Economic and development analysis: Perspectives on economics, society, development, freedom & social justice. Leading issues in Oromo, Oromia, Africa & world affairs. Oromo News. African News. world News. Views. Formerly Oromia Quarterly
Understanding Resilience Dimensions and Adaptive Strategies to the Impact of Recurrent Droughts in Borana Zone, Oromia Region, Ethiopia: A Grounded Theory Approach
By Zewdie Birhanu, Argaw Ambelu, Negalign Berhanu, Abraraw Tesfaye, and Kifle Woldemichaelm, Jimma University, International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health
Recurrent shocks and stresses are increasingly deteriorating pastoralist communities’ resilience capacities in many aspects. A context specific resilience framework is essential to strengthen pastoralist community’s resilience capacity towards the impact of recurrent drought. Hence, the present study was aimed to develop a context specific and data driven resilience building framework towards impacts of recurrent droughts in the case of Borana pastoralists in Ethiopia. Qualitative grounded theory approach was employed to guide the study process. The data were collected through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews in two drought affected districts of Borana Zone during October 2013. The analysis was assisted by ATLAS. ti 7.1.4. The analysis provided a context specific resilience building conceptual tool, which consists of, closely interconnected, eight dimensions operating at multiple capacities and levels: environment (underlying vulnerability factor); livestock, infrastructures/social services, and wealth (immediate causes and effects); community network/social capital, as well as governance, peace and security (support and enabling factors oriented), psychosocial, and human capital (as eventual outcomes and impacts). The resilience capacities of these pastoralist communities have been eroded, leaving them without sufficient and effective adaptive strategies. The emergent resilience framework can serve as a useful guidance to design context-specific interventions that makes the people and the system resilient to the impacts of recurrent droughts. Click here to view the full Article: Understanding Resilience Dimensions and Adaptive Strategies to the Impact of Recurrent Drought in Borana Zone, Oromia.
Indigenous Federation: The Case of Borana Oromo, Ethiopia
This article draws attention to the Borana Oromo gadaa system as an Indigenous federation. Gadaa is an Indigenous democratic political system used by the Oromo in which leaders are elected and their term in office is strictly fixed. Data for this research were generated through interviews, observations, and focus group discussions. The findings of this research indicate that the Borana have three gadaa councils at two levels: one at the center for the entire Borana and two named after two Borana clans. The later have relative autonomy under the cardinal law of the Borana gadaa. This structure has been serving as a means of managing conflict, maintaining internal unity, and ensuring better governance and power devolution. Finally, suggestions are made on how to support Indigenous governance systems, which in this case includes acknowledging the values and principles of the gadaa system, as well as designing a legal framework that retains and protects the integrity and legitimacy of the system.
I would like to acknowledge several individuals and institutes for they contributed to the success of this work. The Volkswagen Foundation sponsored my PhD study through the project entitled “Traveling Models of Conflict Management.” I was able to generate part of the data for this article during my stay in the field as part of my dissertation. Being sponsored by Jimma University, I was also able to attend the 40th Gumii Gaayoo in the summer 2012. Furthermore, Jimma University sponsored a research project entitled “Borana’s Response to Local and Global Changes: Amending Gadaa Law” in 2013/14, which enabled me to collect enriching data on the issue under discussion. I must express my deepest thanks to the Borana Elders and ritual leaders who assisted me accessing important information on Borana gadaa federation. Click here to read the full article: Indigenous Federation: The Case of Borana Oromo, in International Indigenous Policy Journal
TPLF Ethiopia’s Somali Liyu Police and the federal defence forces jointly invaded Oromia and currently conducting their ethnic cleansing in five Oromia Zones and 14 Districts. The following are some of the Oromia’s districts currently under attack:
i. Qumbi, Cinaksan, Midhaga Tola, Gursum, Mayu Muluqe and Babile in East Hararghe Zone;
ii. Bordode in West Hararghe Zone;
iii. Dawe Sarar, Sawena, Mada Walabu and Rayitu in Bale Zone;
iv. Gumi Eldelo and Liban in Guji Zone; and
v. Moyale in Borana
“#LIYUU POOLISII AJAJNI ISII WAYYAANEDHA…
Ummata keenya kan Daangarratti argamu kan Somaalee itti diree kan ajjeesisaa fi saamsisaa jiru, TPLF tahuun beekkamaadha.
Humni nama keenyaa naannawa daangaa hundaatin akka darratu ( meeshaa lolaa, Waan akka Mancaa fi kkf akka irraa guuramu) kan godhe ergamtoota OPDOti. Wayyaaneen ummanni oromoo yoo qawwee qabaachuu baatellee Meeshaa qonnaaf itti gargaaramaniin Somaalee ofirraa dhoorkuu akka danda’an waan beekaniif, OPDO Keessan akka ummanni oromoo mi’a tokkollee hin horre irratti dalagamaa ture. Wanni kana go dhaniif, mormii biyya keessaa muddee isaan qabe kana gufachiisuf gurri oromoo akka gara wayyaanee dhiisee gara Liyuu poolisii deebi’u gochuufi. Hangasan isaan hafuura akka fudhataniifi. Haalli kun waan amma qofa godhame osoo hin tahin, yeruma ummanni keenya biyya keessaa qabsoo finiinsee wayyaanee hudhe hunda waan godhamaa ture.
Gochi Torbaan kana NAANNOO #Cinaaksan, Gursum walumaa galatti Ona Jaarsoo fi Baabbilee kanatti tahaa jirus kan duraan godhamaa turerraa addaa miti. Wanni torbee kana Liyuu poolisii ummatatti bobbaasaniifis, MORMII UMMANNI KEENYA MARSAA 3FFAA godhuuf qophaawaa jiru sodaatteeti wayyaaneen humna teenya bittinneessuun kana eegalte.
OPDO n Ergamtuu wayyaanee waan taatef, Afaan isaanii dhugaa seetanii hin sobaminaa,
Dheengadduma Bulchaan OPDO #Lammaa Magarsaa baantan #Gursundhaqee amma booda Somaalen isin hin tuyxu je’ee Waadaa ummataaf galee, Gaala badhaasanii biraa gale.
Guyyaan itti aanu kanuma #Ganda Ulaan’ulaatti nama keenya qe’ee isaanii irratti hidhanii tumaa, Saamaa jiran namuu argaa jirra.
Silaa opdon tun jiraatuu baattee hunda diinatti beekeeti sabni keenya ulelleen tahu diina ofirraa dhoorka. Amma kan ummata keenya meeshaa akkan horre godhaa turee fi jirus Opdo dha. Yoo duraan hubachullee baate, ummanne keenya Bulchiinsi OPDO Haada diina duratti isaan Gaadi’u tahuu hubatanii, akka haalli isaanii aanjawetti, Mancaa, Qawwee, Eeboo, Shimala, dhagaas dabalatee ofirraa qolachuu qaba.
Duulli Liyuu poolisin gootu kun kan Daangaa Oromiyaa kan Naannoo Shaniitin Waldaangessu Tahuu ummanni keenya ni beeka. (Baabbile, Gursum, Erer, Mi’eesso, Bordodde, Baale, Booranaa fi kkf, …)
Jeeqaa turuun isaanii ni yaadatama, ammas ummanni keenya kan naannoo kanaa bifa Qophii fi Bayyanootaa taheen ofirraa eeguu qaba. Namoonni biyya alaa jirus Kan gara Leeccallootin Ummata gargaarsa rabbii malee homaa hin qabne kana bifa danda’ameen akka hidhatan hatattamaan itti yaadamuufii qaba.
Galatoomaa! Injifannoon kan Abbaa Haqa qabuuti.
S/A”
Guyyaa kaleessaa woraanii somalee Aanaa cinaaqseenitti gandootaa Araddaa ulaan ulee hedduu tooyatee jira. Mana barnootaa kaampii woraanaa godhatee jira. Dubartoon hedduu fudhatamaniiru. Ummatni halkani edaa gaaratti galeera.
Aanaa Gursumitti Araddootaa seenaa qabeessaa akka Hujubaa funyaan biraa keessaatti kan argamani gandootiin babadhaan 8 qabamaniiru. gandootii kana keessaa somaaleen tokkoollee hin jiru. somaaleenillee gaafii irratti hin dhiyeessinee.
Aanaa Aanaa baabbileetti guyyootaa sadani darbani keessaa qofa somaalooni kuma 100 oli ta’ani maqaa godaantuun qubataniiru.
Amma magaalaa Baabbilee keessaatti hojjatoonii mootummaa jibuuti kan sooramaa bahani maneen viillaa 1320 magaalaa Baabbileetti ijaarataniiru isaani kan eeguu humna woraanaa somaaleeti
woraanaa somaaleetiifi baajetaa, uffataa , meeshaa woraanaa kan kennu mootummaa Jibuutiit.
****DAANGAA OROMIYAA FI LIYYUU POOLISII SOMAALEE****
Uummatni kenya kan naannoo Harargee yeroo ammaatti jiruu hadhaawaa keessa jira. Ajjeechaan keessaa fi allan itti hammateera. Keessaan bittaa wayyaanee, alaan ajjeechaa Liyu Police Somalee kan meeshaa ammayyaa hidhateen ajjeefamaa jira. Kun maali?
1. Liyu Polisii Somalee kan jedhan kun, ergamoota wayyaaneeti (paramilitary) kan jedhan. Fakkeenyaaf, lola Sudan fi South Sudan gidduutti gaggeeffamaa kan ture wayita jabaatee turetti, President Omar Al-Bashi qaama milishaa Janjaweed jedhamu leenjisee uummata South Sudan kumaatamootan lakkaa’am ficciisiise. Kun maalif? Itti gaafatamummaa gara boodaa dhufuu malu jalaa baqachuuf jecha akka waan qaamni waraanaa kun kan mootummaa hinta’inii fakkeessuudha. Mootummootni abba irree Afiriikaa hedduun qaamollee milishaa kan akka mercenery fi paramilitay jedhaman dhoksaatti leenjisani uummata karaa nagaa biyya keessaa isaaniin mormu itti ficcisiisu.
Mormii uummatni Oromoo waggoota dhihoo as keessatti wayyaanee irratti gaggeessaa jiru wayyaanee kuffisuu akka danda’u jarri haalaan hubattee jirti. Kanumaaf jecha, xiyyeeffannoon uummataa mormii biyya keessaa (internal protest) irraa gara daangaatti (border conflict) jijjiiruudhaan diinni uummata Oromo Wayyaanee osoo hinta’in Liyyuu Poolisii qofa akka ta’e fakkeessuf jecha qindaa’ee kan gaggeeffamaa jiru fakkaata.
Torban ykn ji’a muraasa booda, uummatni keenya hedduun dhumee kaan erga dadhabeen booda, wayyaneen as baate, jaarsummaa taa’uudhaan Mootummaa naannoo Somaale (Abdi Ilee) fi Oromiyaa (Lammaa Magarsaa) walitti araarsuuf teessi. Ofii isheetii wayyaaneen qaama qulqulluu fakkaachuun araara sobaa buufti jechuudha. Akkas natti fakkaata.
2. Haata’u malee, uummatni keenya kan hubachuu qabu, Liyyuu poolisii kan baajata itti baasee leenjisaa jiruu fi hidhachiisaa kan jiru Wayyaaneedha. Liyuu Poolisii jechuun wayyaanee jechuudha. Lola uummatni keenya gaggeessa jiru Wayyaanee waliin jechuudha.
3. Qondaltotni OPDO haarawaan kan akka Lammaa, Addisuu, Abiy etc yoo ilaallee isaan illee lola daangaa irratti Liyyuu Poolisiin gaggeessa jirtu haalaan waan isaan gammachiisu natti fakkaata. Maaliif yoo jettan? Lammaa fi kaabineen isaa ji’a 6 darbee keessa abdii sobaa erga uummatatti guutaniin booda, deebii uummataa deebisuu akka hindandeenye hubataniiru. Nyaatamuu akka danda’an illee hubataniiru. Kanaaf, tarsiimoo isaan ittiin mootummaa irra turuu danda’an tokko yoo jiraate ajjeechaa fi darara daangaa Oromo kana uruursaa ittiin uummata Oromoo gowomsaa yoo turan qofa. Gaaffii uummatni keenya siyaasa biyya keessaa mormaa jiru irraa xiyyeeffannoo (attention) kaasuudhaan gara siyaasa daangaatti waan geessuuf, mormii biyya keessaa irraa boqonnaa arganna jedhanii waan yaadan natti fakkaata.
4. Furmaatni maali? Wayyaaneen yoo hinjirre, Liyyuu Poolisiin hinjirtu. Wayyaaneen yoo hinjirre, OPDOn hinjirtu. UUmmatni Oromo miliyoona 50 ta’u mormii biyya keessaa fi lola daangaa irratti itti baname ofirraa faccisuuf dandeettii qabaachuu qaba. Mirga uumamaa qaba. Of gurmeessee, walgurmeessee of hidhachiisuu, walhidhachiisuu qaba. The right to defend oneself from enemy is a God given right. Haallii Oromoiyaa yeroo ammaa kan duraanii irra adda.
“Beware of TPLF’s minority card
Recently you might have noticed that TPLF is propagating ‘Somalis’ protesting against OLF, G7 etc. Its important to know that these are members of the TPLF’s puppet party in Somali region ( its like OPDO and ANDM members rallying in support of the regime). In fact many of the thugs are not from Somali regional state but from Djibouti, Somalia, Somaliland and even Kenya. Back home the psychopathic president of the region has forced residents of Jigjiga to stage a rally. Why all this? First it shows the regime have given up on its puppet parties in Oromia and Amhara regions. Pro-regime rallies planned in Oromia and Amhara were either cancelled due to fear of turning into protest or no one showed up.
But there is more sinister motive than just this. It is part of the minority card TPLF leaders are trying to play as they fight for survival. Two weeks ago Seyoum Mesfin and Abay Tsehaye gave interview where they repeatedly pulled the minority card. They have two objectives in doing so. First they want to mislead and gain sympathy of the liberal international community that their minority ethnic group (Tigreans) are facing genocide from alliance of the two largest ethnic groups Oromo and Amhara. They have been telling diplomats that it’s not just Tigreans facing existential threat but also other minorities. Second, they want to implement their long held plan of ‘minority coalition’ to withstand pressure from Amhara and Oromo forces. Since the days of their armed struggle, TPLF leaders believed that the best way to cope with being outnumbered is to forge alliance (under their domination) with other minorities. The controversial map that connects Tigray with Benishangul-Gumuz and all the way down to Gambela on the West, and Afar and Somali through the East is not some simple error or latest development. It has been on the works since 1980s. Although it failed due to economic competition with Tigrean businessmen, they have also tried to bring urban minorities to their side as well.
But is TPLF an ally of minorities in Ethiopia? Its records say NO!
– Its military carried out ethnic cleansing against Ethiopian Somalis as meticulously recorded by human rights organizations. Abdi Illey was their henchmen who was facilitating the massacre.
– It massacred the Agnuwak in Gambella region in 2003 and still continue to kill in the region.
– The Sidama were massacred at Loqe in 2002.
– Entire villages in Konso are being burned down as we speak.
– The Mursi are killed en mass and those captured alive are chained like animals as might have seen on pictures
– Silte and Gurage businessmen have been pushed out of the market and replaced by Tigreans.
– Afar land is all but taken over by Tigrean land grabbers.
– On and on and on……
Yet as it faces increasing resistance in Oromo and Amhara, TPLF will be aggressively using this ‘minority card’ in the up coming weeks and months. This will be done with action that will create rift between minority ethnic groups and Oromo/Amhara. We should henceforth expect the following:
– More rallies in diaspora and targeted regions in Ethiopia with participants holding slogans that offend Oromo/Amhara.
– Intensified campaign on media using languages that provoke debate and counter attack.
– Physical attack on Oromo/Amhara activists and institutions with the aim of provoking counter attack on Somalis.
– They will intensify instigating conflict on regional boarders. We are already hearing provocation on Benishangul-Amhara boarders, Somali -Oromia boarders.
If left unchallenged, these tactics could cause serious short and long term problem between various nations of the country. Therefore, the following steps should be taken to counter that:
– Oromos and Amharas shouldn’t fall for the provocative trap. Avoid debates and arguments against Somalis and others.
– Let activists, political leaders and organizations respond to debunk them.
– Beware that the regime’s agents will engage in nasty exchanges pretending to be Oromo, Amhara, Somali etc.
– Prominent activists, political leaders should be careful against attacks by hired thugs. Community and religious institutions should be protected. In case attacks occur, the situation must be wisely contained. No doubt the regime agents in Amhara and Oromo communities will try to instigate counter attack on Somali and others. Hence no matter the severity, the possible attack on Amhara/Oromo personalities, the response should never be communal; the individual who committed the crime should be singled out and brought to justice.
Such old and tired tactic of divide and rule cannot extend TPLF’s dictatorship.”
JM: September 27-2016
Walaloo BAQQALAA GARBAA mana hidhaa Qilinxoo irraa erge
Daandiin keenya qoreen guutee
Duugdi keenya ulee quuftee
Abdiin osoo hin dhalatin
Ifa hin argin
Nurkaa duute.
Haata’uyyuu malee ni deemnaa hin dhaabbannu
Miilli nu bututes nuti abdii hin kutannu
Biyya hawwa keenyaa
Hin hankaaknu hin geenya
Karaa dheeraa sana
Bu’aa ba’ii sana
Dheebotaa beela’aa
Kukkufnee kaka’aa
Imimmaan lolaasaa
Dhiiga dhangalaasaa
Dukkana kaleessaa qabsoodhaan ibsinee
Ifa boruu arguuf har’arra dhaabbannee
Kunoo ilaalaa jirra biiftuu ba’uuf jirtu
Urjiin bilisummaa yommuu calaqqiftu.
| Economists use these skills the most | Agricultural Graders use these skills the most |
|---|---|
|
1
Number facility |
1
Trunk strength |
|
2
Mathematics |
2
Handling and moving objects |
|
3
Mathematical reasoning |
3
Manual dexterity |
|
4
Systems analysis |
4
Foreign language |
|
5
Written expression |
5
Public safety and security |
|
6
Judgment and decision making |
6
Static strength |
|
7
Oral expression |
7
Arm-hand steadiness |
|
8
Writing |
8
Controlling machines and processes |
|
9
Critical thinking |
9
Finger dexterity |
|
10
Complex problem solving |
10
Production and processing |
| Economists use these skills the least | Agricultural Graders use these skills the least |
|---|---|
|
1
Ability to focus on one sound among distractions |
1
Information ordering |
|
2
Depth perception |
2
Far vision |
|
3
Finger dexterity |
3
Pattern recognition |
|
4
Hearing sensitivity |
4
Near vision |
|
5
Visual color discrimination |
5
Making decisions and solving problems |
|
6
Multitasking |
6
Reading comprehension |
|
7
Management of material resources |
7
Active learning |
|
8
Management of financial resources |
8
Complex problem solving |
|
9
Visualization |
9
Processing information |
|
10
Selective attention |
10
Time management |
| Athletes and Sports Competitors use these skills the most | Agricultural Graders use these skills the most |
|---|---|
|
1
Explosive strength |
1
Trunk strength |
|
2
Dynamic strength |
2
Handling and moving objects |
|
3
Stamina |
3
Manual dexterity |
|
4
Gross body coordination |
4
Foreign language |
|
5
Dynamic flexibility |
5
Public safety and security |
|
6
Personnel and human resources |
6
Static strength |
|
7
Developing objectives and strategies |
7
Arm-hand steadiness |
|
8
Ability to maintain balance |
8
Controlling machines and processes |
|
9
Developing and building teams |
9
Finger dexterity |
|
10
Coaching and developing others |
10
Production and processing |
| Athletes and Sports Competitors use these skills the least | Agricultural Graders use these skills the least |
|---|---|
|
1
Equipment maintenance |
1
Information ordering |
|
2
Ability to organize groups in different ways |
2
Far vision |
|
3
Quality control analysis |
3
Pattern recognition |
|
4
Troubleshooting |
4
Near vision |
|
5
Number facility |
5
Making decisions and solving problems |
|
6
Operation and control |
6
Reading comprehension |
|
7
Mathematics |
7
Active learning |
|
8
Ability to determine where a sound comes from |
8
Complex problem solving |
|
9
Mathematical reasoning |
9
Processing information |
|
10
Science |
10
Time management |
| Taxi Drivers and Chauffeurs use these skills the most | Physicists use these skills the most |
|---|---|
|
1
Peripheral vision |
1
Physics |
|
2
Ability to determine where a sound comes from |
2
Mathematical reasoning |
|
3
Ability to react quickly in response to signals |
3
Number facility |
|
4
Ability to to time movements in anticipation of moving objects |
4
Ability to organize groups in different ways |
|
5
Night vision |
5
Information ordering |
|
6
Spatial orientation |
6
Mathematics |
|
7
Transportation |
7
Oral comprehension |
|
8
Glare sensitivity |
8
Mathematics |
|
9
Reaction time |
9
Originality |
|
10
Multitasking |
10
Speech clarity |
| Taxi Drivers and Chauffeurs use these skills the least | Physicists use these skills the least |
|---|---|
|
1
Computers and electronics |
1
Performing general physical activities |
|
2
Interacting with computers |
2
Handling and moving objects |
|
3
Education and training |
3
Operation and control |
|
4
Ability to organize groups in different ways |
4
Customer and personal service |
|
5
Management of personnel resources |
5
Production and processing |
|
6
Coordinating the work and activities of others |
6
Assisting and caring for others |
|
7
Repairing |
7
Personnel and human resources |
|
8
Information ordering |
8
Drafting, laying out and specifying technical devices, parts and equipment |
|
9
Perceptual speed |
9
Performing for or working directly with the public |
|
10
Near vision |
10
Controlling machines and processes |
BBC World Service is an international multimedia broadcaster, part of BBC News, delivering a wide range of language and regional services and working increasingly with other parts of BBC News to serve global audiences. It uses multiple platforms to reach its weekly audience of 320 million globally, including TV, digital platforms including social media, AM, FM, shortwave, digital satellite and cable channels.
As part of an historic and exciting expansion the BBC World Service is expanding its language services serving audiences in 12 new languages. All Language Services are multiplatform, with a multimedia website with a focus on digital video, text, interactivity for both desktop and mobile platforms, and a daily TV news programmes for each service.
1. To research, interview original sources and write reports, analysis and features for the BBC Afaan Oromo website in a range of formats.
2. To help produce and/or present the BBC’s live radio programme.
3. To respond to breaking stories whilst on air and to resolve technical difficulties.
4. To create content to drive the BBC Facebook page and other social media platforms.
5. To be able to conduct interviews in audio and video on request, on phone or face-to-face, with authority and in-depth knowledge about the region.
6. To ensure that all output material for which the post holder is responsible meets the standards required by the BBC.
7. To use journalistic skills and experience to suggest new angles on existing stories, means of moving the story on, and to put forward stories not yet covered.
8. To use editorial skills as appropriate to edit, write and adapt the material for the outputs on Facebook and other relevant platforms as required whilst maintaining professional journalistic standards of accuracy, impartiality and fair dealing and adhering to the BBC’s Producers guidelines.
9. To create material for all multimedia outputs, including text stories, audio bulletins and – with appropriate training – video reports for both BBC Afaan Oromo online and Facebook or other social media platforms
10. To ensure that BBC Editorial principles of balance and impartiality and all relevant legal, contractual and copyright requirements are met, referring upwards in cases of difficulty or doubt.
11. To build and maintain links with other areas of the BBC, including BBC World Service Online and BBC News, to enable the efficient production of content.
1. A full command and up to date knowledge of written and spoken Afaan Oromo.
2. A good knowledge of English, including complete comprehension of written and spoken English and the ability to communicate effectively.
3. Wide and up to date familiarity with the target area and an in-depth understanding of its history, politics, social issues and culture as well as the changing needs of the audience.
4. Recent and relevant experience as a journalist and/or reporter would be preferable but not essential.
5. Ability to write, adapt and translate with accuracy, clarity and style appropriate to differing audiences and forms of social media.
6. A good broadcasting voice and the ability to acquire an appropriate presentation.
7. Able to demonstrate a good range of contacts for interview purposes from all walks of life.
8. Good keyboard/computer skills and the ability to acquire technical skills and to operate technical equipment. Practical experience and extensive knowledge of the Internet and an understanding of the potential of new technology is essential.
9. A thorough knowledge and understanding of news and current affairs in the target area as well as a good knowledge of and interest in, international and regional affairs.
10. A thorough
Grade: Local Terms and Conditions Apply.
We don’t focus simply on what we do – we also care how we do it. Our values and the way we behave are very important to us. Please make sure you’ve read about our values and behaviours in the document attached below. You’ll be asked questions relating to them as part of your application for this role.
The BBC is committed to building a culturally diverse workforce and therefore strongly encourages applications from underrepresented groups. We are committed to equality of opportunity and welcome applications from individuals, regardless of their background.
By XenonStack, June 23, 2017
Time Series is defined as a set of observations taken at a particular period of time. For example, having a set of login details at regular interval of time of each user can be categorized as a time series. On the other hand, when the data is collected at once or irregularly, it is not taken as a time series data.
Time series data can be classified into two types –
Stock Series – It is a measure of attributes at a particular point in time and taken as a stock takes.
Flow Series – It is a measure of activity at a specific interval of time. It contains effects related to the calendar.
Time series is a sequence that is taken successively at the equally pace of time. It appears naturally in many application areas such as economics, science, environment, medicine, etc. There are many practical real life problems where data might be correlated with each other and are observed sequentially at the equal period of time. This is because, if the repeatedly observe the data at a regular interval of time, it is obvious that data would be correlated with each other.
With the use of time series, it becomes possible to imagine what will happen in the future as future event depends upon the current situation. It is useful to divide the time series into historical and validation period. The model is built to make predictions on the basis of historical data and then this model is applied to the validation set of observations. With this process, the idea is developed how the model will perform in forecasting.
Time Series is also known as the stochastic process as it represents the vector of stochastic variables observed at regular interval of time.
In order to analyze the time series data, there is a need to understand the underlying pattern of data ordered at a particular time. This pattern is composed of different components which collectively yield the set of observations of time series.
The Components of time series data are given below –
Trend
Cyclical
Seasonal
Irregular
Trend – It is a long pattern present in the time series. It produces irregular effects and can be positive, negative, linear or nonlinear. It represents the variations of low frequency and the high and medium frequency of data is filtered out from the time series.
If the time series does not contain any increasing or decreasing pattern, then time series is taken as stationary in the mean.
There are two types of the trend –
Deterministic – In this case, the effects of the shocks present in the time series are eliminated i.e. revert to the trend in long run.
Stochastic – It is the process in which the effects of shocks are never eliminated as they have permanently changed the level of the time series.
The stochastic process having a stationarity around the deterministic process is known as trend stationary process.
Cyclic – The pattern exhibit up and down movements around a specified trend is known as cyclic pattern. It is a kind of oscillations present in the time series. The duration of cyclic pattern depends upon the industries and business problems to be analysed. This is because the oscillations are dependable upon the business cycle.
They are larger variations that are repeated in a systematic way over time. The period of time is not fixed and usually composed of at least 2 months in duration. The cyclic pattern is represented by a well-shaped curve and shows contraction and expansion of data.
Seasonal – It is a pattern that reflects regular fluctuations. These short-term movements occur due to the seasonal factors and custom factors of people. In this case, the data faces regular and predictable changes that occurred at regular intervals of calendar. It always consist of fixed and known period.
The main sources of seasonality are given below –
Climate
Institutions
Social habits and practices
Calendar
How is the seasonal component estimated?
If the deterministic analysis is performed, then the seasonality will remain same for similar interval of time. Therefore, it can easily be modelled by dummy variables. On the other hand, this concept is not fulfilled by stochastic analysis. So, dummy variables are not appropriate because the seasonal component changes throughout the time series.
Different models to create a seasonal component in time series are given below –
Additive Model – It is the model in which the seasonal component is added with the trend component.
Multiplicative Model – In this model seasonal component is multiplied with the intercept if trend component is not present in the time series. But, if time series have trend component, sum of intercept and trend is multiplied with the seasonal component.
Irregular – It is an unpredictable component of time series. This component cannot be explained by any other component of time series because these variational fluctuations are known as random component. When the trend cycle and seasonal component is removed, it becomes residual time series. These are short term fluctuations that are not systematic in nature and have unclear patterns.
Time Series Data is composed of collection of data of one specific variable at particular interval of time. On the other hand, Cross-Section Data is consist of collection of data on multiple variables from different sources at a particular interval of time.
Collection of company’s stock market data at regular interval of year is an example of time series data. But when the collection of company’s sales revenue, sales volume is collected for the past 3 months then it is taken as an example of cross-section data.
Time series data is mainly used for obtaining results over an extended period of time but, cross-section data focuses on the information received from surveys at a particular time.
Performing analysis of time series data is known as Time Series Analysis. Analysis is performed in order to understand the structure and functions produced by the time series. By understanding the mechanism of time series data a mathematical model could easily be developed so that further predictions, monitoring and control can be performed.
Two approaches are used for analyzing time series data are –
In the time domain
In the frequency domain
Time series analysis is mainly used for –
Decomposing the time series
Identifying and modeling the time-based dependencies
Forecasting
Identifying and model the system variation
In order to model successfully, the time series is important in machine learning and deep learning. Time series analysis is used to understand the internal structure and functions that are used for producing the observations. Time Series analysis is used for –
Descriptive – In this case, patterns are identified in correlated data. In other words, the variations in trends and seasonality in the time series are identified.
Explanation – In this understanding and modeling of data is performed.
Forecasting – Here, the prediction from previous observations is performed for short term trends.
Invention Analysis – In this case, effect performed by any event in time series data is analyzed.
Quality Control – When the specific size deviates it provides an alert.
Time Series Database and its types
Time series database is a software which is used for handling the time series data. Highly complex data such higher transactional data is not feasible for the relational database management system. Many relational systems does not work properly for time series data. Therefore, time series databases are optimised for the time series data. Various time series databases are given below –
CrateDB
Graphite
InfluxDB
Informix TimeSeries
Kx kdb+
Riak-TS
RRDtool
OpenTSDB
Anomaly is defined as something that deviates from the normal behaviour or what is expected. For more clarity let’s take an example of bank transaction. Suppose you have a saving bank account and you mostly withdraw Rs 10,000 but, one day Rs 6,00,000 amount is withdrawn from your account. This is unusual activity for bank as mostly, Rs 10,000 is deducted from the account. This transaction is an anomaly for bank employees.
The anomaly is a kind of contradictory observation in the data. It gives the proof that certain model or assumption does not fit into the problem statement.
Different types of anomalies are given below –
Point Anomalies – If the specific value within the dataset is anomalous with respect to the complete data then it is known as Point Anomalies. The above mentioned example of bank transaction is an example of point anomalies.
Contextual Anomalies – If the occurrence of data is anomalous for specific circumstances, then it is known as Contextual Anomalies. For example, the anomaly occurs at a specific interval of period.
Collective Anomalies – If the collection of occurrence of data is anomalous with respect to the rest of dataset then it is known as Collective Anomalies. For example, breaking the trend observed in ECG.
ARIMA Model – ARIMA stands for Autoregressive Integrated Moving Average. Auto Regressive (AR) refers as lags of the differenced series, Moving Average (MA) is lags of errors and I represents the number of difference used to make the time series stationary.
Assumptions followed while implementing ARIMA Model are as under –
Time series data should posses stationary property: this means that the data should be independent of time. Time series consist of cyclic behaviour and white noise is also taken as a stationary.
ARIMA model is used for a single variable. The process is meant for regression with the past values.
In order to remove non-stationarity from the time series data the steps given below are followed –
Find the difference between the consecutive observations.
For stabilizing the variance log or square root of the time series data is computed.
If the time series consists of the trend, then the residual from the fitted curve is modulated.
ARIMA model is used for predicting the future values by taking the linear combination of past values and past errors. The ARIMA models are used for modeling time series having random walk processes and characteristics such as trend, seasonal and nonseasonal time series.
Holt-Winters – It is a model which is used for forecasting the short term period. It is usually applied to achieve exponential smoothing using additive and multiplicative models along with increasing or decreasing trends and seasonality. Smoothing is measured by beta and gamma parameters in the holt’s method.
When the beta parameter is set to FALSE, the function performs exponential smoothing.
The gamma parameter is used for the seasonal component. If the gamma parameter is set to FALSE, a non-seasonal model is fitted.
AnomalyDetection R package –
It is a robust open source package used to find anomalies in the presence of seasonality and trend. This package is build on Generalised E-Test and uses Seasonal Hybrid ESD (S-H-ESD) algorithm. S-H-ESD is used to find both local and global anomalies. This package is also used to detect anomalies present in a vector of numerical variables. Is also provides better visualization such that the user can specify the direction of anomalies.
Principal Component Analysis –
It is a statistical technique used to reduce higher dimensional data into lower dimensional data without any loss of information. Therefore, this technique can be used for developing the model of anomaly detection. This technique is useful at that time of situation when sufficient samples are difficult to obtain. So, PCA is used in which model is trained using available features to obtain a normal class and then distance metrics is used to determine the anomalies.
Chisq Square distribution –
It is a kind of statistical distribution that constitutes 0 as minimum value and no bound for the maximum value. Chisq square test is implemented for detecting outliers from univariate variables. It detects both lowest and highest values due to the presence of outliers on both side of the data.
Breakout are significant changes observed in the time series data. It consist of two characteristics that are given below –
Mean shift – It is defined as a sudden change in time series. For example the usage of CPU is increased from 35% to 70%. This is taken as a mean shift. It is added when the time series move from one steady state to another state.
Ramp Up – It is defined as a sudden increase in the value of the metric from one steady state to another. It is a slow process as compared with the mean shift. It is a slow transition process from one stable state to another.
In Time series often more than one breakouts are observed.
In order to detect breakouts in time series Twitter has introduced a package known as BreakoutDetection package. It is an open source package for detecting breakouts at a fast speed. This package uses E-Divisive with Medians (EDM) algorithm to detect the divergence within the mean. It can also be used to detect the change in distribution within the time series.
Machine learning techniques are more effective as compared with the statistical techniques. This is because machine learning have two important features such as feature engineering and prediction. The feature engineering aspect is used to address the trend and seasonality issues of time series data. The issues of fitting the model to time series data can also be resolved by it.
Deep Learning is used to combine the feature extraction of time series with the non-linear autoregressive model for higher level prediction. It is used to extract the useful information from the features automatically without using any human effort or complex statistical techniques.
There are two most effective techniques of machine learning such as supervised and unsupervised learning.
Firstly, supervised learning is performed for training data points so that they can be classified into anomalous and non-anomalous data points. But, for supervised learning, there should be labeled anomalous data points.
Another approach for detecting anomaly is unsupervised learning. One can apply unsupervised learning to train CART so that prediction of next data points in the series could be made. To implement this, confidence interval or prediction error is made. Therefore, to detect anomalous data points Generalised ESD-Test is implemented to check which data points are present within or outside the confidence interval
The most common supervised learning algorithms are supervised neural networks, support vector machine learning, k-nearest neighbors, Bayesian networks and Decision trees.
In the case of k-nearest neighbors, the approximate distance between the data points is calculated and then the assignment of unlabeled data points is made according to the class of k-nearest neighbor.
On the other hand, Bayesian networks can encode the probabilistic relationships between the variables. This algorithm is mostly used with the combination of statistical techniques.
The most common unsupervised algorithms are self-organizing maps (SOM), K-means, C-means, expectation-maximization meta-algorithm (EM), adaptive resonance theory (ART), and one-class support vector machine.
Recurrent neural network is one of the deep learning algorithm for detecting anomalous data points within the time series. It consist of input layer, hidden layer and output layer. The nodes within hidden layer are responsible for handling internal state and memory. They both will be updated as the new input is fed into the network. The internal state of RNN is used to process the sequence of inputs. The important feature of memory is that it can automatically learns the time-dependent features.
The process followed by RNN is described below –
First the series of data is fed into the RNN model. After that, model will train the series of data to compute the normal behaviour. After computing, whenever the new input is fed into the trained network, it will be able to classify the input as normal and expected, or anomalous.
Training of normal data is performed because the quantity of abnormal data is less as compared with the normal data and provides an alert whenever any abnormal activity is observed in the future.
Data Visualization is an important and quickest way for picturizing the time series data and forecasting. The different types of graphs are given below:
Line Plots.
Histograms and Density Plots.
Box and Whisker Plots.
Heat Maps.
Lag Plots or Scatter Plots.
Autocorrelation Plots.
The above techniques are used for plotting univariate time series data but they can also be used for multivariate time series when more than one observation is dependent upon time.
They are used for the representation of time series data to identify trends, cycles, and seasonality from time series and observe how they can influence the choice of model.
Time Series is defined as sequence of data points. The components of time series are responsible for the understanding of patterns of data. In time series, anomalous data points can also be there.
Therefore, there is a need to detect them. Various statistical techniques are mentioned in blog that are used but machine learning and deep learning are essential.
In machine learning, supervised learning and unsupervised learning is used for detecting anomalous data. On the other hand, in deep learning recurrent neural network is used.
Related:
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The amazing victories of Oromo Athletes Almaz Ayana (Gold) and Tirunesh Dibaba (Silver) in IAAF World Championships, 10,000m race in London 2017.
(Reuters, London) The Olympic champion began pulling away from the field after 10 laps, sweeping past back markers who were made to look sluggish in comparison.
She finished in 30:16.32 seconds, well outside the world record she set when she won in Rio last year but still enough to win by an astonishing 46.37 seconds, by far the biggest margin in championship history.
Ayana’s compatriot Tirunesh Dibaba, the former world and Olympic champion, added to her impressive collection of medals when he took the silver with Kenya’s Agnes Tirop in third.
(IAAF, 5 August 2017, London) While the Olympic final last year went out at close to world record pace from the get-go, the first three kilometres were covered in a cumbersome nick but with the clock showing a fraction inside ten minutes after the first three kilometres, Ayana cut loose and put on a display second only to her world record performance at the Olympics last year.
Only Turkey’s Yasemin Can tried to follow Ayana’s break but the reigning European champion – finding this field a step up in calibre to the continent fields she has dominated in recent seasons – soon paid for trying to cling onto the leader’s coat-tails, eventually fading back to 11th in 31:35.48 and getting lapped in the process.
Ayana covered the tenth and eleventh laps in 67.41 and 67.89 respectively before reaching halfway in 15:51.38 with a seven second advantage on Can, who was dropping back into the chasing pack which included the Kenyan triumvirate headed by Alice Aprot and Tirunesh Dibaba.
Arguably the greatest track runner in history with eight major titles to her name across a decade-long timespan from 2003, Dibaba admitted she wasn’t in shape on this occasion to match Ayana after an abbreviated build-up following a spring road racing season culminating with an Ethiopian record of 2:17:56 in the London Marathon.
“If I had followed her [Ayana], I wouldn’t have won a medal. I know my capacity these days because my training for this race was very short,” said Dibaba, who only began her build-up to this race as recently as two months’ ago.
But even Dibaba at her most imperious might have struggled to stick with Ayana, who was consistently lapping at under 70-second pace per lap. Her fifth kilometre – covered in 2:49.18 – even represented world record pace for the 5000m, let alone for the 10,000m.
Aside from Dibaba and Aprot, the second group included the last two world cross country champions – Irene Cheptai and Agnes Tirop – but for all of their titles and credentials, they were losing nearly 10 seconds with each kilometre. Ayana was within sight at halfway but by the eight kilometre mark (24:30.03), the long-time leader – who covered that section in 8:38.65 – led by 36.70, representing more than half-a-lap in terms of distance on the track.
Having made a herculean mid-race effort, Ayana’s lap times were beginning to drift outside 70-second pace over the last five laps – putting Berhane Adere’s championship record of 30:04.18 just out of view – but Ayana still crossed the finish-line in 30:16.32, the second fastest winning time in championship history.
A whole gamut of stats and numbers emerged once Ayana’s scintillating performance was dissected but the most noteworthy one was her second half split of 14:24.95 – a time which would have ranked ninth in its own right on the world all-time lists.
In the race for the minor medals, Cheptai was the first of the contingent to crack – followed by Aprot – and while Dibaba might lack the pace which has taken her to so many titles over the years, Dibaba moved past Tirop at the bell and held her off on the last lap, 31:02.69 to Tirop’s 31:03.50.
After finishing fourth at the Olympics last year, Aprot just missed out on the medals again in 31:11.86 with Cheptai fading to seventh in 31:21.11, passed by the Netherlands’ Susan Krumins (31:20.24) and 2015 bronze medallist Emily Infeld (31:20.45) in the run-in to the finish.
Ayana answered any questions about her form in the most decisive manner possible but despite her barnstorming display in tonight’s 10,000m, it might be presumptuous to say that she is a shoo-in for the 5000m title.
One year ago, Ayana was a dead-cert to follow up her Olympic 10,000m title with a second gold medal but a stomach ailment left her weakened for her third race of the championships and she had to settle for bronze behind Kenyans Vivian Cheruiyot and Hellen Obiri, the latter hungry to claim her first global outdoor title.
Oromo athlete Tamirat Tola (silver medalist) finish 2nd to Geoffrey Kirui of Kenya.
Tola, the Olympic 10,000m bronze medallist and fastest in the field thanks to the 2:04:11 he recorded in winning this year’s Dubai Marathon, required medical treatment after struggling home in 2:09:49, just two seconds ahead of Tanzania’s Alphonce Simbu, who clocked 2:09:41.
Congratulations to All!!! The final of #iaafworldchampionships2017 in women’s 5000M: Helen Obiri of Kenya (Gold) Oromo athletes Alamaz Ayana (Silver), Sifan Hassan for Netherlands (Bronze) & Senbere Teferi Sora is 4th.
Muktar Idris wins Gold in men’s 5000m and Yomifkejelcha is 4th.
The medals tally Oromo athletes (athletes of Oromia origin) win at IAAF World Championships London 2017 makes Oromia the top 6th country in the world, on the par with the host country, UK and next to China. Wthout Oromia Ethiopia just does not exist. in the spirit of Ayyaanaa and Ethics of Gadaa Oromia can stand and go alone.
Military helicopters circled above a crowd of thousands during a festival in Ethiopia’s Oromia region in October last. “Down, down TPLF!” one of those who assembled at Bishoftu town in Oromia shouted into a microphone, referring to the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front, the dominant wing of Ethiopia’s ruling party. Oromia has seen violent protests, which began two years ago after complaints about evictions of farmers to make way for development projects and a lack of autonomy in an authoritarian system. Security forces fired tear gas at the crowd, triggering a stampede in which scores were crushed. Some drowned in a lake. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared emergency rule less than a week later. The same day, defence forces shot a 28-year-old Oromo farmer. Witnesses cited in a report by Ethiopia’s only rights NGO, Human Rights Council, said the farmer was shot because he protested. An Opposition party leader was arrested after he addressed the European Parliament.
Ten-months later, the ruling party has unexpectedly lifted the emergency. Most of the over 20,000 people arrested were released after “renewal training”, while over 7,000 are on trial, Defence Minister Siraj Fegessa told Parliament earlier this month. But Oromia is far from being calm. The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa has recommended avoiding an area where Oromia and Ethiopia’s Somali regions meet, where intense fighting is going on. Weeks earlier, Information Minister Negeri Lencho, an Oromo, told this reporter that almost 70,000 retailers lodged complaints over a new regional income tax law. “Most of the shops are closed where I live to protest” overvalued tax payments, said a resident of an Oromo town, 20 km from the capital.
‘Torture and murder’
The Human Rights Council published its 49-page report online, in Amharic, on May 29. A day later, the state telecom monopoly turned off internet access for almost a week. It documents 22,525 arrests, testimony from 28 former prisoners, six cases of “torture, beatings, and injuries” and 19 murders. Ex-inmates of a prison in the Amhara region, to where the protests spread, testified that prisoners were dunked in a cesspit full of urine; 250 youths were held without charge or trial; up to 100 prisoners were forced to sleep in a room of 10X4 meters; water was given only weekly; and contaminated water exposed them to contagious diseases.
In November, a 12-year-old girl from Ethiopia’s south was beaten and then taken from her house by government forces to a makeshift prison, her father testified. A heavy presence of government forces prevented the Council’s staff from moving freely, people were afraid to testify, and state organs, including police stations and federal prisons, remained deaf to the Council’s efforts at official corroboration, the report says.
The Council says what it documented violates the right to life contained in Ethiopia’s Constitution, as well as the UN’s International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Convention against Torture, to which Ethiopia has acceded. The report assumes the scope and types of violations are “more than presented. It asks the ruling party to give the UN permission to investigate without restriction. Addis Ababa, however, rejects this, citing “an issue of sovereignty”. Zadig Abraha, deputy government spokesperson, said the report is “politically-motivated”. He pointed to a government-sanctioned inquiry which found that security forces took “proportionate measures in most areas”, saying 669 people were killed last year alone. The government can investigate itself, he added.
Nizar Manek is a reporter based in Addis Ababa, covering African affairs
Drought has devastated herders’ livelihoods as it exhausted pastures and water sources, the United Nations agriculture agency said today, stressing that supporting them to get back on their feet and prevent further livestock losses are crucial in the Horn of Africa country, where hunger has been on the rise this year.
The drought has led to a significant number of animals dying or falling ill, particularly in the southern and south-eastern regions of the country, as other areas recover from previous seasons’ El Niño-induced drought,” warned the Food and Agriculture Organization of the (FAO).
FAO pointed out that drought-hit pastoralists face reduced milk production, rising malnutrition, and have limited income-earning capacity and severely constrained access to food.
“Some 8.5 million people – one in 12 people – are now suffering from hunger; of these, 3.3 million people live in Somali Region,” said the UN agriculture agency.
The current food and nutrition crisis is significantly aggravated by the severe blow to pastoral livelihoods. For livestock-dependent families, the animals can literally mean the difference between life and death – especially for children, pregnant and nursing mothers, for whom milk is a crucial source of nutrition.
With up to two million animals lost so far, FAO is focusing on providing emergency livestock support to the most vulnerable pastoralist communities through animal vaccination and treatment, supplementary feed and water, rehabilitating water points, and supporting fodder and feed production.
By providing supplementary feed and water for livestock, while simultaneously supporting fodder production, FAO seeks to protect core breeding animals and enable drought-hit families to rebuild their livelihoods.
Funding appeal
FAO urgently requires $20 million between August and December to come to the aid of Ethiopia’s farmers and herders.
FAO has already assisted almost 500,000 drought-hit people in 2017 through a mix of livestock feed provision, destocking and animal health interventions, thanks to the support of the Ethiopia Humanitarian Fund, Switzerland, Spain, Sweden through FAO’s Special Fund for Emergency and Rehabilitation Activities, the United Nations Central Emergency Response Fund, as well as FAO’s own Early Warning Early Action fund and Technical Cooperation Programme.
TIME WITH SPECIAL PEOPLE ABOUT OROMO: STOP THE GENOCIDE AGAINST THE OROMO PEOPLE.
Today, the T-TPLF slicksters are trying to kill three birds with one stone: Rack up some PR credits to demonstrate good governance during the “state of emergency” and drum up popular support. They also believe they could divert and distract attention from their atrocious human rights record, including the Irreecha Massacres of October 2016, by showcasing their “anti-corruption” campaign. Last but not least, the cash-strapped T-TPLF bosses are hoping to squeeze American taxpayers for a few billion dollars (fat chance under Trump) by talking the talk of anti-corruption while walking and swimming in corruption.
Author’s Note: If I assembled all of the commentaries I wrote on the T-TPLF’s corruption, it would comprise of at least two solid volumes. Back in 2013, I commented extensively on the range of T-TPLF corrupt practices in a number of sectors of the Ethiopian economy and society based on the World Bank’s 448-page report, “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia”. (See my commentaries in 2013 at almariam.com.) I even coined a word to discuss T-TPLF corruption. It is “horruption”. Horrible corruption.
Every now and then, the T-TPLF bosses put on corruption show trials to distract the population, panhandle the loaner and donors and draw attention away from their criminality. They have done it again in July 2017.
Here we go again! The corruption prosecution con game of the T-TPLF
In May 2013, I wrote a commentary entitled, “The Corruption Game” of the T-TPLF.
That commentary dealt with the arrest of some two dozen “high and medium ranking officials of the Ethiopian Revenues & Customs Authority (ERCA) and prominent businessmen”. Among them were ERCA “director general” with the “rank of minister”, his deputies and “chief prosecutor” along with other customs officials. “Ethiopia’s top anti-corruption official” Ali Sulaiman told the Voice of America Amharic “the suspects had been under surveillance for over two years.”
At the time, T-TPLF bosses were in the middle of their recurrent internal power struggles in the aftermath of the passing of their thugmaster Meles Zenawi.
The recent arrests are part of the ongoing “civil war” within the T-TPLF. It is intended to send a message to others who may think about opposing the current faction of the T-TPLF that the sledgehammer of corruption prosecution will also be visited upon their heads if they want to try anything.
Simply stated, the current dominant T-TPLF faction is simply “killing the chicken to warn the monkeys”, to use a Chinese idiom.
Today, the T-TPLF slicksters are trying to kill three birds with one stone: Rack up some PR credits to demonstrate good governance during the “state of emergency” and drum up popular support. They also believe they could divert and distract attention from their atrocious human rights record, including the Irreecha Massacres of October 2016, by showcasing their “anti-corruption” campaign. Last but not least, the cash-strapped T-TPLF bosses are hoping to squeeze American taxpayers for a few billion dollars (fat chance under Trump) by talking the talk of anti-corruption while walking and swimming in corruption.
Belatedly, T-TPLF puppet prime minister (PPM) Hailemariam Desalegn is also trying to prove that, despite his repeated public cathartic confessions that he is the handmaiden of Meles, he is Mr. Clean, not Mr. Clone (of Meles). Desalegn is still trying to prove to the loaners and donors that he is a different breed from his thugmaster Meles. He wants to perpetuate an image of Mr. Clean cleaning the “House of Meles”. Oh! Behold in 2017 the “Dirty 3 Dozen” he bagged!
2017: Sleazy investigating greasy and cheesy for corruption
Over the past couple of weeks, the T-TPLF has been rolling out the rogue’s gallery of alleged corruption suspects. Among them are “high level government officials” and sundry other businessmen.
They even allegedly jailed the “wife” of one of the founders of the T-TPLF, Abay Tsehay.
The “wife” was arrested “while she was attending her son’s wedding family reunion ceremony.” Tsehay was at the wedding but not arrested.
Obviously, the wife was “arrested” to send a clear message to Tsehay.
But if allegations of corruption are to be thrown around, Tsehay should be at the very top of guilty-as-sin suspects.
Tsehay was Board chairman of the “Commercial Bank of Ethiopia”, the largest and oldest bank in the country, even though he had absolutely no financial background whatsoever! During Tsehay’s tenure, the Commercial Bank lost hundreds of millions of dollars.
Shouldn’t Tsehay be held accountable for that loss?
He was replaced by another T-TPLF ignoramus named Bereket Simon in 2011. Such was the height of T-TPLF nepotism and corruption.
It was clear to me in April that Tsehay was toast. Done. Finished.
As I indicated in my April 30 commentary, “The Good Kops/Bad Kops T-TPLF Con Game (Over) in Ethiopia”, I knew Tsehay was in deep doo-doo when PPT Desalegn dismissed a “study” done by Tsehay and his henchmen. “I don’t know [anything] about the study. It does not concern me. The study does not offer a correct analysis,” said Desalegn offhandedly.
I concluded that Desalegn would not have been emboldened to dismiss a report by a founding member of the T-TPLF unless that founding member was on his way out to pasture or something even worse. Alternatively, I reasoned that there is definitely a gang within the T-TPLF gunning for Tsehay. Either way, it was clear to me that Tsehay was history.
Curiously, Tsehay, a charlatan at best, must have been trying to reinvent himself as some sort of respectable academic or scholarly analyst when he put together a ragtag crew of “researchers” to issue a report. I suspected the T-TPLF gangsters ganging against Tsehay must have been offended by his bold report or considered it an effort by him to ingratiate himself with the public and gain ascendancy and tactically undercut them. After all, Tsehay practically called the T-TPLF “lawmakers” a bunch of morons who sit around rubberstamping whatever is sent to them by the “executive branch”.
What has happened to Tsehay is a clear indication to me that there is a “creeping civil war” among various T-TPLF factions today. The only reason the “civil war” has not broken out in public is because they are all tangled up in the same web and morass corruption and criminality.
The T-TPLF criminals know all too well that they must hang together or hang separately, to quote Ben Franklin.
Anyway, Tsehay’s cannibalistic T-TPLF friends threw him under the bus, just as he ganged up with them to throw so many others before. That is karmic poetic justice!
It must feel like hell to feel so disposable!
Back to the current corruption prosecution con game.
Just to maintain the suspense, the T-TPLF has been announcing arrests almost daily. Just yesterday, they announced the arrest of Alemayehu Gujo, T-TPLF “minister of finance” and the highest-ranking official in the roundup and Zayed Woldegabriel, Director General of the Ethiopian Roads Authority.
The “anti-corruption” prosecutors have completely avoided charging any of the top T-TPLF leaders despite mountains of evidence of all types of corruption and criminal wrongdoing. They have gone after the small fish and left the big sharks, the capo di tutti cappi (boss of all bosses) alone.
The fact of the matter is that the whole T-TPLF corruption prosecution is a bunch of horse manure!
For the T-TPLF to accuse its disfavored members, ministers and lackeys of corruption and criminal wrongdoing is exactly like Tweedledee accusing Tweedledum of taking his rattle (toy).
/‘Tweedledum and Tweedledee/ Agreed to have a battle;/For Tweedledum said Tweedledee/ Had spoiled his nice new rattle./Just then flew down a monstrous crow, As black as a tar-barrel;/Which frightened both the heroes so,/They quite forgot their quarrel./
Simply stated, the T-TPLF is just having an internal battle in their corruption nonsense over their 26-year-old rattle. They are quarreling over who should steal, cheat and rob the most.
That is exactly what the T-TPLF corruption prosecution con game we see played out today is all about. One gang of T-TPLFers quarreling with and battling against another gang of T-TPLFers about who should ripoff the most of their 26-year-old rattle (toy) called Ethiopia.
There is nothing new in the current corruption prosecution con game.
The T-TPLF bosses have been playing their corruption prosecution game to knock each other out from day 1.
The T-TPLF canned its first prime minster Tamrat Layne on corruption charges in 1996.
That cunning and ruthless thugmaster Meles Zenawi forced Layne, under threat of penalty of death, to admit corruption and abuse of power before the rubberstamp parliament.
Of course, Layne did nothing that every top T-TPLF leader did not do. If Layne could be convicted for corruption, then each and every T-TPLF member beginning with the thugmaster himself are all guilty as sin of corruption. But the corruption prosecution was a tactic used to neutralize and sideline Layne.
In 2002, Seeye Abraha, T-TPLF defense minister and chairman of the board and CEO of Endowment Fund for the Rehabilitation of Tigray (a T-TPLF rabbit hole of high corruption, money laundering, conspiracy and sundry other criminality) was also jacked up on corruption charges and jailed for six years. Following the Ethio-Eritrean war in the late 1990s, the T-TPLF had split into two groups, one headed by Meles, the other by Seeye. Meles tactically outplayed and outfoxed Seeye and consolidated power. If Abraha could be convicted for corruption, then each and every T-TPLF member beginning with the thugmaster himself are all guilty as sin of corruption. But the corruption prosecution was a tactic used to neutralize and sideline Abraha.
In 2007 when Ethiopia’s auditor general, Lema Aregaw, reported that Birr 600 million of state funds were missing from the regional coffers, Zenawi fired Lema and publicly defended the regional administrations’ “right to burn money.”
In 2009, Meles publicly stated that 10,000 tons of coffee earmarked for exports had simply vanished from the warehouses. He called a meeting of commodities traders and in a videotaped statement told them that he will forgive them this time because “we all have our hands in the disappearance of the coffee”. He threatened to “cut off their hands” if they should steal coffee in the future.
Barely eight months ago in December 2016, the T-TPLF announced it had arrested 130 unnamed individuals on corruption charges. An additional 130 were said to be under investigation.
Just yesterday, to add suspense to excitement, the T-TPLF called an “emergency meeting” of its rubberstamp parliament without a public explanation for the meeting. Apparently, it had partly to do “with lifting the state of emergency order”, but the “parliament” removed “immunity” from two members at the ministerial and high administrative positions and jailed them. (More on that comedic drama in another commentary.)
All the T-TPLF corruption prosecution crap is nothing more than a con game, an attempt to distract and divert attention from the fact that the T-TPLF is on life support, on its last legs.
But the T-TPLF is playing the same old con game. Corruption prosecution is the oldest trick in the book of dictators.
In any power struggle in dictatorships, it is very common for one group of power players to accuse members of an opposing group of corruption and neutralize them. It is less costly and uncertain than conducting coups. Corruption show trials are a powerful weapon in the arsenal of dictators who seek to neutralize their opponents.
Back during the Derg (military rule) days, the favorite charge to neutralize opponents was to accuse them of being a “counter-revolutionary” and jail them or worse.
To be blunt, it is the same _ _ _t, just different flies.
In China, Bo Xilai, once touted to be the successor to President Hu Jintao in China, Liu Zhijun and many other high level Chinese communist party leaders were prosecuted for accepting bribes, corruption and abuses of power. They were all neutralized and sidelined.
Yet in 2016 the campaign against corruption came to a grinding halt as “President Xi Jinping’s high-profile ahead of a period of change for the Chinese Communist party’s leadership.” Jinping became president in 2012 and cleaned house using corruption prosecutions to eliminate his opponents.
Putin jailed Mikhail Khodorkovsky (once considered the “wealthiest man in Russia”) on trumped up charges of “corruption” and gave him a long prison sentence.
In Russia, Vladimir Putin has used corruption prosecutions to neutralize his opposition and unfriendly power contenders. Putin’s favorite tactic to control his opponents is prosecution for money laundering. A few months ago, Putin arrested his foremost critic and anti-corruption champion Aleksei Navalny during an anti-corruption protest in Moscow and had him barred from a presidential run.
Putin jailed Sergei Magnitsky, a Russian lawyer, who accused Russian officials of massive tax fraud. He was beaten to death in prison. The U.S. passed the Magnitsky Act barring entry of officials involved in Magnitsky’s murder.
Tip of the T-TPLF iceberg of corruption
Corruption in Africa, and particularly Ethiopia, is a proven means of accessing and clinging to power. It is the grease that lubricates the patronage system where supporters are rewarded with the spoils of controlling power.
The core business of the T-TPLF is corruption.
The T-TPLF warlords who seized political power in Ethiopia in 1991 have always operated in secrecy like a racketeering criminal organization. Their principal aim for more than a quarter of a century has been the looting of the national treasury which they have accomplished by illicit capital transfers and by plunging the country into a bottomless pit of foreign debt.
Corruption prosecutions in Ethiopia have been driven not by any unusual or extreme corrupt behavior, since all T-TPLF bosses are deeply mired in corruption, but because of the recurrent divisions and struggles in T-TPLF power circles.
Anyone who believes the T-TPLF is engaged in corruption prosecution to improve good governance is simply delusional. The T-TPLF’s only reason for existence is clinging to power to conduct the business of corruption, not good governance or stamping out corruption. The only reason the T-TPLF is in power is because corruption courses in their bloodstream and the bloodstream of their body politics. Corruption is the hemoglobin that delivers life-sustaining oxygen to their anatomical and organizational nerve centers.
Without corruption, the T-TPLF will simply wither away, or implode.
The anti-corruption organizations and prosecutorial and investigative bodies are created and stage-managed by the top political leaders. The members of these bodies are hand selected by the top leaders. They intervene in corruption investigations when it gets close to them. The whole anti-corruption campaign is set up to make sure that the grandmasters of corruption and their minions at the top are immune from investigation and prosecution.
As I argued in my commentary “Africorruption, Inc.”, corruption under the T-TPLF regime is widespread and endemic. It includes outright theft and embezzlement of public funds, misuse and misappropriation of state property, nepotism, bribery, abuse of public authority and position to exact corrupt payments. The anecdotal stories of corruption in Ethiopia are shocking to the conscience. Businessmen complain that they are unable to get permits and licenses without paying huge bribes or taking officials as silent partners. They must pay huge bribes or kickbacks to participate in public contracting and procurement.
Publicly-owned assets are acquired by regime-supporters or officials through illegal transactions and fraud. Banks loan millions of dollars to front enterprises owned by regime officials or their supporters without sufficient or proper collateral. T-TPLF officials and supporters do not have to repay millions of dollars in “loans” borrowed from the state banks and their debts are overlooked or forgiven. Those involved in the import/export business complain of shakedowns by corrupt customs officials. The judiciary is thoroughly corrupted through political interference and manipulation as evidenced in the various high profile political prosecutions. Even Diaspora Ethiopians on holiday visits driving about town complain of shakedowns by police thugs on the streets. In 2009, the U.S. State Department pledged to investigate allegations that “$850 million in food and anti-poverty aid from the U.S. is being distributed on the basis of political favoritism by the current prime minister’s party.”
The fact of the matter is that the culture of corruption is the modus operandi of the T-TPLF regime. Former president Dr. Negasso Gidada declared in 2001 that “corruption has riddled state enterprises to the core,” adding that the government would show “an iron fist against corruption and graft as the illicit practices had now become endemic”.
Corruption today is not only endemic in Ethiopia; it is a terminal condition
The “holy cows” and “minnows” (fish bait) of corruption
Corruption in Ethiopia can no longer be viewed as a simple criminal matter of prosecuting a few dozen petty government officials and others for bribery, extortion, fraud and embezzlement,
The so-called “corruption investigations and prosecutions” today are no different from previous ones. They scapegoat the minnows, small fish while leaving the untouchable holy cows untouched.
Tradition has it that on the day of atonement, a goat would be selected by the high priest and loaded with the sins of the community and driven out into the wilderness as an affirmative act of symbolic cleansing. In ancient times, it made the people feel purged of evil and guiltless.
The individuals accused of corruption are low-level bureaucrats, ministers-in-name only and other officials-with-titles-only, suspected disloyal members and handmaidens of the regime. They all humbly and obediently served the T-TPLF bosses for years. Now the T-TPLF bosses want to make them out to be loathsome villains. The sins and crimes of the untouchable T-TPLF holy cows are placed upon their heads and railroaded them to prison.
The T-TPLF high priests want to show the public they have been cleansed and the nation is free from the evil of corruption. In this narrative, the corrupt T-TPLF bosses want to appear as “anti-corruption warriors”, the white knights in shining armor.
To: The Global Fund Board of Directors
Cc: -The Global Fund Secretariat
– Global Fund’s Office of the Inspector General
Geneva, Switzerland
Greetings!
Global Fund, as the 21st century partnership-based financing organization designed to accelerate the end of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria as epidemics, is indeed contributing its fair share for the global health and wellbeing of millions of people.
As Ethiopia is one of the top recipients of support from the Global Fund, there is no doubt that many poor patients have benefited irrespective of the level of corruption and misappropriation of funds on the part of the ruling regime.
The country has received over $2 billion from 2002 to 2016, as per the report of the Global Fund itself. But the regime in power misused and misappropriated much of this money by manipulating and taking advantage of Global Fund’s good-intentioned principle called ‘Country ownership’ — at the heart of which is the golden idea that people determine their own solutions in fighting the diseases affecting their health, and take full responsibility for them.
However, the regime in Ethiopia has effectively manipulated this principle to use global fund resources for its own political end goals. The 2015 audit report of the office of the general inspector of the Global Fund itself briefly touched up on these problems.
For the malaria grant for example, the report rightly identified the following problems:
• Inadequate Monitoring and Evaluation and Poor Data Quality;
• Theft or Diversion of Non-Financial Resources;
• Poor Financial Reporting;
• Treatment Disruption;
• Substandard Quality of Health Products;
• Inadequate Principal Recipient Reporting and Compliance.
To illustrate the report’s important point on diversion of resources for wrong purposes, there is no better example than drawing your kind attention to a recent case in the city of Ambo, where the regime deployed its brutal security forces using the vehicles obtained by the Ministry of Health using foreign funding such to crack down on anti-government protesters who were on the streets protesting a newly introduced tax hike.
As a result, the protesters have torched one of the vehicles in mid-June but the regime continued using these vehicles to transport its security agents. Several evidences show that these vehicles which the tyrant regime in Ethiopia is using to transport its security forces to kill protesters, were procured by the Global Fund grants.
The Global Fund secretariat should therefore reconsider and submit to rigorous scrutiny its partnership with the corrupt and repressive regime of Ethiopia.
Financial supports from the Global Fund should not be used to enable the repressive security structures of the regime that kills its own citizens but to help the needy people of the country. To this end, the Global Fund has not only the moral responsibility but also the legal duty to make sure that all its financial supports to the regime are used solely for their intended purposes.
We are therefore kindly requesting the Board Directors of the Global Fund to undertake the necessary investigations on the misuse, misappropriation and diversion of resources that the regime in Ethiopia receives as grants from the Global Fund.
Sincerely,
Jawar Mohammed
From 4 to 6 August 2017, the 22nd annual conference of the Ogaden communities from around the world took place in Frankfurt Germany. The conference, organised by the Ogaden diaspora of Germany invited delegations from Somalia, Oromo, Amhara and Eritrea. Representatives from UNPO Members Ogaden National Liberation Front, Oromo Liberation Front and the People’s Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) took part in the three-day conference. The conference saw traditional performances and fruitful discussions on the Ogadeni diaspora’s role in the future of their region and peoples and what concrete steps must be taken to advocate for the most fundamental rights of the people of Ogaden to be respected.
The annual 22nd conference of Ogaden Somali communities Worldwide was held from 4 to 6 August 2017 in Frankfurt, Germany.
The three-day conference was organized by the Ogaden community in Germany was attended by delegates representing Ogaden Communities from all five continents and invited guests from Somalia, Oromo, Amhara, and Eritrean communities. In Addition, dignitaries Ogaden National Liberation Front, Oromo Liberation Front, the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD) and Patriotic Ginbot 7 also attended the conference.
Throughout the three day event, the renowned Hilac Band constantly raised the tempo of the meeting by performing Epic Traditional Somali folklore dances moving patriotic songs that moved the participants. Moreover, Nina Simone’s moving song “I AINT GOT NO LIFE” was played to highlight the suffering of the Somali people in Ogaden.
Due to the Ethiopian government’s total disregard for the democratic rights of life, peace, choice, assembly, freedom of speech and other basic human rights in Ogaden and Ethiopia, the Ogaden Diaspora plays a crucial role in highlighting by providing evidence of the alarming humanitarian rights situation in Ogaden and the systematic human rights violations the Ethiopian regime is perpetrating in Ogaden which include extrajudicial killings, sexual violence as a weapon of war, mass arbitrary detentions and the use of torture.
During the conference, the attendees extensively discussed the dire situation in Ogaden, Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa and how to remedy the calamity in Ogaden and Ethiopia. After deliberating on all relevant issues that affect the Ogaden people in Ogaden, the Horn of African and the Diaspora and considering worsening situation in Ethiopia and the hysterical knee jerk reactions the regime to increasing resistance of the masses against its autocratic and genocidal policies and the possibility of sudden implosion of the regime from within, the participants resolved to :
Continue to
1. Strengthen the education of Ogaden Youth in the diaspora and refugee camps;
2. promote the Somali culture and language to the younger general in the diaspora;
3. streamline the activities of the Ogaden Communities Abroad and enhance advocacy and interaction with Human Rights and humanitarian rights institutions
4. increase the material and moral support to Ogaden Refugees, orphans, and victims of Ethiopian government atrocities
5. strengthen the relationships and interaction with host countries, communities and institutions and combat any acts that can create disharmony between Ogaden Somalis and host communities.
6. Maintain and develop relationships with all oppressed communities from Ethiopia, the Horn of African and the world
Support
1. The just struggle of the Somali people in Ogaden to exercise their right to self-determination and life
2. The peaceful resistance of all peoples in Ethiopia against the current undemocratic regime of Ethiopia led by EPRDF_TPLF
3. All democratic forces and institutions that believe in the rights of all peoples to self-determination, democracy and the rule of law in Ethiopia and the rest of the world
4. The noble effort of the Somali people in Somalia to re-establish their sovereignty, governance and rule of law
Condemns
1. The Ethiopian regime for its deliberate and systemic policies and practices of annihilation of the Somali people in Ogaden, by committing rampant human rights violations, blockading trade, and aid, while hampering the ability of the people to engage in economic activities that could sustain them, specially during draughts and other natural disasters
2. The Ethiopian regime for killing innocent civilians in Ogaden Oromia, Amhara, Gambella, Sidama, Afar, Omo, Konso and other parts of Ethiopia
3. The regime’s use of lethal force against peaceful demonstrators in Oromia and Amhara states and the general abuse of human rights of all peoples in Ethiopia
4. Those who support the Ethiopian regime, politically, diplomatically and economically while being fully aware of it crimes against humanity and war crimes in Ogaden, Oromia, Amhara, Sidama and Gambella and other parts of Ethiopia
5. Multinational corporations and banks that bankroll the mega-projects in Ogaden, OMO, Gambella, Benishangul and other parts of Ethiopia that forcefully displace the rural communities and destroy the livelihood of millions in Ethiopia
6. Condemns the use of local militias by the Ethiopian regime in order to suppress popular resistance and create civil wars among the neighborly communities, specially between the Somali and Oromo peoples.
7. Condemns certain regional administrations in Somalia in collaborating with Ethiopian regime security to forcefully rendition asylum seeker from Ogaden to the Ethiopian regime.
Calls Upon
1. The UN to seek security council resolution forcing the Ethiopian regime to allow independent UN commission to investigate human rights violations in Ethiopia, in particular in Somali, Oromia, and Amhara regional states and take appropriate measures to stop ongoing violations.
2. The USA and the EU as providers of the greatest aid to the regime to stop blindly supporting the current regime and instead support the rights of the peoples in instead of a decadent, undemocratic and callous regime that violates its own constitution and rule of law
3. The AU to stop acting as dump, paper tiger organization that always supports dictators in Africa and instead start acting on its charters and stand for the rights of African peoples. To date, the AU is silent about the atrocities perpetrated by the Ethiopian regimes against the Somali people in Ogaden and other parts of Ethiopia while thousands are massacred just across the AU headquarters!
Finally, the Conference calls upon the Somali people in Ogaden and all peoples in Ethiopia to unite and support each other against the vile and callous regime in Ethiopia.
Oromo visual artist and activist Yaddi Bojia talks to Jackson Muneza M’vunganyi on using his art as a platform to speak on issues related to Oromo Culture,Social issues,Black Lives Movement etc.’Artists often see their place to provoke, to voice, to enlighten.’
The lifting of billions of people globally out of poverty is a considerable achievement. But many of these individuals earn between $2 (£1.50) and $10 dollars a day. Their position is fragile, exposed to the vicissitudes of health, employment, economic conditions and political and societal stability. As William Gibson observed: “The future is already here — it’s just not very evenly distributed”.
Current growth, short-term profits and higher living standards for some are pursued at the expense of costs which are not evident immediately but will emerge later. Society has borrowed from and pushes problems into the future
From November 2015, Ethiopia has experienced an unprecedented wave of popular mobilisation. The protests took place mainly in the Oromia region, spanning nearly 300 locations. They are generally seen as part of a movement that began in April-May 2014, when students across several locations in the region protested a plan to expand the boundary of the capital, Addis Ababa (hereafter, the Addis Ababa Master Plan). The 2014 protests, led by university students, were comparatively small and situated in the Western part of Oromia (see Figure 1). From November 2015, the demonstrations quickly gained momentum, and farmers, workers and other citizens soon joined the students in collective marches, boycotts and strikes (see ACLED, June 2017 for a more detailed background on the roots and dynamics of the protests).
Despite the government’s suspension of the Addis Ababa Master Plan in January 2016, the protests continued and expanded to other regions, such as Amhara and the SNNPR. The Amhara community joined the Oromo protests in August 2016, after a fatal clash between security forces and Amhara residents over the Wolkayt district’s identity issue ignited regionalist grievances (African Arguments, 27 September 2016). The continuation of the protests revealed widespread suspicion of the Ethiopian regime and enduring grievances among different ethnic groups, particularly in the way federalism is implemented, and in the way power and resources are shared. The Ethiopian government’s unrelenting use of lethal force against largely peaceful protesters since November 2015 has played a major role in bolstering a shared sense of oppression among the Oromo and other ethnic groups. Available data collected from international and local media since November 2015 points to more than 1,200 people reported killed during the protests. Approximately 660 fatalities are due to state violence against peaceful protesters, 250 fatalities from state engagement against rioters, and more than 380 people killed by security forces following the declaration of the state of emergency on 8 October 2016.
The state of emergency was declared after government violence at the Irecha festival in Oromia led to a “week of rage” among the opposition. The move cemented the government’s commitment to repression rather than dialogue (The Guardian, 20 October 2016; Amnesty, 18 October 2016). The state of emergency imposed tight restrictions that have since successfully curbed the protests. However significant developments have occurred in parallel, pointing to persisting discontent in Ethiopia.
First, the significant reduction in riots and protests accompanied an increase in battles involving security forces and foreign-based rebel groups, and in political and ethnic militia activity. Though the link between the protesters and the various armed groups remains unclear, these trends point to an escalation from peaceful unrest to an armed struggle taken up by local armed militias and rebel movements united in their aim to remove the government.
The ACLED dataset shows that rebel activity in 2016 was at its third highest since 1997 (see Figure 2). Rebellion reached unprecedented levels in Oromia and Tigray, led by the OLF and the AGUDM forces respectively; and in Amhara, rebellion led by the AGUDM forces resurged after two years of inactivity. So far in 2017, AGUDM has represented the most active rebel front in the country. The group significantly stepped up its attacks in June 2017, confronting government forces on several fronts in the Amhara region’s Gonder zone, and claiming a rare attack in Addis Ababa on a government ammunition depot. The movement’s leader recently announced that AGUDM’s attacks would not subside. Other rebel fronts, however, have been relatively inactive in 2017. As of end June, no attack had been claimed yet in 2017 by the OLF for instance.
In parallel, militant activity has significantly increased in Oromia and Amhara in 2017 (see Figure 3). Since January 2017, large numbers of the Oromo community have risen up against a marked increase in attacks and human rights violations in Oromia by state and paramilitary forces, such as the Liyu police. Data collected shows nearly 40 clashes between the two parties along the border with the Somali and Afar regions between 1 January-8 July 2017, resulting in around 170 fatalities. This compares to only six clashes between Oromo militias and state forces during the protest period. The Oromo community identifies the increased activity by the Liyu police as a way for the government to usurp Oromo lands and further quash dissent (Opride, 5 March 2017). The assignment of federal soldiers to all members of the Oromia regional police in May after suspecting some of them of supporting Oromo militias in the recent clashes, revealed the government’s continued control of the country’s security apparatus. In Amhara, unidentified armed groups also engaged in various clashes with state forces and executed no less than 14 bomb and grenade attacks, mainly targeting state officials, between 1 January-8 July 2017.
Secondly, the ruling party’s continued domination since the declaration of the state of emergency and failure to engage in a dialogue with the protesters underlines its lack of interest in addressing the grievances that motivated the protests in the first place. This suggests that there is a strong possibility of demonstrations resuming once the state of emergency is lifted at the end of July 2017.
Several developments since the declaration of the state of emergency have reinforced the perception of government oppression among the protesters. Chief among them is the implementation of the state of emergency’s tight restrictions, which has led to hundreds of new fatalities and arrests, as well as to a pervasive state control of Internet access and use. Many people have been arrested on the basis social media posts perceived as inciting violence for instance, while the government imposed prolonged periods of nationwide Internet blackouts to control students during national examinations (Tadias Magazine, 13 June 2017; Africa News, 11 June 2017). The ruling party’s refusal to allow an independent probe into the protests has also fuelled a loss of hope among the protesters for a better form of government, which respects peoples’ basic rights. This is despite the many international calls for the establishment of a fair accountability process, including by the UN and by members of the European Parliament (IPS, 17 April 2017; Africa News, 11 July 2017).
Other oppressive state practices in 2017 have also led to several punctual protests, most of which were severely repressed. In Oromia, people protested in March 2017 against violence by the Liyu police. Students also protested in Ambo in June 2017, after the Ethiopian education authority revealed a plan to re-arrange the Oromo alphabet. Police arrested 50 students, including two whom died from severe beatings received during their transfer to prison facilities. In Amhara, people protested in April 2017 against the planned demolition of thousands of houses by the government, and were fired on by federal military troops (ESAT, 23 March 2017). Finally, at various international sporting events in early 2017, several Ethiopian athletes have protested the ruling party’s inability to embrace ethnic and religious diversity, by refusing to wave the current starred Ethiopian flag to celebrate their victories (African Arguments, 6 March 2017).
Politically, the several changes introduced to the Prime Minister’s Cabinet and to the leadership of the party representing the Oromos within the ruling coalition in the course of 2016 suggested only minimal ideological repositioning and thus did not convince the protesters. The government’s introduction in July 2017 of a draft bill to review the status of Addis Ababa represents the first attempt at credibly addressing the Oromo protesters’ grievances politically, by giving concrete meaning to Oromia’s constitutionally-enshrined “special interest” in the capital. However, there is still a possibility of future unrest if dissensions are not solved with its detractors, particularly among the Oromo nationalists (QZ, 6 July 2017; Global Voices, 7 July 2017). A recent plan to establish an oil venture in Oromia has also been seen by the ruling party as a way to address the protesters’ economic grievances (Bloomberg, 21 June 2017). Building on these overtures could lead to advancements in negotiations between the protesters and the government, and reduce the likelihood of future disruptions.
To acknowledge the growing importance of the Oromo people in the three cities, the mayors have officially declared July 29 – August 5, 2017 “Oromo Week”.
Here is the proclamation from Brooklyn Park
Gootichi Oromoo Atileet Fayyisaa Leellisaa dorgommii walkaa maaraatoonii adunyaa magaalaa guddoo biyyaa Kolombiyaa, Bogotaatti gaafa Adoolessa 30 bara 2017 hirmmaachuun tokkoffaa bawuun injifate. Fayyisaan dorgommii kana sa’aatii tokkoof daqiiqaa 4iin rawwatte. Harkasaa lamman waliin qaxxaamursuun mirga Oromoof falumaa jiraachuusaa adunyaatti mul’isuu itti fufee jira.
The Ethiopian prevailed in the competition with a time of 1 hour 4 minutes and 30 seconds.
Feyisa Lilesa, winner of the Bogota Half Marathon 2017.
This year, the Bogotá Half Marathon celebrated its 18th edition, the race counted with the participation of more than 43,350 athletes, in addition to a general bag in prizes that exceeded 200 million pesos.
The Bogota Half Marathon, in the elite category, proclaimed Feyisa Lilesa, from Ethiopia, who prevailed with a time of 1 hour 4 minutes and 30 seconds. In the second box the podium is the Kenyan Peter Kirui, who arrived 10 seconds after the leader. In the third box, the Ethiopian Shura Kitata.
In the category of ladies, Brigid Jepchirchir Kosgei of Kenya prevailed with a time of 1 hour 12 minutes 20 seconds. Veorincah Wanjiru, also from Kenya, concluded Monday and Ruth Chepngetich, who was third.
The best Colombian athletes in the competition, were of the team Porvenir: Miguel Amador, who got tenth, with a time of 1 hour 7 minutes and 32 seconds; Angie Orjuela that was seventh in its category, with a time of 1 hour 17 minutes and 57 seconds.
Top ten (elite)
Male Open Category
1. Feyisa Lilesa
2. Peter Cheruiyot
3. Shura Kitata
4. Stanley Kpileting
5. Kimutai Kiplimo
6. El Hassan El Abbassi
7. Afewerki Berhane
8. Motoloka Clement
9. Yerson Orellana
10. Miguel Amador
Female Open Category
1. Brigid Jepchirchir
2. Veronicah Nyarruai
3. Ruth Chepngetich
4. Mary Wacera
5. Meskerem Assefa
6. Miriam Wangari
7. Angie Orjuela
8. Janet Cherobon
9. Angela Figueroa.
https://videopress.com/embed/Kv0UV52t?hd=0&autoPlay=0&permalink=0&loop=0
Gincii, Amboo, Jalduu, Gudar, Giddaa Ayyaanaa, Mandii, Najjoo, Laaloo Assaabii, Jaarsoo, Gullisoo, Bojjii, Gujii,Dambi Doolloo, Gimbii, Naqamtee, Buraayyuu, sabbataa, Dirree Incinnii, Adaamaa, Harammayyaa, Mattuu, Baale (Robee), Madda Walabu, Walliisoo, Tulluu Boolloo, Sulultaa (Caancoo), Horroo Guduruu, Buuraayyuu, Dirree Dhawaa, Calanqoo, Ada’aa Bargaa, Baddannoo, Holootaa, Shaashee, Awaday (E. Harargee), Hara Qallo (Goro Dola, Gujii), Gaasaraa (Baalee), Bulee Hora, Jimmaa, Arjo, Heebantuu, Giddaa Ayyaanaa ,Kiiramuu, Ciroo, Dodolaa, Anfilloo (Mugii), Walqixxee, Diillaa, Bishooftuu, Finfinnee, Yuniversiitii Finfinnee, Geedoo, Asallaa, Shaambuu, Agaarfaa, Sibuu Siree, Kotobee, Wacaalee, Saalaalee, Machaaraa, Ammayyaa, Tokkee Kuttaayee, Innaangoo, Baabbichaa, Laaloo Qilee, Hiddii Lolaa, .Mugii, Arsi Nagallee, Baabbichaa, Shukutee, Baakkoo Tibbee, Jalduu, Gindoo, Buun’dho Beddellee, Grawwaa, Gaara Mul’ataa, Qarsaa, Qobboo (Dardar, Eastern Oromia), Sinaanaa (Baalee), Jimmaa Arjoo, Bojjii, Kombolcha, Aggaaroo,Tajji (Iluu), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Baabboo Gambel, Daawoo,Tulu Milki (Warra Jarso), Hirnaa, Xuulloo, Masalaa, Galamso, Bordode, Mi’esso, Waheel, Diggaa, Arjoo Guddattuu, Guraawa, waamaa Adaree, Shabee Somboo, Limmuu Saqaa, Amuruu (Agamsa), Daroo Labuu (Gaadulloo), Yaabelloo, Aliboo (Jaartee Jardagoo), Saasigga, Magaalaa Dafinoo, Dhumugaa, Daroo Labuu (Buraysaa) Begii (Kobor), Mardida Halo Guba (Daroo Labuu), Qassoo, Bonayyaa Boshee, Baalee (Dalloo Mannaa), Jimmaa Raaree (Magaalaa Gobaan), Nophaa (Iluu), Bordoddee, Togowacaalee, Dooguu, Metekel (Wanbara), Asaasaa, Waabee, Heeraroo, Doguu, Quufanziq (Dadar), Boku Luboma (Miyo, Borana), Eddoo, Dirree (Ada’aa), Qilxuu Kaarraa, Shebel town, Bate, Walanchiti, Warra Jiruu, Boolee Bulbulaa, Diilallaa, Gannat Haaraa (dodolaa)……………
Amajjii (January): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 ……2017
Gurraandhala (February) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28…..2017
Bitootessa ( March): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31……..2017
Ebla (April): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,7, 8, 9,10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30…… 2017
Caamsaa (May): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31 ……….2017
Waxabajjii (June): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30……….2017
Hadoolessa (July): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31……….2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution Report 1-30 June 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution Report 1-31 May 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution Report 1-30 April 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1-31 March 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1-28 February 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1-31 January 2017
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1-31 December 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1-30 November 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests/ #OromoRevolution report 1 – 31 October 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests report 1- 30 September 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests report 1- 31 August 2016 PDF
Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st July – 31st July 2016 PDF
Click here for #OromoProtests Updates, 1st June – 30 June 2016 PDF
Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st May 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 30 April 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests updates, 1st – 31st March, 2016
Click here for #OromoProtests updates, November 2015- February 29, 2016
Oromo athlete Feyisa Lilesa (the global icon of #OromoProtests) wins the #Bogota Half #Marathon , 30 July 2017.
The full USA’s House Foreign Affairs Committee voted to advance a resolution, authored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ), highlighting the human rights violations of the Ethiopian government, and offering a blueprint to create a government better designed to serve the interests of the Ethiopian people.
The resolution, which passed without objection, also calls on the U.S. government to implement Magnitsky Act sanctions, targeting the individuals within the Ethiopian government who are the cause of the horrific abuses.
New York Times journalist says Ethiopia faces dangers due to oppression of majority
http://www.thethiopianmedia.com/article_read.php?a=121
New York Times journalist, who worked as the paper’s East Africa Bureau chief for a decade, says the oppression that the majority, especially Amharas and Oromos, suffer under the minority government is a danger for the future of the country.
Jeffrey Gettleman, who won the most coveted journalism award, the Pulitzer Prize in 2011 for his work focusing on East Africa, said in an exclusive interview with ESAT that building infrastructure is important but not an excuse to kill, jail and torture innocent civilians.
“Infrastructure is really important in Africa right now. But if you are very repressive you are jeopardizing everything because you are creating this anger and resentment and volatility. We have seen that in the last couple of years, more volatility, violence and political upheaval in Ethiopia than there has been since the 1990s,” he said.
#OromoRevolution #Didne_Didaa Adoolessa 25/2017 Godina Horroo Guduruu Magaalaa Shaambuutti guyyaa kaleessaa warraaqsii FXG daldaltootnifi uummatni waliigaluun Manneen daldalaa suuqii(dunkanoota) isaanii Cufachuun duula gabaa lagannaa , diddaa gibiraafi gidiraa dhageessisa jiraachuu gabaasuun keenya ni yaadatama, har’a Immoo OPDO ergamtuun wayyaanee Manneen daldalaa uummataa irra adeemuun Saamsameera jechuun waraqaa irratti dhoobaa jiraachuu Maddeen Qeerroo Magaalaa Shaambuu gabaasan. Manneen daldalaa diddaa gi iraafi gidiraa akkasumas waamicha duula gabaa lagannaaf cufaman irra adeemtee Samsameera jechuun wayyaanee OPDOf furmaata kan hin taanee ta’uu hubachiisuun diddaa fala fidaa keenya qabsoon fulduratti jechuun ejjennoo isaanii jabeessa jiraachuu dhaammatan. Qeerroo News
Adoolessa 28,2017/ Godina Harargee Bahaa Aanaa Masalaatti wayyaaneen Ummata Dirqamaan akka hojii eegalsiiftan jechuun Milishoota fi Poolisoota Walitti qabdee dirqama itti kennaa jiraachuun dhagayame.Magaalaa Masalaa fi gandoota magaalichaa hunda keessatti namoota dukkaana banaa jedhamanii banuu didan qabdanii akka mootummaaf dhiyeessitan warrior ummata jeequmsaaf kanaan duras ummata kakaasaa ture isaanii jechuun ummata hidhatti guuruf karoorfattee ka’uun guyyaa har’aa wal gahirra jiraachuu maddeen Oduu Qeerroo Gabaasanii jiru Continue reading
Adoolessa 28,2017/Godina Harargee bahaa Santa Qarsaatti Wayyaaneen Ummata Dirqamaan biqiltuu dhaabsisaa jiraachuu maddeen Keenya gabaasanii juru. Aanaa Qarsaa fi Gandoottan baadiyyaa hunda keessatti mootummaan wayyaanee Ummata dirqamaan yaasee biqiltuu dhaabun naannoo keessan magariisa gochuu qabdu jedhee roobaf aduun ummata rakkisaa jiraachuun dhagahame.maqaa biqiltuu dhaabutiin ummata walitti qabee kaabinoota isaa warra Afaan isaanii siyaasaa kijibaatin qaratan bobbaasee ummata waa’ee misoomatiin walitti qabe siyaasaa isaa kan kijibaa waggaa 26 guutuu ummataaf liqimfamuu dide san ummataan dirqamaan liqimsaa jechaa jiraachuun ummata shororkaa itti naqaa jiraachuu maddeen keenya gabaasanii jiru. Continue reading
Adoolessa 24,2017/ Magaalaa Buraayyuu irra lukkeelee wayyaanee ummata burjaajeessun mana jireenyaa fi lafa bakka mana jireenyaa sini keennina jechuun dhugaa fakkeessani,kijibaan ummata kan saamaa turan soba ta’u ifa baasan.
Odeeffannoo naannoo Sana akka addeessutti ummannii fi Qeerroon akka addeessutti kana dura nama uunfaa tokko tokkoorraa qarshii kan guuraa turan deebidhanii haaluun lafti sinif kennamu hin jiru jechuun beeksisa maxxansan odeensi gama sana ,waanti kun kan raawwate gandoota buraayyuu maratti,ganda lakkuu kattaa,ganda Buraayyuu,Ammee Diimaa,Gafarsaa…fi kknf keessatti lukkeleen wayyaanee ummata saamaa kan turan haaluu isaani qeerroon naannoo Sana addeessan,odeeffannoo biraa dudduubaan…
Adooleessa 22/2017/ Daldallii karaa Sukkaaraaf Zayiitaan mootummaan taasisu iratti magaalaalee irraa qabee hanga baadiyyaatti uummannii hiriiraan akka bitataa tureef sanuu tibbaa irraa kutaa turan ibsaa turuun keenya nii yaadatama. Haala kana keessatti biyyattiin saatii kufaatii dinagdee keessa seenaa jirtutti mootummaan waa maraan uummata saamaa jiraachuun akkaan mufachiise jira. Daballii Sukkaaraaf Zayiitaa kana keessatti miidhamaan uummaataan ala Namoonni miseensa ta’an yeroo gara yerootti Zayiitaa, Sukkaaraaf Kaardiin manatti akka dhaquuf baramee jira. Koompoonii gurgurtaa mi’oota kanneeniis uummataaf tokko kan laatan jaleewwaan mootummaa lamaaf isaa olfudhachuun gaafa uummanni bittaaf dhaqu akka dhume himuun hawwaasa balaa keessa galchu. Haallan kana keessattu uummataarraa Zayiitaa, Sukkaaraaf kaardii kutuun uummata gidirsaa jira. Namoota maatii danuu qabaniif kaneen namoota muraasa qabaniifis hangi gurguramtu sunuu xiqqaa ta’uuf irrattuu gatii dabaluun dubbatame.
Adooleessa 21 _2017 Kutaa finfiinnee magaalaa buraayyuutti amma ganama kana lukkeelee wayyaanee uummata nagaan deemu tumaa ykn reebaa jiraachuu qeerroon addeessan,naannooma sana kattaa bakka jedhamutti duulli gabaa lagannaa akkuma itti fufetti jira gabaasa biraa dudduubaan..
Adoolessa 20_2017
Godina Wallagaa aanaa Gudayyaa Biilaa irraa,ummaanni gudayyaa biilaa sababa lukkeelee Sirna nama nyaataa mootummaan wayyaanee mirga hiree namummaa fi qabeenya uunfaa ofiitti fayyadamu sarbamnee murtoo balleessanii baduurra geenyeerra jedha qeerroon gudayyaa Biilaa.
jalatti Argaman keessatti lagannaan gabayaa itti fufeeti jira Qobbootti Lagannaan gabaa roga hundaan godhamaa kan jiru yoo ta’uu wayyaanen daldaltoota walitti qabdee dirqamaan gara hojii keessanii akka deebitan jettee doorsisaa jirti.daldaltoonnis gibirri humnaa ol nutti fe’ame kan doorsisa kamuu kan nu sodaachisuu miti.nuti waan waggaa kudhanitti dalagannee hin arganne waggaa tokkotti mootummaadhaaf kaffaluu maaltu fide osoo hin hojjanne jiraachuu ni dandeenya jechuun ergamtoota wayyaanee ufirraa oofaniiti jiru. Continue reading
Magaalaa Shaashamannee keessattis galgala kana barruulen waamicha FXG Gabaa lagannaatin godhamuu naxxanfamaa jira.
Adoolessa 19,2017/GODINA Arsii Aanota hedduu keessatti Barruulen waamicha FXG Gibiraan wal qabatu bal’innaan facaafamaa jiru.Magaalota Akka Roobee Diida’aa, Siree, Soloist, Seerofta, Boqqojjii, Lemmuuf Bilbiloo, Xannaa(Xiicho) Wandoo Gannat, Eddoo, Dheeraa, Itayya, Asallaa, Sagureef Magaalota hedduu keessatti maxxanfamaa Fi facaafamaa kan jiru yoo ta’uu guyyoottan Itti aananis bifa gara garaatin Ummataaf waamichaa kan godhu ta’uu Qeerron Aanota Garagaraa irraa qophii xummurachuu gabaasee jira Continue reading
Adoolessaa 19/2017 Oromiyaa Lixaa Godina Wallagga Bahaa Magaalaa Naqemtee Keessatti Guyyaa har’aa Sochiin Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Duullii gabaa lagachuu, mormiin gibiraa fi qaraxa adda addaa dhorkachuu itti fufe. Qeerroon dargaggootni Magaalaa Neqemtee fi uummatni Daldaltootni Sabboontootni Oromoo guutummaatti mana daldalaa isaanii
✔manneen nyaataa fi hoteelotni cufamanii tajaajila dhaabaniiru
✔dunkanoonni (Suuqiiwwaan) daldaltootas hojii dhaa uun cufamaniru Continue reading
Adoolessa 18,2017/Godina Wallagga magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessa barruuleen fxg guutummaa magaalaa Naqamtee keessa facaafamaa akka jiran Qeerroon gabaase.
Sirni gabroomfataa Wayyaanee kan afaan hololaa fi kijiba diimokiraasiin biyya Oromiyaa kan saamaa ture itti xiqqaannaan ittuu diinummaa isaa addunyaatti mullisuuf maqaa saamicha gibiraan daa’effatee uummata saamaa akka jiru hundu quba qaba.Haaluma kanaan gootowwan Qeerroon magaalaa Naqamtees diddaa sirna wayyaaneef qabanirraa ka’uun guutummaa magaalaa Naqamtee fi naannoo ishee keessa barruulee warraaksaa kan diddaa kaffaltii gibiraan wal qabatu facaasaa akka jiran madi oduu Qeerroo leeqaa gabaase. Continue reading
Godina Arsii.
Adooleessa 18,2017/Godina Arsii Aanota hedduu keessatti guyyoota lamaan har’aaf kaleessa lagannaan gabaa kan taasifame yoo ta’uu Suuqonni daldalaa magaalota akka Seeruu,Balee, Geersaa, Shaashamannee,Adaabbaa, Dodola,Roobe,Saddiiqa, Waabee, Eddoo, Kofalee, Nageellee, Ajjee keessatti Gibira Wayyaanen Ummatarratti feete mormuun gabaa lagatanii jiru. Tajaajilli Geejjibaas dhaabbateera Konkolaachiftoonni fi Abbootin qabeenyaa sabaan Oromoo hin ta’in muraasni isaanii dalagaa isaanii didanii kan itti fufan yoo ta’uu. Diddaa kanatti akka makaman karaa adda addaatin Qeerron ergeefii kan jiru yoo ta’uu gaaffii isaanif dhiyeessine kana fudhachuun gara ummataa hin goran yoo ta’e Qeerron tarkaanfii Qabeenya isaanii irratti akka fudhatus hubachiisee jira. jedhu Gabaasaalen Qeerroo magaalota adda addaa irraa nu gahaa juru.
kana malee Continue reading
Adoolessaa 18/2017 Godina Lixa Shaggar Aanaa Adaa’aa Bargaa Magaalaa Incinnii Keessatti Qeerroon Dargaggootni Oromoo Sochii Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessa Oromiyaa FXG daran jabeessuun finniinsaa jiruu, Warraaqsii kun yeroo amma sagalee dhaadannoo jabaa dhageesisuun itti fufani jiru. Continue reading
Adoolessa 17_2017/Wayyaaneen TPLF bifa kasaaraa dinagdee dhibbantaa 85% keessa galee jiru suphachuuf jecha ummata Oromoo irratti gibira gara malee fe’uun beekamaa dha haalli kun gibiraan uummata saamu mormuun Qeerroon Jalduu hardha guyyaa guutuu FDXG finiinsaa ooluun mootummaan Wayyaanee fi lukkeelee isa muddama keessa oolcheera.muddama kanaan kan kadhe lukkeelee isaani konkoolaachiftootaa fi imaaltoota konkoolaataa irraa harcaasuun reebichaa fi saamicha gaggeessa oluusaani Qeerroon addeessa. Continue reading
#OromoRevolution Adoolessaa 17/2017 Godina Kibba Lixa Shaggar Magaalaa Walisoo Keessaatti Sochiin Warraaqsaa FXG tajaajila geejjibaa taskiifi bajaajiin hojii dhaabuun mormii sirna nama nyaata wayyaaneef qaban jabeessani itti fufan. #gibirri fi #qaraxni adda addaa guutummaatti labsiin bahee hanga akka humna uummatatti sirreeffamuutti,fi gaaffiin migaa abbaa biyyummaa mootummaan abbaa irree teessoo afaan qawween ijaarrate irraa gadi bu’ee hanga deebiin kennamuuf bilisummaan uummata Oromoo mirkanaa’uutti mormiin wal irraa hin citu.
Adoolessa 16/2017 Galgala keessaa sa’a 2:50 irraa eegalee Magaalaa Amboo Keessatti Dhukaasni cimaan kan waraana wayyaanee irraa uummatatti baname , gara naannoo Mooraa Yuunibarsiitii Amboottii Waraanni Wayyaanee dhukaasaa guddaa uummata sivilii irratti banuun dargaggoota Oromoo Lama Wareeguun Ibsame jira, Kanneen madeeffaman hanga gabasni kun nu gaheetti adda kan hin baanee ta’uu maddeen Qeerroo Magaalaa Amboo addeessaan. Magaalaan Amboo galgala kana caalaatti gara dirree waraanaatti waan jijjiiramte fakkaatti , gabaasaa dabalataan walitti deebina. Continue reading
Adoolessa 16,2017/ Uummanni Shaggar lixaa rakkoo guddaa keessa jiraachuu Qeerroon naannoo Sana’a addeessan.akka gabaasa qeerroo naannoo sanaatti rakkoowwaan jireenyaa ilma namaaf barbaachisan kan akka,tajaajila Daandiin, Ibsaa,Bishaan fi kkf guutummaatti surni nama nyaataa mootummaa wayyaanee ummatarraa kuteera uummanni rakkoo guddaa keessatti argama.
Kun kanaan osoo jiru uummanni dalagee jiraachuu hin dandeenye,tajaajila uummanni argaachuu qabu kutuun gibira humnaan olii nurratti fedhuun mirgaa fi haamilee keenyaa cabsaa jira jechuun uummanni quba nyaachaa jira.sirni nama nyaataa mootummaan wayyaanee kun ilaalcha gad aanaa waan qabuuf hanga kana duraa karaa hedduun duguggaa Sanyii nurratti raawwaachaa ture ammammoo karaa gibiraa uummata keenyaa biyya mancaasuuf waan kadheef sabni Oromoo dammaquu qaba.qaamni sagalee guddaa qabu akka qeerroo kutaa maraa gurra nubuusan nudhaama jechaa jiru qeerroon naannoo sanaa. Continue reading
Adoolessa 15,2017. Godina Arsii Aanaa Siree keessatti Guyyaa har’aa Suuqonni cufaa oolanii jiru. Tilmaama gatii kan galii gibiraa jechuun waajjirri Galii Aanichaa maxxanseen wal qabatee daldaltoonni hojii dhaabanii jiru Waraanni wayyasnees magaalicha keessa deemee ummanni dirqamaan akka suuqii daldalaa isaanii banan furqamsiisuf tattaafachaa jiraachuu maddeen keenya magaalaa Siree gabaasanij jiru. Continue reading
Adoolessa 15,2017/ Godina Buunnoo Beddelleetti gibirri humnaa olii uummata keenya irratti gatamaa jiru biyya keenya sodaa keessa galchee jira.Bu’uuruma kanaan magaalaa Beddelleetti hoteela tokkotti gibirri murtaa’ee jiru waggaatti 4,000,000 (miliyina afur). Continue reading
#OromoRevolution Adoolessaa 13/2017
Gidduugaleessaa Oromiyaa Godina Lixa Shaggar Magaalaa Ambootti Sochiin Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessa Oromiyaa FXG Kanfaltiin gibiraa dachaa guddaan Uummatarratti dabalamuu waliin walqabatee daran jabaachuun Mormii Guddaan Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromoo, Daldaltoota fi Uummata Hundaa kan Hirmaachise Warraaqsii Finiinaa jira. Continue reading
Adoolessa 13,2017
Ummatni Oromoo guyyaa gabrummaa jalatti kufe irraa kaasee bilisummaa fi walabummaa isaa deebifachuu wareegama baasaa as gahe. Ammas wareegama qaqqaalii baasaa jira. Boris, ifitaanis haga bilisummaan Oromoo mirkanaawuutti wareegama baasuun waan dhaabbatu hin ta´u.
Sabboontotni Oromoo hedduu golee Oromiyaa mara keessatti falmaa mirga abbaa biyyummaa isaani deebifachuuf diddaa godhaniin wareegama qaqqaalii baasanii jiru. Seenaan bara baraan isaan yaadatti, warri diddaa abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo irratti wareegaman bara baraan yaadatamaa jiraatu.
Bara 2001 keessa Gootooti barattooti Oromoo murtii dabaa wayyaaneen dhimma Finfinnee irratti dabarsite fi lukkeen hojiitti hiikuuf tattaafatte mormuun gaaffii kaasan, maanguddoon Oromoo kan Waldaa Maccaa fi Tulamaas hiriira nagaa bahaniif deebbiin isaaniif kenname reebicha, gidiraa, hidhaa fi ajjeechaa ture, Gaaffii kana waliin wal qabatee goototi barattoota Oromoo hedduu wareega qaalii lubbuu itti baasanii jiru, isaan keessaa warra dhimma kanaaf mana hidhaatti gidirfamaa fi rasaasaan rukutamanii ajjeefaman kumaatamaan lakkaawamu! Continue reading
Adoolessa 11,2017/ Godina Arsii Aanota hedduu keessatti Wayyaaneen Gaaffii Ummanni gaafachaa ture karaa hundaan deebisuuf kaane jechuun Taappeellaan Afaan Oromootin sirnaan haa barreeffamu jetti.Ergamtuun Wayyaanee OPDOn waggoottan 26 guutuu Ummata Oromootif hojjachaa turre akkuma jettee kijiba gadi naqaa turte Dagattee akka waan amma hirribaa ka’aa jirtuu godinaalee Arsii fi Baalee keessattiContinue reading
WALGAHIIIDILEE OSA BARA 2017 WASHINGTON DC
Oromo Studies Association 2017 Annual Conference: Gadaa as an organizing theme of Oromo life: Tradition, knowledge and contemporary significance
OSA 2017-Annual-Conferece-Program
Ladies and gentlemen,
On behalf of OSA Board of Directors and its Executive Committee, I want to welcome you all to this evening’s events. It is with a great sense of satisfaction that I stand before you to open the 31stAnnual OSA conference. The first time I came to Washington was 33 years ago in 1984 to attend the annual conference of Oromo Union in North America. In early July the same year, we had also an international Oromo conference in Berlin organized by the Union of Oromo Students in Europe. Bonnie Holcomb and the late Mammo Dibaabaa attended the conference from the US. The late Sisai Ibssa sent a paper to be read at the conference. It was then that we started to think about organizing an Oromo studies association. Few years later, OSA was formally organized. Since then, I have been coming almost every year, sometimes twice a year, to this country because of Oromo studies.
By and large, we have been conducting Oromo studies for more than three decades without financial support or institutional backing. Given the circumstances, I never imagined that we could write so many articles and books on Oromo history, culture, and language. When I say many books and articles, I am talking in relative terms reflecting on the knowledge that existed about the Oromo people when we started. If we take the gadaa system, for example, we had only Professor Asmerom Legesse’s classic book, Gadaa: Three Approaches to African Society published in 1973. Today, we have several books, doctoral dissertations, and journal articles on the gadaa system and many other topics concerning the Oromo society. In the 1970s and 1980s, there were very few articles published on Oromo history in international journals. Today, there are many books on the subject, most of them written by Oromos themselves. New ones keep on coming.
Although what has been achieved is what we had never imagined, what we have done so far is not more than a scratch on the surface. There are great gaps in our knowledge about Oromo history, Oromo language, and Oromo culture that are waiting to be filled. Without adequate knowledge about our past, we cannot make an adequate assessment of our present concerns, or have a clear vision of our future as a nation.
That said, Oromo studies should not limit itself to Oromia or the Ethiopian region. It must go beyond the present Ethiopian borders, look into the cultural and historical affinities the Oromo seem to have, particularly with the peoples of Nubia and ancient Egypt. It is interesting to note that culturally, significant similarities in hair style, dress, etc. that resemble Egyptian hieroglyphics motifs are still found among the Oromo. There are many artifacts and outfits used by Oromo abba gadaas and qaalluuswhich resemble the outfits that decorate the statues of Egyptian pharaohs. The resemblance between the ancient Egyptian concept of maat and Oromo concept of nagaa, both of which reflect ethics that regulate order and harmony provide execiting area for scholarly investigation regarding the probable affinity between the philosophies and cultures of the two peoples.
In addition, there are intriguing linguistic elements that indicated similarities between Afaan Oromooand the ancient language of the Berbers of North Africa. In short, there are historical, cultural, and linguistic factors which suggest Oromo affinity with the ancient peoples of Northeast Africa, countering the controversial theory about Oromo migration from the south in the sixteenth century in Ethiopia.
When we turn south, the interaction of the Oromo people with the inhabitants of East Africa is not less interesting. As brilliantly presented in Professor Gufu Oba’s new book, Herder Warfare in East Africa, the Oromo influence in the region from 1300 to 1900 seems to have been very substantial. Starting from Jubaland in southern Somalia and stretching south to Tanzania, the Oromo role in the history of the region was very significant.
That colonialism alienates the colonized from their true history is well-known among scholars. Hence, it is needless to stress here that distortion of history and suppression of information about Oromo society has been the policy of Ethiopian regimes for more than a century. Ethiopianist scholars have also contributed much to the distortion and cover ups. Consequently, there are important areas in Oromo culture and history that remain barely touched by researchers to this day. For example, very little study is done on Oromo social and environmental ethics. The Oromo moral and philosophical principles of Safuu and Nagaa which offer a unique model for passing over life on to future generations are waiting for exploration by scholars. The usefulness of Oromo philosophies, eco-knowledge, and social ethics in these times of glaring lack of environmental ethics, religious fanaticism, right wing political extremism, and lack of respect for human lives should be appreciated and mediated to the rest of the world. The recognition of the gadaa system and the irreecha festival by UNESCO as intangible heritages of humanity in 2017 can be used as an opportunity to share with the world from the pool of traditional Oromo knowledge mentioned above.
In short, opportunities are abound for those who are interested in Oromo studies. As indicated above, there are numerous untouched areas to investigate. However, there are many challenges to be confronted as well. Acquisition of institutional and financial support requires hard work from OSA members.
The future of Oromo studies depends on our ability to recruit young scholars for research in Oromo language, history, and society. Therefore, building networks with researchers at home is very important. Our cooperation with non-Oromo scholars engaged in African studies is also crucial. As a diaspora organization, OSA cannot do everything, but a lot more can be done.
Much more can be said about available research opportunities that OSA has as well as challenges that are confronting it. But, since we have many panels and round table discussions on dozens of topics in the next two days, I will not take more of your time with what should be done, I will use the few minutes I have to thank those who have been working hard to discharge their duties as members of the Board of Directors and OSA Executive Committee since August last year. ….. Last, but not least, I would also like to thank the local organizing committee who made this splendid evening possible.
Ladies and gentlemen, thank you for your attention and please enjoy your dinner and the rest of the evening.
27 July 2017
Today, the full House Foreign Affairs Committee voted to advance a resolution, authored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ), highlighting the human rights violations of the Ethiopian government, and offering a blueprint to create a government better designed to serve the interests of the Ethiopian people.
The resolution, which passed without objection, also calls on the U.S. government to implement Magnitsky Act sanctions, targeting the individuals within the Ethiopian government who are the cause of the horrific abuses.
The State Department’s current human rights report on Ethiopia notes, “[t]he most significant human rights problems were security forces’ use of excessive force and arbitrary arrest in response to the protests, politically motivated prosecutions, and continued restrictions on activities of civil society and NGOs.”
“H. Res. 128, is like a mirror held up to the Government of Ethiopia on how others see them, and it is intended to encourage them to move on the reforms they agree they need to enact,” said Smith, Chair of the House panel on Africa. “For the past 12 years, my staff and I have visited Ethiopia, spoken with Ethiopian officials, talked to a wide variety of members of the Ethiopia Diaspora and discussed the situation in Ethiopia with advocates and victims of government human rights violations. Our efforts are not a response merely to government critics, but rather a realistic assessment of the urgent need to end very damaging and in some cases inexcusable actions by the government or those who act as their agents.”
H. Res. 128, entitled “Supporting respect for human rights and encouraging inclusive governance in Ethiopia,” condemns the human rights abuses of Ethiopia and calls on the Ethiopian government to:
“It is important to note that this resolution does not call for sanctions on the Government of Ethiopia, but it does call for the use of existing mechanisms to sanction individuals who torture or otherwise deny their countrymen their human and civil rights,” said Smith.
Smith has chaired three hearings on Ethiopia, the most recent of which looked into the deterioration of the human rights situation in Ethiopia and was titled “Ethiopia After Meles: The Future of Democracy and Human Rights.”
Sunday, July 23, 2017By C.J. Polychroniou, Truthout | Interview
Contemporary capitalism revolves around neoliberalism, globalization and financialization, with the latter being the dominant force in this triad. Yet, there is still confusion about the nature and dynamics of financialization, including its impact on the economy. What is clear, however, is that capitalism has become quite prone to regular and systemic crises under financialization as the system now thrives ever increasingly on debt and quick profits. In this interview, professor of economics and co-director of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, Gerald Epstein, a leading authority on financialization, sheds light on finance capital and why it needs to be brought under control.
… [F]inancialization can lead to economic expansion or stagnation, depending on the relative size of these factors. But it almost always increases inequality. In addition, it almost always leads to financial instability and even crises.
Source: Truth Out. Click here to read the full article.
Pasar Minggu Baru is a quiet, leafy neighborhood for refugees and asylum seekers, whose paths to there have been long and fraught, South Jakarta, Indonesia, July 26, 2017. (K. Varagur)
Ranna, 24, an Oromo Ethiopian woman, is not only a third-generation refugee, but also a two-time refugee. Indonesia, which is home now, is the second place to which she has been displaced in her young life.
She was born in Saudi Arabia because her mother, the daughter of a prominent dissident, fled Ethiopia before her birth. But that country did not recognize asylum-seekers and she was officially stateless. After a brief interlude in Ethiopia, where she was deported to at age 16 and where she earned a bachelor’s degree, she was again forced to flee during a government crackdown on Oromo activists in 2015.
After a harrowing interlude in Djibouti, where she says Oromo asylum-seekers were being rounded up and deported because of an agreement with the Ethiopian government, Ranna’s smuggler booked her, her mother and her brother on a flight to Indonesia. It was a country where they knew no one and did not speak the language.
Pasar Minggu Baru abuts a commuter rail line, South Jakarta, Indonesia, July 26, 2017. (K. Varagur)
They were granted refugee status within a year and able to make a home in Pasar Minggu Baru, a South Jakarta neighborhood that abuts a commuter train line and station. Over the last three years, the neighborhood has come to house an enclave of East African refugees and asylum-seekers, some of whom arrived, like Ranna, through unscrupulous smugglers. Others got stuck in transit when Australia blocked maritime refugee arrivals in 2014.
East African asylum seekers face years-long wait times to even be granted refugee status in Indonesia, according to Trish Cameron, an independent refugee lawyer based in Jakarta. And if that happens, they face even longer wait times for resettlement out of Indonesia — if they are resettled at all, which is not a given, especially as developed countries have closed their doors in recent years.
“There’s not really anywhere to go right now,” said Ranna.
Pasar Minggu Baru community
There are about 200 Oromo refugees in Jakarta, according to Cameron, and “hundreds” of East African refugees in Pasar Minggu Baru. Ranna said she finds it quite safe.
An alleyway in Pasar Minggu Baur, which is home to many East African refugees, South Jakarta, Indonesia, July 26, 2017. (K. Varagur)
“They don’t make you feel like a stranger, maybe because refugees have been hosted here for a long time,” said Ranna. There also is a small Arab market nearby, a happy coincidence because her family speaks Arabic from their time in Saudi Arabia.
Although Ranna has been a Muslim her whole life, she began wearing a headscarf only when she moved to Jakarta, out of respect, she said, for her neighbors.
About 16 percent of the 14,093 refugees and asylum-seekers registered with UNHCR Indonesia are from East Africa, said Mitra Salima Suryono, a spokesperson for the agency. Most are from Somalia, Ethiopia and Sudan, plus a handful from Eritrea, Uganda and Mozambique.
Today, Ranna volunteers intensively as a translator — she is fluent in Oromo, Arabic, Amharic and English, and is now conversational in Bahasa Indonesia — to help asylum-seekers in her community prepare for their interviews.
Oromo unrest
The Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, split about evenly between Muslims and Christians [Ethiopian Orthodox and Protestant], and account for about one-third of the country’s population.
The protests that began in 2015 grew out of a grass-roots movement led by students in the Oromia region. There also is a history of armed struggle for self-determination, however, led by the Oromo Liberation Front, an opposition group formed in 1973 after a military coup. The government has outlawed the OLF as a terrorist organization and blames anti-government protests on OLF and other groups that it labels “anti-peace elements.”
Ranna’s grandfather was a member of OLF and was the earliest family member to flee Ethiopia as a refugee. Although Ranna came to her homeland only as a young adult, she quickly picked up the nationalist energy that ran through her family. She became a prominent student activist and public health official, and was in her first year of medical school when she had to leave for Indonesia.
“There is grief inside me whenever I think about our people,” said Ranna. “Even in my short time there I could see how wrong it was.”
She spent a night in jail (“it felt like a year”) for her activism, but her middle brother suffered a worse fate before he could flee: He simply disappeared.
Human Rights Watch says more than 800 protesters have been killed since the unrest began in November 2015 and thousands more people have been arrested.
In December 2016, the Ethiopian government announced it would release nearly 10,000 people detained for “rehabilitation.”
Ranna’s youngest brother had just finished 10th grade when they fled, and in him, she sees signs of the aimless boredom that is now typical of the refugee experience in Indonesia, where refugees cannot legally work or attend school. Her mother has diabetes, and is in and out of hospitals.
She still manages to make spongy injera bread in their makeshift house. Ranna herself has acute anxiety and trouble sleeping at night, bearing, as she does, the weight of her family and community, and extant fears about the Ethiopian state.
Ranna doesn’t regret her activism, even as she and her family prepare for an indefinite stay in Indonesia. “I couldn’t see people dying in front of me and do nothing,” she said. “I could not.”
The equality effect can appear magical. In more equal countries, human beings are generally happier and healthier; there is less crime, more creativity, more productivity, and – overall – higher real educational attainment. The evidence for the benefits of living more economically equitable lives is now so overwhelming that it will soon start to change politics and societies all over the world.
Greater equality is not sufficient for widespread happiness, but it is necessary. This is borne out by looking at statistics from all over the world – as well as by surveying long stretches of human history with the benefit of hindsight.
Equality means being afforded the same rights, dignity and freedoms as other people. These include the right to access resources, the dignity of being seen as able, and the freedom to choose what to make of your life on an equal footing with others. Believing that we all deserve such parity is very far from suggesting that we would all behave in the same way if we had more equal opportunities.
Although leftwing and green politicians tend to advocate greater equality more vocally, and rightwing and fascist ones tend to oppose it, equality is actually not the preserve of any political label. Great inequality has been sustained or increased under systems labelled as socialist and communist. Some free-market systems have seen equalities grow and the playing field become more level. Anarchistic systems can be either highly equitable or inequitable. Many such social systems existed in the past before the rule of law and the concept of property became widespread, and they were not all greatly equitable or inequitable. Click here to read more at The New Internationalist
It’s when you’re acting selflessly that you are at your bravest. –Veronica Roth
‘Known to many as a “walking library” because of his incredibly deep knowledge of Oromo history, Edao Oda is a long-time member of the Oromo community in Tennessee and a life-long participant in the Oromo national struggle. He is a father, a friend for many, and he has throughout his life selflessly helped others in need and devoted his time to researching and teaching about the Oromo people. Due to his commitment to the Oromo cause, he has sacrificed and suffered immensely as a political prisoner, torture survivor and political exilee.
Obbo Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii is widely known as historian, he is also a legal expert, linguist and translator and fluent in many languages including in Afaan Oromoo, Amharic, English, French and Russian. He studied at General Wingate, Prince Mekonnen, Nefas Silk (pre- college). He studied undergraduate and postgraduate degree courses in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa) University, Moscow Institute of Economics and Statistics, University of London, Birkbeck College (Applied Statisttics and Operations Research), University of North London (MA Employment and Human Resources Studies), University of Westminster, London and University of Tennessee, Knoxville.
Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii was born and brought up in Finfinnee. He and his family are among the survivors of indigenous Oromo of Finfinnee. He lived in Moscow, London (Camden Town) and Tennessee (Knoxville).
Edao Odaa Boruu Dorii is pure, selfless, multi-genius, a champion of human freedom and Oromo superhero.
Ni dhaatu hin booyan
Gaafa goonni du’e
Gaafa beekan kufu,
Odaa hundeen jabaa
Du’an gala hin taatuu
Seenaan kee haa ifu.
Gootaaf hin booyan
Itti dhaadataniit
Faarsanii garmaamuu,
Seenaan kee gaalanaa
Himaamsi hin xumuruu
Waraabamee hin dhumuu. Bilisee Sabaa irraa
Qallačča and Bokkuu: Themes in the ancient Qaallu institution and rock paintings of Hararqee— implications for social semiosis and history of Ethiopia
A new tax levied by authorities on small businesses and vendors has reportedly led to protests in Ethiopia’s Oromia region with the military and police deployed to bring the situation under control. The tax hike is being imposed on businesses with an annual turnover of up to 100,000 birr ($4,300), as part of a new government proposal to boost the tax base and raise much-needed government revenue.
Residents in Ambo city in Oromia damaged two state-owned vehicles, according to Addis Standard newspaper, while businesses in Woliso town shut their businesses in protest. The paper also quoted state officials saying that even though the situation was currently under control, there were plans for region-wide protests.
Like many sub Saharan Africa countries, tax collection in Ethiopia is still a low share of GDP when compared with the average for OECD countries of around 34%. Just 15.2% of Ethiopia GDP was generated by tax revenue as of 2015, according to the World Bank. Last year, a World Bank survey also showed that 54% of businesses thought the process of complying with taxation was more burdensome than the amount of due tax itself.
The new reports from Oromia are significant given that it was the genesis of anti-government protests that hit the country in Nov. 2015. The demonstrations initially began in response to the government’s master plan which sought to expand the capital Addis Ababa into neighboring towns and villages inhabited by the Oromo, the country’s largest ethnic group. The Oromo said the plan would displace farmers and stymie the growth of their culture and identity.
For Oromos, who make up at least a third of the population, they believe the federal capital, which they call Finfinne, belongs to Oromia. They recount a long history of grievance which casts Oromos as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.
The Ethiopian government reacted with force to the protests, leading to the death of 669 protesters, according to a government-mandated investigation. Last October, the government also declared a still-ongoing state of emergency, shut down the mobile internet, and banned the use of social media networks to document the unrest.
Related articles:
Africa News: Ethiopia economy gets knock with unneeded tax protests in Oromia
Reuters: Businesses go on strike in Ethiopia’s Oromiya region over taxes
J.M. irra: The road from Finfine to Chiro has been closed at Chiro this evening at 9 PM local time
“Arra galgala 19/72017 sa’aatii 3:00 irratti daandiin guddichi Finfinne Harar geessu magaalaa Ciroo iddoo Hospitaalaatti sa’aatii muraasaaf cufameera. amma qeerroo barbaacha poolisoonni fifiigaa jiru. qeerroon magaalaa Ciroo hundi ofeeggannoo akka godhan dhaamsa dabarsiif…”
Feyisa Lilesa Gemechu irraa dhaamssa darbbe.
Namni barreeffama kana argitan hundi ilmaan oromootin naaf gahaa.
Akkam jirtu kabajamtoota qaqqaalii Qeerroo ilmaan Oromoo!
Nagaa kiyyatti aansuudhaan,akkuma beekamu yeroo ammaa kana fincilli diddaa gabaa lagannaa itti fufeeti jira.haa ta’u malee,godinoota muraasa keessatti qofa waan ta’eef quubsaa miti.Oromiyaa bakka hunda walga’uutu irraa eeggama.
Dhimmi kuni kan yeroo gabaabaa keessatti dhaabbatu osoo hin ta’iin kan yeroo dheeraf itti fufu ta’uutu irra jiraata.irra caalatti waantootni baadiyyaarraa fe’amanii gara magaalaa finfinnee deeman hundu haalan dhorkamuutu irra jiraata.sana booda kabajni keessan gaafattanii osoo hin ta’iin,ofiif manatti isiiniif dhufti.
Kana booda daandirratti harka duwwaa du’uun dhaabbachuu qaba.qabsoon keenya haala abshaalummaa qabu kanaan deemutu irra jiraata.kan nu fixaa jiru qabeenya keenya waan ta’eef isuma gabaa laguudha.
Loon,Hoolaa,Re’ee,Midhaan,Kuduraa fi Fuduraa gabaa lagi.yoomiyyuu waan qabeenya kee gurguruu diddeef namni dhufee mana keetti si ajjeesuu hin jiru.
Inni dhaabbatee isinitti dhukaasus maal nyaatee akka sinitti dhukaasu gaafasuma hubattu.
Keessayyuu Harargee bahatif,jimaa keessaan sumaalee dhorkachuu waan diddaniif kan daangaa ce’anii ilmaan keessan duguugaa jiran.ammaan booda dhaabaa.
Galatoomaa!
Dogoggora yoon qabaadhe nasirreessaa.
jalatti Argaman keessatti lagannaan gabayaa itti fufeeti jira Qobbootti Lagannaan gabaa roga hundaan godhamaa kan jiru yoo ta’uu wayyaanen daldaltoota walitti qabdee dirqamaan gara hojii keessanii akka deebitan jettee doorsisaa jirti.daldaltoonnis gibirri humnaa ol nutti fe’ame kan doorsisa kamuu kan nu sodaachisuu miti.nuti waan waggaa kudhanitti dalagannee hin arganne waggaa tokkotti mootummaadhaaf kaffaluu maaltu fide osoo hin hojjanne jiraachuu ni dandeenya jechuun ergamtoota wayyaanee ufirraa oofaniiti jiru.
Adoolessaa 19/2017 Oromiyaa Lixaa Godina Wallagga Bahaa Magaalaa Naqemtee Keessatti Guyyaa har’aa Sochiin Warraaqsa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Duullii gabaa lagachuu, mormiin gibiraa fi qaraxa adda addaa dhorkachuu itti fufe. Qeerroon dargaggootni Magaalaa Neqemtee fi uummatni Daldaltootni Sabboontootni Oromoo guutummaatti mana daldalaa isaanii
✔manneen nyaataa fi hoteelotni cufamanii tajaajila dhaabaniiru
✔dunkanoonni (Suuqiiwwaan) daldaltootas hojii dhaa uun cufamaniru
✔Uummatni waliigalee qabeenyaa keenya gabaa hin baasnuu jechuun duula gabaa lagachuu itti fufuun mormii sirna abbaa irree wayyaaneef qabu ifatti argisiisuun diddaan daran jabaatee itti fufee jira.
Qeerroon dargaggootni Oromoo fi sabboontootni daldaltootni Oromoo hanga gaaffiin kabajamuu mirga abbaa biyyummaa uummata keenyaa kabajamuutti hacuuccaan kamuu nurraa dhaabachuu waan hin dandeenyeef qabeenyas keenyaafi gibira mootummaa garboomsaa wayyaaneef kanfallee diina of irratti hin goobsinuu jechuun guyyaa har’aa mormii Duula gabaalagachuufi diddaa gibiraafi qaraxa humnaa olii balaaleffachuun oromiyaa keessatti sochii FXG finiinaa jiruuf dirmannaa gochuun motummaa wayyaaneefi ergamtuu wayyaanee boqonnaa dhorkaa jiru.
Adoolessa 18/2017 Godina Lixa Shaggar Aanaa Aadaa’aa Bargaa Mogor irraa Warshaan Simintoo DANGOTE Hojjattoota ilmaan Oromoo 417 Hojii irraa Dhorkee Jira. Hojjettootni Warshaa Daangootee Guyyaa 4ffaaf guutummatti hojii dhaabanii jiru. Sochiin Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessa Oromiyas FXG daran jabaachuun Itti fufee oole.
Dhaabbatni Ejensii TZE kan warshaa DAANGOTE waliin hojjatu yeroo darbe yeroo dheeraaf mindaa hojjattootaa seeraan ala irraa murachaa kan tureefi tarkaanfii irratti fudhatameen eeyyamni dhaabbatichi qabu haqamee ture. Dhaabbatni kuni ilmaan Oromoo achi keessa hojjachaa turan 417 hojii irraa dhorkuun ibsame. Sababa kanaan waldiddaa guddaan warshichaafi hojjattota gidduutti muudachaa jira. Haaluma kanaan guyyaa har’aa :
✔Ambaassaddar Abduu Alii (Itti gaafatamaa dhimma warshaa DANGOTE ) Finfinnee irraa
✔Aangawootni Olaanoon OPDOfi
✔Kaabinootni Ergamtootni Wayyaanee Godina Shawaa Lixaa Shaggar Amboo irraa garas dhaquun hojjattoota kanneen mariisisaa turaniyyuu waliigaltee malee gargar bahani. “IMX’dhaan galmooftan malee hojiitti deebi’uu hindandessan. Kanaan alatti mindaas akka hingaafanne” Jechuudhaan beeksisa maxxansanii carraa hojjattota kanneenii cufaniiru.
Haa tahu malee, hojjattotni kaanis sababa diddaa kanaafi haalota ummatni Oromoo keessa jiruun walqabatee guyyaa 4ffaaf hojii dhaabaniiru. Rakkoo hojjattoota kanaa qaamni ilaallatus furuu waan hinbarbaadnef kisaaraafi badii warshicha eeggatuuf ittigaafatama kan fudhatu qaamuma ilmaan Oromoo irratti yakka raawwachaa jiru akka tahellee Qeerroo, Hojjattootni fi ummatni naannichaa dhaammataniiru!
#OromoRevolution Adooleessa 15/2017 Gidduugaleessaa Oromiyaa Magaalaa Burraayyuutti Sochiin Warraaqsaa Biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa FXG Daran Jabaachuun Mormiin dachaa sadii(3) oliin dabaluu Gibiraa fi Qaraxa adda addaa uummata akkam kan dheekkansiise yoo ta’uu Qeerroon Dargaggootni Oromoo Magaalaa Burraayyuu roorroon uummata keenyarraa dhaabbachuu qaba jechuun Magaalaa Burraayyuu naannoo Kattaa fi Ashawaa Meedaa jedhamutti Sochii Warraaqsaa finiinsuun konkolaataafi Taaskiiwwaan (minibus) ajajaafi tajaajila mootummaa wayyaaneetiin socho’anii fi konkolaataa manaa kan abbaan qabeenyummaa isaanii kan aangawootaafi ergamtoota wayyaanee kanneen ta’an irratti Tarkaanfiin irree Qeerroo Dargaggoota Oromoon irratti fudhatamee deerooftee jiraachuu maddeen keenya Burraayyuu irraa gabaasan. Gaaffiin mirga abbaa biyyummaa itti fufinsaan gaafachaa jirruuf deebiin qubsaa hanga nuukennamuttiifi Master Plan Finfinnee hanga haqamutti falmaa irraa hin dhaabbatnu jechuun Qeerroowwaan Naannoo Burraayyuu dhaamsa dabarfatan.
Haaluma kanaan guyyaa har’aa sa’aa boodarraa eegaluun sochiin kun magaalaa Burraayyuu keessatti kan jabaate yoo ta’uu mootummaan wayyaanee humna poolisaa federaalaa fi komaandii poostii heddumminaan gara Burraayyuutti bobbaased uummata goolaa jiraachuun ifa ta’eera.
Magaalaa Amboofi Gudar Keessattis mormiin kan itti fufee jiruu yoo ta’uu Magaalaa Gudaritti Daldaltootni Guutummaatti dunkaanaa(Suuqii) isaanii cufuun mormii sirna wayyaaneef qabaniifi balaaleffaannaa daballii gibiraa mormaa jiraachuu ibsatan. Magaalaan Amboo dirree waraanaa fakkaatee muddama ulfaataa keessa jiraachuu maddeen Qeerroo ifa godhaniru. Gabaasaa dabalataan walitti deebina.
Seenaa Finfinnee Keessaa Waan Muraasa Oromoon Wal Barsiisu Qabu
Abbaa biyyummaa Oromoo hubachuuf Finfineen kan Oromoo ta´uun isaa shakkiin hin jiru, kana seeraa fi seenaan hardhallee borullee itti gaafannu ta´a. Kanaaf kana duuba Oromoon bakkoota kana qayyabatee itti dhimma bahu koreen ni labsiti.
i. Cabiinsa Halagaa Dura Ilmaan Oromootu Finfinnee Bulchaa Turan Madda Seenaa Irraa
1. Caffeen Tuulamaa kan bulaa turte gooticha Oromoo Tufaa Munaan ta`uu
2. Birbirsa fi Manni Gullallee kan bulchaa ture Qajeelaa Dooyyo
3. Teechoo kan bulchaa ture Guddataa Araddoo
4. Boolee Kan bulchaa ture Shubu Ejersaa
5. Boolee Bulbulaa kan bulchaa ture Soraa Lomee
6. Kolfee kan bulchaa ture Axale Jatanii
7. Qaraniyoo/Dalattii kan bulchaa ture Jamo Dabalee
8. Jarsaye kan bulchaa ture Galatee Ashate
9. Yakkaa kan bulchaa ture Abeebee Tufa
ii. Karra Shanan Finfinnee
1. Karra Qirxi – karra gara kaaba geessu
2. Karra Qoree – karaa Jimmatti geessu
3. Karra Allo- Karaa Walloo/Daseetti nama geessu
4. Karra Qaallu/Qaallitti- karaa Bsiooftuutti nama geessu
5. Karra Gafarsaa- Gara dhiyaatti nu geessu
iii. Bulchiinsta duraanii keessatti akkaataa onoonni wal qoodan akka armaan gadiiti:
a. Ona Caffee Tumaa
1. Finfinnee – Hora saawwan gullallee fi galaan araabaa turan amma bakka Filwuha jedhamu ssana.
2. Hurufa Boombii- Bakka maqaan ammaa jaanmedsaa, Embasii Egypt, Hospitaala minilik, bakka qubtuma waraanaa isaanii godhatan dha.
3. Dirree Caffee Araaraa- Bakka amma Yuniversity kilo jaha/sidist kilo/, Hospitaala Yakkaatiti 12 jedhamu dabalatee fi naannoo isaa jiru dha.
4. Dhummuggaa – bakka amma Ginfillee jedhamu irra ture.
5. Keelloo Masqalaa- Bakka amma kilo yuniversity kiiloo Afur jiruu, parlaamaa, Bataskaana qiddist Maramii, fi qiddist Sillasee, bakka amma baasha waldeechilot jedhamu, fi bakka amma xiyyit beet jedhamu.
6. Tulluu Heexoo Diimtuu – bakka amma masaraan mootummoota habashaa jiru, taboti gabrelii jiruu, buufata polisaa 6eessa fi bakka baahitaa jidhamu.
7. Dhaka Araara – Bakka amma fit berr, bakka police garaj jedhamu, bakka amma hooteelli sharaatan jiru, bakka etege mask jedhamu, fi bakka amma hoteelli hilton jiru.
8. Qarsaa- kun ammoo bakka amma kasanchis jedhamu irraa kaasee haga xizzit bet jedhamutti ammata
9. Awwaaroo- bakkuma amma awwaaroo jedhamu dha
10. Hulluuqo kormaa- bakka amma bataskaanni esxifanos jedhamu jiru, bakka amma masqal addababay jedhamu, fi bakka amma raas birru safar jedhamu ammata.
11. Hora finfinnee- bakka amma filwuha jedhamee beekamu, bakka mana masaraa mootummaa isa lammaffaa fi awwaaree dabalata.
12. Dolloo Biddeena – bakka amma baqlo beet,gotaraa fi walloo safar jedhamu
13. Dabaso – bakka amma lagahar mashulakiyaa jedhamu.
14. Haada Amma – bakka amma teelee Garaje, bataskaana carqos jedhamu jiru kana turan.
b. Ona birbirsa yaa´i goroo
1. Waddeessa – bakka amma pizassaa, charchar godanaa, fi araadaa giyorgis jedhamu kana
2. Maarama Birbirsa – bakka amma bataskaanni gorgis jiru
c. Ona qarsaa
1. Hurufa Raaree – bakka amma buufati konkolaataa dhaabbatu, bakka amma raas ganamee safar jedhamu fi addisuu mikaêl dabalatu dha.
2. Sokorru – Bakka amma hospitaala Amanu´el jiru, bakka amma dhaabbii midhanii(ehil baranda), masalamizaa, fi kuas meedaa jedhamu ammata.
3. Sulula garbii – Bakka amma taklahymanot fi cid tara jedhamee beekamu ture,
4. Garbi – bakka amma sangaa tara fi ambaxxa makkalakayaa jiru sana dha,
5. Qarsaa – bakka amma markaatoo jedhamu, amerikaan gibbii, fi masgiida Anuwaar isa gudda fi naannoo isaa dabalata.
6. Baro Kormaa – bakka amma gollaa mika´el, ras tasamma safar, hospitaala xiqur ambassaa, fi bakka waajirrii dhimma daangaa cehuu (imegrashin) jedhamu ammata.
7. Dache Golbaa – bakka amma addis katamaa jedhamu kana
d. Ona gullallee ykn mana Gullallee
1. Adaamii- bakka amma bataskaanni rufaa´el jedhamu jiru, sameen mazagajaa, fi sameen total jedhamn fi naannoo ishee ammata
2. Didiimtu – bakka amma shogolee jedhamee beekamu ammata.
3. Qaallee – Bakka amma askoo jedhamu
4. Fiichee – Bakka amma dahannoo xaliyaani ykn xaliyaan mishig jedhamu.
5. Kattaa – ammas kattaa jedhaama
6. Burayyuu – Bakka amma burrayyuu, fi gafarsaa jiru dha,
7. Harbuu Irreechaa – bakka amma raas hayiluu safar jedhamu
e. Ona Abbichu
1. Burqaa Ejeree – Bakka amma enxooxxoo kidana mirat jedhamu, fi bakka amma Imbasiin faransaay irra qubatee fi naannoo isaa.
2. Baddaa Ejersaa – Bakka amma Iyyasuus ras kaasaa safar jedhamu
3. Huruma – Bakka amma Imbaasiin Faransaz, Xalizaani fi bataskaanni Aabboo jedhamu jiru ammata
f. Ona xiixaa (enxooxxoo)
1. Haxxee laalii – bakka amma shiroo meedaa fi enxooxxoo maramiin jiran fi naannoo isaa ammata
2. Muujjaa – bakka amma shiroo meedaa jiru keessatu itti waamama.
3. Waayyuu – bakka amma qacanee madanalam jedhamu ture
4. Karaa Qorxii – bakka amma balay yallaqaa mangad jedhamuu fi samen bar jedhamu ammata.
g. Ona ekkaa
1. Burqaa Qorichaa – Bakka amma yakkaa mika´el xabal, laga qabbana, fi lga daadhii jiran dabalata
2. Karaa alloo riqicha – Bakka amma Imbasiin engiliz, Imbasiin Jarmany, fi Imbasiin Raashaa jiran dabalata.
3. Harbuu – bakka amma gurd shoolaa jedhamu dha
4. Kotabee – Ammas kotabee jedhama
5. Doqaa Booraa – Bakka amma haya hulat mazoriyaa jedhamu dabalata
h. Ona Boolee
1. Garjii – Ammas garjii dhumaan beekama
2. Bulbulaa – Ammas Bulbulaa dhan beekama
3. Warra ganuu – Ammas warra ganuun beekama
i. Ona Teechoo
1. Golboo – bakka amma Marqos, warshaa qadaaddi (qorkii), qaallitti, qeeraa, gofaa jedhaman ammata.
2. Lumee – bakka amma bataskaana yooseef jiru kana dabalata
3. Laaftoo Tumtuu – bakka amma bunnaa bord jedhamu ammata
4. Jaajaa – bakka amma biheere tsigee jedhamu ammata
5. Tulluu ejersaa – bakka amma hannaa marizaam jedhamu ammata
6. Tulluu dheertuu – bakka amma gofaa beetamangist jedhamu ammata
7. Baaboo – bakka amma addisuu qeeraa jedhamu dabalata
8. Sammuu Gullallee – bakka amma meettaa darichaa jedhamu ammata
j. Ona Caffee Annanii
1. Caffee muudaa – Bakka amma manni murtii ol aanaa jiru (lidataa) ammata
2. Harbuu – Bakka amma meksikoo, mana barnoota tagbaara id jiru, mana adabaa finfinnee, bakka saar bet jedhamu, bakka geejjaa safar jedhamu, mana barnootaa dajjaa baalchaa, bakka oomisha dhugaatii wazin xajji, bakka oomisha kokaa kollaa dabalata,
3. Harawaa – bakka amma oomishini haadaa jiru ( qaacaa fabrika) jedhamu dabalata.
k. Ona Jaarsayu
1. calcali – bakka amma sar bet jedhamu dabalata
2. Mardee – bakka amma arogee awropilan marefiza, midir xor, ganda tolasaa, fi raphii jedhaman ammata
3. Bakkanniisa – bakka amma makkaanisaa jedhamee waamamu dha.
l. Ona Kolfee
1. Daalattii – bakka amma qaraniyoo jedhamee waamamu,
2. Labu – bakka amma siga meeda, taxaq xor safar jedhamu ammata
3. Xaro – bakka amma axanaa taraa fi faxino darash jedhamu
Grade 9 students in the Collective Voice program at Aden Bowman Collegiate share their lives and opinions through columns. Selected columns run each Monday in The Saskatoon StarPhoenix. The phrase ‘money can’t buy happiness’ is all too familiar. Money and happiness are both vital and relevant to my life and the lives of all people in our society.
Money is motivation to go to work and attend school in order to get a higher paying job. A full bank account may buy you a lavish vacation, a sports car or a nice house, but will it buy you happiness?
Being happy has a unique meaning to every individual. I consider myself to be a happy person. I give to others, I am content with my life and I surround myself with positive experiences and people. According to an article in New Statesman, a British magazine, the five ingredients for a happy life are basic biological needs, security, relationships, respect and life purpose — in that order.
Money is not on that list. Yet money can support things that make us happy, like social outings and vacations.
via Collective Voice: Is happiness priceless? — Saskatoon StarPhoenix
Dr. Merara Gudina is taking legal action against the Ethiopian regime at the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights!
Represented by the Centre for the Advancement of Human Rights and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAHDE), he is challenging the unlawful killings of more than 1000 people during the 2015-16 protests in the Oromia, Amhara, and SNNP regions, and the state of emergency.
The initial complaint filed by CAHDE challenges, among other things,
The unlawful killings of more than 1000 people during the 2015-16 protests in the Oromia, Amhara, and SNNP regions;
The refusal of the government to establish an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the killings during the protests;
The legality of the state of emergency and the proportionality of measures taken during the emergency;
As this is a massive and resource-intensive undertaking, CAHDE is trying to raise the sum of £15,000 to fund the case.
The funds raised will go towards:
· Research and written submissions to the Commission
· Documentation
· Strategic third party interventions on behalf of the complainant
Why is a legal challenge important?
In democratic countries, strategic litigation is to promote and reinforce change in policy, legislation, and institutional practice. In authoritarian states, strategic litigation is used to create awareness and publicize the broader cause.
A ‘report’ by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission found that 669 people have been killed between August and October of 2016. The ‘report’ lacks credibility and legitimacy, but most fundamentally, it commits an affront to the dignity of the deceased by failing to properly identify and publicize the victims. The public deserves nothing less than a full and complete official account of what happened and this case gives us an opportunity to force the government to publish the names of the victims.
We hope you will join us in our bid to seek justice and put on record the abuses of the government.
Please note that this fundraiser is carried out by CAHDE and the complainant had no part in the planning and execution of the fundraising.
CAHDE is a charity registered in England and Wales (Reg. No. 1164292)
“When plunder becomes a way of life for a group of men in a society, over the course of time they create for themselves a legal system that authorizes it and a moral code that glorifies it.”
― Frédéric Bastiat
TPLF, the unelected and unrepresentative fascist/ terrorist group from Tigray which occupied state power in Ethiopia has imposed heavy arbitrary payments called ‘gibri‘ on small business in the country. The group conducts such fraud activities in the name of taxation and federal state. The bankrupted TPLF is to compensate its income losses from international aid and economic boycotts people imposed on the regime through series of protests (#OromoProtests, #AmharaResistance, #KonsoProtests, #SidamaProtests and resistance in Ogadenia and other parts of the country). Critics claims that in the last 26 years and so the TPLF has engaged in war booty, systematically looting resources and transfers to its group members and its rocky homeland, Tigray, Ethiopia’s north. Click here to read ETHIOPIA: IS TPLF GOVERNING OR EXPANDING IT’S CORRUPTIONS EMPIRE?
And also, protests against this new systematic escalation of TPLF’s thievery in the name of taxation is viral on Ethiopia’s related social and independent media.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eWYwnfozCMk
UNPO, 10 July 2017
On 7 July 2017, a letter expressing concerns for the human rights situation in Ethiopia, signed by 38 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), was addressed to European Union High Representative Federica Mogherini. Highlighting the violent suppression of Oromo protests by the Ethiopian State, the letter, in line with the European Parliament resolution passed in May, calls for an independent investigation into the killings of protesters.
During the protests that occurred in the Ethiopian regions of Oromia, Amhara and the SNNPR in 2016, government security forces used aggressive repression against the peaceful protesters, causing the protests to descend into chaos. Besides this violence against demonstrators, the security forces also used systematic sexual violence against ethnic minority and indigenous women across the country and continued to jail political activists without any legitimate ground. One of them, British citizen Andy Tsege, is currently held on death row.
In an effort led by the office of MEP Julie Ward, a letter was drafted and sent around the European Parliament expressing serious concerns over the treatment of Ethiopian protesters by armed security forces during the mobilisations and asking High Representative Federica Mogherini – head of the European External Action Service (EEAS) – to react accordingly.
In the letter, the MEPs call for the EEAS to issue a statement expressing their concern and condemning the violence with which protests have been met in Ethiopia and for an independent investigation into the conduct of the police forces during the protests to be conducted. The letter – signed by thirty-eight MEPs, spanning six different political groups – can be read in its entirety here.
UNPO expresses its gratitude to the MEPs who threw their support behind this letter, taking it as a sign of a growing European concern regarding the difficulties faced by, among others, the Oromo, the Ogadeni and the Amhara protesters and the violations of human rights against minorities and indigenous peoples in Ethiopia in general. Our organisation is committed to pursue its close collaboration with decision-makers to move toward a greater respect and a guarantee of the safeguard of human rights for all of Ethiopia’s peoples and especially the most vulnerable. UNPO hopes that the MEPs’ call will lead to a strong EU response and, in the long run, to significant improvements on this matter.
EU response to the human rights situation in Ethiopia click here to read in PDF
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The transition from Ethiopian culture to that of the U.S. may have been drastic, but for Metropolitan Transportation Network (MTN) Inc. President and CEO Tashitaa Tufaa, an Ethiopian of the Oromo ethnic group who immigrated here in 1992, adjusting to baseball-consumed television and the occasional unrelenting Minnesota snowstorm was a small price to pay for a life of security.
“Let me put it this way: Whatever I did not have back in Ethiopia, I have it now through my freedom,” Tufaa says. “If you are free, then your mind is free, and you can use your talent wherever you want to go.”
While Tufaa’s talent eventually brought him to own and operate MTN — a school bus company based in Fridley, Minnesota, that provides student transportation for dozens of local public, private, and charter schools and owns more than 300 vehicles — the road to success was windy and unpaved. Although he majored in political science and diplomacy, he couldn’t legally work for the U.S. State Department because he wasn’t yet a U.S. citizen, so he started working a civil service job with the Minnesota government.
Tufaa’s drive to drive
Tufaa wasn’t earning enough to pay his mortgage, so he started working nights and weekends as a driver for Metro Mobility, a Minneapolis-area transportation provider for people with physical and mental disabilities. There, he discovered an unexpected passion.
“I fell in love with driving, really,” he says. “It’s very flexible and there’s fresh air, and instead of being in the office, you go to the parks and drive around with open windows. There are so many different things to love about it.”
Desiring more flexibility and hoping for higher pay, Tufaa left Metro Mobility and started driving a cab, where, he says, “I would drive drunk people from the bar, people coming from work, and everyone else.”
Despite his formal education and his urge to succeed, Tufaa struggled to hold these jobs. Unsatisfied with unsteady employment and energized with his newfound craving to get behind the wheel, Tufaa was determined to dive into the city of Osseo’s school transportation scene.
“In the summer of 2003, I started actually writing letters and delivering them to the school districts, offering them services that weren’t around,” Tufaa says. “Many of them made fun of me, but there was one transportation director who was willing to give me a chance because I had been bothering him so much.”
“We put ourselves in our customers’ shoes, and we listen to the feedback we receive. As a result, people want to do business with us, and we don’t turn our backs.”
Tashitaa Tufaa, president and CEO, Metropolitan Transportation Network
Expanding the business
Because of his persistent effort, Tufaa was awarded a single opportunity to transport three homeless children to school with the van he owned, a task that he says he succeeded at, receiving no complaints. From there, the director started offering him more consistent work, and this one-time errand steadily matured into a full-blown company that he now conservatively estimates to be worth $35 million. Today, Tufaa employs over 400 people who transport more than 15,000 K-12 students to school every day across the Twin Cities metropolitan area.
“I did see a need here in the school bus industry for a contractor that was dedicated, that was doing business wholeheartedly,” he says.
Tufaa capitalized on this recognized need and founded MTN in 2004. More recently, MTN’s expanding customer base inevitably resulted in the need for a space about 30% larger than the existing one. The new facility is expected to be ready in July. The redevelopment will cost about $2.7 million and is being handled by Thor Companies, a real estate development and construction company that is also based in Fridley.
“It will have corporate offices, a break room where drivers can enjoy themselves, a fleet maintenance shop, and parking storage inside for the buses,” Tufaa says. “It’s a much better and newer space — a good image for both our customers and those who work here.”
The majority of updates will focus on the exterior site improvements, such as landscaping, a complete resurfacing of the asphalt parking lot, and enhancements to the security systems.
Top-notch equipment
Because the agency is responsible for the well-being of thousands of students, Tufaa says he ensures that each bus is equipped with top-notch technology, from two-way radios to GPS to surveillance camera systems.
“We want the maximum safety possible in all of our buses in order to protect the families and children that we service,” he says. “Safety is number one.”
He recounts an instance where a driver’s bus had broken down and hisradio had stopped working. Fortunately, the team realized it had broken down because of its lack of movement on the GPS system. Sure enough, upon physically locating the bus through the ground tracking system, Tufaa and his team found it immobile and were able to service it.
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Leadership style
Tufaa calls himself a “field guy,” meaning he does not like to remain in the office. In fact, despite MTN’s recent expansion, Tufaa decided not to build himself a personal office. Instead, he works in available desk spaces when necessary and still drives buses every day.
“I don’t want to be a guy who just stays inside. I want to be out there in the field,” he says. “I sit with the drivers and I listen to them. I listen to their stories in the morning and the afternoon, and then I drive the bus to see what the issue is. This way, instead of someone reporting to me, I see it firsthand.”
Tufaa attributes his leadership style to his perilous upbringing in Ethiopia. Because he spent many years of his life in danger, he’s able to more easily adapt to everyday business challenges.
“We put ourselves in our customers’ shoes, and we listen to the feedback we receive. As a result, people want to do business with us, and we don’t turn our backs,” he says. “In Ethiopia, I was raised in harm, and so it’s easier for me to understand where people come from, whether it’s with our customers or our employees.”
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Employee appreciation
Appreciation for MTN employees stands tall on Tufaa’s priorities as a business owner. Every year, the company holds an employee appreciation banquet where everyone, from the human resources team to the workshop mechanics, is invited to mingle with their peers, along with their plus-one.
“We want to show our employees that we value them,” Tufaa says. “We are a family, and the MTN family gets together once a year, every year, to enjoy this classy corporate-style dinner.”
Other MTN-planned gatherings that aim to boost company morale include a monthly bulletin that informs the team about company happenings and employee birthdays, as well as weekly prepared breakfast for drivers, blood drives, summer barbecues, and day trips to support the local pro baseball team at the Minnesota Twins stadium.
Sometimes the recognition goes beyond simple social events, like when Tufaa expressed his gratitude by naming a newly built site the Iverson Terminal, after the last name of a driver who had suddenly passed away.
“We named it after her because our drivers have an ownership in our company,” he says. “We don’t want to be just another corporation.”
Challenges, rewards
Tufaa’s triumph does not come without its challenges. As with school bus contractors and districts across the U.S., he has been affected by the widespread driver shortage, and he worries about Minnesota’s slippery roads in the winter. He’s also had to forgo significant family events in order to keep his business afloat, especially while it was just getting started.
“There are some things I’ve had to compromise to get where we are as a business, but as long as my wife and family understood me, that was all that mattered,” Tufaa recalls. “I had to work extremely long hours in the beginning, and sometimes it came down to paying the people who were working for me before being able to pay myself.”
Eventually, the achievements overcame the hardships, and now Tufaa and the whole MTN team work fervently to transport the community’s youth to their daily education.
“As a contractor, it’s important to love what you do,” he says. “I still drive, and I love taking those children to school.”
Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa
Manni murtii Federaalaa himannaa Dr. Mararaa Guddinaa, Dr. Biraahnuu Naggaa fi obbo Jawaar Mohamed ISAT FI OMN irratti himannaa abbaan alangaa dhiyeesse dhaggeeffatee jira. Dr. Mraraanis himannaan isaan irratti dhiyaate kanneen bakka hin jiraannetti himatamaniittii adda ba’ee akka, ilaalamuuf gaafataniiru. Dr. Mararaan yakkamaa utuu hin taane hidhamaa siyaasaa ti jechuun ille mana murtichatti dubbataniiru.
Ragaalee isaan irratti dhiyaates akka ibsamu gaafatanii manni murtichaas yaada isaanii dhaggeeffatee ragaaleen dhiyaatan gama seeraan hiika akka argataniif mana maree Federeeshiniitti dabarsuu isaa beeksisuu dhaan Adoolessa 25tti beellama kennaa jira.
For many activists the revised bill is wholly insufficient. There are no plans to “pay a penny” to Oromia for use of its natural resources, such as water, or for dumping the city’s waste on its farmlands.
Nine months into a state-of-emergency imposed to quell popular unrest, Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has unveiled its first significant political concession. But the furor surrounding the draft bill presented to parliament last week reveals just how deep tensions in Africa’s second most populous country still run. At stake is the answer to a highly charged question: who owns Addis Ababa?
For Oromos, who make up at least a third of the population and formed the backbone of last year’s mobilization against the central government, the answer is simple: the federal capital, which they call Finfinne, belongs to Oromia. They recount a long history of grievance which casts Oromos as colonial subjects violently displaced from their land and alienated from their culture.
This anger became especially acute in the past decade as Addis Ababa expanded rapidly and when, in April 2014, the authorities published a new master plan which proposed further eviction of Oromo residents and farmers in the name of development. “The issue of Finfinne is the heart of our politics,” says Gemechis, an Oromo resident of the city. “It is where we lost everything.” The master plan was dropped in January 2016 but demonstrations continued unabated until October.
Addis Ababa, with a population approaching four million people, is also home to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa and is widely regarded as Africa’s diplomatic capital—and indeed the world’s third largest diplomatic hub.
The new bill is a symbolically important effort to address some of the protesters’ demands, and to give concrete meaning to Oromia’s constitutionally-enshrined “special interest” in the capital. Proposed changes include making Afan Oromo an official language of the federal government alongside Amharic, as well as setting up Afan Oromo schools in the city; renaming the city “Finfinne/Addis Ababa”; restoring original Oromo names of public squares, roads and neighborhoods; and the establishment of a joint council with the federal government to administer the city.
It is a watered down version of an earlier draft that reportedly met with much objection inside the ruling party. This is not surprising since the meaning of “special interest” has never been fully spelt out and there is much debate as to how much privilege Oromos should have in a multiethnic city that, despite being located entirely within Oromia, has a population that is only around 20% Oromo.
For many activists the revised bill is wholly insufficient. There are no plans to “pay a penny” to Oromia for use of its natural resources, such as water, or for dumping the city’s waste on its farmlands, says Seyoum Teshome, an academic and blogger. “The bill is trash.” He and others argue that promises to pay farmers proper compensation for further evictions merely proves that the government still intends to expand the boundaries of the city.
Holy Trinity Cathedral in Addis Ababa was built after 1941 to commemorate the liberation of Ethiopia from Fascist Italy. Photo by David Stanley via Flickr. CC BY 2.0
At the end of June, the Ethiopian Council of Ministers revealed a bill that seeks to address questions of social services, language, education and culture involving the country’s capital, Addis Ababa, and Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region within which Addis Ababa is located.
The government and its supporters say the law is needed to redress the historical injustices that the people of Oromia suffered since the establishment of Addis Ababa. Critics see the law as a tactic to disenfranchise the residents of Addis Ababa. Some go further in their allegation that the law is intended to worsen the already sensitive ethnic relations in Ethiopia.
Most of the debate about the bill has fallen along the lines of regional elites against more cosmopolitan elites, tradition against modernity, and ethno-nationalists against civic nationalists — divisions that are often a source of strife in Ethiopia.
On the map of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa is a stretch of high plains inside the state Oromia. With just 0.047 percent of the country’s territory, Addis Ababa is the largest metropolitan area in Ethiopia. Numerous ethnic and religious groups from every corner of Ethiopia live in Addis Ababa; a significant number of Addis Ababa’s 4 million residents generally present themselves as cosmopolitan, liberal and post-ethnic.
Oromia, meanwhile, is home to the Oromo people, the single largest ethnic group comprising at least 34 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million population, but which has also historically been politically marginalized. Addis Ababa is the seat of the current government — EPRDF, which is dominated by the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front — and although it is inside the state, Oromia does not control the city; the federal government does and has since 1991 when Ethiopia was transformed into a federation of nine ethnic-based regional states.
The Ethiopian constitution, however, accorded Oromia what the government called “Special Interest” over Addis Ababa when it was adopted in 1995 due to the city’s unique location.
The purpose of the new draft law is to legislate the “Special Interest” provisions of the constitution and solve other problems that have arisen between Addis Ababa and Oromia, such as the possible expansion of the city’s boundaries, which would have meant the eviction of Oromo farmers whose subsistence depends on farmlands that are located around the city.
The expansion, among other things, was at the heart of protests mounted by Oromo students from 2014 to 2016. The Ethiopian government cracked down on the movement hard; according to rights organizations, hundreds were killed and thousands were arrested before Ethiopian government declared a state of emergency in October 2016.
The proposed law is contentious, but many expect that it will be passed over the next few days.
Addis Ababa’s skyline provides a backdrop for Meskal Square, site of military parades and rallies during the Communist era which ended in 1991. Photo by David Stanley via Flickr. CC BY 2.0
There are about 13 “titles” in the bill, each dedicated to the “Special Interest” of the state of Oromia over Addis Ababa.
In its major provisions, the bill would incorporate Oromo (known as “Afaan Oromo”) as a working language of the municipality, mandate that the city government provide education for residents of Addis Ababa whose mother tongue is Afaan Oromo, and preserve Oromo cultural enclaves and buildings within the city. The bill also sanctions the use of Finfine (in Oromo language) as an alternative name of Addis Ababa and allows the renaming of streets, public squares, and neighborhoods in Addis Ababa with names memorializing Oromo culture and identity.
This part of the bill has been discussed widely on social media as it deals with the history, identity and language use of Addis Ababa.
Opponents fear it causes division and strife by appealing Oromo nationalists, and some have further claimed the problems these provisions claim to solve don’t actually exist.
However, many Oromo nationalists support this part of the bill, albeit with qualms.
Oromo nationalists, however, categorically oppose a different part of the bill that deals with the ownership of land in Addis Ababa.
In the current practice, the federal government owns the land and the bill explicitly asserts that Addis Ababa is a federal land. But the bill would warrant the state of Oromia to acquire and develop land for government activities and public services free of occupancy payment.
For critics, that doesn’t do enough to grant Oromia its rightful and historical ownership of the city of Addis Ababa. As a guest author of the pro-government news analysis site the HornAffairs wrote:
The constitution clearly provides that territorially the Ethiopian State is structured into only nine regional states. The territory of Ethiopia comprises the territory of these member states.
Apart from the member states territory there is no piece of land belonging to the federal government or any other kind of administration. Any conception of Addis Ababa as an administration with its own separate territorial jurisdiction outside of Oromia or as a federal territory is ruled out from the beginning.
Anyone living in Addis is living in Oromia Regional State.
Non-Oromo opponents of the bill claim that this section will allow discrimination against Addis Ababa residents, who usually present themselves as post-ethnic and cosmopolitan.On Facebook, the former chairman of Addis Ababa Chamber of Commerce, Kebour Ghenna, wrote:
Very soon, I will be celebrating my sixtieth birthday in Addis Ababa. My son was born in Addis Ababa. I was born in Addis Ababa. My father was born Addis Ababa. My grandfather also!
Last week’s EPRDF arbitrary edict, offering Addis Ababa an absurd affirmative action model has come as a surprise and shock to me… I am sure to many others too. This decree reinforces further the attempt of the government to divide of Addis Ababians according to ethnic lines, and disenfranchises a huge number of residents.
But Oromo nationalists argue back that they were forcefully removed from the land over the course of numerous bloody disputes, so it makes sense for Oromia to be guaranteed some level of influence over the city. In his response to Kebour Ghenna, Birhanemeskel Abebe wrote:
No Armageddon! No Apocalypse at the return of Addis Ababa’s as an Oromia City and Capital!
Another important component of the bill deals with jobs, social and health care services.
Under current practice, all Ethiopians including Oromos in Addis Ababa are entitled to jobs, social and health care services. But the bill would institute opportunity structures for Oromo youth who live in and around the city of Addis Ababa, seeming to imply that there is discrimination against Oromos in Addis Ababa. Opride, a news analysis site wrote:
…the draft further alienates and excludes the Oromo people from the city by misconstruing basic constitutional and human rights as Oromia’s special interest. For example, a key provision on health care states that Oromos living in towns and rural areas around Addis Ababa can “access health care services at government hospitals and medical facilities like any resident of the city.” This is laughable. It implies that there is a law in place that currently prevents Oromos from seeking medical treatment at public hospitals and clinics in Addis Ababa. Or that Addis Ababa residents currently enjoy preferential access and treatment at public health institutions in the city.
Related Articles:
Ethiopians are Having a Tense Debate Over Who Really Owns Addis Ababa (Finfinne)
Seenaa Solomon is a talented musician, actor and journalist. She is one of the most adored in Oromo (indigenous) cultural music with her inspirational and beautiful songs and lyrics. Because she is an Oromo woman, promotes Oromo culture and music, and advocates for the rights of people under tyrannical regime, she has been kidnapped by TPLF Ethiopia’s fascist forces and thrown into Ma’ekelawi torture camp.
Legitimised by a language of sovereignty, greater border controls are part of an emerging containment era in which Africans’ movements – not only towards Europe but even across the continent – are becoming pathologised and criminalised. There are continental variations. Some countries and sub-regions are less committed to control than others, but so-called containment development is undeniably on the rise. In this new developmental mode, success is measured primarily by the ability to keep people at home.
Critics of this approach focus heavily and justifiably on the migrants condemned to camps and detention centres, and the growing numbers who die before reaching their destination. Others note the extraordinary growth in a range of unsavoury professions: smuggling, kidnapping, and trafficking. Although often tinged with an alarmism driven by moral outrage or professional interest, these stories of exploited people and extinguished lives need to be told.
Yet focusing exclusively on the migrant victims of new containment technologies and practices, risks overlooking their implications for the continent’s governance and all Africans’ human rights. At the very least, the kind of bilateral arrangements various African countries are signing with the EU will scupper African Union plans to promote easier and safer movement within the continent. They will similarly curtail free movement policy proposals circulating within sub-regional economic communities.
In place of multilateralism, we are likely to get stronger militaries and more authoritarian leaders. Indeed, directing aid and weapons to existing leadership in the region will almost certainly erode democracy and heighten insecurity and instability.
The EU’s new migration-linked development aid emphasises the need to create local opportunities so people need never move. The results are likely to be increased investment in rural areas. While not in itself a bad thing, such spending will be distorted by the desire to fix people in place. African leaders may care little about migration towards Europe, but under these new agreements they risk losing aid money if they fail to control populations within their borders. And ongoing urbanisation can also present a political challenge to their power. Maintaining people in situ – not only within their countries but within “primordial” rural communities – helps maintain systems of ethnic patronage and prevents unruly urbanites from protesting at the presidential gates.
Securitised border management of the kind South Africa is mooting is a gateway to the kind of containment strategies the EU is promoting. Within this new paradigm, millions will be detained in facilities across Africa or condemned to die along land and water borders. Smuggling, trafficking, and corruption will blossom in place of trade that could increase prosperity. Overseeing this will be politicians empowered by military aid windfalls and a global community without the moral authority to condemn their human rights abuses.
The vast majority of Africans who have no European fantasies will live in decreasingly democratic countries. The African Union and regional campaigns promoting development through accountable institutions and freer movement will also likely lead nowhere. The results – heightened inequality within and between countries, along with increased poverty and likelihood of conflict – will create precisely the pressures to migrate that Europe hopes to contain. – IRIN News
South Africa’s National Assembly recently passed a bill to set up a new border management agency. The Border Management Authority will fall under Home Affairs, a government department long distinguished by its lack of respect for immigrant and refugee rights. But there are other, deeper causes for concern.
Whereas previously, police and customs officers were under strict (if not always effective) civilian oversight, this new agency will be able to circumvent constitutional constraints. Broader changes to immigration and asylum policies are also in the works, such as a “risk-based” vetting system that could be used to justify barring most people from entering the country overland. Bolstering these efforts are plans to detain asylum seekers at processing centres dotted along the border.
South Africa’s new border management strategy has equivalents across the continent that likely do little to prevent smuggling and human trafficking or to stop terrorism – the justifications often used for such securitisation. Instead, they help reinforce authoritarian leadership and undermine regional governance initiatives. In the longer term, they are likely to impact development.
Free movement – within countries or to neighbouring areas – is central to people finding work and surviving in these precarious times. Constraints on such movement, whatever the source, are fundamentally anti-poor and anti-freedom. They treat migrants as suspected criminals, rather than as people legitimately seeking protection or employment. Many of these policies are being implemented with aid from the European Union and strong domestic support. Countries like Eritrea already maintain a repressive “exit visa” system while Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Niger, and Sudan are all planning enhanced border management strategies, including bio-metric tracking and militarisation.
Militarising the margins has become an integral plank in the continent’s new approach to “migration management”. Following the Valletta Summit in late 2015, the EU created a trust fund that is funnelling billions of euros of development aid through bilateral arrangements with African states, including those with appalling human rights records, such as Sudan and Eritrea. Legitimised by a language of sovereignty, greater border controls are part of an emerging containment era in which Africans’ movements – not only towards Europe but even across the continent – are becoming pathologised and criminalised. There are continental variations. Some countries and sub-regions are less committed to control than others, but so-called containment development is undeniably on the rise. In this new developmental mode, success is measured primarily by the ability to keep people at home.
Critics of this approach focus heavily and justifiably on the migrants condemned to camps and detention centres, and the growing numbers who die before reaching their destination. Others note the extraordinary growth in a range of unsavoury professions: smuggling, kidnapping, and trafficking. Although often tinged with an alarmism driven by moral outrage or professional interest, these stories of exploited people and extinguished lives need to be told.
Yet focusing exclusively on the migrant victims of new containment technologies and practices, risks overlooking their implications for the continent’s governance and all Africans’ human rights. At the very least, the kind of bilateral arrangements various African countries are signing with the EU will scupper African Union plans to promote easier and safer movement within the continent. They will similarly curtail free movement policy proposals circulating within sub-regional economic communities.
While the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), already has a working protocol, it has been compromised by fears of terrorism and EU-funded programmes to deter migration through the region. In the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC), proposals modelled on the ECOWAS framework are now less likely to move forward. This domesticates politics in ways that weaken the regional governance mechanisms needed to address collective development concerns and negotiate more favourable global trade positions. In place of multilateralism, we are likely to get stronger militaries and more authoritarian leaders. Indeed, directing aid and weapons to existing leadership in the region will almost certainly erode democracy and heighten insecurity and instability.
What is perhaps most worrying is how emergent border management approaches are likely to extend and proliferate beyond borders. Efforts promoted by the EU, with complicity from many African leaders, effectively seek to limit movement and freedom across and within countries. Europe fears that any movement – typically towards cities – will beget further moves, some of which will be towards the European motherland.
The EU’s new migration-linked development aid emphasises the need to create local opportunities so people need never move. The results are likely to be increased investment in rural areas. While not in itself a bad thing, such spending will be distorted by the desire to fix people in place. African leaders may care little about migration towards Europe, but under these new agreements they risk losing aid money if they fail to control populations within their borders. And ongoing urbanisation can also present a political challenge to their power. Maintaining people in situ – not only within their countries but within “primordial” rural communities – helps maintain systems of ethnic patronage and prevents unruly urbanites from protesting at the presidential gates.
Securitised border management of the kind South Africa is mooting is a gateway to the kind of containment strategies the EU is promoting. Within this new paradigm, millions will be detained in facilities across Africa or condemned to die along land and water borders. Smuggling, trafficking, and corruption will blossom in place of trade that could increase prosperity. Overseeing this will be politicians empowered by military aid windfalls and a global community without the moral authority to condemn their human rights abuses.
The vast majority of Africans who have no European fantasies will live in decreasingly democratic countries. The African Union and regional campaigns promoting development through accountable institutions and freer movement will also likely lead nowhere. The results – heightened inequality within and between countries, along with increased poverty and likelihood of conflict – will create precisely the pressures to migrate that Europe hopes to contain.
(TOP PHOTO: South African soldiers apprehend irregular migrants from Zimbabwe. Guy Oliver/IRIN)
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Oromian Economist 
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