many of whom were likely trafficking victims. Ethiopian diplomats worked to identify Ethiopian detainees stuck in 64 Saudi detention camps and various ministries met twice a week in an effort to return the migrants as rapidly as possible because of inhumane conditions within Saudi deportation camps. With a peak of 7,000 returning each day, the government partnered with IOM to provide food, emergency shelter, and medical care, and facilitate the deportees’ return to their home areas. Those requiring overnight stays in Addis Ababa were accommodated in IOM’s transit center and three transit facilities set up by the government; two of these were on government training campuses and one was rented at the government’s expense. The Disaster Risk Management and Food Security Section of the Ministry of Agriculture set up incident command centers at transit centers where representatives from all ministries addressed issues among returnees. The Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Women, Children, and Youth Affairs provided blankets, food, and the approximate equivalent of $12,000 to a local NGO that assisted 87 severely traumatized trafficking victims identified among this population—believed to be only a mere fraction of the total number of victims needing comprehensive counseling and reintegration support among these deportees. Regional governments established committees to provide returnees basic assistance and planned to support their reintegration via the establishment of cooperatives and small businesses. For example, in Addis Ababa, 3,000 returnees received psychological support and 1,743 graduated from technical skills training. While the government contributed the equivalent of approximately $2.5 million towards repatriation costs, it requested reimbursement from IOM via donors for the equivalent of approximately $27,000 worth of food.
Prevention
The government made moderate efforts to prevent human trafficking. It coordinated both regional and national awareness raising campaigns. In 2013, nationally-owned media companies aired a drama series which portrayed the dangers of being trafficked. The Women’s Development Army, a government run program, raised awareness of the dangers of sending children to urban areas alone and of the potential for abuse when illegal brokers facilitate migration. Working-level officials from federal ministries and agencies met weekly as part of the technical working group on trafficking, led by MOLSA. The inter-ministerial taskforce on trafficking met quarterly and was extensively involved in responding to the deportation of Ethiopians from Saudi Arabia.
Officials acknowledged that licensed employment agencies were involved in facilitating both legal and illegal labor migration and, as a result, enacted a temporary ban on the legal emigration of low-skilled laborers in October 2013. The ban is set to remain in place until draft amendments to the employment exchange proclamation are enacted to allow for greater oversight of private employment agencies, to mandate the placement of labor attachés in Ethiopian embassies, and to establish an independent agency to identify and train migrant workers. The government monitored the activities of labor recruitment agencies and closed an unknown number of agencies that were identified as having sent workers into dangerous conditions. Officials acknowledged that the ban may encourage illegal migration; as a result, the EFP mobilized additional resources to monitor Ethiopia’s borders. In February 2014, the EFP intercepted 101 Ethiopians led by an illegal broker at the border with Sudan. In early November 2013, the government sent a delegation of officials to Saudi Arabia to visit various camps where Ethiopians were being held. Due to the poor conditions in the camps and numerous reports of abuse, the Ethiopian government acted to remove all of their citizens swiftly. During the year, a planned government-funded, six-week, pre-departure training for migrant workers was suspended due to lack of funding. Labor migration agreements negotiated in the previous reporting period with Jordan, Kuwait, and Qatar remained in place; the government negotiated new agreements in 2013 with the Governments of Djibouti, Sudan, the UAE, and Kenya. However, these agreements did not explicitly contain provisions to protect workers—such as by outlining mandatory rest periods, including grounds for filing grievances, and prohibiting recruitment fees.
In 2013, the government established the Office of Vital Records to implement a June 2012 law requiring registration of all births nationwide; however, the lack of a uniform national identification card continued to impede implementation of the law and allowed for the continued issuance of district-level identification cards that were subject to fraud. MOLSA’s inspection unit decreased in size during the reporting period from 380 to 291 inspectors as a result of high turnover rates and limited resources. In 2013, the government’s list of Activities Prohibited for Young Workers became law. MOLSA inspectors were not trained to use punitive measures upon identifying labor violations, and expressed concern that such efforts would deter foreign investment. The government provided Ethiopian troops with anti-trafficking training prior to their deployment abroad on international peacekeeping missions, though such training was conducted by a foreign donor.
http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/countries/2014/226721.htm#.VKOCop-RPe0.facebook
Short term effect on the average consumer as oil prices drop. (Theoretical approach) December 28, 2014
Posted by OromianEconomist in Economics, Uncategorized.Tags: economics, Oil price, Supply and Demand
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Most economists agree that Oil is considered to be a normal good, by normal we mean that as your income goes up you would buy more of that good, that is a basic definition. As oil prices fall you would expect that oil consumption would increase, however in the short-run that is not the case. Oil in fact is inelastic in the short run, inelastic means that its consumption is not sensitive to price. Companies still need to operate at the same rate to satisfy their operations and people still need to drive to get to work. It takes time for markets to adjust and people to change their way of living. The long run is a different topic by itself and is out of the scope of this post. You are not going to buy a 8 cylinder pick up after you hear oil fell this month are you?
We can then agree that oil consumption would not change in the short run. Now we can check the graph that I have made to illustrate a theoretical approach of what consumers are going through at this point of time.
Most economists agree that Oil is considered to be a normal good, by normal we mean that as your income goes up you would buy more of that good, that is a basic definition. As oil prices fall you would expect that oil consumption would increase, however in the short-run that is not the case. Oil in fact is inelastic in the short run, inelastic means that its consumption is not sensitive to price. Companies still need to operate at the same rate to satisfy their operations and people still need to drive to get to work. It takes time for markets to adjust and people to change their way of living. The long run is a different topic by itself and is out of the scope of this post. You are not going to buy a 8 cylinder pick up after you hear oil fell this month are you?
We can…
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He will also participate as a Guest of Honor at several Irreecha celebrations organized by the Oromo in the Diaspora.We invite all who are interested in the Gadaa democratic system, and Oromo culture in general, to attend these workshops and participate in the spectacular Irreecha celebrations to be held throughout September and October 2014.We would like to extend our appreciation to local individuals and institutions – who participated in preparing these events. We are also grateful to the United States Consular Service for the assistance they provided in issuing Abbaa Gadaa Bayyanaa’s travel documents.The attached flyer contains general information about dates and cities where Abbaa GadaaBayyanaa will be speaking.Jawar Mohammed President, Oromo Studies Association







Annual Oromo Sports Event in UK, 23rd August 2014 held in Leeds, England. 

The Oromo Gadaa Democracy meets the American Congress Democracy. Abbaa Gadaa (Rt.) Aagaa Xanxanoo and Abbaa Gadaa (Rt.) Moonaa Godaanaa meet Senator Al Franken (from the State of Minnesota).









(July 20, 2014 (Gadaa) — Minnesota’s Twin Cities, also known as “Little Oromia” for being the home of the largest Oromo population outside of the Horn of Africa, will be the venue for the 2014

Prof. Asmerom Leggese, Lecturing Gadaa System


The Oromo Abbaa Gadaa -Abbaa Gadaa of Tuulama Oromo, two Yubas (EX-AbbaGadaas-Aagaa Xinxanoo and Moonaa Godaanaa) with other Gadaa leaders arrived in DC on 30 July 2014 to attend the OSA Conference
Below is Bakkalcha TV’s 2-part interview with Oromo recording artist Lencho Abdishakur. Also, check out Lencho Abdishakur’s new album, titled



In olden times it is customary for rulers to claim mystic origins different from their people. Such origins have some divine trait to justify limitless power for the man at the head, the king. That was how the Solomonic dynast of Abyssinia was told to have been created by a book composed in Egypt, called “Kibira Nagast”.
Historically, the Raya Wollo (Raya Oromo), with the Yejju Oromo, are the northernmost groups of the Oromo people and are a part of the Wollo Oromo Tribe. Their women especially are known by their distinctive hair-braiding styles and facial tattoos.

























Amajjii 1, 2015














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