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Despite its higher severity in terms of intensity and magnitude as compared to similar humanitarian crises in recent time, the current hunger in Ethiopia doesn’t receive adequate response yet from national and international aid organizations. Though good news are coming about bilateral aid support from U.S and certain EU members, the INGOs which have got ample experience in the area of humanitarian responses in the country are either still on the stage of preparation or did not yet plan to respond. The irresponsible position of the ruling party-EPRDF – that claimed the drought would not be beyond government capacity- might have contributed for the late and/ or no response acts of the aid organizations.
Moreover, Aid organizations become more curious about their mandate/roles and forced to operate under strict precaution (even in the case of emergency interventions) since the new civil society law enacted in the year 2009- that explicitly prohibited them to undertake any right based projects. The critical question usually asked by the practitioners goes, “is there any thing as such which can not be a right in the development endeavor? be it education, livelihood, economic empowerment or emergency food support?”. The ruling elites have never wanted to properly address such confusions emanated from their notorious enactment, as their main intention is to narrow dawn the space of civil society in Ethiopia’s political engagements.
Whatever the reasons, the emergency response support to millions who are severely affected by the disaster is already delaying. The results of such irresponsible acts might claim the lives of the vulnerable groups, if the trend continues so. The internationally accepted “Humanitarian” principles and standards are being compromised in Ethiopia due political irresponsibility in the ruling elites and lack of adequate sensitivity in the aid sector. The hunger incident has already severely affected the life of 15 million people through putting at least six regional states in “red level” hot spot situation. Oromia regional state having more than 125 most affected districts is leading in the humanitarian crisis. It should be noted that the recurrent drought crisis is proportionally shifting to South of the country during the recent incidents.
The claimed “food aid” through various government owned mechanisms do not address the need of all affected communities fairly and equally mainly due to autocratic political acts. The target community/ localities that showed their support to opposition forces during the recent national election 2015, for instant, would be discriminated by blind cadres during such government based aid support. Denial of such food aid-humanitarian support- to certain severely affected households due to failing to pay membership fee for OPDO- ruling party in Oromia region- was also observed in some areas.
Thus, alternative emergency response interventions should be in placed immediately. The Aid Organizations (INGOs) and other national civil society organizations as well as the entire community should act now, irrespective the prevailing political and bureaucratic challenges.
Related:-
SBO – Sadaasa 22, 2015. Oduu, Qophii Beelaa, Dhimmoota Adda Addaa Irratti Gaaffii fi Deebii Namoota Gara Garaa Waliin Taasifamee fi Qophiilee Biroo
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
United Nations Office at Geneva
1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
Fax: +41 22 917 9022 (particularly for urgent matters)
E-mail: tb-petitions@unhcr.org
Mr. Antonio Guterres United Nations Higher Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR)
Case Postale 2500 CH-1211 Geneve 2 Depot Suisse
Email: infoDesk@ohchr.org; GUTERR@unhcr.org
The UNHCR Representation in Kenya
PO Box 43801-00100 GPO
Nairobi, Kenya
Tel: 41 22 739 7280
The President of the Republic of Kenya
President Uhuru Kenyatta
Harambee Avenue
P.O. Box 74434 – 00200
Nairobi, Kenya.
The International Committee for Red Cross (ICRC) delegation in Ethiopia
Bole Sub city-, Kebele 12/13, House no. New
P. O. Box 5701
ADDIS ABABA
Phone: (+251 11) 647 83 00
Fax: (+251 11) 647 83 01 Head of delegation: Mr REYNOLDS James
The ICRC regional delegation in Kenya
Denis Pritt Road
P.O. Box 73226 – 00200
NAIROBI
(covers Kenya, Djibouti, Tanzania)
Phone: (+25420) 2723 963 – 4 – 5
Fax: (+25420) 2713003
Head of regional delegation: Mr MEYRAT Thierry Media contact persons: Ms KILIMO Anne
Phone : (+254 20 2723963
Mobile (+254) 0722 202039
Mr STRAZIUSO Jason
Mobile: (+254) 733 622 026
Subject: Appeal on the urgent case of Mr. Dabasa Guyo’s disappearance and other Refugees in Kenya
Dear All,
I am writing this appeal letter on behalf of the International Oromo Women’s Organization (IOWO), a Non-Profit, Non-governmental Organization established to promote gender equality and be the voice for the voiceless.
The oppressed people in Ethiopia that include the majority of Oromo people fled their home to escape government persecutions, killings, arbitrary arrest, and abductions in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian government spearheaded by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), came to power in the early 1990’s. Since that time until present, mass killings, arbitrary arrests, abductions, and evicting people from their home become the day-to-day activities of the government forces. Hundreds and thousands of Oromo and other nationals run away to escape from such government actions.
However, the government security forces hunt refugees in neighboring countries, assassinate or abduct and take back to Ethiopia for further torture and killing.
I. Few examples of mass killings by Government forces in Ethiopia since TPLF came to power:
• The mass killing of University Students in Ambo and other cities April/ May 2014 on the peaceful demonstration against the expansion of Addis Ababa city to other neighboring Oromia cities, which is still continuing. (BBC News May 2, 2014, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-27251331).
• The massacre of Muslim peaceful protestors April and August 2013 in Asasa and Kofele, Oromia, killed at least 26. ( Extracted from the report of CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation report 19th Session of the UPR Working Group Submitted 16 September 2013)
This is in violation of religious freedom provided in the country’s constitution of 1995 Article 11/3 which states “The state shall not interfere in religious matters and religion shall not interfere in state affairs”.
• The massacre of members of the Suri tribe took place in December 2012, at least 147 Suris killed. (extracted from HRLHA Statement Feb.2013).
• The Massacre of Oromos Gara Sufi in February 2007. The victims age range from 14 years old Ayisha Ali to seventy years old Ahmed Mohamed Kuree. (VOA Afaan Oromo program on Wednesday Feb. 21, 2007).
• The Locke, Sidama, Massacre 24 May 2002 killing 46 and wounded 44. (OSG No. 38).
• The Massacare of Sheko and Majenger people on 11 March 2002, at least 128 dead. (By Nita Bhalla BBC, Addis Ababa, Tuesday, 16 July, 2002, 11:39 GMT 12:39 UK).
• The Massacare of Babo Gambel village West Wollega on 28 April 1995, 27 people were summarily executed by the EPRDF army in the Babo Gambel village in Jarso District at a places called Shimala Ture and Qiltu near Ganda Sheik in western wollega. (Report from Sue Pollock 13 April
1996 Schottlands National Newspaper PP.10-13).
And others.
II. Some examples of individuals abducted by Ethiopian Security forces and disappeared or not known their whereabouts.
Amanti (Shafee) Abdisaa abducted by Ethiopian Airport security men on August 20, 2000 at Addis Ababa Airport after he boarded the plane for conference in Nairobi representing the Ethiopian Environmental Organization he was working for. (OSG Press Release No.38).
Engineer Banti Guddataa Hirpha: Abducted by armed men January 5, 1998 in Addis Ababa around Behere Tsige in his firiend’s house. (OSG press release n. 23).
Efrem (Xibabu) Kaba: abducted from Addis Ababa November 17, 2000. (OSG press release n. 39).
Lammessa Boru: Arrested on September 17, 1992 near Dembi Dollo by EPRDF soldiers in Toyota land cruiser, later seen in military hospital in Jimma, but disappeared from there since October 23, 1992. (AI Index: AFR 25/06/95)
Yosef Ayele Bati: Arrested by unidentified security officer, on November 27, 1992 in Addis Ababa. (Amnesty International: http://bit.ly/yosefbati).
Zerihun Kinati Dheressa: Abducted by armed plain clothe men and uniformed police in Addis Ababa on October 17, 1997. (OSG press release 20).
According to different sources:
Nadhi Gamada: Detained in 1994 by the Ethiopian security force. Since then his whereabouts is unknown.
Jirenya Ayana and Temesgen Adaba: Abducted by government security men when walking near “Urael Church” in Addis Ababa in August 1995 and disappeared.
Bekele Dawano Hebano: Disappeared while in detention in 1993.
Dachasa (Masfin) Bayana Iticha: Abducted in Addis Ababa around “Mesalemiya” near the City Hotel by government security men in September 1995.
Dagaagaa Bayisaa: Abducted in 1993 while traveling by bus between Siree and Nekempt, and last seen in an underground cell at Bakko.
Daniel (Ida’aa) Akkummaa: Arrested in Addis Ababa in 1992. Since then his whereabouts is unknown.
Dereje Qana’aa: Disappeared in February 19, 1992 from the place he was teaching in Bodji in Wallaga.
Mustafa Idris: Disappeared on his way to home from work in Addis Ababa on May 31, 1994.
Takele Oljirraa: Abducted by government intelligence men in November 1992, near “Teklehaymanot” area (Addis Ababa), another person detained in 1994 believes he saw Takale in the Kasainchis secret detetion center in Addis Ababa (OSG August 1995 press release report, p. 13).
Takalinyi Dago: Abducted from Addis Ababa by the Ethiopian Secret Service, on January 14, 1996.
Due to such brutal actions of government forces, some escaped and ended up their lives in Ocean/sea, some suffered in Yemen and other countries, and some seeking asylum in Kenya and waiting for the resettlement option in third countries.
We thank the Kenya government and people for their hospitality. However, the Ethiopian government forces extended their brutal actions in killing or abducting and taking back, torture and put in prison or kill them.
III. Some examples of such Ethiopian government actions mentioned in “AN OPEN PETITION” of the Oromo Refugee community in Kenya to the UNHCR, September 2013, the followings are the victims of killings and abductions by Ethiopian security forces and mercenaries in neighboring countries:
A. OROMO REFUGEES WHO WERE ASSASSINATED BY ETHIOPIAN SECURITY IN KENYA
2. In 2003, asylum seeker Mr. Halakhe Diidoo was killed by Ethiopian security in the town of Moyale – Kenya as he crossed to seek asylum.
3. In 2004, Mr. Areeroo Galgalo was gunned down in Moyale – Kenya just some 50 metres away from Moyale Police Station as he was heading to seek asylum at the police station.
4. On 4th September 2007, Mr. Gaaromse Abdisaa was shot dead in Moyale town – Kenya while in bid to save his life and seek asylum.
5. 6th November 2007, a group of ten (10) Oromo refugees were attacked in their living apartment in Eastleign Nairobi. At least two were killed on the sport and some injured.
6. On 20th March 2010, Mr. Asefa Alemu Tana, a refugee with UNHCR File No.: Neth 029833/1 was found dead at his home near a bathroom, with deep head injuries. He lived in Huruma with his family members.
9. In 1994 a twenty four year old Boru was found hanged on a tree at the backyard of the camp. Most Oromos believe that the EPRDF agents killed him.
10. In 1994 an unknown gunman, who is believed to be an EPRDF agent, shot and killed many Oromo refugees inside the refugee camp.
11. In the same year (1994), an Oromo religious man, Sheik Abdusalam Mohammed Madare, was shot and wounded seriously. As a result, many Oromos living in the camp had protested against the discriminative killings of the Oromo refugee.
12. In 1995 three Oromo houses were burnt down in Kakuma camp, where a 5 year old baby girl, Hajo Ibrahim, was killed.
13. N 1996 a frustrated Oromo refugee, who fled from the camp and was found dead in the surrounding area, after half of his body was eaten by scavengers.
14. In 1998 a group of masked gunmen, showered bullets in the Oromo section of the camp for several hours.
15. In 1998 Mr. Rashid Abubaker was found dead in Eastleign by gunmen believed to be EPRDF agents.
16. In 1999 Mr. Sulxan Adem, Awal and Mohammed Seraj were kidnapped by unknown secret agents, and disappeared.
17. On 3rd June, 2000 a young nationalist Abudulwasi Abdulaziz was killed by EPRDF government secret killing square at Juja Road at Pangani. He was a member of Oromo Traditional Band.
18. In the same year (2000) Mr. Alamu a well known and respected Oromo in Dadab, was killed by unidentified people, but it is believed that those killers were assisted by Ethiopian authorities.
19. In the same year (2000), a UNHCR field officer named Shida had found one of the Ethiopian community members who bought a gun to kill the Oromo. She was said to have brought the person to Nairobi so that he would be charged in Kenya for his killing attempt.
20. In the same year (2000), one Oromo refugee was shot and lost one of his limbs.
21. In the same year (2000), in Dadab Mr. Solomon was shot dead.
22. In 2001 Ifrah Hassen was kidnapped in Kakuma by unknown group of people and her whereabouts unknown to this date.
23. In 2001 Mr. Jamal Mussa, Mr. Mohammed Adem and Mr. Mohammed Jamal and Tofik Water all disappeared and their whereabouts are still unknown.
24. In 2001 again the one Oromo refugee was killed by planned car accident, the car was driven by an Ethiopian who is believed to be an Ethiopian government agent.
25. At the beginning of 2002 Awel Mohammed Hussen was kidnapped from Dadab, and then found while he was taken to Dolo Military Camp in Ethiopia where he was killed by EPRDF soldiers two days later.
26. In the same year four Oromo refugees escaped in Kakuma fleeing to Nairobi from planned assassination by EPRDF squad.
27. On 2nd November 2002 Mr. Indalkachaw Teshome Asefa was murdered by Ethiopian security forces in Moyale town.
28. On the same day the body of Oromo women, believed to be murdered by security force was found in the town.
29. In December, 2009 an organized attempt by the Ethiopian government to deport some innocent Oromo refugee community members Mr. Mamed Said a well known elder of the community Mr. Alemu Ware and Yesuf Mohamed was reversed by the help of concerned bodies and the cry of Oromo community members.
B. DEPORTATION OF OROMO REFUGEES WHO LIVES WITH UNHCR MANDATE IN KENYA
1. Mr. Legesse Angessa and Teklu Baleha Dhinsa were abducted from Dhadhab Refugee Camp and deported back to Ethiopia.
2. In 2005, Mr. Liiban Jarso, Olqabaa Lataa and Amansiisa Guutaa (former student from Addis Ababa University) were abducted from Eastleign, Nairobi and unlawfully deported back to Ethiopia. In connection to this and many other disappearances of Oromo refugees, hundreds of Oromo refugees marched into mass demonstration and gathered outside UNHCR office in Nairobi on 27th December 2005 to complain the rise of insecurity and abduction cases instigated by the Ethiopian government and claimed that some had been killed.
The Kenya government authority intervened and the security detectives arrested three Ethiopian men believed to be secret security agents deployed to cause atrocities to Oromo refugees in Kenya. The three; Mr. Tesfaye Alemayo and Lulu were charged and tried before the law court which ruled and ordered their deportation to Ethiopia.
Efforts by members of Oromo community, Kenya Human Rights Commission and the UNHCR to prevent their refoulement went to no avail, when on 7th May 2007 during a court hearing of Hebeus Capeaus, Kenyan officials told a local judge, and the two were already deported back to Ethiopia to face terrorism charges.” (Oromo Refugee Committee in Kenya, 2013).
Engineer Tesfahun Chemeda has been killed in Ethiopian prison and Mesfin Abebe is still in prison.
IV. Another example of mass killings in neighboring countries: According to OSA appeal letter to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Massacre of Oromo Refugees in Bassaso, Puntland (Somalia) on Tuesday December 01, 2009 in which at least 67 lost their lives and hundreds wounded and another time in Bassaso at different place on 02/05/09 mass massacre of 65 were brutally murdered and more than 100 others were injured.
Ethiopian government security force hunting Oromo Refugees anywhere in neighboring countries nonstop.
V. According to the recent HRLHA’s Urgent Action and Appeal of October 25, 2015, 131 Oromo refugees in Kenya targeted to be abducted or assassinated by the TPLF regime. The action started with the first named in the TPLF list, Mr. Dabasa Guyo Safarro, 80 years old, an Oromo cultural legend, resident of Mololongo, Kenya for more than thirty-five (35) years disappeared on September 27, 2015 in Nairobi, Kenya.
We are highly concerned for Mr. Dabasa Guyyo’s safety and security as well as the security of other 130 Oromo refugees named in the list.
We request President Uhuru Kenyatta and the government of Kenya to protect Oromo refugees in Kenya and stop the Ethiopian government boundary violations and harassing Oromo refugees.
We ask the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to urge the Ethiopian government stop human rights violations and abuse.
We request the ICRC to take urgent action in search of the where about of Mr. Dabasa Guyyo and safe his life.
We request the UNHCR to protect registered refugees and urgently work on their applications to secure asylum request to third countries.
We request the third countries governments and societies to support refugees who are in urgent need of security for their lives in providing asylum and urgent process for their resettlement.
Peace and justice for all,
Yours Sincerely,
Dinknesh Deressa Kitila
International Oromo women’s Organization
Board Director
Injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere!!!
Related:-
OMN: Jim Bernholtz’s Appeal on The Disappearance of Dabbasa Guyyo Nov. 14, 2015
Waan dubartiin san gaazexeessitootattii himtee keysaa akkana jatteen “Nuti hoongeen nuttii hammattee jirtii. Namnii goodanaa jiraa. Anuu ammaa goodansafiin demaa. Edaa edaatuu hiraata osoon hin nyatiniin bulee. Gargaarsi yeroo dhufe mallaqaa kaffalleeti katabamnaa. Abbaan araddaa maallaqa nurraa guurrateeti nu galmeeysaa. Qarshii san kan beeyladaa qabu horii gargureetii ittii kannaa. Walumaagalatti kan qarshii dhibbaa 300 hin qabnee gargaarsa kana hin fudhatu. Gargarsii osoo ummata hoongeen miidhame biraa hin geenye namootuma muraasaaf hiramee dhuma. Gargarsi aanaa keenyaa kan caasaalee araddaatifi kanuma nama qabenyaa qabuu tahe.” jattee icitii silaa isaan dhoysuu barbadaan mara jalaa bafte.
Galgaluma san TV Oromiyaa sagantaa kana dabarsee ture. Garuu kan nama aja’ibsisuu gazaxessooni kun waan intaltii dhala san ittii himtee hin dabarsine. Kan isaan dabarsan “rakkoo beelaa hin qabnuu tan nuti qabnu rakkoo bishaan dhugatiiti” tan jattu dabarsan. Kanaas kan ja’e nama bulchaan aanaa qopheesseen kan dubbatamee dha. Wanni nama gaddisiisu garuu bulchaan ummata bulchaa jiru kun ummata moo mootummaaf akka dhaabbateedha. Sagaleen ummataa ukkamamtee ummanni beelaan dhumaa jiraachuun kun akkamitti xiqqolee garaa isaan hin nyaanne jechuun ummanni bal’aan kaabinoota aanaa komachaa jiran.
Akka odeeffannoon gara Miidhagaa Lolaatii arra nu gahe tokko ibsitutti, hoongeefi beelaan wal qabatee haalli amma naannoo sanitti argamuu akka malee yaaddeessaa tahuu irraa kan ka’e abaar akka baroota dheeraa dura naannoo sanii namoota kumaatamaan baqachiisee turee san daran tahuun shakkisiisaa jira ja’an. Gargaarsi waajibir naannoo san dhufaa jiruus kan kallattiin ummata bira gahaa jiru osoo hin taane kan aangawoota araddaafi nama qarshii qabuu qofa akka tahe ijaan agartoonni naannoo sanii himaa jiran.
Haaluma wal fakkaatuun aanaalee walakkaan horsiifatee bultootaa tahan kan akka Qumbii, Mayyumuluqqee, Gola Odaa, Baabbile, Gursumiifi Cinaaksaniis beeyladaan isaani margaaf bishaan dhabaaf jalaa dhumaa kan jirtuufi ummanniis haala yaaddeessaa taheen beelaan xuruurfamaa jiraachuufi gargaarsi dhufu eessa akka gahu wanni beekan akka hin jirre odeeffannooleen garasii nu dhaqqabaa jiru ni hima.
MARSABIT: The Kenya Defence Force (KDF) has moved its armoured vehicles and tanks from the Odha Military Camp in Moyale to Sololo following an invasion by Ethiopian forces who killed three police officers.
MARSABIT (The Standard): The development last evening follows a fierce gun battle earlier in the day between Kenya police and Ethiopian forces at Anona and parts of Sololo Township in Kenyan territory.
Marsabit County Police Commander Bernard Kogo said three Kenyan security officers were killed but declined to reveal the casualty on the Ethiopian side. “We lost three officers at the border (Sololo) and I do not know what happened on their (Ethiopian) side,” said Mr Kogo. On Thursday, a senior provincial administrator identified a senior chief who was gunned down by allegedly rebels from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Ethiopia is fighting the rag-tag OLF rebels in Ethiopia and parts of Marsabit County that it claims hosts their rivals. OLF is opposed to Ethiopia’s ruling regime and claims it has marginalised the majority of Oromia-speaking people who include the Borana, also found in Kenya. At dawn Friday, Ethiopian forces in full military attire invaded villages in Sololo District where locals led by area MP Roba Duba said at least 24 Kenyans were abducted. “Eleven people were rounded up and taken away by Ethiopian soldiers. Before that they beat up everyone in their sight with gun butts, kicks and blows,’’ said Adan Jirma, a resident of Sololo South.
See also: Ethiopian soldiers cross to Kenya, kill three policemen, five missing At around midday Friday, Ethiopians soldiers made a second invasion in the two centres while backed by armoured vehicles.
This prompted administration and regular police, backed by Kenya police reservists, to engage the foreign army in a shootout. As the gun battle between the two sides raged up to about 4pm Friday, KDF’s army multi-unit detachment from Odha in Moyale, about 100km away, rolled its armoured cars and tanks that were deployed at the border, stretching a distance of about 15km. Sololo OCPD Benjamin Mwanzia said the military had been deployed to guard against further incursion but declined to give details. National Hospital Insurance Fund Chairman Mohamud Ali called on the Kenya Government to protest what he called frequent invasion by Ethiopian forces into Kenyan territory. “We are a sovereign state and this (invasion) is bad because Ethiopia is considered a friendly neighbour. It is high time our government sends a strong signal to them,” said Ali. Mid this year, Ethiopian forces invaded Kenyan territory on three occasions — at Illeret, Sololo and Moyale.
Read more at: http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000183121/kdf-deployed-at-border-after-ethiopian-forces-kill-officers
Related:-
Ethiopia risks diplomatic row after its soldiers enter Kenya and kill local police officers.
NAIROBI will seek an explanation from Addis Ababa after Ethiopian soldiers killed three Kenyan police officers in foreign territory, Kenyan media reported Sunday.
November 16, 2015His Excellency President Uhuru Kenyatta
Office of the President
The Republic of Kenya
Harambee Avenue
P.O. Box 74434 – 00200
Nairobi, Kenya.Appeal Regarding the Disappearance of Mr. Dabassa Guyo
Your Excellency President Kenyatta,
I am writing this letter on behalf of the Oromo Community Organization (OCO) of Washington DC Metro Area. OCO was founded as a non-profit organization with the main objective to help Oromo Diaspora, to promote the development of the Oromo language and culture through education and to advocate for the human rights of the Oromo in Diaspora and their relatives in the Horn of Africa.
It is with great shock that we learned the disappearance of Dabasa Guyo – a prominent Oromo Cultural and religious leader residing in Nairobi, Kenya. Mr. Dabassa Guyo was born and raised in the Borana region of Oromia, Ethiopia. Since the Derg and TPLF governments came to power to the present, hundreds of thousands of Oromo and other nationals have run away from arbitrary detentions, degrading tortures and violent killings in Ethiopia to save their lives by seeking refuge in the Republic of Kenya and other neighboring countries. Mr. Dabassa Guyo, has moved to Kenya several decades ago for his safety and due to the persecution of the Oromo people in Ethiopia. Mr. Guyo has been residing in Nairobi for the last thirty-five years until his sudden and mysterious disappearance on September 27, 2015.
Mr. Guyo is an indigenous Oromo philosopher and cultural expert. During his entire life, he has been a peacemaker and has developed a philosophy of peaceful living and coexistence among the human race. He has traveled to the United States of America, and several countries in Asia, Europe and Latin America to teach ways of peaceful living and the resurrection of Oromo culture and ancient civilization, including the Gadaa System (Oromo democracy). Mr. Guyo is a founding father of Oromo civic institution known as Argaa-Dhageeti and a walking encyclopedia of the Gadaa System. In particular his profound knowledge of the Gada system – an indigenous Democratic system of governance- has placed him among the few irreplaceable Oromo experts in the Horn of Africa. Over the last three decades, thousands of Oromo refugees have attended his cultural education center in Nairobi, Kenya, to learn about Oromo culture, history and an indigenous religion. His former students are now scattered all over the world. Mr. Dabassa Guyo is a family man and a prominent teacher of the Oromo people.
Mr. Dabasa Guyo took part in the celebration of Irreecha on September 2015- an annual Oromo thanks giving day – where he delivered his annual thanks giving blessings to his fellow Oromo country men. On this day, he was kidnapped while on his way from the ceremony
We are shocked by his sudden disappearance. Family members, relatives and his formers students have been trying to learn his whereabouts for over six weeks with no results. It is puzzling that someone would attempt to hurt or abduct such a peaceful person and an elder who had been preaching peace all his adult life. But based on a document which the Ethiopian government submitted to your government, which we recently learned from public sources, and other numerous acts of violence that the Ethiopian government has been perpetrating against Oromo refugees in the Horn of Africa, we suspect that Mr. Guyo was abducted by Ethiopian security agents. The letter to your government lists Mr. Guyo at top of 131 Oromo refugees residing in your country whom the Ethiopian government considers terrorists and wants to be repatriated. In fact, threats, illegal and criminal acts of violence against Oromo refugees by the Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government is not new. It has been engaging in terrorizing and killing the Oromo people in general and the Borana Oromo in particular for the last twenty four years. In 1992, the Ethiopian government sent its security agents and assassinated Mr. Jatani (Mebeatsion) Ali, a prominent Oromo and former administrator of the Boraana region in Ethiopia. Furthermore, the government has been sending its security agents to Kenya to abduct other prominent Oromos that it suspects to be national leaders and opinion makers among the Oromo society. For example, Engineer Tesfahun Chamada was abducted, tortured and killed in Ethiopian prison in 2013. We fear that Mr. Guyo may have been a victim of similar act of violence conducted by the Ethiopian government. He may have been abducted to be tortured and killed. Sadly, if our worst fear proves to be true, it will be a huge tragedy and an immense disappointment for the Oromo people and for all peace loving peoples of the world. In short, it is a great loss to the world’s humanity.
Therefore, we appeal to you, so that you could use your presidential power to find the whereabouts of Mr. Dabassa Guyo and return him to his peaceful daily life and his family, so that he could continue his contributions to the development of peace-making and education of his people and others about indigenous Oromo civilization. As a longtime resident of your country, Mr. Guyo and his family deserve the highest protection afforded to all refugees under international law.
We request that you and your government protect Oromo refugees in Kenya and stop the Ethiopian government from harassing Oromo refugees and engaging in gross human rights. Particularly, we request you to take urgent actions to find the whereabouts of Mr. Dabassa Guyo, secure his immediate release and return to his family safely.
Sincerely,
Desta Yebassa, PhD
Board President
Oromo community Organization (OCO)
6212 3rd St NW,
Washington DC 20011
Phone: (office):202-234-1151
(Mobile): 202-422-8971
CC:
Ministry of Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs
PO Box 56057-00200, Co-operative Bank House, Nairobi
Mr. Antonio Guterres United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee (UNHCR)
Case Postale 2500 CH-1211 Geneve 2 Depot Suisse
Email. infoDesk@ohchr.org;GUTERRES@unhcr.org Attention
The UNHCR Representation in Kenya
P.O. Box 43801-00100 GPO, Nairobi, Kenya
Email: kenna@unhcr.org
Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights United Nations Office at Geneva 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
E-mail: tb-petitions@ohchr.org
(Mail & Guardian Africa): ANGOLA marked its 40th birthday this month and while the south African country blew off the candles, there’s one situation it would be happy the world didn’t pay much attention to.
The “Republic” of Cabinda has even set up its own de facto government, but Angola has no doubt about who the area falls under, having steadfastly held that it is sovereign territory administered from Luanda.
The geography, and history, however stokes the debate: not only is the area completely separated from Angola by a narrow strip of territory belonging to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, but it was also only a protectorate of the Portuguese (called Portuguese Congo) and was only formally integrated into Portuguese Angola in the 1950s. In 1963, the Organisation for African Unity – now the African Union – recognised the distinction between Angola and Cabinda by ranking Cabinda as the 39th state. Internationally though, the area is recognised as part of Angola.
Following independence from the Portuguese, the self-determination movements in Cabinda carried on in the activities of FLEC (Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda), this time against their African colonisers. The Cabinda people have not given up, even though the region has now become the country’s most militarised area as a way of control. FLEC continues to carry out a low-level insurgency in the area, with sporadic attacks on army patrols and oil workers – one high profile attack included a bus carrying the Togolese football team in 2010.
So why won’t Angola let go? Though Cabinda represents just a tiny part of Angola’s overall territory – it’s about the same size as The Gambia – it holds vital economic importance to the country producing most of Angola’s oil wealth – up to 70%—and therefore the revenue on which the government survives.
Cabinda is not alone. Across Africa there are areas which have famously called for secession such as Western Sahara, Somaliland and Puntland – functioning with their own governments and in some cases getting increased international recognition, but there are still others which fly low below the radar…where their “African masters” like to keep them:
Barotseland
The people and royal household of Barotseland, in western Zambia, have been agitating for the region’s independence. They accuse the Zambian government of ignoring a 1964 treaty which established Barotseland’s position within Zambia as an autonomous region, in place of the earlier agreement between Barotseland and the British Government.
Barotseland, the kingdom of the Lozi people ruled by the Litunga (king or paramount chief), was a protectorate under British colonial rule and became part of Zambia at the country’s independence in 1964. In 2012, a group of traditional Lozi leaders, calling itself the Barotseland National Council, declared that Barotseland was now free to pursue its own peaceful “self-determination and destiny.”
Zambia was quick to quash these declarations and in December 2014 the administrator general of the Barotseland transitional government, Afumba Mombotwa, and three other secessionists were arrested for treason. If they are found guilty they will be hanged. Their trial, which began in August 2015 is still underway though petitions have been handed to the UN demanding the release of the political prisoners.
So why won’t Zambia let go of the Kingdom? Barotseland is in the upper Zambezi valley which means it has very fertile land. The floodplain is also something of a tourist attraction but the main reason could be because the region has oil potential, in addition to other minerals. In 2011 the government awarded the first petroleum exploration licence to a Zambian company, Barotse Petroleum Company, to explore oil and gas in the province.
Free Republic of Rehoboth
Chances are that you’ve not heard of this one.
The Rehoboth Basters, descendants of Cape Colony Dutch settlers and African women, number about 35,000-55,000 people and live in an area of 14.216 sq.km south of Windhoek, the capital of Namibia. They claim they settled in the late 1860s and developed their own legislation, years before the Germans installed their colonial rule over Namibia in 1885, giving them a right to independence.
With Namibia’s independence in 1990 they lost their status, which they have been demanding back. The United People`s Movement (UPM) was established in 2009 to unite the Baster People and provide them with a political voice, pushing for autonomy of their political affairs.
However, in the case of the Basters, it’s not that the government doesn’t want to let the area go – they are simply not seen as being of consequence because of their small numbers. Their traditional authority is not being recognised anymore and the Namibian government has registered Rehoboth as commercial land.
Ogoniland
Under the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), founded in 1990, the people of Ogoni are attempting to disengage from Nigeria having declared independence in 2012. They also presented a Bill of Rights to the Government of Nigeria calling for political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people. It states that the Ogoni people seek, “political autonomy to participate in the affairs of the Republic as a distinct and separate unit (by whatever name called), provided that this autonomy guarantees political control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people”.
MOSOP claims that the Ogoni people’s independence was first violated by British colonialism and then “handed over to some other Nigerian ethnic groups in October 1960.” The problem is in 1957 Shell Oil Company struck oil in Ogoniland, which set in motion a process transformed both Ogoni society and Nigeria as a whole. Today, oil accounts for over 90% of Nigeria’s export earnings and some 80% of government revenue, controlling the entire Nigerian economy.
The independence movement is driven by the community feeling inadequately compensated for the take-over of their land by the oil companies and the environmental damages they suffered.
Nigeria has also seen activism around Biafra, for which hundreds of people marched this week, as marginalisation grievances swirl over an area that caused a major civil war in the 1960s.
Oromia
In Ethiopia the Oromo people – the country’s largest community with 30 million members, constituting 34.49% of Ethiopia’s population – lay claim to the country of the Oromo, called Biyya-Oromo or Oromia. Oromia is described as one of the free nations in the Horn of Africa until its colonisation and occupation by Abyssinia at the end of the nineteenth century. Their self-determination movement is being pushed by the Oromo Liberation Front, or OLF, an organisation established in 1973.
Their attempts for secession however are being fought by a central government that cannot afford to lose this bread basket, with human rights groups saying there have been excesses. Oromia is the region where coffee first originated, today it accounts for more than 65 % of the country’s total coffee growing land and coffee is the country’s largest export.
Casamance
The Senegalese region has also since the 1980s waged low-level resistance over what it says is marginalisation. Successive peace deals have been signed, and the central government has pushed economic plans to stamp out the disquiet, which has been quiet for the last few years.
Alarm bells are ringing for a food emergency in Ethiopia. The UN says 15 million people will need help over the coming months. The government, wary of stigma and therefore hesitant to ask for help, has nevertheless said more than eight million Ethiopians need food assistance. Extra imports to stem the crisis are already pegged at more than a million tonnes of grain, beyond the government’s means. Inevitably, comment and media coverage compare the current situation with 1984 – the year Ethiopia’s notorious famine hit the headlines. Reports suggest this is the worst drought in 30 years. One declares it a“code red” drought. So how bad actually is it?
The country of close to 100 million people is huge, spread over an area of more than a million square kilometres that ranges from semi-desert to swamp to mountain ranges and fertile farmland. The weather systems and agricultural patterns are diverse and complex. Even within the higher-altitude areas of the country, the most densely populated, the typical rainy seasons vary and crops are grown at different times of the year. This year, the weather has been prone to even greater variation due to the global climate phenomenon El Niño, last seen in 1997-1998.
Ethiopia produces more than 90 percent of its own food. Last year, the cereal harvest was estimated to be 23 million tonnes, but imports in recent years averaged 1.2 million tonnes – just five percent of that. So even if 2015 and 2016 are bad years (the impact of a poor harvest is felt months later as food stocks run out), the vast majority of Ethiopian people will support themselves and eat produce from their own country. But in a giant like Ethiopia, 15 percent of the population is 15 million people – more than the entire humanitarian caseload of the Syrian crisis. An extra five percent of cereals is another 1.2 million tonnes.The costs and logistics become formidable at this scale.
WEATHER
The weather is only one part of the equation in whether people go hungry. Politics, economics, the availability of seeds and fertiliser, conflict, trade and labour markets, population pressure, social habits, and a host of other factors matter too.
While the science and sociology of food security is complex and layered, international agencies working on drought and hunger-prone countries, including Ethiopia, use a scheme called the Integrated Food Security and Humanitarian Phase Classification Framework (IPC) to simplify the mass of underlying data into a five-step scale – from minimal food security pressure to famine. Some parts of northern Ethiopia are already flagged as being in “Phase 4”, one step from the worst category. More are expected to follow, unless sufficient resources can halt the slide.
Even getting a single view of one year’s weather, let alone human interaction with it, is no simple matter.
For more than 30 years, meteorologists have gathered a giant archive of satellite data for Ethiopia. US satellites, in particular METOP-AVHRR, churn out petabytes of data. Triangulating that with other sources, including ground-based measurement, farm assessments, nutrition, and price monitoring provides a rich toolkit to estimate vegetation, rainfall, soil moisture and temperature – ultimately giving an idea of food on the table.
Considering all the variables, the drought and famine watchdog FEWS NET, established in the wake of the 1984 famine, has used direct, but not alarmist, language to describe the prospects: its latest report for Ethiopia is titled “Large-scale food security emergency projected for 2016”. The UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, meanwhile, warned: “food security conditions sharply deteriorated.”
Political sensitivity, donor pressures, logistics, media distortion, inefficiency and scepticism may yet conspire to tip more Ethiopians into “Phase 4.” Even in the best-case scenario, the financial resources will be hard to find – $270m is still needed for 2015 alone, according to UN’s emergency aid coordination body, OCHA, and needs are set to rise sharply (the US, the UK and China have pledged relatively early to the response, according to the government).
To illustrate the complexity of weather patterns in Ethiopia and attempt to demonstrate a link with El Niño, IRIN analysed 30 years of satellite imagery to provide some visual evidence of the complex and erratic picture of weather in the Horn of Africa. Read more in the following link
The thirty-three case studies shed light on the tremendous success of agroecological agriculture across the African continent. They demonstrate with facts and figures how an agricultural transformation respectful of the farmers and their environment can yield immense economic, social, and food security benefits while also fighting climate change and restoring soils and the environment.
What is Agroecology?
Agroecology is the application of ecological science to agriculture and agroecosystems. It encompasses a wide-variety of practices, which are coherent with key principles of environment preservation, social fairness, and economic viability. Therefore, agroecology combines parameters of sound ecological management, like minimizing the use of toxics by using on-farm renewable resources and privileging endogenous solutions to manage pests and disease, with an approach that upholds and secures farmers’ livelihoods.
Local Context, Long-Term Impact
While agroecology promotes low use of external inputs, it is a very knowledge-intensive system. Transmission of this knowledge, adaptation to local contexts, and appropriation by farmers and government technicians, are essential steps for farmers and communities to reap the benefits of agroecology. The case studies demonstrate how the expansion of agroecological practices will generate a rapid, fair and inclusive development, that can be sustained for future generations.
It is doubtful if all those who exalt democracy understand it in the same way. For this reason, let us see if we can find a common ground for Oromo activists. As the son of the last Gadaa practiced in his birthplace, no one, this writer believes, will contest his Gadaademocratic heritage. But so what? What matters is only if he practices and defends it. The word democracy (demockratia), they say, came from two Greek word “demos” for people, and “kratia” for government. The words of Abraham Lincoln in modern times expresses better the Western concept of democracy, which is “a government of the people by the people for the people …” This is notwithstanding the framework in which it is practiced in different countries. From what we observe, genuine democracy is a difficult dream to be realized. Even Gadaa or Oromo democracy, which was more inclusive, was not perfect. Evaluating democracy has to start from structure and function of an organization. An organization is its setup, its kaayyoo and its members who have pledged to struggle for a common cause respecting its laws and regulations; any democratic member or leader is judged by one’s integrity, one’s commitment to the organization, priority one gives for comrades’ concerns, and respect for organizational laws and procedure, and how much one understands national and international human and technological developments.
For this writer, democracy is a way of life where all people are seen as equals irrespective of social position, education, skill, race, ethnicity, etc. All genuine democrats accept the rule of law, encourage participation of members in decision making, and do not try to silence dissenting voices. That distinguishes them from autocrats, oligarchs and totalitarians. Leadership in democracy is based on election with time limit. In certain cases, elected leaders could turn autocratic or oligarchic abandoning organizational rules and objectives that demand all-inclusive teamwork. Autocracy is a rule by an individual. Oligarchy, on the other hand, is a rule by an elite group or clique. In both systems, there are some who initially come through election, but ignoring rules and regulations that had brought them to power, they start to rule by whim. Such usurpation of power cannot be enduring, but the devastation it could cause may be realized later. That is how Hitler came to power, and we know what happened to Germany and the world; Wayyaanee is on the same course and is on its way out. Therefore, there is a lot to worry when someone starts to stray from lawful practices. He or she may get away with it once, but that does no good for the struggle and future member relations unless corrected.
The first schism in OLF was between young brothers who claimed of being more Oromo than the other instead of showing patriotism commensurate with their kaayyoo. The unexpected is, all that came later in senior years who wanted to prove who could faster find out a way to win aliens favor irrespective of own political loss. That is how diaspora Ethiopianists became vocal and daring in a never-seen way. The struggle against oppression is not advancing; individual activists leading it are not materially benefiting yet – and are not searching for a way out. If errors are pointed out, every one is fast to take a position for self-defense and viewing comrades as adversary. What is going on is difficult for a quick analysis. At present, one can smell prolusion in the activist ranks. All the agitation for liberation, all the condemnations of treachery are now forgotten with temptations from colonial masters, even to a great surprise of former pariahs.
All the spilt blood of sisters, brothers and comrades are erased from memory. Some of them are suffering from the struggle’s fatigue; there seems no stamina or honor left in them. It reminds one the two Wayyaanee men and musicians who surrendered and started to give out secrets they held to the Darg during its waning days in return for some protection and comfort. But the fanfare did not last long, the defectors and Darg had to run for their lives. Numbed Oromo politicians are also hurrying to the same end. They will surrender to leaders of the empire and their running dogs to flee again soon, now with their hosts. No one can stay mentally healthy and in peace betraying the Oromo legitimate cause.
Elections usually create bodies that are individually and collectively responsible to the electorate. For that purpose, there is a division of labor and accountability governed by rules and regulations among them. But leaders who have autocratic tendencies break those rules of procedure deceptively and take the law to their hands. In most cases, organizations have executives and a policy-making council or Parliament, which has a supreme power. All power that is not clearly mandated belongs to this council. For autocrats, this mandate is time-wasting and unnecessary. Such autocrats are prone to a third-party influence. Third parties pursuing their own interests prefer partners whose hands are not tied by democratic procedures and accountability. That is how the objective principles of democratic organizations are derailed and distorted by self-seeking individuals in cahoots with sinister interests. For example, that is how Wayyaanee ended up serving individual leaders and foreign interests instead of peoples who elected it.
Legal procedures are laid down so that each division of an entity plays as a check-and-balance on each other. The executive is mandated to implement policies based on guidelines policymakers lay down for it. Chairperson’s duty is to coordinate the work of members of the executive and act as the public face for the organization and do other duties clearly mandated to them by the higher body. That does not mean they cannot suggest new ideas, but it needs approval of their comrades. Members and other functionaries can be asked for their opinions or be informed on the state of their organization, but cannot vote on policy issues outside their competence. Such practice existed only in direct democracy, not representative one.
In representative democracies, leaders may take to the mass members or to those the issue on hand concerns to put pressure on the policymakers though they have no legal significance and do not justify circumventing legally established procedures. However noble the reason for circumventing might be it cannot outweigh abiding by the law in the long run. For instance, in OLF, a body that represents the National Kora as the supreme policymaker is the National Council. If the executive take action on matters that are under council’s jurisdiction without its authorization that does not worth a penny, and is not binding on anyone, but only holds the perpetrator accountable. All deliberations require quorum to be valid. The chairman is a member of the executive committee. Relevant decisions are made through the committee. Such is how decisions are supposed to be made by this organization that has sacrificed so much for democratic rights.
By their oath of office, elected members have committed themselves to be answerable to their constituency individually and severally. And they cannot remain neutral when organizational laws and regulations are transgressed. They ought to struggle for rectification and a redress mechanism when wrongs are done. Disloyalty to the organization and its instruments show contempt for principles it is based on and the goals it aimed at. By doing so, they are making the force behind the organization’s creation irrelevant. That would seem as if they have found a new function and a new loyalty for it. Procedures are laid down to curb authoritarian tendencies which are common to human nature and protect the organization from turning against itself. But that could remain a wish when members are not politically conscious enough, and mobs are turned against to harass them. In Gadaa tradition, elected leaders can be recalled for slight deviations. Not now. The enemy and its agents want Oromo activists to get engaged in internal bickering and schisms, as to make them not bother with the status quo in the empire. This has to be avoided and focus must be on implementation of organizational program in any way possible. The imperial status quo has to crumble whether they like it or not.
If not led by those committed to the cause, it will be naiveté to expect a strong and democratic organization. Without strong organization it will be difficult to win a war or to deliver what one promises. The major causes for weaknesses and dissensions in OLF so far, despite the great potential it could mobilize, are leaders not adhering to organizational objectives, rules and procedures and lacking dedication for the cause. Weak leaders of organizations sometimes seek for strength from external sources rather than internally. That is sure to adulterate all aspects of the organization and its struggle. OLF has a declared anti-colonial agenda. All its relations must be based on this agenda, not on refurbishing the empire state. To remain OLF, understanding current world situation, current Oromo youth demands and maintain independence of the organization is needed.
Unfortunately, devotion to the cause or original kaayyoo, consistency of outlook, unwavering commitment to Oromummaa, determination to sacrifice and valor are becoming rare commodities for many. When OLF shows some hopeful trends, there were those who stampede each other for favors; and when things are not favorable, there are those highly flexible whose conscience doesn’t scratch them a little bit, but hide under faith and region – and try to throw stone at it. On the other hand, Oromiyaa has produced some leaders who are allergic to criticisms – who give ears for alien propaganda, but deaf to members’ comments contrary to theirGadaa heritage. They generally fail to realize that dodging the truth will have always far-reaching consequences for the struggle. For this, no one has more experienced than the OLF. As a remedy, those engaged in the struggle must believe that OLF is greater than anyone of its members and no individual whim can replace it; no one has the right to silence member’s voice from expressing one’s opinion and no one should be hindered from exercising one’s rights and duties. If this is done, there could be internal harmony and there is no reason for the organization not to be strong. Strong organization can approach the world in unison and in one voice, and form alliances in accordance with its political program. But who wants a strong OLF?
A weak organization becomes only an embarrassment for the nation. As a nation with Gadaa heritage, Oromo takes democracy as a way of life where dialog is practiced rather than dictation. Inequality, discrimination, favoritism marginalization, deceit and partiality have no place in democracy. It is a system where the law is supreme over individual’s idiosyncrasies. Leaders and members must reflect democratic Gadaa values at all times in private and official lives. They have to show commitment and dedication for fulfillment of the national Kaayyoo. For a national organization, the motto should always be “Nation’s Interest First.”
The first known democratic system of the world which gave the concept for the government of the people was for equals or free men. Women, slaves and foreigners were not included. It had stayed so for centuries. Voting rights for women did not yet become universal. There is also no perfect model for democracy where people live in harmony with each other and natural environment, enjoying fruits of liberty. Unless the attitudes towards women are changed, it will be like working with one hand amputated. Women are the most important members of human society, and no less productive and resourceful than men. Denying them equal rights with men is probably the most absurd thing that humans have done.
Gadaa system may have no rival – concerning the paying attention to the marginalized, including women in relative terms. That this truth is not mentioned by historians of the world makes history of democracy incomplete. The Oromo do not fit into their classification of society as savage or barbarian. They are shy to call them not civilized like some ignoramus, because in their hearts they know that Oromo civilization precedes theirs. Gadaa is a democratic system ala Oromo that existed from time immemorial.
Oromo society is divided into five Gadaa parties and periods. Each citizen belonged to a Gadaa to which his father belonged. They are those five Gadaa that take responsibility of ruling the nation in turns. Each Gadaa stays in power only for eight years. A Gadaa grade prepares itself from childhood until the stage of Raabaa-Doorii – where it will be ready to take power from the ruling Gadaa orgogeessa Luba before it. Therefore, there is no chance for aGadaa to stay in power a day over eight years without jeopardizing the working of the system. Electing their leaders is the duty and responsibility of each Gadaa.
All male members of the Oromo society are divided into age groups or hiriyaa (peer) separated by eight years. Each hiriyaa group has a social, economic, and political role to play for eight years in aGadaa tier. Grooming for leadership starts at early age and goes own until the time of taking over political responsibility. Thus, all male members are involved in all affairs of their society from birth to death. That is what we call Gadaa democracy. Hiriyaa above 8 years of age are given the roles in aiding adults, serving as scouts, military training and fighting, and ruler ship and administration of justice. Relevant formal and informal education is given at every tear. Thus, an Oromo adult was a well versed person in all aspect of societal knowledge and duties. Now since collective formal and informal education has ceased, one has to use those who got chance to go to modern educational institutions; just like the ancients used the highly enlightened Raagaa.
Women had legal and ritual roles to play in their own right though governing is men’s duty. The Siiqqee institution depicts these roles of women in Gadaa democracy. There are political and social rituals which cannot be completed without their involvement. The Siiqqeeis a sacred stick, symbol of women power through which they find their ways through social webs, and get their human rights respected. Let alone in the ancients, even in modern Western world, women got voting rights relatively very recently. The UN adopted, “Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women” in 1979. Even today, these rights are not recognized by all or are recognized with restrictions. Compared to those, ancient Oromo women were in a better position than them with their Siiqqee prerogatives.
For governance, there were elected legislative and executive bodies. Their functions include also the administration of justice under Gaaddisa (Shade). Though the administration of justice is not separately organized like in modern Western systems, it is said to be the most impartial and well thought. Qaalluu, which was hereditary institution, had also significant role in society. The first two are elected and filled with Luba hiriyaa group. Justice, in most cases, is said not to be left to one Gadaa generation, but mostly entrusted to the hayyuu or jaarsa, wise men of society. Every member of society is bound by law, rules and regulations of finnaa, or state. Oromo had also ethical and moral rules known as safuu. Breaking rules of safuu amounts to renouncing Oromummaa. There are few that tarnish the good Oromo tradition and defame even outstanding Oromo patriots in the name of supporting a group or an outlook. Such groups or individuals in whose name the law ofsafuu is broken by social scums have the moral obligation to officially distance themselves from such acts if they themselves believe in decency. In Gadaa, no individual or group is above the law. Breaking the law, in particular by high level leaders, could lead to uprooting. That was the way of Oromo forefathers. Thus, adherence to democracy, and respecting and causing rules ofsafuu to be respected are marks of Oromummaa.
Oromo lost such marvelous political culture and forced to live under the mercy of an alien colonial rule for more than a century. Those who were mentally liberated organized themselves into a movement defying alien domination and rejecting its laws. But the model under which they were brought up is still haunting some of them. Instead of reverting to Gadaa democratic principles, those found it easy to imitate their masters and mentors. For this reason, consensus on the national kaayyoo is affected. As a result, they are wavering between the independence courses and reducing the struggle to individual rights. That means accepting people’s rights not being more than group rights such as of clubs, associations, etc. in tune with the enemy. The enemy propagates this to oppose decolonization and the right to freedom of Oromiyaa, Southern and Nilotic peoples.
Oromo are being harassed not as individuals alone, but more so as a group for mere reason of being Oromo. That is why they see at both rights in their right perspective. Both individual rights and peoples’ rights are inseparable human rights. No one of them can be fulfilled if the other is denied. The right of Oromo as a nation is denied as not to accept their separate identity from Ethiopia. That the Oromo have different culture, language and history is difficult to be denied by anyone. Therefore, it must be understood that just having more fire power does not give anyone the right to erase the identity of the other to stick one’s own in its place. Oromo identity has survived for more than a century under dire situation, and it will survive for many more.
Peoples right, individual right, democracy and self-determination are all universally recognized (UN Charter of 26 June 1945 – Article 1.2.) – not only a plea of the colonized. See the following:
1. The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation.
2. All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. (UN Resolution 1514 (XV) 14 December 1960, (Article 1.1, The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966))
The General Assembly, … Affirms the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples under colonial and alien domination recognized as being entitled to the right of self-determination to restore to themselves that right by any means at their disposal; (UN Resolution 2649, 30 November 1970)
The General Assembly reaffirms that the universal realization of the right of all peoples, including those under colonial, foreign and alien domination, to self-determination is a fundamental condition for the effective guarantee and observance of human rights and for the preservation and promotion of such rights; (UN Resolution 43/105 December 8, 1988)
It has taken the Habashaa over half a century to recognize rights of the oppressed colonial peoples by Article 39 of their constitution. They did that not because they believed in it, but to cool down Oromo furry in demanding for independence after a century of dependence. Otherwise, they had never practiced freedom and democracy even for their own people. Tigray, Tigriny and Amaaraa elites still maintain that. But they better focus on their own affairs if they want to avoid what their kin and kith say “Stretching to take down what is on the raft, she dropped what was in her armpit.”Habashaa elites are divided in opinion on how to govern the empire. The two schools are that of the Wayyaanee and that of those the Wayyaanee defeated in the battlefields. The Wayyaaneechose to declare Ethiopians and non-Ethiopian subjects of the empire as separate entities that deserve the rights to national self-determination contrary to remnants of the fallen Nafxanyaa and the Eritrean leader. They do not understand that the myth of their colonial empire is ending. Henceforth, they may reorganizeHabashaa Ethiopia, and start negotiating for good neighborliness with Oromiyaa and other colonies. Waaq willing, that will be the last stage of Habashaa Colonialism before the master distorters are all gone.
Gadaa system is among the advanced democracies of the world. Genuine democracy is a difficult dream to be realized. Even Oromo democracy which was more inclusive was not perfect. Human beings are all born equal. Differences after birth, concerning character, class, education, position, skill and other capabilities should not allow anyone to justify being more equality than the other. Thus, democracy is a way of life where all people are seen as equals. Accepting the rule of law distinguishes democrats from autocrats, oligarchs and totalitarians. True Oromo liberation movement is not breeding ground for undemocratic elements. But sometimes, there could be a glitch due to human frailty; if that happens, it should be nipped in the bud. It is only unity of the people and strong independent organization that can lead the struggle to victory and make it a reliable ally for anyone. Over and above their ritual role, it remains for Oromo women to claim full democratic rights. Together Oromo women and men shall throw away shackles of colonialism and finish modernizing the Gadaademocratic process disrupted by the enemy long ago by establishing democratic People’s Republic Oromiyaa. Oromo youth will not abandon Oromo revolution started by their elders. Independent Oromiyaa shall be realized! Gadaa democracy shall revive! Down with reactionary elements in the Oromo struggle!
Kanneen demokraasii ol kaasanii ilaalanhundi, akka tokkott qayyabachuun saanii mamsiisaa dha. Kanaaf mee qabsaawota Oromoof yoo ilaalcha waloo ni arginaaf tahe haa ilaaluu. Akka ilma Gadaa naannaa saatt yeroo dhumaaf shakalameett dhaalmaa demokraasii Gadaa qabaachuu saa, barreessaa kun kan ittiin mormu jiraataa itt hin fakkaatuu. Yoo tahewoo? Kan dhimma baasu yoo ofii shakalee fi utubeen qofa. Qooqi demokraasii (demokratia) qooqota Greekii lama “demos” ummata fi “kratia” mootummaa, irraa dhufe jedhama. Jechi Abraham Lincoln “Mootummaan ummataa ummataaf ummataan …” jedhu bara si’anaa rimsama demokraasii sirriitt ifsa. Kun biyya biyyatt mikkillee inni keessatt shakaIamu utuu hin dagatinii. Waan hubannu irraa demokraasiin dhugaa abju dhugoomuun saa rakkisaa tahe. Demokraasiin Oromoo yk Gadaa kan hunda haammatullee muda hin qabnee mitii. Demokraasii madaluun kan eegalamuu qabu, dhaaba, caasaa fi jiruu jarmaa saa irratii. Jaarmaan dhaaba, miseensota kaasaa waloof qabsaawan, kaayyoo, seeraa fi dambiilee saa kabajuuf kakaa seenan dabalataa. Miseensi yk hogganni demokratawaan kan madaalamu qulqullooma keessa ofii, dudhama dhaabicha qabu, durfannoo dhimmama jaalaa kennuu, seeraa fi tartiiba dhaabaaf ulfina kennuu fi hagam guddina ilmaan namaa fi teknolojii sabaawaa fi sabgiddu akka hubateenii. Leadership in democracy is based on election with time limit. In certain cases elected leaders could turn autocratic or oligarchic abandoning organizational rules and objectives that demands all-inclusive team work.
Barreessaa kanaaf demokraasiin akkaataa jireenya hundi adda addummmaa barumsaan, ogummaa fi dandeettii biraa haa qabaatan malee, walqixummaan walliin jiraatanii. Demokraatoti dhugaa hundi seeraan bulmaata ni fudhatuu, murtii dabarsuu keessatt qooda fudhannaa miseensotaa ni jajjabeessu; akkasumas sagalee mormii ukkaamsuu hin yaalanii. Kanatu ofaangessaa, bulchiyaroo fi halleto’ataan adda isaan godha. Demokraasii keessatt hoggansii kennata yeroo murtaawee irratt hundaawaa. Alii ali hogganooti filaman dambilee fi tartiiba dhaabaa, kan hojii garee hunda hammataa gaafatu lakkisanii ofaangessaa yk bulchiyaroott of jijjiiruu dandahu. Ofaangessaan olhantummaa nama tokkotii. Gara biraan bulchiyaroon murna gurguddoo yk sadootaan gaggeeffama. Sirna lamaanuu keessatt tokko tokko jalqaba kennataan aangott dhufanuu seeraa fi qajeelfama angoott isaan fide lagatanii fedha ofiin bulchuu eegalu. Taahitaa finqilchaan dhufe akkasii hin waaruu. Badiisi sanaan gahus booda hubatama. Hitiler akka sanatt aangoo qabatee, Jarmanii fi addunyaa irraan maal akka gahe argineera; Wayyaaneenis karaa sanan walfakkii irra bu’ee sussukaa jiraa. Kanaaf nammi tokko shaakala seerawaa irraa yoo cehu kan nama yaaddesssu hedduu dha. Al tokko daguun ni dandahama, garuu qabsichaa fi hariiroo miseensaa egereef sirratu malee bayeessa hin tahu.
ABO keessatt baqaqi jalqabaa, jaalbiyyumaa kaayyoo saaniin walgituun utuu hin tahin, obbolaa safila, anatu si calaa Oromoo dha waliin jedhan gidduutt gahe. Kan hin yaadamin kanneen sana booda bara manguddummaa dhufan hedduun, kisaaraa malbulchaa ofii utuu hin hedin, eenyutu shafffisaan karaa leelloon halagaa itt argamutt baha kan jedhan tahani. Akkasittii, si’ana Badii keessatt Itophistooti haala kanaan dura hin beekamnett sagaalee olkaasanii dubbachuu fi ugga agarsiisutt kan kahani. Qabsoon cunqursaa irratt tolfamu achi hin siqne; Qabsaawoti sna gaggeessan mata mataatt bu’aa waatatta argachaa hin jirani garuu karaa keessaa bahanis yoo soqan hin mullatu. Yoo dogoggoratt qubi qabames hundi ofirraa faccisuuf ariitiin bakka qabatee, jaala hunda akka hamajaajiitt laaluutt ka’a. Waanti deemaa jiru xiinxala shaffisaaf nama rakkisa. Si’ana qondaalota qabsoo keessatt fooliin falama ciinca’aa jira. Bilisummaaf dammaqsi tahe hundi, balaaleffannaan gana irratt gaggeeffamaa ture, suduudaan yk harka lafa jalaan kolomsiisa gooftolii koloneeffatoon sadarkaa kanneen dur balaaleffatamaa turan malalchiisutt dagatamaniiru.
Dhiigi obbolaa fi jaallewwan dhagala’an rakkoo malee qaabannoo keessaa haqamaniiru. Kaan kaan bututaa qabsoon dhibamaniiruu; annisaa haatahu ulfinni keessatt hafe kan hin jirre fakkaata . Sun bara Dargii gara dhumaa namoota lamaa fi ogneesitoota harka kennatanii iccitii qaban eegumsaa fi bahsananaa tokko tokkoof dabarsanii kennan nama yaadachiisa. Garuu dhiichisi hedduu hin turree miliqoo fi Dargiin lubbuu ofiif baqa eegalanii. Malbulchesitooti Oromoo hadoodan dhuma walfakkiitt arreedaa jiru. Ammas isaanuma waliin utuu hin turiin baqatt ka’uuf hoggana empayeraa fi kittillayyoo saaniitt harka kennachuuf waga jiru. Kaasaa Oromoo seerawaa tahe ganee eenyuu fayyaa fi nagaa sammuun hin jiraatu.
Kennati yeroo hedduu qaamota abba abbaa fi waloon kan kennateef itt gaafatama qaban uuma. Sanaaf hirmaanni hojii fi itt gaafatammi seeraa fi dambileen bulan jiru. Garuu hogganootii gara abbaa humnummaatt duufan dambiilee tartiibaa sana dagaan cabsanii seera harkatt galfatu. Gara caaluu jaarmoti hojii raawwachiiftuu fi gumii aangoon hunda caaluu imaammata baasu yk Caffee qabu. Angoon taliilaan hin kennamne hundi kan gumii kanaati. abootii humnaaf kenni kun yeroo balleessaa fi hin barbaachifnee dha. Abbaa humnooti akkasii dhiibaa qaama sadaffaaf banamoo dha. Qaammi sadaffaan fedha ofii qofa hordofan miltolii harki saanii tartiiba demokraasii fi itt gaafataman hin hidhamne filatu. Akkasitti kan kan kaayyoon dhaabota demokraatawoo namoota ofjaallatoon fedhoota hamoo waliin tahaniin mucuceeffamanii fi roga dhabsiifamani. Fakkeenyaaf, akkasitt Wayyaaneen namoota isaan filan dhiisanii hogganoota abba tokkee fi fedha halagaa tajaajiluun kan raawwate. Tartiibi seerawaan kan diriirfaman murnaasi addaanjiraato tokkoo akka to’ataa fi madaalaa walgidduutt uumuufii. Humnii Shanee Hoji Raawwachiiftuuf (HR) kenname qajeelfama imaammata kan baasaniin akka sararaa masaka kennameett hojiirra olchuu dha. Dirqammi abbaadha barcumaa jiruu HR qindeessuu, akka fuula dhaabichaatt tajaajiluu fi jiruu qaama olhaanuun ifatt kennamuuf hojjechuu dha. Sana jechuun yaada haaraa hin dhihessu hin dandahu jechuuf mitii garuu walii galte jaallewwan saa gaafta jechuuf dha. Miseensoti yk qondaaloti biraa haala dhaabi isaanii irra jiru iyya’amuufii ni dandaha, garuu qabattee imaammataa dandeettii saanii ala tahett irba hin kennan. Shaakalli akkasii demokraasii suduudaa keessatt malee kan bakka bu’ootaa keessatt hin baramne.
Demokrasii bakka buhootaa keesssatt hogganootii miseensa ballaatt yk kanneen qabateen harka jiru dhimma saanii tahett kanneen imaammata baasan irratt akka dhiibbaa tolchan dhiheessuu ni dandahu taha. Garuu sun seeraan aangoo hin qabatuu yk tartiiba seeraan diriirfame irra cehuuf sababa tahuu hin dandahu. Dhimmisaa hagam barbaachisaa yoo tahellee tartiiba seera finqilchuun wanti gahuu jiraachuu hin qabu. Fakkeenyaaf ABO keessatt Kora Sabaa kan bakka bu’ee shaakalu Gumii Sabaatii. Hayyama malee hojii raawwachistuun aangoo gumii kan taheen tarkaanfii yoo fudhate gatii hin qabu, eenyuu sarmuuf dirqama hin qabu. Garuu kan sana godhetu itt gaafatama. Murtiin marii hunda aangoo qabaachuuf mijuu gaafata. Dura taa’aan/teessuun miseensa HRtii. Murtiin barbaachusu shanicha keessaan darba. Dhaaba mirgoota demokraasiif aarsaa guddaa baase kana keessatt, murtiin akkasitt fudhatamuutu hedama.
Kakaa waajjiraa fudhataniin miseensoti kennataman waliinjiroo saaniif abba abbaa fi waloon gaafataamoo akka tahan of dudhaniiru. Kanaaf yeroo seeraa fi danbileen dhaabaa irra cehaman callisanii ilaaluu hin qabanii. Daba qajeelchuu fi mala hamaan itt sirraawu argamsiisuuf qabsaawuutu irraa eegama. Dhaabaa fi dhooftuu saaf amanamummaa dhabuun tuffii akeekota inni irratt hundaawee fi itt gala inni agammateef qaban agarsiisa. Kanaan humna dhaabicha uumuu duuba turan gatii hin qabnee godhu. Sana gochuun waan jiruu fi amanamummaa haaraa arganiif fakkeessisu. Tartiibi kan diriiraniif abbaa hirrummaa fedha uumaa namaa keessa jiru hankaaksuu fi dhaabichi akka ofitt gara hin galle gochuufii. Garuu sun bakka miseensoti gahaatt ofbara malbulchaa hin qabnett tuutii itti kakaafamanii sodaachisuu waan dandahaniif hawwa duwwaa tahee hafaa. Dudhaa Gadaatt, hogganooti kennataman karaa irra mucucaacha xinnoon deebi’anii waamamuu dandahu. Amma garuu mitii. Diinnii fi keettoliin saa qabsaawoti Oromoo akka qoccolloo fi babbaqaqa keessaatt qabamanii haala empayeraa keessa jiruuf dhimma hin qabanne gochuu fedhu. Kun dhaabbatee, jaallatanis jibbanis karaa dandahamu hundaan xiyyeeffannoon sagantaa dhaabaa irratt tahuu qaba.
Yoo namoota kaasichaaf dudhaa qabaniin hin hogganamne, dhaaba jabaa fi demokraatawaa eeguun gowwummaa dha. Dhaaba jabaa malee waraana injifachuun haa tahu kan irbuu seenaniif dhiheessuun salphaa hin tahu. Hamma yoonaa, humna riphaa guddaa hiriirsu qabatuyyuu, kaasaan dadhabinaa fi gargar ta’inaa ABO keessaa, hogganooti kaayyoo, dambilee fi tartiibota dhaabaatt cichuu fi kaasichaa fi of kenna dhabuu dha. Hoogganooti dhaabaa dadhaboo tahan alii al of keessa dhiisanii jabina madda alaa irraa soqa dhaqu. Sun gara halleen dhaabichaa fi qabsoosaa xureessuu hin oolee. ABOn bu’uura farra kolonii labsate qaba. Hariiroon saa hundi bu’uura kana irratt malee empayera suphuu irratt hundaawuu hin qabu. ABO tahee hafuuf haala addunyaa si’anaa, gaafii dargaggoo Oromo qayyabachuu fi walabummaa dhaabichaa eeguu barbaachisa.
Akka carraa tahe kaasichaa yk kaayyo ganamaaf of kennuun, kan qabanitt cichuu, Oromummaaf dudhama hin daddaaqne, wareegamuuf murteeffachuu fi jannummaan, kaan kaaniif meeshaa hin argamne tahaa jiru. Yero ABOn faara abdachiisaa tokko tokko agarsiisu leelloo argachuuf kan walcaccabsan, yeroo faarri itt badu amantee fi ganda jala dhokatanii kan dhagaa itt guuruu yaalan, seexaan saanii xinnoollee isaan hin quuqne dhommoqina guddaa agarsiisan hedduu dha. Karaa biraammoo Oromiyaan hogganoota qeeqii rifachiisaa taheef; kanneen faallaa dhaalmaa Gadaa saanii alatt, halagaatt gurra yoo qeensan yaada miseensotaaf duuchatan hortee jirtii. Dhugaa jalaa miliquun yeroo hundaa hamaa hin yaadamne guddaa dhaqabsiisuu akka dandahu hubachuu dadhabu. Kana kan ilaalutt ABO caalaa muxannoo kan qabu hin jiru. Akka falaatt kanneen qabsoo keessatt qooda fudhatan ABOn miseensota saa kamuu caalaa guddaa akka tahee fi fedha abba tokkee kamu akka isa bakka buhuu hin dandeenye amanuu qabu. Eenyuu sagalee miseensotaa akka of hin ibsinett ukkaamsu akka hin qabnee fi eenyuu mirgaa fi dirqama saa akka hin shaakalle godhamuun irra hin jiru. Yoo kun tahe atommi keessaa waan jiraatuuf dhaabichi jabaa taha. Dhaabi jabaan tokkummaan addunyaatt bahe dubbachuu fi akka sagantaa dhaabatt kan fedheen walii tumsuu dandaha. Eenyutu ABO jabaa fedha?
Dhaabi dadhabaan saba ofiitii waan qaanii taha. Akka sabaa dhaalmaa Gadaa qabuutt Oromoon demokrasii akka akkaataa jireenyaa, ajaja irra, ilaa fi ilaameen dhimma itt bahamutt fudhata. Wal caalmaa, faanfana, leellifachummaa, moggeessa, sobaa fi loogiin demokraasii keessatt bakka hin qabani. Demokraasiin sirna miira abba abbaa caalaa seerri Olaanaa itt tahe. Hogganootii fi miseensonni yeroo hundaa, dhuunis qondaalamanis seexaa demokraasii Gadaa calaqisuu qabu. Fiixaan baha kaayyoo sabichaaf of kennaa fi dudhama agarsiisuu qabu. Dhaaba sabaawaa fi dhaadannoon saa “Fedhii sabaa haa dursu” kan jedhu tahuu qaba.
Sirni demokraasii addunyaa beekaman dura kan rimsammi “mootummaa ummataa” irraa madde dhiirota walqxootaa fi birmaduufii. Dubartii, garbootaa fi halagaa hin dabalatu ture. Jaarroleef akkasumatt jiraate. Irbi dubaroof ammayyuu gumeessawaa hin taane. Fakmishoon demokraasii mudaa hin qabnee kan namooti atoomaan walii fi naannaa uumaa waliin firii bilisummaan basha’anii jiraatan ammallee hin jiru. Firoomsaan kan itt gaalchan akka jara Lixaa faa jiru. Ilaalchi dubartiif jiru hin jijjiiramu taanaan akka kaan cite harka tokko qofaan hojjechuu taha. Dubaroon miseensota hawaasa ilmoo namaa keessaa hedduu barbaachisoo fi homishaawummaa fi waa maddisiisuuf dhiiraa gad hin taanee. Mirga walqxxummaa isaan dhowwachuun waan ilmaan namaa godhan keessaa kan maljecha hin qabne.
Sirni gadaa firomsaan kanneen moggeeffamaniif dubartoota dabalatee dhimmama agarsiisuutt kan ittiin dorgomu hin jiru taha. Dhugaan kun argaa dhageett addunyaan bira dabamuun seenaa demokraasii haanquu godha. Oromoon hirmaata isaan hawaasaaf akka namdiidaa fi buubaatt ilaalan keesaatt bakka itt sutan dhabu. Akka daallota tokko tokkoo qarooma hin qaban jechuufis garaa saaniitt qaroommi Oromoo kan isaaniin duraa tahuu waan beekaniinf ni qaqana’uu. Gadaan akaakuu demokraasii Oromoo bara hin qaabatamnee kaasee jiru.
4) Labsiin Magaalota Oromiyaa dhihoo kana bahe shira Maastar Pilaanii Oromoon mormu kana kara biraatin hojiirra oolchuuf kan saganteeffame waan ta’eef ni balaaleffanna.
(UN News Centre): With Ethiopia experiencing its worst drought in decades the United Nations is reporting deepening food insecurity and “severe emaciation and unusual livestock deaths” as the Organization’s humanitarian wing has allocated $17 million in emergency funding to help the Government tackle climate challenges and ensure timely food relief.
A recent report published by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) warned that severe drought, driven by the El Niño phenomenon, has not only caused livestock deaths especially in pastoral areas, but it has also deteriorated food security conditions in recent months, as food insecure people have almost doubled from August to October this year.
While cereal prices dropped last month thanks to the carryover stocks from previous year, the report also indicated the soaring prices of dairy and vegetables, as a result of food inflation.
Meanwhile, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) allocated $17 million last week from the UN Central Emergency Response Fund (CERF), aiming to reach those in the areas hard-hit by the drought with immediate food assistance and relief.
“A timely response to the emergency is critical,” said Stephen O’Brien, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, warning that “if we don’t act today, we face an even graver situation tomorrow, with more immense needs in 2016.”
This emergency funding will be provided to the UN World Food Programme (WFP), for supporting some 1.37 million Ethiopians with food, and providing specialized nutritional supplements to 164,000 malnourished women and children.
Some 8.2 million people currently need emergency food assistance – up almost 3 times compared to last year – and the number will likely double at the start of 2016, according to the Ethiopian Government.
The CERF pools donor contributions in a single fund so that money is available to start or continue urgent relief work anywhere in the world. Since its inception in 2006, 125 UN Member States and dozens of private-sector donors and regional Governments have contributed to the Fund. In 2015, CERF has allocated over $27 million to support humanitarian operations in Ethiopia.
Related:-
WHO warning over Ethiopia climate change risks
THE HEALTH BODY HAS SAID THAT CLIMATE CHANGE COULD WORSEN HEALTH PROBLEMS IN AFRICAN COUNTRY.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is warning that climate change is threatening to exacerbate health problems in Ethiopia.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is warning that climate change is threatening to exacerbate health problems in Ethiopia.
The WHO released details in its Climate and Health Country Profile 2015 on Tuesday (17 November 2015).
“Increased temperatures, intense heat waves, more extreme rainfall, floods and landslides, are expected to intensify existing challenges of communicable diseases, food insecurity and poverty unless timely action is taken,” according to a WHO statement.
Ethiopia’s country profile is one of the first 15 country reports the WHO is releasing.
“Ethiopia is vulnerable to many of the effects of climate change, including increases in average temperature and changes in precipitation. This threatens health, livelihoods and the progress that Ethiopia has made in recent years,” the WHO added.
The international body claims that by 2030, almost 250,000 people in Ethiopia will be at risk from annual river floods.
WHO Director-General Dr. Margaret Chan said: “Our planet is losing its capacity to sustain human life in good health”. She called for “strong, flexible and resilient health systems” as a defense against the impact of climate change.
We have been sold this “Ethiopia rising” meme for years now. The Ethiopian government keeps projecting this narrative 24/7. State media have been preoccupied with plastering images of construction projects and GDP rates on the minds of citizens; and Global “Experts on Africa” have added the “Ethiopia rising” meme to their already existing “Africa rising” meme as well.
The “Ethiopia rising” meme has become pernicious in part because it is half-truth. Construction projects are indeed visibly “booming”. We can at least see the Addis Ababa light rail with our own eyes. Sophisticated international economists tell us the latest GDP figures as well. Local, Bole resident, developmental government minions and cadres echo these GDP figures too; along with their fellow traveler, foreign born drive by reporters who are mostly based in Addis Ababa; They go out on field missions on few occasions and believe new buildings and a new light rail in Addis Ababa is the same as development of an entire country of 94 million people.
For such people, their echo chamber is filled with the “Ethiopia rising” noise. As a result, “Ethiopia rising” is the answer to everything. They have been so primed with this meme that they might even answer the question “What is 1 + 1?” with “Ethiopia rising”. Ask them if bricks can be bread or if starving children can eat a train and they will have no answer. (Or maybe they’ll just answer you with “Ethiopia rising”)
In addition, Ethiopia is now facing yet another severe drought and looming famine catastrophe ; the worst it has seen in 30 years and estimated 15 million people will likely need food assistance in 2016. UNICEF figures indicate a 27% increase in the number of children treated for Severe Acute Malnutrition already; 197 woredas had measles outbreaks; 14,300 suspected and 11,700 confirmed measles cases so far. Once again, the international community has started its never ending task of feeding hungry Ethiopians who are failed by their own government; yet another evidence for why the “Ethiopia rising” meme remains half-truth, if not a complete lie.
The extent of lives lost due to the ongoing drought is an unknown know reality for the moment. The government has suppressed report on mortality rates. Although public health information is incomplete without such vital statistics, UNICEF’s situations reports on the current humanitarian crisis bear no mortality rates. Even zero deaths should be reported in well-respected information sources such as the UNICEF. But that’s not the case here. UNICEF seems to have adopted a position that says “If the government says there are no children who died of starvation, then there are not children who died of starvation”. Yet, one BBC report states “The United Nations say two babies are dying of starvation every day in one area”. However, the government insists “No one has died or displaced due to lack of food in the areas affected by the drought”.
Without vital information such as mortality rates from independent sources, given the extent of Ethiopia’s previous famine disasters, previous and current governments’ denial and cover up on the extent of such disasters, and in spite of the “Ethiopia rising” meme, it’s hard to tell how bad the situation is. It might even be comparable with the 1984 famine.
The EPRDF government officials are repeatedly denying the current famine that around fifteen million people are facing In Ethiopia. International media are busy reporting about the famine showing the pictures of emaciated children; the dead bodies of hundreds of animals and telling stories of mothers who lost their children due to starvation. It is funny to hear what the government officials say regarding the drought and famine that is causing the death of many people and animals. Some of the government officials are even accusing these media (BBC for example) that tried to showcase the extent of the problem to the world saying that they have sensationalized reports about the drought in Ethiopia.
The EPRDF leaders say Ethiopia is food self sufficient; needs no aid from outside. They say there is no problem, no famine, no drought and no death. Other time they say, there is drought in some parts of the country and it is under control. Still, they say, only very insignificant number of people (15 million people out of 90 million people) are affected by the drought. Oh, my God, how on earth they say that 15million people are very insignificant? These people are gone out of their mind; the life of a single person matters let alone the life of 15 million people.
Recently, we have learned that the government is building very modern houses with 154million birr for six retired EPRDF officials. What a paradox! People are dying because they have nothing to eat while the government is allocating all this money for building houses for its corrupt retired officials who have been amassing unimaginable wealth over the last two decades.
Why does this government likes denying the facts on the ground? Why is it they are hiding the famine? is it because it contradicts with their 11% economic growth for 10 consecutive years?Please, guys come to your sense, tell the world the truth about the scale of the problem; mobilize all the citizens and gather the resources needed to save the millions of people who are on the verge of death. At least for now, forget the politics and do the right thing-saving the lives of people should be given a priority.#Ethiopiafamine
Ethiopia and Somalia have a long history of mutual distrust and acrimony roughly similar to the history of India and Pakistan. Somalia has border dispute with both Ethiopia and Kenya whose roots are in colonial impositions. It would be just as cynical and foolish for Ethiopia to send troops to Somalia as for India to send troops to Waziristan intending to stabilize its relation with Pakistan.
Regarding democratic elections in Ethiopia, Susan Rice could not contain herself fromchuckling cynically about the regime’s 100% claim of victory. How she could reconcile her sarcasm with her impassioned speech during the mourning for the late Prime Minster, Meles Zenawi, is puzzling. She called those who oppose Meles fools and idiots. After the violence and rigged election of 2005, hopes for any democratic transfer of power in the country have been dashed.
There are also questions raised on the sustainability of the much publicized double- digit economic
growth of Ethiopia, despite the current dramatic makeover of Addis Ababa: the government seems oblivious to the fact that 80% of Ethiopians are peasants even asfamine now threatens 15 million Ethiopians. The impact on the country of the foreignland grab, with its environmental cost and human displacement and the destruction of the pastoralist life style, has received wide coverage. A fertile area the size of Belgium has been leased cheaply to Indian and Saudi investors in the name of development. Along with the environmental costs, the displacement of indigenous pastoralists is enormous.
Mary Harper in her report says that inequality gap in Ethiopia is one of the narrowest in the world. However, a quick search shows that inequality in Ethiopia is one of the highest in the world. Ethiopia’s positioning in UN’s Human Development Index (HDI) is 173rd of 187 countries for the 2013 data. Transparency index ranks Ethiopia 111th of 177 countries for corruption, “with a score of 33 on a scale where 100 means very clean and 0 means highly corrupt.” The country suffers from high levels of bribery and those with access to state power act in brutally self-interested and exploitative ways. By most accounts, polarized ethnic divisions in the country have led to winner-take-all situations.
In an ideal scenario, the brotherly people of Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia, whose fates are intertwined by geography and history, need cooperation and trade between and within themselves based on mutual respect for basic human rights and due regard for the health of the environment. Increased militarization and fragmentation will only entrench existing cycles of violence, death, displacement, environmental degradation and famine. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/yohannes-woldemariam/the-ethiopian-regime-is-d_b_8507642.html
The Ethiopian Regime Is Destabilizing the Horn of Africa Region
huffingtonpost.com
By Yohannes Woldemariam, Associate Professor of International Relations and Environmental Studies at Fort Lewis College
The Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn claims Al-Shabab is diminishing with Ethiopian support to the Somali government. He also told BBC Africa editor, Mary Harper, that “Ethiopians are satisfied with the system of government in the country.”
During the interview, PM Desalegn painted a very rosy picture of the situation in Ethiopia and its dealings with the region. The regime seems to be on a charm offensive with the Western media. According to Mary Harper, PM Desalegn requested for the interview, which was conducted impromptu. After listening to the interview, I wished Ms. Harper had scrutinized the PM a bit more on Eritrea and Somalia as she did with his domestic human rights violations. For example, the PM was never confronted on the important issue of the boundary demarcation with Eritrea. He freely pontificated on the issue of refugees without being challenged about the role of the Ethiopian regime in refugee production.
One can easily make a case that in fact Ethiopia is destabilizing the region through its interventions in Somalia and its insidious refusal to implement the verdict of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Ethiopia has chosen to blackmail Eritrea with impunity through a “no war, no peace” strategy assisted by successive U.S. administrations. As a result, Eritrean survival as a state is increasingly threatened, exacerbating the acute issue of refugee flows.
The Eritrean regime’s response of indefinite conscription of its population into the military is having disastrous consequences. Eritrea is hemorrhaging and experiencing unsustainable brain drain. A whole generation is being wasted in refugee camps in Ethiopia and Sudan, and those who made it farther are suffering all the tragic consequences of life-in-exile. The Ethiopian regime, while claiming the moral high ground, appears to be enjoying humiliating Eritreans by every means available.
Mr. Girma Asmerom, who is the Eritrean envoy to the UN, dubiously claims that the reason for the exodus is economic and that the pull factor from Europe exerts a “pull factor” when it “freely” grants asylum to Eritreans. He also blames Eritrea’s suffering on a conspiracy by Western countries to weaken the regime. It is true, as Mr. Asmerom also asserts, that many African countries in addition to Ethiopia are experiencing unprecedented migrations of their own; neverthelsss, the Eritrean exodus is numerically more alarming and qualitatively different from other migrations in Africa.
To dismiss it as motivated primariy by economics is to wallow in a dangerous self-serving denial. Indeed, there can be no doubt that a major cause of the refugee exodus is the indefinite military conscription by the Eritrean regime and by the loss of even basic freedoms for the people. The Eritrean government has declared a self-defeating war on the Eritrean people while deceptively affording the same Ethiopian government the opportunity to play the magnanimity game.
It is also true that the U.S. continues to reward the Ethiopian government despite its intransigence in the face of accusations of human rights abuses and other flagrant violations of international law. The U.S. wrongly and stubbornly assumes that Ethiopia is a stabilizing force for the region.
Faced with isolation from the world community as well as by UN sanctions and Ethiopian belligerence, the Eritrean regime appears to be looking to strengthen its alliances with Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states. There are reports that Eritrea is “making available…its land, territorial waters and airspace to conduct military operations” against the Houthis in Yemen in exchange for fuel and monetary compensation. About 400 Eritreans are also said to be embedded with troops from the UAE/Saudi campaign in the Yemeni civil war.
If true, this is a dramatic turnaround after the rumors that Eritrea was serving as an Iranian conduit for the transfer of weapons to the Houthis. It appears that the latent Ethiopian ambition to snatch and annex the port of Assab, its refusal to demarcate the border between the two countries, and the effectiveness of Ethiopian campaign to isolate the Eritrean regime may have driven it to entangle itself in the Yemeni conflict. The Yemeni conflict started out as a local civil war but is increasingly a proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
According to Howard French, a keen observer of Africa, writing in The Atlantic and quoting Samantha Power, says that Rice has a “Cold War” approach to African politics, who supports African strong men whom she approves of — regardless of their human rights track record and complete disregard for international law. Salem Solomon, writing an Op-Ed piece in the New York Times articulates the destructive role that Susan Rice has played with the Eritrea Ethiopia dispute.
Decisions by the likes of Susan Rice impact the lives of so many like we witness with the youth exodus from Eritrea. It should be noted that Ethiopia has a population approaching 100 million while Eritrea’s population is approximately 5-6 million. I fear that increasing Ethiopian bravado over U.S. support may cause more states to collapse in the Horn of Africa. U.S. military involvement in Africa is much deeper than is generally acknowledged. The U.S. has a base in Arba Minch, Ethiopia, which it uses to unleash drone operations in Somalia, in addition to camp Lemonnier in Djibouti.
The U.S. encouraged Ethiopian intervention in Somalia in 2006 with disastrous implications. Any one with a cursory understanding of the region knows that Ethiopian intervention only strengthened the extremists in Somalia, resulting in the emergence of Al-Shabab. Even as PM Desalegn was claiming in his interview that Al Shabab is “diminished,” it struck with a suicide attack in Mogadishu against a well-fortified hotel which hosts foreign journalists and important Somali political and military figures. The violence shows no sign of abating. If anything, it has expanded into the neighboring countries of Kenya and Uganda.
Ethiopia and Somalia have a long history of mutual distrust and acrimony roughly similar to the history of India and Pakistan. Somalia has border dispute with both Ethiopia and Kenya whose roots are in colonial impositions. It would be just as cynical and foolish for Ethiopia to send troops to Somalia as for India to send troops to Waziristan intending to stabilize its relation with Pakistan.
Regarding democratic elections in Ethiopia, Susan Rice could not contain herself fromchuckling cynically about the regime’s 100% claim of victory. How she could reconcile her sarcasm with her impassioned speech during the mourning for the late Prime Minster, Meles Zenawi, is puzzling. She called those who oppose Meles fools and idiots. After the violence and rigged election of 2005, hopes for any democratic transfer of power in the country have been dashed.
There are also questions raised on the sustainability of the much publicized double- digit economic
growth of Ethiopia, despite the current dramatic makeover of Addis Ababa: the government seems oblivious to the fact that 80% of Ethiopians are peasants even asfamine now threatens 15 million Ethiopians. The impact on the country of the foreignland grab, with its environmental cost and human displacement and the destruction of the pastoralist life style, has received wide coverage. A fertile area the size of Belgium has been leased cheaply to Indian and Saudi investors in the name of development. Along with the environmental costs, the displacement of indigenous pastoralists is enormous.
Mary Harper in her report says that inequality gap in Ethiopia is one of the narrowest in the world. However, a quick search shows that inequality in Ethiopia is one of the highest in the world. Ethiopia’s positioning in UN’s Human Development Index (HDI) is 173rd of 187 countries for the 2013 data. Transparency index ranks Ethiopia 111th of 177 countries for corruption, “with a score of 33 on a scale where 100 means very clean and 0 means highly corrupt.” The country suffers from high levels of bribery and those with access to state power act in brutally self-interested and exploitative ways. By most accounts, polarized ethnic divisions in the country have led to winner-take-all situations.
In an ideal scenario, the brotherly people of Eritrea, Ethiopia, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia, whose fates are intertwined by geography and history, need cooperation and trade between and within themselves based on mutual respect for basic human rights and due regard for the health of the environment. Increased militarization and fragmentation will only entrench existing cycles of violence, death, displacement, environmental degradation and famine. As it stands, the egoistic leaders are making the region dangerous and vulnerable to intensive neocolonialist extractive exploitation by the U.S., China, Canada, India, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and others.
The purpose of this paper is to make known historical development of written Afaan Oromo to 1900. The study draws upon primary and secondary sources. The primary data are drawn from oral and archival sources. Books and articles in Afaan Oromo and in other languages about Afaan Oromo were consulted. Many of these sources are not only indicators of the status of written Oromo but also of situations that the Oromo people have endured over decades and centuries. The paper reveals how the assimilation activity targets above all the language of the society to be assimilated and how Afaan Oromo had been able to survive such assimilation policy of successive Ethiopian regimes. In addition, it puts an overview on how the missionaries, foreign travelers, religious personalities and some Ethiopians attempted to reduce Afaan Oromo into written language. It gives an idea about the beginning of writing Afaan Oromo in the early 17th century. The study also indicates the school founded in those problematic periods to teach in Afaan Oromo and the translations of many books into Afaan Oromo.
INTRODUCTION
Literature is linguistically documented facts and ideas through which people used to preserve their deeds and worldviews from one generation to the other (Owamoyala, 1993). It is also important to note that one cannot separate language and culture from literature that define them. Language is therefore, a pedestal in the evolution of literature as it is one of the typical ingredients in one’s awareness of her/his culture, identity, custom and history. The sources to study the historical movements of human beings have come from the study of languages that were spoken by the preceding generations as a proto language. This is because, language harbors human culture, knowledge, arts, history and others (Isichei, 1995; Yule, 1996; Ehret, 2008). This is also true for Oromo language what the Oromo prefer to call Afaan Oromo (henceforth Afaan Oromo). Among the Cushitic language families to which it belongs, Afaan Oromo ranks first by the number of its speakers. It is the third among the widely spoken languages in Africa next to Swahili and Hausa Languages. It is a common language among many nationalities, like the Harare, Bartha, Shinahsa, Anuak, Sidama, Gurage (Mekuria, 1994), Koma, Yam, Kaficho, Dawuro, Gedeo, Konso, Somali, Afar, Amhara, and others (Feyisa, 1996). The indigenous speakers are uninterruptedly distributed from Southern Tigray in the North to Northern Kenya in the South, and from Harar in the East to Gidaamii in the West (Gada, 1998; Richard, 1995; Baxter, 1978). They form the largest homogenous culture sharing common descent, history and psychological makeup (Baxter, 1978). Geographically, except in the Northern, Afaan Oromo is found in Eastern, Southern, Central and Western Cushitic Language families by retaining its homogeneity. The Oromo of all these areas could communicate in this language without dialectical barriers (Ibid.). Despite these facts, it is denied official status and no comprehensive scholarly study conducted on it.
Some Facts as a Precursor to Written Oromo Language
Recent sources are reveal the neglected history of Afaan Oromo under its past consecutive Ethiopian rulers. The attempts of the rulers to lock up Afaan Oromo’s outlets where they had been are now being wearied away by discovering of the sources which were masked by the scholars of Ethiopian history under the influences of her rulers. Jackson who made anthropological and historical studies of the civilizations of the Middle East and Northeast African states that Afaan Oromo is the purest living specimen of primitive Babylonian languages. He asserts that when the other languages have since been mixed up with other languages, Afaan Oromo in Ethiopia and Mahra in South Arabia have been able to maintain their purity without significant changes. As he put it:
In regard to the language of the primitive Babylonians, the vocabulary is undoubtedly Cushite (Cush Ethiopia), belong to that of tongue which in the sequel were everywhere more or less mixed up with the Semetic languages, but of which we have probably the purest modern specimens is the Mahra of South Arabia and the [Oromo] of Ethiopia (John G. Jackson, 1974)
Šihãb ad Din Ahmad bin Abd al-Qãder, Chronicler of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahm al-Gahz and an Arab writer, indicates that the Yejjuu Oromo had been well established in Walloo before the war of Imam Ahmad bin Ibrahim alGahz. According to Šihãb ad Din, the Imam ordered his soldiers to speak only Yejjuu (Oromo) language as the area was populated by the Yejjuu Oromo. Even, the Imam recruited more than three thousand Yejjuu Oromo into his soldiers (Lester Stenhouse, 2003). This indicates that Afaan Oromo was a popular language in northern Ethiopia before the alleged Oromo expansion of the sixteenth century began. Similarly, Abbaa Bahrey (1993) who is said to have been the author of “Zenaw Lahula (Oromo)” written in 1593 employed many Oromo names and terminologies like gadaa, malbaa, muudana, Tuulama, Maccaa, Galaan, walaabuu and many cultural concepts. Moreover, the book leads us to raise an argument that there was at least one person who knew both Geez and Oromo languages to have produced the book. Otherwise, as Jan Vansina (1995) states it is difficult for someone to collect oral tradition of the society whose language he/ she did not know. At the very least, it would have been impossible to get oral information embodied in the book without Abbaa Bahrey’s using the services of Oromo with good knowledge of the Geez language. Whether Abbaa Bahrey knew Oromo or used the services of others, the literature of the book written by him is another instance of an indirect entrance of Oromo into written literature. Early Printed Sources of Written Oromo Language In the middle of seventeen century, Hiob Ludolf, in his linguistic production, wrote a few Oromo words with its parallel translation in Geez and Latin. According to Ludolf (1682), the Oromo words were told to him by Abbaa Gregory between 1652 and 1658 which again gives clue that Abbaa Gregory was well versed in Oromo language. This book in which Oromo words were written appeared in 1682. It is the first written words of the Oromo language we have at our disposal. James Bruce, who visited Ethiopia, did some work related to Afaan Oromo. (Jumce Bruce, No year of publication) In his journey to discover the Source of Blue Nile, Bruce had the opportunity to be among the Oromo of Walloo. Bruce was the first traveler and second European writer next to Hiob Ludolf to record the Oromo language in his account as one of the major languages he had come across. According to his report, he had wished to get ready made written literature for the languages; but he points out that he could not get even one because of the traditional law that forbade the translation of any religious documents into any language other than Geez (Ibid.). The act was religiously condemned and became immoral. As he puts it: …there is an old law in this country (Ethiopia), handed down by tradition only, that whoever should attempt to translate the holy scripture into Amharic, or any other language, his throat should be cut after the manner in which they kill sheep, his family sold to slavery, and his house razed to ground…it was great obstacle to me in getting those translations of the song of Solomon made which I intended for specimens of different language of those distinct relations (Ibid.). Daringly breaking that traditional law, he translated Solomon’s alleged praise for the Queen of Sheba into Afaan Oromo by using Geez characters on a page of his work. This is the second early tangible evidence of the beginning of writing in Afaan Oromo. Afaan Oromo was a palace language during the reign of Iyoas who was monolingual in Afaan Oromo (Richard Greenfield, 1965). The employment of 3,000 soldiers as palace guards (Tesfaye Zergaw, 2001; Trimngham, John, 1965) helped to make Afaan Oromo virtually the official language of the palace (Martial De Slavic, 2008).
The occupation of the position of Ras Bitwedid by the Yejjuu lords from the middle of 1770 onwards (Ibid.). Further exalted the use of Oromo language in the state system. On the other hand, many Oromos who were sold into slavery attempted to make Afaan Oromo popular under the opportunities got to be Christian preachers (Ibid.). Although the origin of Alaqa Zannab, Chronicler of emperor Tewodros, there were many freed Oromo slaves participated in the translation of the scripture before the popular Abba Gammachis (Onesmos Nasib), Zannab , Ruufoo, Waaree, Jagaa, Soolaan and Liban (Wolbert Smidt, 2002) are few among many. The translation of the Scriptures into Oromo language continued. On June 30, 1877, Menilek ordered Alaqa Zannab to translate the books of Jeshewa, Judge Ruth, and Samuel to use the translation for himself for revision after Hebrew. However, the works did not see light of the day due to the death of Krapf, who used to publish Alaqa Zannab’s works, in 1881 and the unstable political situation between the interior and the coast. Nevertheless, R. Pankhurst, who has written about these materials, does not explain why Menilek II preferred Afaan Oromo to Amharic for the revision of the Hebrew Bible (Pankhurst, 1976). But the reason is clearly stated by Hudeson “It is a curious fact that, although so many of the great Abyssinian officers are pure [Oromo], and although nearly every Abyssinian know[s] [Oromo] as well as Amharic, yet they do not care to speak [Oromo] in public. This can only be ascribed to a kind of false pride, as in private they will talk it readily” (Hudeson and Walker, 1922). To have indigenous religious scholars who could study Oromo language scientifically and translate the religious scripture into the language, the Catholic missionaries invested lots of their efforts on Afaan Oromo. Abbaa Massaja intensively continued to request the opening of (Oromo) College in France. It was great for Massaja to get land for the construction of (Oromo) College on 18 January 1866 in Marseille. On 15th April, 1866, St. Michael Oromo College was officially inaugurated by Massaja Marseille, France. By February 1869, the college was reported to have enrolled about twenty-nine Oromo students collected especially from ransom slaves (Abba Antonios Alberto, 1998). For the first three years, the Oromo College was functional to teach theology and linguistics with the focus on Oromo language under the direction of Fr. Emanuel and Louis de Gonzangue Lassere. However, it was unfortunate that the Oromo students of the College could not acclimatize well with the weather and many of them died (Ibid.). This forced Massaja to try to establish another College in the homeland of the students in order to fulfill the pastoral missions of the vicariate. Following his requests, the Capuchin of propaganda Fide allowed Massaja to build another (Oromo) College in the Oromo country in 1868. As soon as he received the letter of permission, Massaja left for Shawaa accompanied by his four Marseille Oromo students and instructors. After forty-eight days of tiresome journey, they reached Liche, the king’s court at the time on March 11, 1868 (Ibid.). Based on Menilek’s advice Massaja sent Fr. Tuarin, the vice-perfect of the mission to Finfinnee with some of the Oromo students on 11 September 1868. Immediately they began constructing Catholic Church of St. Marry at Birbirsaa with the assistance of some Oromo people (Ibid.). Birbirsaa (Oromo) College was officially inaugurated on 25 July 1869. The former instructor of the Marseille Oromo College, Fr. Emanuel and Fr. Louis de’ Gonzague were sent to teach at the college but Fr. Emanuel died on the way to Shawa. Louis de’ Gonzague became the director of (Oromo) college of Birbirsaa in 1873 (Ibid.). At this College, Fr. Tuarin prepared religious texts in Oromo language for church and academic services. Attempts were made to produce religious and academic literature both in Oromo language (Ibid.). At the college, many recruits and some freed Oromo slaves, enrolled and became literate. The trained Oromo also participated in productions and translations of Oromo language literature as both writers and assistants to the foreigners. Nonetheless, the progress of Catholic Missionaries’ expansion and its roles in the development of written Oromo literature were impeded by Emperor Yohannes’s suspicious policy of king Menilek’s secrete contact with the Europeans. Yohannes feared that Menilek might have earned ample firearms through the contact.
Consequently, Yohannes ordered Menilek to stop contacting Europeans independently and the two sealed this in one of the articles of the Liche Agreement signed in 1878. The agreement forced Menilek to expel Europeans including all the Catholic missionaries from Shawaa. (Elio Ficquet, 2003) After thirty years of evangelical activity and Oromo language study in Ethiopia, Massaja was expelled (Tewelde Beyene, 2003). The mission station and the (Oromo) College of Birbirsaa had to close down. In 1897, the St. George Church was built on the site of the college by the order of Menilek (Alberto, 1998). Despite these challenges and obstacles, the catholic missionaries had never given up their mission of evangelizing the Oromo and translating books into Oromo language. Mgr. Cahagne, who became Vicariate Apostolic of the Oromo following the resignation of Massaja on 3 October 1879, designed another way to enter the Oromo land. Mgr. Cahagne and his compatriots were able to pass through Zeila and established themselves at Harar in 1881. In Harar, they established two schools; one for freed slaves and the other for missionaries. In both schools Afaan Oromo and Arabic languages were intensively given. Fr. Andre Jarosseau was busy in studying Afaan Oromo and Arabic in Harar during 1882- 1883, which could be a key for his future apostolate among the Oromo. (Kevin, O’Mahone, and Wolbert Smidt, 2003). Parallel with the establishment Oromo College and missionary station, the Catholic Missionaries embarked on collecting Oromo words, studying its grammar. They also translated their religious scriptures into Oromo language. In addition to the 1853 of catechism translation, Abbaa Jacob had translated the gospel of Matthew into Oromo language. He published the book which was 135 pages long at the printing house of Banasfus in Carcassonne in 1900. The main constituent of the translation is 28 chapters of Matthew, Morning and Evening Prayers, Revelation of Sin, and the Ten Commandments. Like his translation of 1853, the book has the problem of precise representation of Oromo sounds which is difficult only for the non-native learners but also for the natives themselves. His orthographical usage is based on the accent of French language. Otherwise, Jacobi had the concept of Oromo words that are long or stressed (Abba Antonios Alberto, 1998). The attempt of translating and composing Oromo language continued. In 1887, Ettore Viterbo an Italian scholar published Afaan Oromo grammar in Italian language under the title Grammatica Della Lingua Oromonica in Ermanno. The grammar consists of about 397 pages majority of which is devoted to the discussion in Italian language. The first hundred pages are devoted to Oromo grammar, from 103- 266 to Oromo-Italian and from 267-397 to ItalianOromo vocabularies where as the rest is left for Kaficho, Yem and the other Southern nations’ grammar. In the book Oromo words, phrases and sentences written in Latin script are cited as an example under each explanation of the grammar with it transcriptions into Italy. As he states in his grammar, his Oromo-Italian and Italian-Oromo bilingual vocabularies were aimed at easing twoway translations that was to benefit both the Oromo and Italian speakers. (Abune Jacobi, 1900) Nonetheless, as his approach of both the grammar and the vocabularies orthographic representation of Oromo sounds are the corruptions of Italian sounding system that it is difficult to pronounce Oromo words correctly for both the Oromo and nonnatives. Similarly, Franz Praetorius a German scholar, published Zur Grammaticka der Gallasparche in 1893 in Berlin. Praetorius’ 130 pages of Oromo grammar in Germany employed Geez script for the Oromo words, phrases and sentences cited in the book to show the practicality of the discussion. (Franz Praetorius, 1993) In this grammar, the focus he made on Oromo language is not worth as most part of the account is left for the German.
Conclusions
Although Oromo nation has been one of the largest ethno nations in Ethiopia, the attention given to study their language particularly from historical aspect is remains minimal. Policy of marginalization was also exercised for the purpose of building a country of one language, religion and culture. Promotion for the language was inspected and strictly forbidden. Therefore, the Oromo language in general and written Oromo literature in particular remained less studied. Until recently, Afaan Oromo lacked developed written literature and has insignificant written and printed materials. In spite of this pressures, some literate Ethiopians, foreigners, religious men and sold Oromo slaves to Europe tried to document some sketches of Afaan Oromo whenever they got any opportunity they came across. These efforts enabled us to take down the origin of written Oromo literature down to 17th century.
Kenya put to task over missing Oromo leader Dabassa Guyo Saffaro
By STELLA CHERONO, Daily Nation
The African Commission on Human and People’s Rights is seeking information from the Kenyan government over the disappearance of Oromo leader Dabassa Guyo Saffaro who was under UNHCR protection.
BANJUL – Africa’s top human rights body on Monday put Kenya to task over the disappearance of Oromo community leader Dabassa Guyo Saffaro.
Mr Saffaro, according to ACHPR Commissioner Maya Sahli Fadel, has been missing since September 27, with his family claiming the government may know where he is.
She said the Ethiopian refugee, who moved to Kenya in the early 1970s fleeing political persecution, lived in Mlolongo, Machakos County with some members of his family.
“It is alleged that the government had on several occasions accused him of being a leader of an Oromo community that practiced terror,” she said.
Mr Saffaro lived under the protection of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and was in the process of renewing his expired Kenyan identity card and travel documents when he disappeared. His family has been asking the UN refugee agency to help trace him.
The government representatives at the forum are on Tuesday, expected to respond to the questions directed to them by the commissioners who seemed to delve mainly on extrajudicial killing, access to information, freedom of the press, the rights of prisoners and the rights of persons living with disabilities.
Ironically, while Ethiopia is facing a hunger crisis and making urgent appeals for aid, tonnes of food are actually leaving the country. This illogical development is due to the fact that the regime in Addis has sold large tracts of arable land to a range of foreign investors and corporations in transactions described as “land grabs.” The process also involves “villagization,” a government-led program which entails the forcible relocation of indigenous communities from locations reserved for large, foreign-owned plantations. Reports by rights groups list a plethora of human rights violations, including murders, beatings, rapes, imprisonment, intimidation, and political coercion by the government and authorities. A report by the Oakland Institute (OI), a prominent international human rights organization, vividly describes how via “strongarm tactics reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, the Ethiopian regime has moved tens of thousands of people against their will to purpose-built communes that have inadequate food and lack health and education facilities to make way for large, foreign-owned commercial agricultural projects.” Notably, the program has also led to food insecurity, a destruction of livelihoods and the loss of cultural heritage of ethnic groups.
Food insecurity is one of the most pressing humanitarian issues in the Horn of Africa, and the situation is expected to deteriorate further over the coming months. Ethiopia, in particular, is faced with a massive crisis. According to the European Commission, “the situation in Ethiopia is at present the most alarming, where the number of food insecure people has increased from 2.9 million at the beginning of the year to 8.2 million by early October. It is foreseen that these numbers will further rise up to 15 million by the end of 2015. Rates of acute under-nutrition are well above emergency thresholds in many parts of the country, while the response to this situation is hampered by an important shortage of nutrition supplies. In the worst affected areas in the Northern, Central and Eastern regions of the country hundreds of thousands of livestock deaths are reported.” Moreover, UNICEF warns that a large number of those facing hunger will be children; approximately 5 million children will “require relief food assistance during the last quarter of 2015,” with hundreds of thousands urgently requiring treatment for acute severe malnutrition.
The crisis is largely being attributed to the El Niño weather phenomenon and the underperformance of two consecutive rainy seasons, which have combined to negatively affect the country’s agricultural harvest cycle. During the last two months, prolonged, erratic and insufficient rainfall has led to poor vegetation conditions in southern Ethiopia, and widespread drought, which has severely impacted ground conditions.
However, although environmental factors have been significant, it is important to examine the crisis within a broader framework. The roots of hunger are multidimensional and complex; beyond immediate environmental causes, hunger involves a variety of factors including, amongst others, socio-political and governance dynamics. According to scholar Tim Hitchcock, “famines aren’t about the lack of food in the world. They aren’t about the lack of aid. We know that the harvest is going to fail in Eastern Africa once every 12 to 15 years. If you have a working state and your harvest fails, you raise the cash and you buy food and ship it in, and you make sure it is distributed. You don’t allow people to starve.” In Ethiopia, “[hunger and] food insecurity stems from government failures in addressing major structural problems” (Siyoum, Hilhorst, and Van Uffelen 2012).
The European Union (EU) has provided over €1 billion in humanitarian aid to the Horn of Africa since 2011, much of which has gone to Ethiopia. Annually, Ethiopia receives hundreds of millions of dollars in aid from a variety of bilateral and multilateral sources; across the 2004-2013 period, the country was the world’s 4thlargest recipient of foreign assistance, receiving nearly US$6 billion, while in 2011 alone, its share of total global official development assistance – approximately 4 percent – placed it behind only Afghanistan. However, even while it has long-been one of the leading recipients of foreign, humanitarian, and food aid in the world, the country continues to face crises. Why? One influential factor is the debilitating mix of domestic corruption and poor governance. According to prominent development scholar and international economist Dambisa Moyo (2009), aid is often closely linked to corruption and poor governance, and “aid flows destined to help the average African…[get] used for anything, save the developmental purpose for which they were intended.” Moreover, “a constant stream of ‘free’ money is a perfect way to keep an inefficient or simply bad government in power.” In the 1980s, during widespread famine and drought, Ethiopia’s brutal Dergue regime, led by Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam, diverted millions in humanitarian aid to the military, while under the despotic rule of Meles Zenawi, aid was frequently utilized as a political tool of manipulation and repression. Several months ago, leaked emails revealed that the Ethiopian regime, which is now making appeals for aid and external support, was paying the Italian surveillance firm, Hacking Team, to illegally monitor journalists critical of the government.
Corruption and poor governance remain deeply embedded within Ethiopia’s socio-political structure, and the country consistently scores extremely poorly on the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators, especially within the areas of corruption, rule of law, and governance (Kaufmann, Kraay, and Mastruzzi 2010; World Bank 2014). The indicators, based upon a variety of perceptions-based data sources, provide measures for various states, with scores ranging from around –2.5 (low) to around 2.5 (high). Table 1 illustrates that corruption, rule of law, and governance are significant problems within Ethiopia.
Another area of considerable concern is democracy and civil liberties. Ethiopia has been consistently criticized by an array of international rights groups for its broad range of human rights abuses including its harsh repression of minorities and journalists, press censorship, draconian anti-terror laws that are utilized to silence all forms of dissent, and brutal crackdowns upon opposition groups and protestors.
According to the Polity IV Project (Marshall and Gurr 2013), which is widely used in international comparative analyses of democracy, governance, and human rights practices, Ethiopia is one of the most authoritarian, autocratic states in the world. The Polity IV Project codes the political characteristics of states, using an array of data sources, to rank states from –10, representing least democratic and most autocratic states, to 10, representing most democratic states. Table 2 displays that Ethiopia’s scores place it within the autocratic, authoritarian category. The applicability of this categorization is underscored by the fact that, mere months ago, the government in Addis Ababa won 100 percent of parliamentary seats in a widely discredited national election that involved massive irregularities and intimidation, crackdowns, and arrests of the opposition.
Importantly, scholars and analysts have pointed to the existence of an intricate relationship between democracy, civil liberty, and hunger or famine. According to internationally renowned development and human rights scholar Amartya Sen, “no democracy has ever suffered a great famine” (1999: 180-181). Specifically, Sen notes that throughout history famines have been avoided in democratic states because these states’ promotion of political and civil rights afford people the opportunity to draw forceful attention to their general needs and to demand appropriate public action through voting, criticizing, protesting, and the like. Authoritarian states, which curtail democracy and free press, sustain much less pressure to respond to the acute suffering of their people and can therefore continue with faulty policies. Sen’s discussion of many of the great famines within recent history – including those in Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, China, the former USSR, and North Korea – helps emphasize the fundamental relationship between democracy, civil liberties, and widespread famine and hunger (Sen 1999).
Ironically, while Ethiopia is facing a hunger crisis and making urgent appeals for aid, tonnes of food are actually leaving the country. This illogical development is due to the fact that the regime in Addis has sold large tracts of arable land to a range of foreign investors and corporations in transactions described as “land grabs.” The process also involves “villagization,” a government-led program which entails the forcible relocation of indigenous communities from locations reserved for large, foreign-owned plantations. Reports by rights groups list a plethora of human rights violations, including murders, beatings, rapes, imprisonment, intimidation, and political coercion by the government and authorities. A report by the Oakland Institute (OI), a prominent international human rights organization, vividly describes how via “strongarm tactics reminiscent of apartheid South Africa, the Ethiopian regime has moved tens of thousands of people against their will to purpose-built communes that have inadequate food and lack health and education facilities to make way for large, foreign-owned commercial agricultural projects.”
Notably, the program has also led to food insecurity, a destruction of livelihoods and the loss of cultural heritage of ethnic groups.
Essentially, the Ethiopian regime’s participation in “land grabs” represents a dire lack of leadership, prioritization, and proper governance. It has caused terrible disruption to local communities and greatly harmed food security in the name of economic development. Such failure is reminiscent of previous humanitarian crises in the country. As described by Mosse (1993), during the 1960s and 1970s, the nomadic Afars of Ethiopia were displaced from their pasturelands in the Awash valley. The Awash River was controlled in the 1960s to provide irrigation for Dutch, Israeli, Italian, and British firms to grow sugar and cotton. Consequently, the annual flooding of the river, which covered the valley with rich soil and provided grazing lands for the Afars, was disrupted. The Afars went in search of new pastures and attempted to make a living on the ecologically fragile uplands, which were poorly suited to their nomadic lifestyle. Cattle found less to eat and the Afars began to starve. Subsequently, when drought struck Ethiopia’s Wollo region in 1972, between 25 and 30 percent of the Afars perished. The problem was not due to particular inadequacies of the Afars – who had flourished for centuries; rather, the problem was with the attempt to develop the Afar lands and bring them into the mainstream economy, without any regard for their actual needs. Ultimately, the pursuit of economic growth or development, if not sensitive or responsive to local needs, can so damage existing local populations and communities that substantial harm, poverty, deprivation, and hunger are created as a result (Mosse 1993).
Ethiopia’s hunger crisis is an important humanitarian issue meriting immediate attention and concern. In order to fully understand the crisis it is imperative to recognize that while the environment has been an important contributing factor, a range of other structural socio-political and governance dynamics, including corruption, the lack of rule of law or democracy, poor governance, failures in long-term planning, and misplaced national and development priorities have also been highly influential.
International Indigenous Terra Madre-2015 (an international gathering of indigenous cultural communities organized by Indigenous Partnership) started in Shillong University, India. It brings over a 100 national groups and tribes from 58 countries across the world-already kicked off on 3rd November 2015 in Shillong, Meghalaya, India. The event will run till 7th of November 2015. Oromo representatives from Ethiopia and Kenya among the cultural crew showcasing their ingenious heritages on the international event.
600 International Delegates at Indigenous Terra Madre 2015, Including Ethiopian Tribes and Communities 23 Oct 15
Representatives of Ethiopian tribes and communities will contribute to the event by sharing their knowledge and experiences
A large delegation of representatives of indigenous communities from the Slow Food Terra Madre network and beyond will be participating in Indigenous Terra Madre (ITM 2015), which will take place from November 3 to 7, 2015 in Shillong (Meghalaya, India). The event is the result of a collaboration between Slow Food, the Indigenous Partnership for Agrobiodiversity and Food Sovereignty (Indigenous Partnership) and the North East Slow Food and Agrobiodiversity Society(NESFAS).
International representatives will be coming to the event from five continents, from 14 Africancountries, 17Asian countries, 8 European countries, 12 American countries and 7 Oceaniancountries.
Representatives from several Ethiopian communities will be attending:
– the Konso community (south-central Ethiopia). The origins of Konso culture are intertwined with the domestication of the moringa tree and its introduction in the highlands. Moringa leaves have joined the Slow Food Ark of Taste. The trees provide shade for coffee, the most valuable cash crop in the highlands. In fact the association of the two plants, moringa and coffee, exists only in the Konso area as it is a specific cultural expression of the deep link between the Konso and their ecosystem.
– the Hortribe (southwest Ethiopia, north of Lake Stephanie Basi). An agro-pastoral community with a population of 6,000, mainly pastoralists and fishers. They plant different type of sorghum and raise sheep, goats and cattle, acting as custodians of rare local varieties.
– the Guji-Oromo community (Guji zone in the Oromia region). They are among the indigenous Oromo tribes sharing borders with the Sidama, Gedeo and other ethnic groups in southeastern part of the country. The Guji people are pastoralists in lowland areas and farmers in the highlands. In the highlands they produce honey, coffee, cereals and other crops, whereas in lowland they raise camels, sheep, goat and cattle. They govern themselves using the Gada system.
– the Gedeo community (southern Ethiopia between the Sidama and Boran zone of the Oromia region). They are sedentary cultivators, focusing on a food crop, ensete (Ethiopian banana), and a cash crop, coffee. They are unique among the ensete-growing peoples, as they plant the ensete, elsewhere largely a homestead crop, in the fields. They are the only people to intercrop their ensete with coffee. The Gedeo are also renowned for their conservation of natural resources. Using ensete, the Gedeo are able to produce food, livestock feed and wood from the same plot.
– the Hadiya community. Mainly shifting cultivators.
– the Gamo community. They are agro-pastoralist people and grow cereals, root crops and livestock on a mountain landscape.
Representatives of several groups and organizations from Ethiopia will also attend the event, including the Woyera-Moringa Suppliers Association (a cooperative which unites mostly female members of the Konso community who work with moringa leaves); the Baaboo (a local NGO which focuses on ensete development—planting, processing, and marketing—and on Gedeo ensete cuisines; the Tena Agar Traditional Foods and Utensils Protection and Promotion Association (established in 2011, it studies, documents, promotes and supports the production, preparation, supply and distribution of traditional foods and drinks and their utensils); the Daanchee Gedeo Ensete Cuisines Baaboo Development & Relief Association (whose mission is to promote Gedeo ensete cuisines through food shows, cultural events and its mobile kitchen) and Addis Ababa University.
Indigenous Terra Madre 2015 gratefully acknowledges funding support from the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), The Christensen Fund and the Government of Meghalaya. Indigenous Terra Madre 2015 is also thankful for the contributions made by Tamalpais Trust, Swift Foundation,AgroEcology Fund, Bread for the World and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO).
Terra Madre is a worldwide network, launched by Slow Food in 2004, which unites small-scale producers from 163 countries involved in the sustainable production of food. Among these, to date the Indigenous Terra Madre Network comprises 372 indigenous food communities, 41 indigenous Presidia projectsand308 indigenous Ark of Taste products. For more information:http://slowfood.com/international/149/indigenous-terra-madre-network
Slow Food involves over a million of people dedicated to and passionate about good, clean and fair food. This includes chefs, youth, activists, farmers, fishers, experts and academics in over 158 countries; a network of around 100,000 Slow Food members linked to 1,500 local chapters worldwide (known as convivia), contributing through their membership fee, as well as the events and campaigns they organize; and over 2,500 Terra Madre food communities who practice small-scale and sustainable production of quality food around the world.
The following is a call for papers from the International Oromo Lawyers Association (IOLA).
INTERNATIONAL OROMO LAWYERS ASSOCIATION (IOLA)
12711 Mankato Street NE Blaine, MN 55449; USA
Email: iola@oromolawyers.org
IOLA call for Papers: Mid-Year Conference London, 1 April, 2016
Theme: The State of Rule of law, Human Rights and Democracy in Ethiopia
Continuous efforts have been made to create a modern state and the legal basis that underpins its formation in Ethiopia for about one century. The adoption of the 1930 constitution and the 1955 revised constitution which is followed by series of law making attempts that produced half a dozen of codified laws over a space of 10 years in the mid twentieth century. The 1991 Transitional Charter and more importantly, the 1995 constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia could be taken as one of the most radical marking point and complete departure from the past in the legal and political history of Ethiopia. This new constitution brought about a new state formation and instituted the formation of nine Regional States with their respective state structures. Politicians and the academia fiercely debate on the legal and political implication of the rights of the nations and nationalities enshrined in this constitution.
IOLA seeks to reflect on the underlying reasons that necessitated the adoption of major legal documents that constitute today’s Ethiopia and to discuss the level of success of such legislative attempts. It would like to take the opportunity to reflect on the legacies of past and present constitutive moments.
With that in mind, IOLA would like to invite interested individuals from the academia and politics to present research papers in which they attempt to explore recurring theoretical and empirical issues that have dominated the Ethiopian political landscape from different disciplinary perspectives.
Possible topics include, but not limited to:
– The power relationship between the Centre (Federal) and its constituting Regional Sates under the 1995 FDRE Constitution: theory and practice;
– The position of Oromia Regional State regarding the capital city (Addis Ababa or Finfinnee);
– Electoral politics in Ethiopia: the role of the opposition and civil society;
– Federalism as a solution for Self-determination of people/nations;
– The current state of law enforcement and justice systems in Ethiopia: comparative analysis to the rule of law and universal human rights norms;
– Freedom of the press and the media landscape in contemporary Ethiopia.
Interested participants are urged to submit their respective abstracts and a biography of no more than 150 words to iola@oromolawyers.org by 30th December 2015. A limited number of partial bursaries towards travel/accommodation may be available for participants from Ethiopia.
Call for Papers | OSA’s Midyear Conference to stay in Europe | London will host the conference on April 2 & 3, 2016
The Oromo Studies Association’s (OSA’s) 2016 Midyear conference will take place at the London School of Economics (LSE) in London on April 2 and 3; the following is the Call for Papers (keep in mind the deadlines, and act accordingly). The theme of the Conference will be “The Oromo in the Global Political Economy.” For the latest update, visitOromoStudies.org
OROMO STUDIES ASSOCIATION – 2016 MIDYEAR CONFERENCE
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE (LSE), LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM
APRIL 2-3, 2016
CALL FOR PAPERS
THEME: The Oromo in the Global Political Economy
The Oromo Studies Association invites paper abstracts and panel proposals for its 2016 midyear conference to be held at the London School of Economics (LSE) in collaboration with the LSE Africa Initiative.
The conference provides a platform for examining major changes, challenges and opportunities that impact the Oromo via the global political economy. The theme sets a broader context in which to examine the power dynamics and major actors and beneficiaries of global political economy in Ethiopia. We are also interested to examine how these dynamics and actors inform the questions of economic and political justice, history, law, leadership, and environmental challenges. Global trade, finance, and geopolitical interests over the last few decades seem to have shaped both inter-state relations and regional political economy. From the Oromo perspective, these subjects are critical to the process of mapping knowledge across multiple disciplines with a view to seeking direct global alliances and partnerships.
Research papers are sought for this midyear conference that builds on existing scholarship and research generated within Oromo Studies. Panels and papers should concentrate on a deeper understanding of structures, trends, theoretical and analytical tools that explore pressing issues in global political economy on multiple levels related to the Oromo in Ethiopia.
The event presents an opportunity to explore unique and exciting themes that will broaden understanding of the Oromo nation through research and dissemination of findings globally. With such a diverse range of interest focusing on the Oromo in global political economy, the famous London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) presents an excellent ideal academic environment for OSA’s midyear conference.
Please submit an abstract no more than 200 words proposing a paper or panel. Themes of the conference include:
– The place of the Oromo in the geopolitics of the Horn;
– Federalism; Oromo land and property security: natural resource ownership;
– Economic justice, state/party-capitalism and conglomerates in Ethiopia;
– The ‘developmental state, constitution and constitutionalism
– China-Africa Trade Policy and Implication for the Oromo
– Global events/turning points in modern history & the Oromo, 1935/36, 1974, 1991)
– Imperial Ethiopia, local alliances and global connections;
– Finfinnee, Oromo hinterlands and the fate of Oromo national identity;
– Climate change and its impact on ecological health, sustainable development, renewable energy in Oromia;
– Historical wrongs and the pursuit of justice and reconciliation;
– Regional networks, alliances & political projects: the Oromo & the rest of the South
– Ethiopia’s counter-archives: narrative, memory, history
– The identity/alterity nexus in the Oromo-Ethiopia dualism
– The politics of othering and the othering of politics
– The next chapter in the political economy of Oromia and Ethiopia
– Other topics related to the conference theme are welcome …
We look forward to papers addressing the various themes based on empirical data and research findings that will sharpen the values and perspectives of Oromo studies and scholarship. Specifically, we encourage papers from Oromia/Ethiopia.
ABSTRACT DEADLINE:
o Please submit abstracts of no more than 200 words on or before November 30, 2015 by midnight (US Eastern Standard Time) using the OSA online submission form prepared for this purpose. Please follow this link to submit your abstract. Preference will be given to early submissions.
OSA will inform you the decision on whether your abstract has been accepted no later than December 15, 2015.
DEADLINE FOR PAPER SUBMISSION:
o A draft paper of no more than 8000 words will be due by March 20, 2016 (Midnight US Eastern Time).
ENQUIRY:
If you have any question about the conference, please send an email to Henok G. Gabisa, President of Oromo Studies Association at admin@oromostudies.org or GabisaH@wlu.edu
Journalist Martin Schibbye who was imprisoned in Ethiopia together with his colleague Johan Persson heard strange noises.In the next cell was subjected dissident poet and his cellmate Chala Hailu Abata of torture. They got in touch and it was the start of a friendship that eventually took Martin and Chala to Färila in Hälsingland.
Ethiopia ranked 126 out of 142 countries on a new prosperity index, and 137th in a sub-category that measures Entrepreneurship & opportunity. The index ranked Ethiopia 132nd in education.
The index was released by the London based The Legatum Institute on 2nd November 2015. According to the institute, the index assesses how prosperous an economy is based on more than just macroeconomic factors – it also takes into account wellbeing. Using rigorous research and in-depth analysis, the Index ranks countries based on their performance in eight sub‐indices—Economy, Entrepreneurship & Opportunity, Governance, Education, Personal Freedom, Health, Safety & Security and Social Capital.
The Index assesses 142 countries, representing more than 96% of the world’s population and 99% of the world’s GDP.
The latest ranking has named Norway as the world’s most prosperous economy. Norway topped the list for the seventh consecutive year. Along with Norway, three other Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Sweden, and Finland) made the top 10, and Iceland (another Scandinavian country) coming in at number 12, behind the United States, in the top 20.
Ethiopia ranks 126, coming in at 17 of the bottom 20 least most prosperous countries. Ethiopia is ranked between Nigeria (125th) and Republic of Congo (127). The bottom 20 nations are mostly sub Saharan African countries, with the exception of countries like Afghanistan (141), Syria (136), Yemen (135), Pakistan (130), and Iraq (123).
The least prosperous nation of all the 142 nations sampled for the second year in a row is the Central African Republic.
In terms of specific sub categories of performance, the following countries were ranked number 1 in the world:
1. Economy: Singapore
2. Entrepreneurship& Opportunity: Sweden
3. Governance: Switzerland
4. Education: Australia
5. Health: UnitedStates
6. Safety & Security: HongKong
7. PersonalFreedom: Canada
8. SocialCapital: NewZealand
See interactive rankings table in the following link:-
The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) has written a letter to the various organs of the Ethiopian government – urging the government to stop the genocidal Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) Master Plan, whose goal is to evict millions of Oromo farmers from their ancestral land in the name of ‘development’ around the city of Finfinne; in the same letter, OFC has also urged the Ethiopian government to respect the constitutional rights of the people, especially Article-49 of the Constitution – which deals with the special interests of the State of Oromia over Finfinnee.
OFC will also hold a public meeting in Burraayyuu town in Oromia at the town’s stadium on Sunday, 8th November 2015 – from 9am to 1pm to discuss with the public about the genocidal Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) Master Plan.
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